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Biochemistry

Biochemistry or biological chemistry is the study of chemical processes within and relating to living organisms. A sub-discipline of both chemistry and biology, biochemistry may be divided into three fields: structural biology, enzymology, and metabolism. Over the last decades of the 20th century, biochemistry has become successful at explaining living processes through these three disciplines. Almost all areas of the life sciences are being uncovered and developed through biochemical methodology and research. Biochemistry focuses on understanding the chemical basis which allows biological molecules to give rise to the processes that occur within living cells and between cells, in turn relating greatly to the understanding of tissues and organs as well as organism structure and function. Biochemistry is closely related to molecular biology, the study of the molecular mechanisms of biological phenomena. Much of biochemistry deals with the structures, functions, and interactions of biological macromolecules such as proteins, nucleic acids, carbohydrates, and lipids. They provide the structure of cells and perform many of the functions associated with life. The chemistry of the cell also depends upon the reactions of small molecules and ions. These can be inorganic (for example, water and metal ions) or organic (for example, the amino acids, which are used to synthesize proteins). The mechanisms used by cells to harness energy from their environment via chemical reactions are known as metabolism. The findings of biochemistry are applied primarily in medicine, nutrition and agriculture. In medicine, biochemists investigate the causes and cures of diseases. Nutrition studies how to maintain health and wellness and also the effects of nutritional deficiencies. In agriculture, biochemists investigate soil and fertilizers with the goal of improving crop cultivation, crop storage, and pest control. In recent decades, biochemical principles and methods have been combined with problem-solving approaches from engineering to manipulate living systems in order to produce useful tools for research, industrial processes, and diagnosis and control of diseasethe discipline of biotechnology. History At its most comprehensive definition, biochemistry can be seen as a study of the components and composition of living things and how they come together to become life. In this sense, the history of biochemistry may therefore go back as far as the ancient Greeks. However, biochemistry as a specific scientific discipline began sometime in the 19th century, or a little earlier, depending on which aspect of biochemistry is being focused on. Some argued that the beginning of biochemistry may have been the discovery of the first enzyme, diastase (now called amylase), in 1833 by Anselme Payen, while others considered Eduard Buchner's first demonstration of a complex biochemical process alcoholic fermentation in cell-free extracts in 1897 to be the birth of biochemistry. Some might also point as its beginning to the influential 1842 work by Justus von Liebig, Animal chemistry, or, Organic chemistry in its applications to physiology and pathology, which presented a chemical theory of metabolism, or even earlier to the 18th century studies on fermentation and respiration by Antoine Lavoisier. Many other pioneers in the field who helped to uncover the layers of complexity of biochemistry have been proclaimed founders of modern biochemistry. Emil Fischer, who studied the chemistry of proteins, and F. Gowland Hopkins, who studied enzymes and the dynamic nature of biochemistry, represent two examples of early biochemists. The term "biochemistry" was first used when Vinzenz Kletzinsky (1826–1882) had his "Compendium der Biochemie" printed in Vienna in 1858; it derived from a combination of biology and chemistry. In 1877, Felix Hoppe-Seyler used the term ( in German) as a synonym for physiological chemistry in the foreword to the first issue of Zeitschrift für Physiologische Chemie (Journal of Physiological Chemistry) where he argued for the setting up of institutes dedicated to this field of study. The German chemist Carl Neuberg however is often cited to have coined the word in 1903, while some credited it to Franz Hofmeister. It was once generally believed that life and its materials had some essential property or substance (often referred to as the "vital principle") distinct from any found in non-living matter, and it was thought that only living beings could produce the molecules of life. In 1828, Friedrich Wöhler published a paper on his serendipitous urea synthesis from potassium cyanate and ammonium sulfate; some regarded that as a direct overthrow of vitalism and the establishment of organic chemistry. However, the Wöhler synthesis has sparked controversy as some reject the death of vitalism at his hands. Since then, biochemistry has advanced, especially since the mid-20th century, with the development of new techniques such as chromatography, X-ray diffraction, dual polarisation interferometry, NMR spectroscopy, radioisotopic labeling, electron microscopy and molecular dynamics simulations. These techniques allowed for the discovery and detailed analysis of many molecules and metabolic pathways of the cell, such as glycolysis and the Krebs cycle (citric acid cycle), and led to an understanding of biochemistry on a molecular level. Another significant historic event in biochemistry is the discovery of the gene, and its role in the transfer of information in the cell. In the 1950s, James D. Watson, Francis Crick, Rosalind Franklin and Maurice Wilkins were instrumental in solving DNA structure and suggesting its relationship with the genetic transfer of information. In 1958, George Beadle and Edward Tatum received the Nobel Prize for work in fungi showing that one gene produces one enzyme. In 1988, Colin Pitchfork was the first person convicted of murder with DNA evidence, which led to the growth of forensic science. More recently, Andrew Z. Fire and Craig C. Mello received the 2006 Nobel Prize for discovering the role of RNA interference (RNAi) in the silencing of gene expression. Starting materials: the chemical elements of life Around two dozen chemical elements are essential to various kinds of biological life. Most rare elements on Earth are not needed by life (exceptions being selenium and iodine), while a few common ones (aluminum and titanium) are not used. Most organisms share element needs, but there are a few differences between plants and animals. For example, ocean algae use bromine, but land plants and animals do not seem to need any. All animals require sodium, but is not an essential element for plants. Plants need boron and silicon, but animals may not (or may need ultra-small amounts). Just six elements—carbon, hydrogen, nitrogen, oxygen, calcium and phosphorus—make up almost 99% of the mass of living cells, including those in the human body (see composition of the human body for a complete list). In addition to the six major elements that compose most of the human body, humans require smaller amounts of possibly 18 more. Biomolecules The 4 main classes of molecules in biochemistry (often called biomolecules) are carbohydrates, lipids, proteins, and nucleic acids. Many biological molecules are polymers: in this terminology, monomers are relatively small macromolecules that are linked together to create large macromolecules known as polymers. When monomers are linked together to synthesize a biological polymer, they undergo a process called dehydration synthesis. Different macromolecules can assemble in larger complexes, often needed for biological activity. Carbohydrates Two of the main functions of carbohydrates are energy storage and providing structure. One of the common sugars known as glucose is a carbohydrate, but not all carbohydrates are sugars. There are more carbohydrates on Earth than any other known type of biomolecule; they are used to store energy and genetic information, as well as play important roles in cell to cell interactions and communications. The simplest type of carbohydrate is a monosaccharide, which among other properties contains carbon, hydrogen, and oxygen, mostly in a ratio of 1:2:1 (generalized formula CnH2nOn, where n is at least 3). Glucose (C6H12O6) is one of the most important carbohydrates; others include fructose (C6H12O6), the sugar commonly associated with the sweet taste of fruits, and deoxyribose (C5H10O4), a component of DNA. A monosaccharide can switch between acyclic (open-chain) form and a cyclic form. The open-chain form can be turned into a ring of carbon atoms bridged by an oxygen atom created from the carbonyl group of one end and the hydroxyl group of another. The cyclic molecule has a hemiacetal or hemiketal group, depending on whether the linear form was an aldose or a ketose. In these cyclic forms, the ring usually has 5 or 6 atoms. These forms are called furanoses and pyranoses, respectively—by analogy with furan and pyran, the simplest compounds with the same carbon-oxygen ring (although they lack the carbon-carbon double bonds of these two molecules). For example, the aldohexose glucose may form a hemiacetal linkage between the hydroxyl on carbon 1 and the oxygen on carbon 4, yielding a molecule with a 5-membered ring, called glucofuranose. The same reaction can take place between carbons 1 and 5 to form a molecule with a 6-membered ring, called glucopyranose. Cyclic forms with a 7-atom ring called heptoses are rare. Two monosaccharides can be joined by a glycosidic or ester bond into a disaccharide through a dehydration reaction during which a molecule of water is released. The reverse reaction in which the glycosidic bond of a disaccharide is broken into two monosaccharides is termed hydrolysis. The best-known disaccharide is sucrose or ordinary sugar, which consists of a glucose molecule and a fructose molecule joined. Another important disaccharide is lactose found in milk, consisting of a glucose molecule and a galactose molecule. Lactose may be hydrolysed by lactase, and deficiency in this enzyme results in lactose intolerance. When a few (around three to six) monosaccharides are joined, it is called an oligosaccharide (oligo- meaning "few"). These molecules tend to be used as markers and signals, as well as having some other uses. Many monosaccharides joined form a polysaccharide. They can be joined in one long linear chain, or they may be branched. Two of the most common polysaccharides are cellulose and glycogen, both consisting of repeating glucose monomers. Cellulose is an important structural component of plant's cell walls and glycogen is used as a form of energy storage in animals. Sugar can be characterized by having reducing or non-reducing ends. A reducing end of a carbohydrate is a carbon atom that can be in equilibrium with the open-chain aldehyde (aldose) or keto form (ketose). If the joining of monomers takes place at such a carbon atom, the free hydroxy group of the pyranose or furanose form is exchanged with an OH-side-chain of another sugar, yielding a full acetal. This prevents opening of the chain to the aldehyde or keto form and renders the modified residue non-reducing. Lactose contains a reducing end at its glucose moiety, whereas the galactose moiety forms a full acetal with the C4-OH group of glucose. Saccharose does not have a reducing end because of full acetal formation between the aldehyde carbon of glucose (C1) and the keto carbon of fructose (C2). Lipids Lipids comprise a diverse range of molecules and to some extent is a catchall for relatively water-insoluble or nonpolar compounds of biological origin, including waxes, fatty acids, fatty-acid derived phospholipids, sphingolipids, glycolipids, and terpenoids (e.g., retinoids and steroids). Some lipids are linear, open-chain aliphatic molecules, while others have ring structures. Some are aromatic (with a cyclic [ring] and planar [flat] structure) while others are not. Some are flexible, while others are rigid. Lipids are usually made from one molecule of glycerol combined with other molecules. In triglycerides, the main group of bulk lipids, there is one molecule of glycerol and three fatty acids. Fatty acids are considered the monomer in that case, and maybe saturated (no double bonds in the carbon chain) or unsaturated (one or more double bonds in the carbon chain). Most lipids have some polar character and are largely nonpolar. In general, the bulk of their structure is nonpolar or hydrophobic ("water-fearing"), meaning that it does not interact well with polar solvents like water. Another part of their structure is polar or hydrophilic ("water-loving") and will tend to associate with polar solvents like water. This makes them amphiphilic molecules (having both hydrophobic and hydrophilic portions). In the case of cholesterol, the polar group is a mere –OH (hydroxyl or alcohol). In the case of phospholipids, the polar groups are considerably larger and more polar, as described below. Lipids are an integral part of our daily diet. Most oils and milk products that we use for cooking and eating like butter, cheese, ghee etc. are composed of fats. Vegetable oils are rich in various polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFA). Lipid-containing foods undergo digestion within the body and are broken into fatty acids and glycerol, the final degradation products of fats and lipids. Lipids, especially phospholipids, are also used in various pharmaceutical products, either as co-solubilizers (e.g. in parenteral infusions) or else as drug carrier components (e.g. in a liposome or transfersome). Proteins Proteins are very large molecules—macro-biopolymers—made from monomers called amino acids. An amino acid consists of an alpha carbon atom attached to an amino group, –NH2, a carboxylic acid group, –COOH (although these exist as –NH3+ and –COO− under physiologic conditions), a simple hydrogen atom, and a side chain commonly denoted as "–R". The side chain "R" is different for each amino acid of which there are 20 standard ones. It is this "R" group that makes each amino acid different, and the properties of the side chains greatly influence the overall three-dimensional conformation of a protein. Some amino acids have functions by themselves or in a modified form; for instance, glutamate functions as an important neurotransmitter. Amino acids can be joined via a peptide bond. In this dehydration synthesis, a water molecule is removed and the peptide bond connects the nitrogen of one amino acid's amino group to the carbon of the other's carboxylic acid group. The resulting molecule is called a dipeptide, and short stretches of amino acids (usually, fewer than thirty) are called peptides or polypeptides. Longer stretches merit the title proteins. As an example, the important blood serum protein albumin contains 585 amino acid residues. Proteins can have structural and/or functional roles. For instance, movements of the proteins actin and myosin ultimately are responsible for the contraction of skeletal muscle. One property many proteins have is that they specifically bind to a certain molecule or class of molecules—they may be extremely selective in what they bind. Antibodies are an example of proteins that attach to one specific type of molecule. Antibodies are composed of heavy and light chains. Two heavy chains would be linked to two light chains through disulfide linkages between their amino acids. Antibodies are specific through variation based on differences in the N-terminal domain. The enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA), which uses antibodies, is one of the most sensitive tests modern medicine uses to detect various biomolecules. Probably the most important proteins, however, are the enzymes. Virtually every reaction in a living cell requires an enzyme to lower the activation energy of the reaction. These molecules recognize specific reactant molecules called substrates; they then catalyze the reaction between them. By lowering the activation energy, the enzyme speeds up that reaction by a rate of 1011 or more; a reaction that would normally take over 3,000 years to complete spontaneously might take less than a second with an enzyme. The enzyme itself is not used up in the process and is free to catalyze the same reaction with a new set of substrates. Using various modifiers, the activity of the enzyme can be regulated, enabling control of the biochemistry of the cell as a whole. The structure of proteins is traditionally described in a hierarchy of four levels. The primary structure of a protein consists of its linear sequence of amino acids; for instance, "alanine-glycine-tryptophan-serine-glutamate-asparagine-glycine-lysine-...". Secondary structure is concerned with local morphology (morphology being the study of structure). Some combinations of amino acids will tend to curl up in a coil called an α-helix or into a sheet called a β-sheet; some α-helixes can be seen in the hemoglobin schematic above. Tertiary structure is the entire three-dimensional shape of the protein. This shape is determined by the sequence of amino acids. In fact, a single change can change the entire structure. The alpha chain of hemoglobin contains 146 amino acid residues; substitution of the glutamate residue at position 6 with a valine residue changes the behavior of hemoglobin so much that it results in sickle-cell disease. Finally, quaternary structure is concerned with the structure of a protein with multiple peptide subunits, like hemoglobin with its four subunits. Not all proteins have more than one subunit. Ingested proteins are usually broken up into single amino acids or dipeptides in the small intestine and then absorbed. They can then be joined to form new proteins. Intermediate products of glycolysis, the citric acid cycle, and the pentose phosphate pathway can be used to form all twenty amino acids, and most bacteria and plants possess all the necessary enzymes to synthesize them. Humans and other mammals, however, can synthesize only half of them. They cannot synthesize isoleucine, leucine, lysine, methionine, phenylalanine, threonine, tryptophan, and valine. Because they must be ingested, these are the essential amino acids. Mammals do possess the enzymes to synthesize alanine, asparagine, aspartate, cysteine, glutamate, glutamine, glycine, proline, serine, and tyrosine, the nonessential amino acids. While they can synthesize arginine and histidine, they cannot produce it in sufficient amounts for young, growing animals, and so these are often considered essential amino acids. If the amino group is removed from an amino acid, it leaves behind a carbon skeleton called an α-keto acid. Enzymes called transaminases can easily transfer the amino group from one amino acid (making it an α-keto acid) to another α-keto acid (making it an amino acid). This is important in the biosynthesis of amino acids, as for many of the pathways, intermediates from other biochemical pathways are converted to the α-keto acid skeleton, and then an amino group is added, often via transamination. The amino acids may then be linked together to form a protein. A similar process is used to break down proteins. It is first hydrolyzed into its component amino acids. Free ammonia (NH3), existing as the ammonium ion (NH4+) in blood, is toxic to life forms. A suitable method for excreting it must therefore exist. Different tactics have evolved in different animals, depending on the animals' needs. Unicellular organisms release the ammonia into the environment. Likewise, bony fish can release ammonia into the water where it is quickly diluted. In general, mammals convert ammonia into urea, via the urea cycle. In order to determine whether two proteins are related, or in other words to decide whether they are homologous or not, scientists use sequence-comparison methods. Methods like sequence alignments and structural alignments are powerful tools that help scientists identify homologies between related molecules. The relevance of finding homologies among proteins goes beyond forming an evolutionary pattern of protein families. By finding how similar two protein sequences are, we acquire knowledge about their structure and therefore their function. Nucleic acids Nucleic acids, so-called because of their prevalence in cellular nuclei, is the generic name of the family of biopolymers. They are complex, high-molecular-weight biochemical macromolecules that can convey genetic information in all living cells and viruses. The monomers are called nucleotides, and each consists of three components: a nitrogenous heterocyclic base (either a purine or a pyrimidine), a pentose sugar, and a phosphate group. The most common nucleic acids are deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) and ribonucleic acid (RNA). The phosphate group and the sugar of each nucleotide bond with each other to form the backbone of the nucleic acid, while the sequence of nitrogenous bases stores the information. The most common nitrogenous bases are adenine, cytosine, guanine, thymine, and uracil. The nitrogenous bases of each strand of a nucleic acid will form hydrogen bonds with certain other nitrogenous bases in a complementary strand of nucleic acid. Adenine binds with thymine and uracil, thymine binds only with adenine, and cytosine and guanine can bind only with one another. Adenine, thymine, and uracil contain two hydrogen bonds, while hydrogen bonds formed between cytosine and guanine are three. Aside from the genetic material of the cell, nucleic acids often play a role as second messengers, as well as forming the base molecule for adenosine triphosphate (ATP), the primary energy-carrier molecule found in all living organisms. Also, the nitrogenous bases possible in the two nucleic acids are different: adenine, cytosine, and guanine occur in both RNA and DNA, while thymine occurs only in DNA and uracil occurs in RNA. Metabolism Carbohydrates as energy source Glucose is an energy source in most life forms. For instance, polysaccharides are broken down into their monomers by enzymes (glycogen phosphorylase removes glucose residues from glycogen, a polysaccharide). Disaccharides like lactose or sucrose are cleaved into their two component monosaccharides. Glycolysis (anaerobic) Glucose is mainly metabolized by a very important ten-step pathway called glycolysis, the net result of which is to break down one molecule of glucose into two molecules of pyruvate. This also produces a net two molecules of ATP, the energy currency of cells, along with two reducing equivalents of converting NAD+ (nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide: oxidized form) to NADH (nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide: reduced form). This does not require oxygen; if no oxygen is available (or the cell cannot use oxygen), the NAD is restored by converting the pyruvate to lactate (lactic acid) (e.g. in humans) or to ethanol plus carbon dioxide (e.g. in yeast). Other monosaccharides like galactose and fructose can be converted into intermediates of the glycolytic pathway. Aerobic In aerobic cells with sufficient oxygen, as in most human cells, the pyruvate is further metabolized. It is irreversibly converted to acetyl-CoA, giving off one carbon atom as the waste product carbon dioxide, generating another reducing equivalent as NADH. The two molecules acetyl-CoA (from one molecule of glucose) then enter the citric acid cycle, producing two molecules of ATP, six more NADH molecules and two reduced (ubi)quinones (via FADH2 as enzyme-bound cofactor), and releasing the remaining carbon atoms as carbon dioxide. The produced NADH and quinol molecules then feed into the enzyme complexes of the respiratory chain, an electron transport system transferring the electrons ultimately to oxygen and conserving the released energy in the form of a proton gradient over a membrane (inner mitochondrial membrane in eukaryotes). Thus, oxygen is reduced to water and the original electron acceptors NAD+ and quinone are regenerated. This is why humans breathe in oxygen and breathe out carbon dioxide. The energy released from transferring the electrons from high-energy states in NADH and quinol is conserved first as proton gradient and converted to ATP via ATP synthase. This generates an additional 28 molecules of ATP (24 from the 8 NADH + 4 from the 2 quinols), totaling to 32 molecules of ATP conserved per degraded glucose (two from glycolysis + two from the citrate cycle). It is clear that using oxygen to completely oxidize glucose provides an organism with far more energy than any oxygen-independent metabolic feature, and this is thought to be the reason why complex life appeared only after Earth's atmosphere accumulated large amounts of oxygen. Gluconeogenesis In vertebrates, vigorously contracting skeletal muscles (during weightlifting or sprinting, for example) do not receive enough oxygen to meet the energy demand, and so they shift to anaerobic metabolism, converting glucose to lactate. The combination of glucose from noncarbohydrates origin, such as fat and proteins. This only happens when glycogen supplies in the liver are worn out. The pathway is a crucial reversal of glycolysis from pyruvate to glucose and can use many sources like amino acids, glycerol and Krebs Cycle. Large scale protein and fat catabolism usually occur when those suffer from starvation or certain endocrine disorders. The liver regenerates the glucose, using a process called gluconeogenesis. This process is not quite the opposite of glycolysis, and actually requires three times the amount of energy gained from glycolysis (six molecules of ATP are used, compared to the two gained in glycolysis). Analogous to the above reactions, the glucose produced can then undergo glycolysis in tissues that need energy, be stored as glycogen (or starch in plants), or be converted to other monosaccharides or joined into di- or oligosaccharides. The combined pathways of glycolysis during exercise, lactate's crossing via the bloodstream to the liver, subsequent gluconeogenesis and release of glucose into the bloodstream is called the Cori cycle. Relationship to other "molecular-scale" biological sciences Researchers in biochemistry use specific techniques native to biochemistry, but increasingly combine these with techniques and ideas developed in the fields of genetics, molecular biology, and biophysics. There is not a defined line between these disciplines. Biochemistry studies the chemistry required for biological activity of molecules, molecular biology studies their biological activity, genetics studies their heredity, which happens to be carried by their genome. This is shown in the following schematic that depicts one possible view of the relationships between the fields: Biochemistry is the study of the chemical substances and vital processes occurring in live organisms. Biochemists focus heavily on the role, function, and structure of biomolecules. The study of the chemistry behind biological processes and the synthesis of biologically active molecules are applications of biochemistry. Biochemistry studies life at the atomic and molecular level. Genetics is the study of the effect of genetic differences in organisms. This can often be inferred by the absence of a normal component (e.g. one gene). The study of "mutants" – organisms that lack one or more functional components with respect to the so-called "wild type" or normal phenotype. Genetic interactions (epistasis) can often confound simple interpretations of such "knockout" studies. Molecular biology is the study of molecular underpinnings of the biological phenomena, focusing on molecular synthesis, modification, mechanisms and interactions. The central dogma of molecular biology, where genetic material is transcribed into RNA and then translated into protein, despite being oversimplified, still provides a good starting point for understanding the field. This concept has been revised in light of emerging novel roles for RNA. Chemical biology seeks to develop new tools based on small molecules that allow minimal perturbation of biological systems while providing detailed information about their function. Further, chemical biology employs biological systems to create non-natural hybrids between biomolecules and synthetic devices (for example emptied viral capsids that can deliver gene therapy or drug molecules). See also Lists Important publications in biochemistry (chemistry) List of biochemistry topics List of biochemists List of biomolecules See also Astrobiology Biochemistry (journal) Biological Chemistry (journal) Biophysics Chemical ecology Computational biomodeling Dedicated bio-based chemical EC number Hypothetical types of biochemistry International Union of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology Metabolome Metabolomics Molecular biology Molecular medicine Plant biochemistry Proteolysis Small molecule Structural biology TCA cycle Notes References Cited literature Further reading Fruton, Joseph S. Proteins, Enzymes, Genes: The Interplay of Chemistry and Biology. Yale University Press: New Haven, 1999. Keith Roberts, Martin Raff, Bruce Alberts, Peter Walter, Julian Lewis and Alexander Johnson, Molecular Biology of the Cell 4th Edition, Routledge, March, 2002, hardcover, 1616 pp. 3rd Edition, Garland, 1994, 2nd Edition, Garland, 1989, Kohler, Robert. From Medical Chemistry to Biochemistry: The Making of a Biomedical Discipline. Cambridge University Press, 1982. External links The Virtual Library of Biochemistry, Molecular Biology and Cell Biology Biochemistry, 5th ed. Full text of Berg, Tymoczko, and Stryer, courtesy of NCBI. SystemsX.ch – The Swiss Initiative in Systems Biology Full text of Biochemistry by Kevin and Indira, an introductory biochemistry textbook. Biotechnology Molecular biology

Control (psychology)

In psychology, control is a person's ability or perception of their ability to affect themselves, others, their conditions, their environment or some other circumstance. Control over oneself or others can extend to the regulation of emotions, thoughts, actions, impulses, memory, attention or experiences. There are several types of control, including: Perceived control (a person's perception of their own control and abilities to achieve outcomes) Desired control (the amount of control one seeks within a relationship or other circumstance) Cognitive control (the ability to select one's thoughts and actions) Emotional control (the ability to regulate one's feelings or attitudes toward something) Motivational control (one's ability to act on prescribed behaviors) Inhibitory control (the ability to inhibit thoughts or actions in favor of others) Social control (selecting one's environment for personal benefit) Ego control (the attempt to regulate impulses or attention processes) Effortful control (the ability to regulate how much effort one invests into a goal) Perceived control Perceived control in psychology is a "person's belief that [they are] capable of obtaining desired outcomes, avoiding undesired outcomes, and achieving goals." High perceived control is often associated with better health, relationships, and adjustment. Strategies for restoring perceived control are called 'compensatory control strategies'. One's perception of perceived control is influenced by the past and future as well as what the desired outcome of an event may be. Perceived control is often associated with the term locus of control. Perceived control can be affected by two processes: primary and secondary control. Primary control consists of attempting to change the environment to align with one's own wishes, whereas secondary perceived refers to the act of attempting to gain control by changing one's wishes to reflect what exists or is achievable within the environment. Desired control Desired control is the degree of influence that an individual desires over any subject, circumstance, or relationship. This can apply to romantic, non-romantic, professional, and sales contexts. Desired control is often associated with perceived control, and studies focused on individuals with a lower desire for control show a correlation with greater psychological problems. Cognitive control Cognitive control is "the ability to control one's thoughts and actions." It is also known as controlled processing, executive attention, and supervisory attention. Controlled behaviors - behaviors over which one has cognitive control - are guided by maintenance, updating, and representing task goals, and inhibiting information irrelevant to the task goal. Cognitive control is often developed through reinforcement as well as learning from previous experiences. Increased cognitive control allows individuals to have increased flexibility in their ability to choose between conflicting stimuli. Cognitive control is commonly tested using the Stroop color-word task as well as the Eriksen flanker task. There are certain quirks of cognitive control, such as ironic rebound, in which attempts to keep a particular thought out of consciousness result in that thought becoming increasingly prevalent. In social psychology experiments conducted by Daniel M. Wegner, Ralph Erber and R.E. Bowman, male and female subjects were instructed to complete some sentences related to sexism. Some participants were given guidance to avoid being sexist, whereas some were not given such instructions. Additionally, for some sentence completions, time pressure was either applied by asking for immediate responses or reduced by giving subjects ten seconds to respond. Under low-pressure conditions with guidance to avoid being sexist, the number of sexist completions were lower than the much higher number of sexist completions that resulted when subjects were under time pressure along with guidance to avoid being sexist. Furthermore, these results were consistent among both male and female subjects. This highlights the effect of ironic rebound: when the individuals attempted not to be sexist under a significant time constraint, their resulting actions were counter to their attempts at cognitive control. Emotional control Emotional control is a term from literature on self-regulatory psychology and refers to "the ability to self-manage or regulate attitudes and feelings that directly affect participant receptiveness to, and implementation of, training activities." Emotional control is often referred to as emotional regulation and is the process the brain undergoes to regulate and control emotional responses throughout the day. Emotional control manages and balances the physiological as well as psychological response to an emotion. The opposite of emotion regulation is emotional dysregulation which occurs when problems arise in the emotional control process that result in the inability to process emotions in a healthy manner. Emotional control contains several emotional regulation strategies including distraction, cognitive reappraisal, and emotional action control. Motivational control Motivational control is "the self-regulatory mechanism by which individuals are able to act on prescribed behaviors to implement ... activities." In other words, it is the capability of an individual to act on intentional reasoning, rather than out of emotion or impulse. For example, a student may study for an hour each morning for two months before a test, despite not enjoying studying, in order to improve their results. Inhibitory control Inhibitory control (IC) is another type of self-regulation: "the ability to inhibit prepotent thoughts or actions flexibly, often in favor of a subdominant action, typically in goal-directed behavior". There are two types of inhibitory control: hot and cold. Hot IC involves activities or tasks related to emotional regulation, and cold IC involves abstract activities or tasks. A lack of inhibitory control can lead to difficulties in motor, attentional, and behavioral control. Inhibitory control is also involved in the process of helping humans correct, react, and improve social behavior. A lack of inhibitory control can be connected with several mental disorders including behavioral inhibition, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). Alcohol and drugs also influence one's inhibitory control. Social control In learning psychology, social control refers to "an individual's skills in engaging the social environment in ways that help to support and reinforce his or her learning activities." Social control can be influenced by several factors including the control that society places on individual actions and behaviors as well as the control an individual can exert over their own behaviors in public. The definition of social control has changed over time to include the social control groups of people have in addition to individuals. Ego control 'Ego control' describes the efforts of an individual to control "thoughts, emotions, impulses or appetites... task performances [and] attentional processes." Failure of ego control is seen as a central problem in individuals who have substance abuse disorders. Situational control In leadership psychology, situational control is "the degree to which the situation provides the leader with potential influence over the group's behavior". Situational favourableness or situational control describes a person's ability to persuade or control the group situation, or the degree in which the person(s) is able to influence the behavior(s) of group members to face a current situation. The qualities, characteristics, and skills of a leader are required to persuade a group situation by a large extent by the demands of the situation. Several more factors can be placed upon situational control, such as leadership style and commitment and competitiveness of the leader. Effortful control Effortful control is a type of self-regulation. It is a broader construct than inhibitory control, and encompasses working memory and attention-shifting. Effortful control works by allowing individuals the ability to start or stop behaviors they may or may not want to perform through attention management. Effortful control is theorized to be involved in the process of problem solving as well as behavior regulation due to the top-down processing involved. Effortful control often interacts with and is central in other forms of control such as emotional control and inhibitory control. See also Self control Self-regulation (disambiguation) Ego depletion Self-management Self-monitoring Locus of control References Control (social and political)

Anxiety disorder

Anxiety disorders are a group of mental disorders characterized by significant and uncontrollable feelings of anxiety and fear such that a person's social, occupational, and personal functions are significantly impaired. Anxiety may cause physical and cognitive symptoms, such as restlessness, irritability, easy fatigue, difficulty concentrating, increased heart rate, chest pain, abdominal pain, and a variety of other symptoms that may vary based on the individual. In casual discourse, the words anxiety and fear are often used interchangeably. In clinical usage, they have distinct meanings; anxiety is clinically defined as an unpleasant emotional state for which the cause is either not readily identified or perceived to be uncontrollable or unavoidable, whereas fear is clinically defined as an emotional and physiological response to a recognized external threat. The umbrella term 'anxiety disorder' refers to a number of specific disorders that include fears (phobias) and/or anxiety symptoms. There are several types of anxiety disorders, including generalized anxiety disorder, hypochondriasis, specific phobia, social anxiety disorder, separation anxiety disorder, agoraphobia, panic disorder, and selective mutism. Individual disorders can be diagnosed using the specific and unique symptoms, triggering events, and timing. A medical professional must evaluate a person before diagnosing them with an anxiety disorder to ensure that their anxiety cannot be attributed to another medical illness or mental disorder. It is possible for an individual to have more than one anxiety disorder during their life or to have more than one anxiety disorder at the same time. Comorbid mental disorders or substance use disorders are common in those with anxiety. Comorbid depression (lifetime prevalence) is seen in 20-70% of those with social anxiety disorder, 50% of those with panic disorder and 43% of those with general anxiety disorder. The 12 month prevalence of alcohol or substance use disorders in those with anxiety disorders is 16.5%. Worldwide, anxiety disorders are the second most common type of mental disorders after depressive disorders. Anxiety disorders affect nearly 30% of adults at some point in their lives, with an estimated 4% of the global population currently experiencing an anxiety disorder. However, anxiety disorders are treatable, and a number of effective treatments are available. Most people are able to lead normal, productive lives with some form of treatment. Types Generalized anxiety disorder Generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) is a common disorder characterized by long-lasting anxiety that is not focused on any one object or situation. Those with generalized anxiety disorder experience non-specific persistent fear and worry and become overly concerned with everyday matters. Generalized anxiety disorder is "characterized by chronic excessive worry accompanied by three or more of the following symptoms: restlessness, fatigue, concentration problems, irritability, muscle tension, and sleep disturbance". Generalized anxiety disorder is the most common anxiety disorder to affect older adults. Anxiety can be a symptom of a medical or substance use disorder problem, and medical professionals must be aware of this. A diagnosis of GAD is made when a person has been excessively worried about an everyday problem for six months or more. These stresses can include family life, work, social life, or their own health. A person may find that they have problems making daily decisions and remembering commitments as a result of a lack of concentration and/or preoccupation with worry. A symptom can be a strained appearance, with increased sweating from the hands, feet, and axillae, along with tearfulness, which can suggest depression. Before a diagnosis of anxiety disorder is made, physicians must rule out drug-induced anxiety and other medical causes. In children, GAD may be associated with headaches, restlessness, abdominal pain, and heart palpitations. Typically, it begins around eight to nine years of age. Specific phobias The largest category of anxiety disorders is that of specific phobias, which includes all cases in which fear and anxiety are triggered by a specific stimulus or situation. Between 5% and 12% of the population worldwide has specific phobias. According to the National Institute of Mental Health, a phobia is an intense fear of or aversion to specific objects or situations. Individuals with a phobia typically anticipate terrifying consequences from encountering the object of their fear, which can be anything from an animal to a location to a bodily fluid to a particular situation. Common phobias are flying, blood, water, highway driving, and tunnels. When people are exposed to their phobia, they may experience trembling, shortness of breath, or rapid heartbeat. People with specific phobias often go to extreme lengths to avoid encountering their phobia. People with specific phobias understand that their fear is not proportional to the actual potential danger, but they can still become overwhelmed by it. Panic disorder With panic disorder, a person has brief attacks of intense terror and apprehension, often marked by trembling, shaking, confusion, dizziness, or difficulty breathing. These panic attacks are defined by the APA as fear or discomfort that abruptly arises and peaks in less than ten minutes but can last for several hours. Attacks can be triggered by stress, irrational thoughts, general fear, fear of the unknown, or even when engaging in exercise. However, sometimes the trigger is unclear, and attacks can arise without warning. To help prevent an attack, one can avoid the trigger. This can mean avoiding places, people, types of behaviors, or certain situations that have been known to cause a panic attack. This being said, not all attacks can be prevented. In addition to recurrent and unexpected panic attacks, a diagnosis of panic disorder requires that said attacks have chronic consequences: either worry over the attacks' potential implications, persistent fear of future attacks, or significant changes in behavior related to the attacks. As such, those with panic disorder experience symptoms even outside of specific panic episodes. Often, normal changes in heartbeat are noticed, leading them to think something is wrong with their heart or they are about to have another panic attack. In some cases, a heightened awareness (hypervigilance) of body functioning occurs during panic attacks, wherein any perceived physiological change is interpreted as a possible life-threatening illness (i.e., extreme hypochondriasis). Agoraphobia Agoraphobia is a specific anxiety disorder wherein an individual is afraid of being in a place or situation where escape is difficult or embarrassing or where help may be unavailable. Agoraphobia is strongly linked with panic disorder and is often precipitated by the fear of having a panic attack. A common manifestation involves needing to be in constant view of a door or other escape route. In addition to the fears themselves, the term agoraphobia is often used to refer to avoidance behaviors that individuals often develop. For example, following a panic attack while driving, someone with agoraphobia may develop anxiety over driving and will therefore avoid driving. These avoidance behaviors can have serious consequences and often reinforce the fear they are caused by. In a severe case of agoraphobia, the person may never leave their home. Social anxiety disorder Social anxiety disorder (SAD), also known as social phobia, describes an intense fear and avoidance of negative public scrutiny, public embarrassment, humiliation, or social interaction. This fear can be specific to particular social situations (such as public speaking) or it can be experienced in most or all social situations. Roughly 7% of American adults have social anxiety disorder, and more than 75% of people experience their first symptoms in their childhood or early teenage years. Social anxiety often manifests specific physical symptoms, including blushing, sweating, rapid heart rate, and difficulty speaking. As with all phobic disorders, those with social anxiety often attempt to avoid the source of their anxiety; in the case of social anxiety, this is particularly problematic, and in severe cases, it can lead to complete social isolation. Children are also affected by social anxiety disorder, although their associated symptoms are different from those of teenagers and adults. They may experience difficulty processing or retrieving information, sleep deprivation, disruptive behaviors in class, and irregular class participation. Social physique anxiety (SPA) is a sub-type of social anxiety involving concern over the evaluation of one's body by others. SPA is common among adolescents, especially females. Post-traumatic stress disorder Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was once an anxiety disorder (now moved to trauma- and stressor-related disorders in the DSM-V) that results from a traumatic experience. PTSD affects approximately 3.5% of U.S. adults every year, and an estimated one in eleven people will be diagnosed with PTSD in their lifetime. Post-traumatic stress can result from an extreme situation, such as combat, natural disaster, rape, hostage situations, child abuse, bullying, or even a serious accident. It can also result from long-term (chronic) exposure to a severe stressor— for example, soldiers who endure individual battles but cannot cope with continuous combat. Common symptoms include hypervigilance, flashbacks, avoidant behaviors, anxiety, anger, and depression. In addition, individuals may experience sleep disturbances. People who have PTSD often try to detach themselves from their friends and family and have difficulty maintaining these close relationships. There are a number of treatments that form the basis of the care plan for those with PTSD; such treatments include cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), prolonged exposure therapy, stress inoculation therapy, medication, psychotherapy, and support from family and friends. Post-traumatic stress disorder research began with US military veterans of the Vietnam War, as well as natural and non-natural disaster victims. Studies have found the degree of exposure to a disaster to be the best predictor of PTSD. Separation anxiety disorder Separation anxiety disorder (SepAD) is the feeling of excessive and inappropriate levels of anxiety over being separated from a person or place. Separation anxiety is a normal part of development in babies or children, and it is only when this feeling is excessive or inappropriate that it can be considered a disorder. Separation anxiety disorder affects roughly 7% of adults and 4% of children, but childhood cases tend to be more severe; in some instances, even a brief separation can produce panic. Treating a child earlier may prevent problems. This may include training the parents and family on how to deal with it. Often, the parents will reinforce the anxiety because they do not know how to properly work through it with the child. In addition to parent training and family therapy, medication, such as SSRIs, can be used to treat separation anxiety. Obsessive–compulsive disorder Obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) is not an anxiety disorder in the DSM-5 or the ICD-11. However, it was classified as such in older versions of the DSM-IV and ICD-10. OCD manifests in the form of obsessions (distressing, persistent, and intrusive thoughts or images) and compulsions (urges to repeatedly perform specific acts or rituals) that are not caused by drugs or physical disorders and which cause anxiety or distress plus (more or less important) functional disabilities. OCD affects roughly 1–2% of adults (somewhat more women than men) and under 3% of children and adolescents. A person with OCD knows that the symptoms are unreasonable and struggles against both the thoughts and the behavior. Their symptoms could be related to external events they fear, such as their home burning down because they forgot to turn off the stove, or they could worry that they will behave inappropriately. The compulsive rituals are personal rules they follow to relieve discomfort, such as needing to verify that the stove is turned off a specific number of times before leaving the house. It is not certain why some people have OCD, but behavioral, cognitive, genetic, and neurobiological factors may be involved. Risk factors include family history, being single, being of a higher socioeconomic class, or not being in paid employment. Of those with OCD, about 20% of people will overcome it, and symptoms will at least reduce over time for most people (a further 50%). Selective mutism Selective mutism (SM) is a disorder in which a person who is normally capable of speech does not speak in specific situations or to specific people. Selective mutism usually co-exists with shyness or social anxiety. People with selective mutism stay silent even when the consequences of their silence include shame, social ostracism, or even punishment. Selective mutism affects about 0.8% of people at some point in their lives. Testing for selective mutism is important because doctors must determine if it is an issue associated with the child's hearing or movements associated with the jaw or tongue and if the child can understand when others are speaking to them. Generally, cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is the recommended approach for treating selective mutism, but prospective long-term outcome studies are lacking. Diagnosis The diagnosis of anxiety disorders is made by symptoms, triggers, and a person's personal and family histories. There are no objective biomarkers or laboratory tests that can diagnose anxiety. It is important for a medical professional to evaluate a person for other medical and mental causes of prolonged anxiety because treatments will vary considerably. Numerous questionnaires have been developed for clinical use and can be used for an objective scoring system. Symptoms may vary between each sub-type of generalized anxiety disorder. Generally, symptoms must be present for at least six months, occur more days than not, and significantly impair a person's ability to function in daily life. Symptoms may include: feeling nervous, anxious, or on edge; worrying excessively; difficulty concentrating; restlessness; and irritability. Questionnaires developed for clinical use include the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI), the Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7 (GAD-7), the Beck Anxiety Inventory (BAI), the Zung Self-Rating Anxiety Scale, and the Taylor Manifest Anxiety Scale. Other questionnaires combine anxiety and depression measurements, such as the Hamilton Anxiety Rating Scale, the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS), the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ), and the Patient-Reported Outcomes Measurement Information System (PROMIS). Examples of specific anxiety questionnaires include the Liebowitz Social Anxiety Scale (LSAS), the Social Interaction Anxiety Scale (SIAS), the Social Phobia Inventory (SPIN), the Social Phobia Scale (SPS), and the Social Anxiety Questionnaire (SAQ-A30). The GAD-7 has a sensitivity of 57-94% and a specificity of 82-88% in the diagnosis of general anxiety disorder. All screening questionnaires, if positive, should be followed by clinical interview including assessment of impairment and distress, avoidance behaviors, symptom history and persistence to definitively diagnose an anxiety disorder. Some organizations support routinely screening all adults for anxiety disorders, with the US Preventative Services Task Force recommending screening for all adults younger than 65. Differential diagnosis Anxiety disorders differ from developmentally normal fear or anxiety by being excessive or persisting beyond developmentally appropriate periods. They differ from transient fear or anxiety, often stress-induced, by being persistent (e.g., typically lasting 6 months or more), although the criterion for duration is intended as a general guide with allowance for some degree of flexibility and is sometimes of shorter duration in children. The diagnosis of an anxiety disorder requires first ruling out an underlying medical cause. Diseases that may present similar to an anxiety disorder include certain endocrine diseases (hypo- and hyperthyroidism, hyperprolactinemia), metabolic disorders (diabetes), deficiency states (low levels of vitamin D, B2, B12, folic acid), gastrointestinal diseases (celiac disease, non-celiac gluten sensitivity, inflammatory bowel disease), heart diseases, blood diseases (anemia), and brain degenerative diseases (Parkinson's disease, dementia, multiple sclerosis, Huntington's disease). Several drugs can also cause or worsen anxiety, whether through intoxication, withdrawal, or chronic use. These include alcohol, tobacco, cannabis, sedatives (including prescription benzodiazepines), opioids (including prescription painkillers and illicit drugs like heroin), stimulants (such as caffeine, cocaine, and amphetamines), hallucinogens, and inhalants. Prevention Focus is increasing on the prevention of anxiety disorders. There is tentative evidence to support the use of cognitive behavioral therapy and mindfulness therapy. A 2013 review found no effective measures to prevent GAD in adults. A 2017 review found that psychological and educational interventions had a small benefit for the prevention of anxiety. Research indicates that predictors of the emergence of anxiety disorders partly differ from the factors that predict their persistence. Perception and discrimination Stigma People with an anxiety disorder may be challenged by prejudices and stereotypes held by other people, most likely as a result of misconceptions around anxiety and anxiety disorders. Misconceptions found in a data analysis from the National Survey of Mental Health Literacy and Stigma include: (1) many people believe anxiety is not a real medical illness; and (2) many people believe that people with anxiety could turn it off if they wanted to. For people experiencing the physical and mental symptoms of an anxiety disorder, stigma and negative social perception can make an individual less likely to seek treatment. Prejudice that some people with mental illness turn against themselves is called self-stigma. There is no explicit evidence for the exact cause of stigma towards anxiety. Stigma can be divided by social scale, into the macro, intermediate, and micro levels. The macro-level marks society as a whole with the influence of mass media. The intermediate level includes healthcare professionals and their perspectives. The micro-level details the individual's contributions to the process through self-stigmatization. Stigma can be described in three conceptual ways: cognitive, emotional, and behavioral. This allows for differentiation between stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. Treatment Treatment options include psychotherapy, medications and lifestyle changes. There is no clear evidence as to whether psychotherapy or medication is more effective; the specific medication decision can be made by a doctor and patient with consideration for the patient's specific circumstances and symptoms. If, while on treatment with a chosen medication, the person's anxiety does not improve, another medication may be offered. Specific treatments will vary by sub-type of anxiety disorder, a person's other medical conditions, and medications. Psychological techniques Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is effective for anxiety disorders and is a first-line treatment. CBT is the most widely studied and preferred form of psychotherapy for anxiety disorders. CBT appears to be equally effective when carried out via the internet compared to sessions completed face-to-face. There are specific CBT cirriculums or strategies for the specific type of anxiety disorder. CBT has similar effectiveness to pharmacotherapy and in a meta analysis, CBT was associated with medium to large benefit effect sizes for GAD, panic disorder and social anxiety disorder. CBT has low dropout rates and its positive effects have been shown to be maintained at least for 12 months. CBT is sometimes given as once weekly sessions for 8–20 weeks, but regimens vary widely. Booster sessions may need to be restarted for patients who have a relapse of symptoms. Exposure and response prevention (ERP) has been found effective for treating PTSD, phobias, OCD and GAD. Mindfulness-based programs also appear to be effective for managing anxiety disorders. It is unclear if meditation has an effect on anxiety, and transcendental meditation appears to be no different from other types of meditation. A 2015 Cochrane review of Morita therapy for anxiety disorder in adults found not enough evidence to draw a conclusion. Medications First-line choices for medications include SSRIs or SNRIs to treat generalized anxiety disorder, social anxiety disorder or panic disorder. For adults, there is no good evidence supporting which specific medication in the SSRI or SNRI class is best for treating anxiety, so cost often drives drug choice. Fluvoxamine is effective in treating a range of anxiety disorders in children and adolescents. Fluoxetine, sertraline, and paroxetine can also help with some forms of anxiety in children and adolescents. If the chosen medicine is effective, it is recommended that it be continued for at least a year to potentiate the risk of a relapse. Benzodiazepines are a second line option for the pharmacologic treatment of anxiety. Benzodiazepines are associated with moderate to high effect sizes with regard to symptom relief and they have an onset usually within 1 week. Clonazepam has a longer half life and may possibly be used as once per day dosing. Benzodiazepines may also be used with SNRIs or SSRIs to initially reduce anxiety symptoms, and they may potentially be continued long term. Benzodiazepines are not a first line pharmacologic treatment of anxiety disorders and they carry risks of physical dependence, psychological dependence, overdose death (especially when combined with opioids), misuse, cognitive impairment, falls and motor vehicle crashes. Buspirone and pregabalin are second-line treatments for people who do not respond to SSRIs or SNRIs. Pregabalin and gabapentin are effective in treating some anxiety disorders, but there is concern regarding their off-label use due to the lack of strong scientific evidence for their efficacy in multiple conditions and their proven side effects. Medications need to be used with care among older adults, who are more likely to have side effects because of coexisting physical disorders. Adherence problems are more likely among older people, who may have difficulty understanding, seeing, or remembering instructions. In general, medications are not seen as helpful for specific phobias, but benzodiazepines are sometimes used to help resolve acute episodes. In 2007, data were sparse for the efficacy of any drug. Lifestyle and diet Lifestyle changes include exercise, for which there is moderate evidence for some improvement, regularizing sleep patterns, reducing caffeine intake, and stopping smoking. Stopping smoking has benefits for anxiety as great as or greater than those of medications. A meta-analysis found 2000 mg/day or more of omega-3 polyunsaturated fatty acids, such as fish oil, tended to reduce anxiety in placebo-controlled and uncontrolled studies, particularly in people with more significant symptoms. Cannabis , there is little evidence for the use of cannabis in treating anxiety disorders. Treatments for children Both therapy and a number of medications have been found to be useful for treating childhood anxiety disorders. Therapy is generally preferred to medication. Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is a good first-line therapy approach. Studies have gathered substantial evidence for treatments that are not CBT-based as effective forms of treatment, expanding treatment options for those who do not respond to CBT. Although studies have demonstrated the effectiveness of CBT for anxiety disorders in children and adolescents, evidence that it is more effective than treatment as usual, medication, or wait list controls is inconclusive. Like adults, children may undergo psychotherapy, cognitive-behavioral therapy, or counseling. Family therapy is a form of treatment in which the child meets with a therapist together with the primary guardians and siblings. Each family member may attend individual therapy, but family therapy is typically a form of group therapy. Art and play therapy are also used. Art therapy is most commonly used when the child will not or cannot verbally communicate due to trauma or a disability in which they are nonverbal. Participating in art activities allows the child to express what they otherwise may not be able to communicate to others. In play therapy, the child is allowed to play however they please as a therapist observes them. The therapist may intercede from time to time with a question, comment, or suggestion. This is often most effective when the family of the child plays a role in the treatment. If a medication option is warranted, antidepressants such as SSRIs and SNRIs can be effective. Fluvoxamine is effective in treating a range of anxiety disorders in children and adolescents. Minor side effects with medications, however, are common. Epidemiology Globally, as of 2010, approximately 273 million (4.5% of the population) had an anxiety disorder. It is more common in females (5.2%) than males (2.8%). In Europe, Africa, and Asia, lifetime rates of anxiety disorders are between 9 and 16%, and yearly rates are between 4 and 7%. In the United States, the lifetime prevalence of anxiety disorders is about 29%, and between 11 and 18% of adults have the condition in a given year. This difference is affected by the range of ways in which different cultures interpret anxiety symptoms and what they consider to be normative behavior. In general, anxiety disorders represent the most prevalent psychiatric condition in the United States, outside of substance use disorder. Like adults, children can experience anxiety disorders; between 10 and 20 percent of all children will develop a full-fledged anxiety disorder prior to the age of 18, making anxiety the most common mental health issue in young people. Anxiety disorders in children are often more challenging to identify than their adult counterparts, owing to the difficulty many parents face in discerning them from normal childhood fears. Likewise, anxiety in children is sometimes misdiagnosed as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, or, due to the tendency of children to interpret their emotions physically (as stomachaches, headaches, etc.), anxiety disorders may initially be confused with physical ailments. Anxiety in children has a variety of causes; sometimes anxiety is rooted in biology and may be a product of another existing condition, such as autism spectrum disorder. Gifted children are also often more prone to excessive anxiety than non-gifted children. Other cases of anxiety arise from the child having experienced a traumatic event of some kind, and in some cases, the cause of the child's anxiety cannot be pinpointed. Anxiety in children tends to manifest along age-appropriate themes, such as fear of going to school (not related to bullying) or not performing well enough at school, fear of social rejection, fear of something happening to loved ones, etc. What separates disordered anxiety from normal childhood anxiety is the duration and intensity of the fears involved. According to 2011 study, people who high in hypercompetitive traits are at increased risk of both anxiety and depression. See also References External links WHO fact sheet on anxiety disorders Wikipedia medicine articles ready to translate Wikipedia neurology articles ready to translate

Worldview

A worldview or a world-view or is the fundamental cognitive orientation of an individual or society encompassing the whole of the individual's or society's knowledge, culture, and point of view. A worldview can include natural philosophy; fundamental, existential, and normative postulates; or themes, values, emotions, and ethics. Etymology The term worldview is a calque of the German word , composed of ('world') and ('perception' or 'view'). The German word is also used in English. It is a concept fundamental to German philosophy, especially epistemology and refers to a wide world perception. Additionally, it refers to the framework of ideas and beliefs forming a global description through which an individual, group or culture watches and interprets the world and interacts with it as a social reality. and cognitive philosophy Within cognitive philosophy and the cognitive sciences is the German concept of Weltanschauung. This expression is used to refer to the "wide worldview" or "wide world perception" of a people, family, or person. The of a people originates from the unique world experience of a people, which they experience over several millennia. The language of a people reflects the of that people in the form of its syntactic structures and untranslatable connotations and its denotations. The term is often wrongly attributed to Wilhelm von Humboldt, the founder of German ethnolinguistics. However, Humboldt's key concept was Weltansicht. Weltansicht was used by Humboldt to refer to the overarching conceptual and sensorial apprehension of reality shared by a linguistic community (Nation). On the other hand, , first used by Immanuel Kant and later popularized by Hegel, was always used in German and later in English to refer more to philosophies, ideologies and cultural or religious perspectives, than to linguistic communities and their mode of apprehending reality. In 1911, the German philosopher Wilhelm Dilthey published an essay entitled "The Types of and their Development in Metaphysics" that became quite influential. Dilthey characterized worldviews as providing a perspective on life that encompasses the cognitive, evaluative, and volitional aspects of human experience. Although worldviews have always been expressed in literature and religion, philosophers have attempted to give them conceptual definition in their metaphysical systems. On that basis, Dilthey found it possible to distinguish three general recurring types of worldview. The first of these he called naturalism because it gives priority to the perceptual and experimental determination of what is and allows contingency to influence how we evaluate and respond to reality. Naturalism can be found in Democritus, Hobbes, Hume and many other modern philosophers. The second type of worldview is called the idealism of freedom and is represented by Plato, Descartes, Kant, and Bergson among others. It is dualistic and gives primacy to the freedom of the will. The organizational order of our world is structured by our mind and the will to know. The third type is called objective idealism and Dilthey sees it in Heraclitus, Parmenides, Spinoza, Leibniz and Hegel. In objective idealism the ideal does not hover above what is actual but inheres in it. This third type of worldview is ultimately monistic and seeks to discern the inner coherence and harmony among all things. Dilthey thought it impossible to come up with a universally valid metaphysical or systematic formulation of any of these worldviews, but regarded them as useful schema for his own more reflective kind of life philosophy. See Makkreel and Rodi, Wilhelm Dilthey, Selected Works, volume 6, 2019. Anthropologically, worldviews can be expressed as the "fundamental cognitive, affective, and evaluative presuppositions a group of people make about the nature of things, and which they use to order their lives." If it were possible to draw a map of the world on the basis of , it would probably be seen to cross political borders— is the product of political borders and common experiences of a people from a geographical region, environmental-climatic conditions, the economic resources available, socio-cultural systems, and the language family. (The work of the population geneticist Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza aims to show the gene-linguistic co-evolution of people). According to James W. Underhill, worldview can periodically be used very differently by certain linguists and sociologists. It is for this reason that Underhill, and those who influenced him, attempted to wed metaphor in, for example, the sociology of religion, with discourse analysis. Underhill also proposed five subcategories for the study of worldview: world-perceiving, world-conceiving, cultural mindset, personal world, and perspective. Comparison of worldviews One can think of a worldview as comprising a number of basic beliefs which are philosophically equivalent to the axioms of the worldview considered as a logical or consistent theory. These basic beliefs cannot, by definition, be proven (in the logical sense) within the worldview – precisely because they are axioms, and are typically argued from rather than argued for. However their coherence can be explored philosophically and logically. If two different worldviews have sufficient common beliefs it may be possible to have a constructive dialogue between them. On the other hand, if different worldviews are held to be basically incommensurate and irreconcilable, then the situation is one of cultural relativism and would therefore incur the standard criticisms from philosophical realists. Additionally, religious believers might not wish to see their beliefs relativized into something that is only "true for them". Subjective logic is a belief-reasoning formalism where beliefs explicitly are subjectively held by individuals but where a consensus between different worldviews can be achieved. A third alternative sees the worldview approach as only a methodological relativism, as a suspension of judgment about the truth of various belief systems but not a declaration that there is no global truth. For instance, the religious philosopher Ninian Smart begins his Worldviews: Cross-cultural Explorations of Human Beliefs with "Exploring Religions and Analysing Worldviews" and argues for "the neutral, dispassionate study of different religious and secular systems—a process I call worldview analysis." The comparison of religious, philosophical or scientific worldviews is a delicate endeavor, because such worldviews start from different presuppositions and cognitive values. Clément Vidal has proposed metaphilosophical criteria for the comparison of worldviews, classifying them in three broad categories: objective: objective consistency, scientificity, scope subjective: subjective consistency, personal utility, emotionality intersubjective: intersubjective consistency, collective utility, narrativity Characteristics While Leo Apostel and his followers clearly hold that individuals can construct worldviews, other writers regard worldviews as operating at a community level, or in an unconscious way. For instance, if one's worldview is fixed by one's language, as according to a strong version of the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis, one would have to learn or invent a new language in order to construct a new worldview. According to Apostel, a worldview is an ontology, or a descriptive model of the world. It should comprise these six elements: An explanation of the world A futurology, answering the question "Where are we heading?" Values, answers to ethical questions: "What should we do?" A praxeology, or methodology, or theory of action: "How should we attain our goals?" An epistemology, or theory of knowledge: "What is true and false?" An etiology. A constructed world-view should contain an account of its own "building blocks", its origins and construction. Terror management theory A worldview, according to terror management theory (TMT), serves as a buffer against death anxiety. It is theorized that living up to the ideals of one's worldview provides a sense of self-esteem which provides a sense of transcending the limits of human life (e.g. literally, as in religious belief in immortality; symbolically, as in art works or children to live on after one's death, or in contributions to one's culture). Evidence in support of terror management theory includes a series of experiments by Jeff Schimel and colleagues in which a group of Canadians found to score highly on a measure of patriotism were asked to read an essay attacking the dominant Canadian worldview. Using a test of death-thought accessibility (DTA), involving an ambiguous word completion test (e.g. "COFF__" could either be completed as either "COFFEE" or "COFFIN" or "COFFER"), participants who had read the essay attacking their worldview were found to have a significantly higher level of DTA than the control group, who read a similar essay attacking Australian cultural values. Mood was also measured following the worldview threat, to test whether the increase in death thoughts following worldview threat were due to other causes, for example, anger at the attack on one's cultural worldview. No significant changes on mood scales were found immediately following the worldview threat. To test the generalisability of these findings to groups and worldviews other than those of nationalistic Canadians, Schimel et al conducted a similar experiment on a group of religious individuals whose worldview included that of creationism. Participants were asked to read an essay which argued in support of the theory of evolution, following which the same measure of DTA was taken as for the Canadian group. Religious participants with a creationist worldview were found to have a significantly higher level of death-thought accessibility than those of the control group. Goldenberg et al found that highlighting the similarities between humans and other animals increases death-thought accessibility, as does attention to the physical rather than meaningful qualities of sex. Religion Nishida Kitaro wrote extensively on "the Religious Worldview" in exploring the philosophical significance of Eastern religions. According to Neo-Calvinist David Naugle's World view: The History of a Concept, "Conceiving of Christianity as a worldview has been one of the most significant developments in the recent history of the church." The Christian thinker James W. Sire defines a worldview as "a commitment, a fundamental orientation of the heart, that can be expressed as a story or in a set of presuppositions (assumptions which may be true, partially true, or entirely false) which we hold (consciously or subconsciously, consistently or inconsistently) about the basic construction of reality, and that provides the foundation on which we live and move and have our being." He suggests that "we should all think in terms of worldviews, that is, with a consciousness not only of our own way of thought but also that of other people, so that we can first understand and then genuinely communicate with others in our pluralistic society." The commitment mentioned by James W. Sire can be extended further. The worldview increases the commitment to serve the world. With the change of a person's view towards the world, he/she can be motivated to serve the world. This serving attitude has been illustrated by Tareq M Zayed as the 'Emancipatory Worldview' in his writing "History of emancipatory worldview of Muslim learners". David Bell has also raised questions on religious worldviews for the designers of superintelligences – machines much smarter than humans. See also Life stance References External links Wikibook:The scientific world view Wiki Worldview Themes: A Structure for Characterizing and Analyzing Worldviews includes links to roughly 1000 Wikipedia articles   – a 2002 essay on research in linguistic relativity (Lera Boroditsky)   inTERRAgation.com—A documentary project. Collecting and evaluating answers to "the meaning of life" from around the world. The God Contention—Comparing various worldviews, faiths, and religions through the eyes of their advocates. Cole, Graham A., Do Christians have a Worldview? A paper examining the concept of worldview as it relates to and has been used by Christianity. Contains a helpful annotated bibliography. World View article on the Principia Cybernetica Project Pogorskiy, E. (2015). Using personalisation to improve the effectiveness of global educational projects. E-Learning and Digital Media, 12(1), 57–67. Worldviews – An Introduction from Project Worldview "Studies on World Views Related to Science" (list of suggested books and resources) from the American Scientific Affiliation (a Christian perspective) Eugene Webb, Worldview and Mind: Religious Thought and Psychological Development. Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 2009. Benjamin Gal-Or, Cosmology, Physics and Philosophy, Springer Verlag, 1981, 1983, 1987, , . Conceptual modelling Belief Consensus reality Psychological attitude Psychological concepts Concepts in epistemology Epistemology of religion

Affect (psychology)

Affect, in psychology, is the underlying experience of feeling, emotion, attachment, or mood. It encompasses a wide range of emotional states and can be positive (e.g., happiness, joy, excitement) or negative (e.g., sadness, anger, fear, disgust). Affect is a fundamental aspect of human experience and plays a central role in many psychological theories and studies. It can be understood as a combination of three components: emotion, mood (enduring, less intense emotional states that are not necessarily tied to a specific event), and affectivity (an individual's overall disposition or temperament, which can be characterized as having a generally positive or negative affect). In psychology, the term affect is often used interchangeably with several related terms and concepts, though each term may have slightly different nuances. These terms encompass: emotion, feeling, mood, emotional state, sentiment, affective state, emotional response, affective reactivity, disposition. Researchers and psychologists may employ specific terms based on their focus and the context of their work. History The modern conception of affect developed in the 19th century with Wilhelm Wundt. The word comes from the German Gefühl, meaning "feeling". A number of experiments have been conducted in the study of social and psychological affective preferences (i.e., what people like or dislike). Specific research has been done on preferences, attitudes, impression formation, and decision-making. This research contrasts findings with recognition memory (old-new judgments), allowing researchers to demonstrate reliable distinctions between the two. Affect-based judgments and cognitive processes have been examined with noted differences indicated, and some argue affect and cognition are under the control of separate and partially independent systems that can influence each other in a variety of ways (Zajonc, 1980). Both affect and cognition may constitute independent sources of effects within systems of information processing. Others suggest emotion is a result of an anticipated, experienced, or imagined outcome of an adaptational transaction between organism and environment, therefore cognitive appraisal processes are keys to the development and expression of an emotion (Lazarus, 1982). Dimensions Affective states vary along three principal dimensions: valence, arousal, and motivational intensity. Valence is the subjective spectrum of positive-to-negative evaluation of an experience an individual may have had. Emotional valence refers to the emotion's consequences, emotion-eliciting circumstances, or subjective feelings or attitudes. Arousal is objectively measurable as activation of the sympathetic nervous system, but can also be assessed subjectively via self-report. Motivational intensity refers to the impulsion to act; the strength of an urge to move toward or away from a stimulus and whether or not to interact with said stimulus. Simply moving is not considered approach (or avoidance) motivation It is important to note that arousal is different from motivational intensity. While arousal is a construct that is closely related to motivational intensity, they differ in that motivation necessarily implies action while arousal does not. Affect display Affect is sometimes used to mean affect display, which is "a facial, vocal, or gestural behavior that serves as an indicator of affect" (APA 2006). Cognitive scope In psychology, affect defines the organisms' interaction with stimuli. It can influence the scope of the cognitive processes. Initially, researchers had thought that positive affects broadened the cognitive scope, whereas negative affects narrowed it. Thereafter, evidences suggested that affects high in motivational intensity narrow the cognitive scope, whereas affects low in motivational intensity broaden it. The construct of cognitive scope could be valuable in cognitive psychology. Affect tolerance According to a research article about affect tolerance written by psychiatrist Jerome Sashin, "Affect tolerance can be defined as the ability to respond to a stimulus which would ordinarily be expected to evoke affects by the subjective experiencing of feelings." Essentially it refers to one's ability to react to emotions and feelings. One who is low in affect tolerance would show little to no reaction to emotion and feeling of any kind. This is closely related to alexithymia. "Alexithymia is a subclinical phenomenon involving a lack of emotional awareness or, more specifically, difficulty in identifying and describing feelings and in distinguishing feelings from the bodily sensations of emotional arousal" At its core, alexithymia is an inability for an individual to recognize what emotions they are feeling—as well as an inability to describe them. According to Dalya Samur <> and colleagues, persons with alexithymia have been shown to have correlations with increased suicide rates, mental discomfort, and deaths. Affect tolerance factors, including anxiety sensitivity, intolerance of uncertainty, and emotional distress tolerance, may be helped by mindfulness. Mindfulness is a mental state achieved by focusing one's awareness on the present moment, while calmly acknowledging and accepting one's feelings, thoughts, and bodily sensations without judgment. The practice of Intention, Attention, & Attitude. Mindfulness has been shown to produce "increased subjective well-being, reduced psychological symptoms and emotional reactivity, and improved behavioral regulation." Relationship to behavior and cognition The affective domain represents one of the three divisions described in modern psychology: the other two being the behavioral, and the cognitive. Classically, these divisions have also been referred to as the "ABC's of psychology", However, in certain views, the cognitive may be considered as a part of the affective, or the affective as a part of the cognitive; it is important to note that "cognitive and affective states … [are] merely analytic categories." Instinctive and cognitive factors in causation of affect "Affect" can mean an instinctual reaction to stimulation that occurs before the typical cognitive processes considered necessary for the formation of a more complex emotion. Robert B. Zajonc asserts this reaction to stimuli is primary for human beings and that it is the dominant reaction for non-human organisms. Zajonc suggests that affective reactions can occur without extensive perceptual and cognitive encoding and be made sooner and with greater confidence than cognitive judgments (Zajonc, 1980). Many theorists (e.g. Lazarus, 1982) consider affect to be post-cognitive: elicited only after a certain amount of cognitive processing of information has been accomplished. In this view, such affective reactions as liking, disliking, evaluation, or the experience of pleasure or displeasure each result from a different prior cognitive process that makes a variety of content discriminations and identifies features, examines them to find value, and weighs them according to their contributions (Brewin, 1989). Some scholars (e.g. Lerner and Keltner 2000) argue that affect can be both pre- and post-cognitive: initial emotional responses produce thoughts, which produce affect. In a further iteration, some scholars argue that affect is necessary for enabling more rational modes of cognition (e.g. Damasio 1994). A divergence from a narrow reinforcement model of emotion allows other perspectives about how affect influences emotional development. Thus, temperament, cognitive development, socialization patterns, and the idiosyncrasies of one's family or subculture might interact in nonlinear ways. For example, the temperament of a highly reactive/low self-soothing infant may "disproportionately" affect the process of emotion regulation in the early months of life (Griffiths, 1997). Some other social sciences, such as geography or anthropology, have adopted the concept of affect during the last decade. In French psychoanalysis a major contribution to the field of affect comes from André Green. The focus on affect has largely derived from the work of Deleuze and brought emotional and visceral concerns into such conventional discourses as those on geopolitics, urban life and material culture. Affect has also challenged methodologies of the social sciences by emphasizing somatic power over the idea of a removed objectivity and therefore has strong ties with the contemporary non-representational theory. Psychometric measurement Affect has been found across cultures to comprise both positive and negative dimensions. The most commonly used measure in scholarly research is the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS). The PANAS is a lexical measure developed in a North American setting and consisting of 20 single-word items, for instance excited, alert, determined for positive affect, and upset, guilty, and jittery for negative affect. However, some of the PANAS items have been found either to be redundant or to have ambiguous meanings to English speakers from non-North American cultures. As a result, an internationally reliable short-form, the I-PANAS-SF, has been developed and validated comprising two 5-item scales with internal reliability, cross-sample and cross-cultural factorial invariance, temporal stability, convergent and criterion-related validities. Mroczek and Kolarz have also developed another set of scales to measure positive and negative affect. Each of the scales has 6 items. The scales have shown evidence of acceptable validity and reliability across cultures. Non-conscious affect and perception In relation to perception, a type of non-conscious affect may be separate from the cognitive processing of environmental stimuli. A monohierarchy of perception, affect and cognition considers the roles of arousal, attention tendencies, affective primacy (Zajonc, 1980), evolutionary constraints (Shepard, 1984; 1994), and covert perception (Weiskrantz, 1997) within the sensing and processing of preferences and discriminations. Emotions are complex chains of events triggered by certain stimuli. There is no way to completely describe an emotion by knowing only some of its components. Verbal reports of feelings are often inaccurate because people may not know exactly what they feel, or they may feel several different emotions at the same time. There are also situations that arise in which individuals attempt to hide their feelings, and there are some who believe that public and private events seldom coincide exactly, and that words for feelings are generally more ambiguous than are words for objects or events. Therefore, non-conscious emotions need to be measured by measures circumventing self-report such as the Implicit Positive and Negative Affect Test (IPANAT; Quirin, Kazén, & Kuhl, 2009). Affective responses, on the other hand, are more basic and may be less problematic in terms of assessment. Brewin has proposed two experiential processes that frame non-cognitive relations between various affective experiences: those that are prewired dispositions (i.e. non-conscious processes), able to "select from the total stimulus array those stimuli that are causally relevant, using such criteria as perceptual salience, spatiotemporal cues, and predictive value in relation to data stored in memory" (Brewin, 1989, p. 381), and those that are automatic (i.e. subconscious processes), characterized as "rapid, relatively inflexible and difficult to modify... (requiring) minimal attention to occur and... (capable of being) activated without intention or awareness" (1989 p. 381). But a note should be considered on the differences between affect and emotion. Arousal Arousal is a basic physiological response to the presentation of stimuli. When this occurs, a non-conscious affective process takes the form of two control mechanisms: one mobilizing and the other immobilizing. Within the human brain, the amygdala regulates an instinctual reaction initiating this arousal process, either freezing the individual or accelerating mobilization. The arousal response is illustrated in studies focused on reward systems that control food-seeking behavior (Balleine, 2005). Researchers have focused on learning processes and modulatory processes that are present while encoding and retrieving goal values. When an organism seeks food, the anticipation of reward based on environmental events becomes another influence on food seeking that is separate from the reward of food itself. Therefore, earning the reward and anticipating the reward are separate processes and both create an excitatory influence of reward-related cues. Both processes are dissociated at the level of the amygdala, and are functionally integrated within larger neural systems. Motivational intensity and cognitive scope Measuring cognitive scope Cognitive scope can be measured by tasks involving attention, perception, categorization and memory. Some studies use a flanker attention task to figure out whether cognitive scope is broadened or narrowed. For example, using the letters "H" and "N" participants need to identify as quickly as possible the middle letter of 5 when all the letters are the same (e.g. "HHHHH") and when the middle letter is different from the flanking letters (e.g. "HHNHH"). Broadened cognitive scope would be indicated if reaction times differed greatly from when all the letters were the same compared to when the middle letter is different. Other studies use a Navon attention task to measure difference in cognitive scope. A large letter is composed of smaller letters, in most cases smaller "L"'s or "F"'s that make up the shape of the letter "T" or "H" or vice versa. Broadened cognitive scope would be suggested by a faster reaction to name the larger letter, whereas narrowed cognitive scope would be suggested by a faster reaction to name the smaller letters within the larger letter. A source-monitoring paradigm can also be used to measure how much contextual information is perceived: for instance, participants are tasked to watch a screen which serially displays words to be memorized for 3 seconds each, and also have to remember whether the word appeared on the left or the right half of the screen. The words were also encased in a colored box, but the participants did not know that they would eventually be asked what color box the word appeared in. Main research findings Motivation intensity refers to the strength of urge to move toward or away from a particular stimulus. Anger and fear affective states, induced via film clips, resulted in more selective attention on a flanker task compared to controls as indicated by reaction times that were not very different, even when the flanking letters were different from the middle target letter. Both anger and fear have high motivational intensity because propulsion to act would be high in the face of an angry or fearful stimulus, like a screaming person or coiled snake. Affects which are high in motivational intensity, and thus are narrow in cognitive scope, enable people to focus more on target information. After seeing a sad picture, participants were faster to identify the larger letter in a Navon attention task, suggesting more global or broadened cognitive scope. Sadness is thought to sometimes have low motivational intensity. But, after seeing a disgusting picture, participants were faster to identify the component letters, indicative of a localized and narrower cognitive scope. Disgust has high motivational intensity. Affects which are high in motivational intensity narrow one's cognitive scope, enabling people to focus more on central information, whereas affects which are low in motivational intensity broadened cognitive scope, allowing for faster global interpretation. The changes in cognitive scope associated with different affective states is evolutionarily adaptive because high motivational intensity affects elicited by stimuli that require movement and action should be focused on, in a phenomenon known as goal-directed behavior. For example, in early times, seeing a lion (a fearful stimulus) probably elicited a negative but highly motivational affective state (fear) in which the human being was propelled to run away. In this case the goal would be to avoid getting killed. Moving beyond just negative affective states, researchers wanted to test whether or not negative or positive affective states varied between high and low motivational intensity. To evaluate this theory, Harmon-Jones, Gable and Price created an experiment using appetitive picture priming and the Navon task, which would allow them to measure the attentional scope with detection of the Navon letters. The Navon task included a neutral affect comparison condition. Typically, neutral states cause broadened attention with a neutral stimulus. They predicted that a broad attentional scope could cause faster detection of global (large) letters, whereas a narrow attentional scope could cause faster detection of local (small) letters. The evidence proved that the appetitive stimuli produced a narrowed attentional scope. The experimenters further increased the narrowed attentional scope in appetitive stimuli by telling participants they would be allowed to consume the desserts shown in the pictures. The results revealed that their hypothesis was correct, in that the broad attentional scope led to quicker detection of global letters, while narrowed attentional scope led to quicker detection of local letters. Researchers Bradley, Codispoti, Cuthbert and Lang wanted to further examine the emotional reactions in picture priming. Instead of using an appetitive stimulus they used stimulus sets from the International Affective Picture System (IAPS). The image set includes various unpleasant pictures such as snakes, insects, attack scenes, accidents, illness, and loss. They predicted that an unpleasant picture would stimulate a defensive motivational intensity response, which would produce strong emotional arousal such as skin gland responses and cardiac deceleration. Participants rated the pictures based on valence, arousal and dominance on the Self-Assessment Manikin (SAM) rating scale. The findings were consistent with the hypothesis and proved that emotion is organized motivationally by the intensity of activation in appetitive or defensive systems. Prior to research in 2013, Harmon-Jones and Gable performed an experiment to examine whether neural activation related to approach-motivation intensity (left frontal-central activity) would trigger the effect of appetitive stimuli on narrowed attention. They also tested whether individual dissimilarities in approach motivation are associated with attentional narrowing. In order to test the hypothesis, the researchers used the same Navon task with appetitive and neutral pictures in addition to having the participants indicate how long since they had last eaten in minutes. To examine neural activation, the researchers used electroencephalography and recorded eye movements in order to detect what regions of the brain were being used during approach motivation. The results supported the hypothesis that the left frontal-central brain region is related to approach-motivational processes and narrowed attentional scope. Some psychologists were concerned that the individuals who were hungry had an increase in activity in the left frontal-central region due to frustration. This statement was proved false because the research showed that dessert pictures increased positive affect even in hungry individuals. The findings revealed that narrowed cognitive scope has the ability to assist us in goal accomplishment. Clinical applications Later on, researchers connected motivational intensity to clinical applications and found that alcohol-related pictures caused narrowed attention for persons who had a strong motivation to consume alcohol. The researchers tested the participants by exposing them to alcohol and neutral pictures. After the picture was displayed on a screen, the participants finished a test evaluating attentional focus. The findings proved that exposure to alcohol-related pictures led to a narrowing of attentional focus to individuals who were motivated to use alcohol. However, exposure to neutral pictures did not correlate with alcohol-related motivation to manipulate attentional focus. The Alcohol Myopia Theory (AMT) states that alcohol consumption reduces the amount of information available in memory, which also narrows attention so only the most proximal items or striking sources are encompassed in attentional scope. This narrowed attention leads intoxicated persons to make more extreme decisions than they would when sober. Researchers provided evidence that substance-related stimuli capture the attention of individuals when they have high and intense motivation to consume the substance. Motivational intensity and cue-induced narrowing of attention has a unique role in shaping people's initial decision to consume alcohol. In 2013, psychologists from the University of Missouri investigated the connection between sport achievement orientation and alcohol outcomes. They asked varsity athletes to complete a Sport Orientation Questionnaire which measured their sport-related achievement orientation on three scales—competitiveness, win orientation, and goal orientation. The participants also completed assessments of alcohol use and alcohol-related problems. The results revealed that the goal orientation of the athletes were significantly associated with alcohol use but not alcohol-related problems. In terms of psychopathological implications and applications, college students showing depressive symptoms were better at retrieving seemingly "nonrelevant" contextual information from a source monitoring paradigm task. Namely, the students with depressive symptoms were better at identifying the color of the box the word was in compared to nondepressed students. Sadness (low motivational intensity) is usually associated with depression, so the more broad focus on contextual information of sadder students supports that affects high in motivational intensity narrow cognitive scope whereas affects low in motivational intensity broaden cognitive scope. The motivational intensity theory states that the difficulty of a task combined with the importance of success determine the energy invested by an individual. The theory has three main layers. The innermost layer says human behavior is guided by the desire to conserve as much energy as possible. Individuals aim to avoid wasting energy so they invest only the energy that is required to complete the task. The middle layer focuses on the difficulty of tasks combined with the importance of success and how this affects energy conservation. It focuses on energy investment in situations of clear and unclear task difficulty. The last layer looks at predictions for energy invested by a person when they have several possible options to choose at different task difficulties. The person is free to choose among several possible options of task difficulty. The motivational intensity theory offers a logical and consistent framework for research. Researchers can predict a person's actions by assuming effort refers to the energy investment. The motivational intensity theory is used to show how changes in goal attractiveness and energy investment correlate. Mood Mood, like emotion, is an affective state. However, an emotion tends to have a clear focus (i.e., its cause is self-evident), while mood tends to be more unfocused and diffuse. Mood, according to Batson, Shaw and Oleson (1992), involves tone and intensity and a structured set of beliefs about general expectations of a future experience of pleasure or pain, or of positive or negative affect in the future. Unlike instant reactions that produce affect or emotion, and that change with expectations of future pleasure or pain, moods, being diffuse and unfocused and thus harder to cope with, can last for days, weeks, months or even years (Schucman, 1975). Moods are hypothetical constructs depicting an individual's emotional state. Researchers typically infer the existence of moods from a variety of behavioral referents (Blechman, 1990). Habitual negative affect and negative mood is characteristic of high neuroticism. Positive affect and negative affect (PANAS) represent independent domains of emotion in the general population, and positive affect is strongly linked to social interaction. Positive and negative daily events show independent relationships to subjective well-being, and positive affect is strongly linked to social activity. Recent research suggests that high functional support is related to higher levels of positive affect. In his work on negative affect arousal and white noise, Seidner found support for the existence of a negative affect arousal mechanism regarding the devaluation of speakers from other ethnic origins. The exact process through which social support is linked to positive affect remains unclear. The process could derive from predictable, regularized social interaction, from leisure activities where the focus is on relaxation and positive mood, or from the enjoyment of shared activities. The techniques used to shift a negative mood to a positive one are called mood repair strategies. Social interaction Affect display is a critical facet of interpersonal communication. Evolutionary psychologists have advanced the hypothesis that hominids have evolved with sophisticated capability of reading affect displays. Emotions are portrayed as dynamic processes that mediate the individual's relation to a continually changing social environment. In other words, emotions are considered to be processes of establishing, maintaining, or disrupting the relation between the organism and the environment on matters of significance to the person. Most social and psychological phenomena occur as the result of repeated interactions between multiple individuals over time. These interactions should be seen as a multi-agent system—a system that contains multiple agents interacting with each other and/or with their environments over time. The outcomes of individual agents' behaviors are interdependent: Each agent's ability to achieve its goals depends on not only what it does but also what other agents do. Emotions are one of the main sources for the interaction. Emotions of an individual influence the emotions, thoughts and behaviors of others; others' reactions can then influence their future interactions with the individual expressing the original emotion, as well as that individual's future emotions and behaviors. Emotion operates in cycles that can involve multiple people in a process of reciprocal influence. Affect, emotion, or feeling is displayed to others through facial expressions, hand gestures, posture, voice characteristics, and other physical manifestation. These affect displays vary between and within cultures and are displayed in various forms ranging from the most discrete of facial expressions to the most dramatic and prolific gestures. Observers are sensitive to agents' emotions, and are capable of recognizing the messages these emotions convey. They react to and draw inferences from an agent's emotions. The emotion an agent displays may not be an authentic reflection of their actual state (See also Emotional labor). Agents' emotions can have effects on four broad sets of factors: Emotions of other persons Inferences of other persons Behaviors of other persons Interactions and relationships between the agent and other persons. Emotion may affect not only the person at whom it was directed, but also third parties who observe an agent's emotion. Moreover, emotions can affect larger social entities such as a group or a team. Emotions are a kind of message and therefore can influence the emotions, attributions and ensuing behaviors of others, potentially evoking a feedback process to the original agent. Agents' feelings evoke feelings in others by two suggested distinct mechanisms: Emotion contagion – people tend to automatically and unconsciously mimic non-verbal expressions. Mimicking occurs also in interactions involving textual exchanges alone. Emotion interpretation – an individual may perceive an agent as feeling a particular emotion and react with complementary or situationally appropriate emotions of their own. The feelings of the others diverge from and in some way complement the feelings of the original agent. People may not only react emotionally, but may also draw inferences about emotive agents such as the social status or power of an emotive agent, their competence and their credibility. For example, an agent presumed to be angry may also be presumed to have high power. See also Affect consciousness Affect control theory Affect heuristic Affect infusion model Affect labeling Affect measures Affect theory Affective computing Affective neuroscience Affective science Affective spectrum Feeling Negative affectivity Reduced affect display Reversal theory Social neuroscience Subjective well-being Vedanā References Bibliography APA (2006). VandenBos, Gary R., ed. APA Dictionary of Psychology Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, page 26. Batson, C.D., Shaw, L. L., Oleson, K. C. (1992). Differentiating Affect, Mood and Emotion: Toward Functionally based Conceptual Distinctions. Emotion. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Blechman, E. A. (1990). Moods, Affect, and Emotions. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates: Hillsdale, NJ Damasio, A., (1994). *Descartes' Error: Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain, Putnam Publishing Griffiths, P. E. (1997). What Emotions Really Are: The Problem of Psychological Categories. The University of Chicago Press: Chicago Hommel, Bernhard (2019). "Affect and control: A conceptual clarification". International Journal of Psychophysiology. 144 (10): 1–6. Nathanson, Donald L. Shame and Pride: Affect, Sex, and the Birth of the Self. London: W.W. Norton, 1992 Schucman, H., Thetford, C. (1975). A Course in Miracle. New York: Viking Penguin Weiskrantz, L. (1997). Consciousness Lost and Found. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press. External links Personality and the Structure of Affective Responses Circumplex Model of Affect Affect and Memory Evolutionary psychology Feeling

Anthropomorphism

Anthropomorphism is the attribution of human traits, emotions, or intentions to non-human entities. It is considered to be an innate tendency of human psychology. Personification is the related attribution of human form and characteristics to abstract concepts such as nations, emotions, and natural forces, such as seasons and weather. Both have ancient roots as storytelling and artistic devices, and most cultures have traditional fables with anthropomorphized animals as characters. People have also routinely attributed human emotions and behavioral traits to wild as well as domesticated animals. Etymology Anthropomorphism and anthropomorphization derive from the verb form anthropomorphize, itself derived from the Greek ánthrōpos (, "human") and morphē (, "form"). It is first attested in 1753, originally in reference to the heresy of applying a human form to the Christian God. Examples in prehistory From the beginnings of human behavioral modernity in the Upper Paleolithic, about 40,000 years ago, examples of zoomorphic (animal-shaped) works of art occur that may represent the earliest known evidence of anthropomorphism. One of the oldest known is an ivory sculpture, the Löwenmensch figurine, Germany, a human-shaped figurine with the head of a lioness or lion, determined to be about 32,000 years old. It is not possible to say what these prehistoric artworks represent. A more recent example is The Sorcerer, an enigmatic cave painting from the Trois-Frères Cave, Ariège, France: the figure's significance is unknown, but it is usually interpreted as some kind of great spirit or master of the animals. In either case there is an element of anthropomorphism. This anthropomorphic art has been linked by archaeologist Steven Mithen with the emergence of more systematic hunting practices in the Upper Palaeolithic. He proposes that these are the product of a change in the architecture of the human mind, , where anthropomorphism allowed hunters to identify empathetically with hunted animals and better predict their movements. In religion and mythology In religion and mythology, anthropomorphism is the perception of a divine being or beings in human form, or the recognition of human qualities in these beings. Ancient mythologies frequently represented the divine as deities with human forms and qualities. They resemble human beings not only in appearance and personality; they exhibited many human behaviors that were used to explain natural phenomena, creation, and historical events. The deities fell in love, married, had children, fought battles, wielded weapons, and rode horses and chariots. They feasted on special foods, and sometimes required sacrifices of food, beverage, and sacred objects to be made by human beings. Some anthropomorphic deities represented specific human concepts, such as love, war, fertility, beauty, or the seasons. Anthropomorphic deities exhibited human qualities such as beauty, wisdom, and power, and sometimes human weaknesses such as greed, hatred, jealousy, and uncontrollable anger. Greek deities such as Zeus and Apollo often were depicted in human form exhibiting both commendable and despicable human traits. Anthropomorphism in this case is, more specifically, anthropotheism. From the perspective of adherents to religions in which humans were created in the form of the divine, the phenomenon may be considered theomorphism, or the giving of divine qualities to humans. Anthropomorphism has cropped up as a Christian heresy, particularly prominently with Audianism in third-century Syria, but also fourth-century Egypt and tenth-century Italy. This often was based on a literal interpretation of the Genesis creation myth: "So God created humankind in his image, in the image of God he created them; male and female he created them". Hindus do not reject the concept of a deity in the abstract unmanifested, but note practical problems. The Bhagavad Gita, Chapter 12, Verse 5, states that it is much more difficult for people to focus on a deity that is unmanifested than one with form, remarking on the usage of anthropomorphic icons (murtis) that adherents can perceive with their senses. Criticism Some religions, scholars, and philosophers objected to anthropomorphic deities. The earliest known criticism was that of the Greek philosopher Xenophanes (570–480 BCE) who observed that people model their gods after themselves. He argued against the conception of deities as fundamentally anthropomorphic: Xenophanes said that "the greatest god" resembles man "neither in form nor in mind". Both Judaism and Islam reject an anthropomorphic deity, believing that God is beyond human comprehension. Judaism's rejection of an anthropomorphic deity began with the prophets, who explicitly rejected any likeness of God to humans. Their rejection grew further after the Islamic Golden Age in the tenth century, which Maimonides codified in the twelfth century, in his thirteen principles of Jewish faith. In the Ismaili interpretation of Islam, assigning attributes to God as well as negating any attributes from God (via negativa) both qualify as anthropomorphism and are rejected, as God cannot be understood by either assigning attributes to Him or taking them away. The 10th-century Ismaili philosopher Abu Yaqub al-Sijistani suggested the method of double negation; for example: "God is not existent" followed by "God is not non-existent". This glorifies God from any understanding or human comprehension. In secular thought, one of the most notable criticisms began in 1600 with Francis Bacon, who argued against Aristotle's teleology, which declared that everything behaves as it does in order to achieve some end, in order to fulfill itself. Bacon pointed out that achieving ends is a human activity and to attribute it to nature misconstrues it as humanlike. Modern criticisms followed Bacon's ideas such as critiques of Baruch Spinoza and David Hume. The latter, for instance, embedded his arguments in his wider criticism of human religions and specifically demonstrated in what he cited as their "inconsistence" where, on one hand, the Deity is painted in the most sublime colors but, on the other, is degraded to nearly human levels by giving him human infirmities, passions, and prejudices. In Faces in the Clouds, anthropologist Stewart Guthrie proposes that all religions are anthropomorphisms that originate in the brain's tendency to detect the presence or vestiges of other humans in natural phenomena. Some scholars argue that anthropomorphism overestimates the similarity of humans and nonhumans and therefore could not yield accurate accounts. In literature Religious texts There are various examples of personification in both the Hebrew Bible and Christian New Testaments, as well as in the texts of some other religions. Fables Anthropomorphism, also referred to as personification, is a well-established literary device from ancient times. The story of "The Hawk and the Nightingale" in Hesiod's Works and Days preceded Aesop's fables by centuries. Collections of linked fables from India, the Jataka Tales and Panchatantra, also employ anthropomorphized animals to illustrate principles of life. Many of the stereotypes of animals that are recognized today, such as the wily fox and the proud lion, can be found in these collections. Aesop's anthropomorphisms were so familiar by the first century CE that they colored the thinking of at least one philosopher: Apollonius noted that the fable was created to teach wisdom through fictions that are meant to be taken as fictions, contrasting them favorably with the poets' stories of the deities that are sometimes taken literally. Aesop, "by announcing a story which everyone knows not to be true, told the truth by the very fact that he did not claim to be relating real events". The same consciousness of the fable as fiction is to be found in other examples across the world, one example being a traditional Ashanti way of beginning tales of the anthropomorphic trickster-spider Anansi: "We do not really mean, we do not really mean that what we are about to say is true. A story, a story; let it come, let it go." Fairy tales Anthropomorphic motifs have been common in fairy tales from the earliest ancient examples set in a mythological context to the great collections of the Brothers Grimm and Perrault. The Tale of Two Brothers (Egypt, 13th century BCE) features several talking cows and in Cupid and Psyche (Rome, 2nd century CE) Zephyrus, the west wind, carries Psyche away. Later an ant feels sorry for her and helps her in her quest. Modern literature Building on the popularity of fables and fairy tales, children's literature began to emerge in the nineteenth century with works such as Alice's Adventures in Wonderland (1865) by Lewis Carroll, The Adventures of Pinocchio (1883) by Carlo Collodi and The Jungle Book (1894) by Rudyard Kipling, all employing anthropomorphic elements. This continued in the twentieth century with many of the most popular titles having anthropomorphic characters, examples being The Tale of Peter Rabbit (1901) and later books by Beatrix Potter; The Wind in the Willows by Kenneth Grahame (1908); Winnie-the-Pooh (1926) and The House at Pooh Corner (1928) by A. A. Milne; and The Lion, the Witch, and the Wardrobe (1950) and the subsequent books in The Chronicles of Narnia series by C. S. Lewis. In many of these stories the animals can be seen as representing facets of human personality and character. As John Rowe Townsend remarks, discussing The Jungle Book in which the boy Mowgli must rely on his new friends the bear Baloo and the black panther Bagheera, "The world of the jungle is in fact both itself and our world as well". A notable work aimed at an adult audience is George Orwell's Animal Farm, in which all the main characters are anthropomorphic animals. Non-animal examples include Rev. W. Awdry's Railway Series stories featuring Thomas the Tank Engine and other anthropomorphic locomotives. The fantasy genre developed from mythological, fairy tale, and Romance motifs sometimes have anthropomorphic animals as characters. The best-selling examples of the genre are The Hobbit (1937) and The Lord of the Rings (1954–1955), both by J. R. R. Tolkien, books peopled with talking creatures such as ravens, spiders, and the dragon Smaug and a multitude of anthropomorphic goblins and elves. John D. Rateliff calls this the "Doctor Dolittle Theme" in his book The History of the Hobbit and Tolkien saw this anthropomorphism as closely linked to the emergence of human language and myth: "...The first men to talk of 'trees and stars' saw things very differently. To them, the world was alive with mythological beings... To them the whole of creation was 'myth-woven and elf-patterned'." Richard Adams developed a distinctive take on anthropomorphic writing in the 1970s: his debut novel, Watership Down (1972), featured rabbits that could talkwith their own distinctive language (Lapine) and mythologyand included a police-state warren, Efrafa. Despite this, Adams attempted to ensure his characters' behavior mirrored that of wild rabbits, engaging in fighting, copulating and defecating, drawing on Ronald Lockley's study The Private Life of the Rabbit as research. Adams returned to anthropomorphic storytelling in his later novels The Plague Dogs (novel) (1977) and Traveller (1988). By the 21st century, the children's picture book market had expanded massively. Perhaps a majority of picture books have some kind of anthropomorphism, with popular examples being The Very Hungry Caterpillar (1969) by Eric Carle and The Gruffalo (1999) by Julia Donaldson. Anthropomorphism in literature and other media led to a sub-culture known as furry fandom, which promotes and creates stories and artwork involving anthropomorphic animals, and the examination and interpretation of humanity through anthropomorphism. This can often be shortened in searches as "anthro", used by some as an alternative term to "furry". Anthropomorphic characters have also been a staple of the comic book genre. The most prominent one was Neil Gaiman's the Sandman which had a huge impact on how characters that are physical embodiments are written in the fantasy genre. Other examples also include the mature Hellblazer (personified political and moral ideas), Fables and its spin-off series Jack of Fables, which was unique for having anthropomorphic representation of literary techniques and genres. Various Japanese manga and anime have used anthropomorphism as the basis of their story. Examples include Squid Girl (anthropomorphized squid), Hetalia: Axis Powers (personified countries), Upotte!! (personified guns), Arpeggio of Blue Steel and Kancolle (personified ships). In film Some of the most notable examples are the Walt Disney characters the Magic Carpet from Disney's Aladdin franchise, Mickey Mouse, Donald Duck, Goofy, and Oswald the Lucky Rabbit; the Looney Tunes characters Bugs Bunny, Daffy Duck, and Porky Pig; and an array of others from the 1920s to present day. In the Disney/Pixar franchises Cars and Planes, all the characters are anthropomorphic vehicles, while in Toy Story, they are anthropomorphic toys. Other Pixar franchises like Monsters, Inc features anthropomorphic monsters and Finding Nemo features anthropomorphic sea animals (like fish, sharks, and whales). Discussing anthropomorphic animals from DreamWorks franchise Madagascar, Timothy Laurie suggests that "". Other DreamWorks franchises like Shrek features fairy tale characters, and Blue Sky Studios of 20th Century Fox franchises like Ice Age features anthropomorphic extinct animals. Other characters in SpongeBob SquarePants features anthropomorphic sea animals as well (like sea sponges, starfish, octopus, crabs, whales, puffer fish, lobsters, and zooplankton). All of the characters in Walt Disney Animation Studios' Zootopia (2016) are anthropomorphic animals, that is an entirely nonhuman civilization. The live-action/animated franchise Alvin and the Chipmunks by 20th Century Fox centers around anthropomorphic talkative and singing chipmunks. The female singing chipmunks called The Chipettes are also centered in some of the franchise's films. In television Since the 1960s, anthropomorphism has also been represented in various animated television shows such as Biker Mice From Mars (1993–1996) and SWAT Kats: The Radical Squadron (1993–1995). Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, first aired in 1987, features four pizza-loving anthropomorphic turtles with a great knowledge of ninjutsu, led by their anthropomorphic rat sensei, Master Splinter. Nickelodeon's longest running animated TV series SpongeBob SquarePants (1999–present), revolves around SpongeBob, a yellow sea sponge, living in the underwater town of Bikini Bottom with his anthropomorphic marine life friends. Cartoon Network's animated series The Amazing World of Gumball (2011–2019) are about anthropomorphic animals and inanimate objects. All of the characters in Hasbro Studios' TV series My Little Pony: Friendship Is Magic (2010–2019) are anthropomorphic fantasy creatures, with most of them being ponies living in the pony-inhabited land of Equestria. The Netflix original series Centaurworld focuses on a warhorse who gets transported to a Dr. Seuss-like world full of centaurs who possess the bottom half of any animal, as opposed to the traditional horse. In the American animated TV series Family Guy, one of the show's main characters, Brian, is a dog. Brian shows many human characteristics – he walks upright, talks, smokes, and drinks Martinis – but also acts like a normal dog in other ways; for example, he cannot resist chasing a ball and barks at the mailman, believing him to be a threat. In a similar case, BoJack Horseman, an American Netflix adult animated black comedy series, takes place in an alternate world where humans and anthropomorphic animals live side by side, and centers around the life of BoJack Horseman; a humanoid horse who was a one hit wonder on a popular 1990s sitcom Horsin' Around, living off the show's residuals in present time. Multiple main characters of the series are other animals who possess human body form and other human-like traits and identity as well; Mr. Peanutbutter, a humanoid dog lives a mostly human lifehe speaks American English, walks upright, owns a house, drives a car, is in a romantic relationship with a human woman (in this series, as animals and humans are seen as equal, relationships like this are not seen as bestiality but seen as regular human sexuality), Diane, and has a successful career in televisionhowever also exhibits dog traitshe sleeps in a human-size dog bed, gets arrested for having a drag race with the mailman and is once forced to wear a dog cone after he gets stitches in his arm. The PBS Kids animated series Let's Go Luna! centers on an anthropomorphic female Moon who speaks, sings, and dances. She comes down out of the sky to serve as a tutor of international culture to the three main characters: a boy frog and wombat and a girl butterfly, who are supposed to be preschool children traveling a world populated by anthropomorphic animals with a circus run by their parents. The French-Belgian animated series Mush-Mush & the Mushables takes place in a world inhabited by Mushables, which are anthropomorphic fungi, along with other critters such as beetles, snails, and frogs. In video games Sonic the Hedgehog, a video game franchise debuting in 1991, features a speedy blue hedgehog as the main protagonist. This series' characters are almost all anthropomorphic animals such as foxes, cats, and other hedgehogs who are able to speak and walk on their hind legs like normal humans. As with most anthropomorphisms of animals, clothing is of little or no importance, where some characters may be fully clothed while some wear only shoes and gloves. Another popular example in video games is the Super Mario series, debuting in 1985 with Super Mario Bros., of which main antagonist includes a fictional species of anthropomorphic turtle-like creatures known as Koopas. Other games in the series, as well as of other of its greater Mario franchise, spawned similar characters such as Yoshi, Donkey Kong and many others. Art history Claes Oldenburg Claes Oldenburg's soft sculptures are commonly described as anthropomorphic. Depicting common household objects, Oldenburg's sculptures were considered Pop Art. Reproducing these objects, often at a greater size than the original, Oldenburg created his sculptures out of soft materials. The anthropomorphic qualities of the sculptures were mainly in their sagging and malleable exterior which mirrored the not-so-idealistic forms of the human body. In "Soft Light Switches" Oldenburg creates a household light switch out of vinyl. The two identical switches, in a dulled orange, insinuate nipples. The soft vinyl references the aging process as the sculpture wrinkles and sinks with time. Minimalism In the essay "Art and Objecthood", Michael Fried makes the case that "literalist art" (minimalism) becomes theatrical by means of anthropomorphism. The viewer engages the minimalist work, not as an autonomous art object, but as a theatrical interaction. Fried references a conversation in which Tony Smith answers questions about his six-foot cube, "Die". Fried implies an anthropomorphic connection by means of "a surrogate personthat is, a kind of statue." The minimalist decision of "hollowness" in much of their work was also considered by Fried to be "blatantly anthropomorphic". This "hollowness" contributes to the idea of a separate inside; an idea mirrored in the human form. Fried considers the Literalist art's "hollowness" to be "biomorphic" as it references a living organism. Post-minimalism Curator Lucy Lippard's Eccentric Abstraction show, in 1966, sets up Briony Fer's writing of a post-minimalist anthropomorphism. Reacting to Fried's interpretation of minimalist art's "looming presence of objects which appear as actors might on a stage", Fer interprets the artists in Eccentric Abstraction to a new form of anthropomorphism. She puts forth the thoughts of Surrealist writer Roger Caillois, who speaks of the "spacial lure of the subject, the way in which the subject could inhabit their surroundings." Caillous uses the example of an insect who "through camouflage does so in order to become invisible... and loses its distinctness." For Fer, the anthropomorphic qualities of imitation found in the erotic, organic sculptures of artists Eva Hesse and Louise Bourgeois, are not necessarily for strictly "mimetic" purposes. Instead, like the insect, the work must come into being in the "scopic field... which we cannot view from outside." Mascots For branding, merchandising, and representation, figures known as mascots are now often employed to personify sports teams, corporations, and major events such as the World's Fair and the Olympics. These personifications may be simple human or animal figures, such as Ronald McDonald or the donkey that represents the United States's Democratic Party. Other times, they are anthropomorphic items, such as "Clippy" or the "Michelin Man". Most often, they are anthropomorphic animals such as the Energizer Bunny or the San Diego Chicken. The practice is particularly widespread in Japan, where cities, regions, and companies all have mascots, collectively known as yuru-chara. Two of the most popular are Kumamon (a bear who represents Kumamoto Prefecture) and Funassyi (a pear who represents Funabashi, a suburb of Tokyo). Animals Other examples of anthropomorphism include the attribution of human traits to animals, especially domesticated pets such as dogs and cats. Examples of this include thinking a dog is smiling simply because it is showing his teeth, or a cat mourns for a dead owner. Anthropomorphism may be beneficial to the welfare of animals. A 2012 study by Butterfield et al. found that utilizing anthropomorphic language when describing dogs created a greater willingness to help them in situations of distress. Previous studies have shown that individuals who attribute human characteristics to animals are less willing to eat them, and that the degree to which individuals perceive minds in other animals predicts the moral concern afforded to them. It is possible that anthropomorphism leads humans to like non-humans more when they have apparent human qualities, since perceived similarity has been shown to increase prosocial behavior toward other humans. A study of how animal behaviors were discussed on the television series Life found that the script very often used anthropomorphisms. In science In science, the use of anthropomorphic language that suggests animals have intentions and emotions has traditionally been deprecated as indicating a lack of objectivity. Biologists have been warned to avoid assumptions that animals share any of the same mental, social, and emotional capacities of humans, and to rely instead on strictly observable evidence. In 1927 Ivan Pavlov wrote that animals should be considered "without any need to resort to fantastic speculations as to the existence of any possible subjective states". More recently, The Oxford companion to animal behaviour (1987) advised that "one is well advised to study the behaviour rather than attempting to get at any underlying emotion". Some scientists, like William M Wheeler (writing apologetically of his use of anthropomorphism in 1911), have used anthropomorphic language in metaphor to make subjects more humanly comprehensible or memorable. Despite the impact of Charles Darwin's ideas in The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (Konrad Lorenz in 1965 called him a "patron saint" of ethology) ethology has generally focused on behavior, not on emotion in animals. The study of great apes in their own environment and in captivity has changed attitudes to anthropomorphism. In the 1960s the three so-called "Leakey's Angels", Jane Goodall studying chimpanzees, Dian Fossey studying gorillas and Biruté Galdikas studying orangutans, were all accused of "that worst of ethological sins – anthropomorphism". The charge was brought about by their descriptions of the great apes in the field; it is now more widely accepted that empathy has an important part to play in research. De Waal has written: "To endow animals with human emotions has long been a scientific taboo. But if we do not, we risk missing something fundamental, about both animals and us." Alongside this has come increasing awareness of the linguistic abilities of the great apes and the recognition that they are tool-makers and have individuality and culture. Writing of cats in 1992, veterinarian Bruce Fogle points to the fact that "both humans and cats have identical neurochemicals and regions in the brain responsible for emotion" as evidence that "it is not anthropomorphic to credit cats with emotions such as jealousy". In computing In science fiction, an artificially intelligent computer or robot, even though it has not been programmed with human emotions, often spontaneously experiences those emotions anyway: for example, Agent Smith in The Matrix was influenced by a "disgust" toward humanity. This is an example of anthropomorphism: in reality, while an artificial intelligence could perhaps be deliberately programmed with human emotions or could develop something similar to an emotion as a means to an ultimate goal if it is useful to do so, it would not spontaneously develop human emotions for no purpose whatsoever, as portrayed in fiction. One example of anthropomorphism would be to believe that one's computer is angry at them because they insulted it; another would be to believe that an intelligent robot would naturally find a woman attractive and be driven to mate with her. Scholars sometimes disagree with each other about whether a particular prediction about an artificial intelligence's behavior is logical, or whether the prediction constitutes illogical anthropomorphism. An example that might initially be considered anthropomorphism, but is in fact a logical statement about an artificial intelligence's behavior, would be the Dario Floreano experiments where certain robots spontaneously evolved a crude capacity for "deception", and tricked other robots into eating "poison" and dying: here, a trait, "deception", ordinarily associated with people rather than with machines, spontaneously evolves in a type of convergent evolution. The conscious use of anthropomorphic metaphor is not intrinsically unwise; ascribing mental processes to the computer, under the proper circumstances, may serve the same purpose as it does when humans do it to other people: it may help persons to understand what the computer will do, how their actions will affect the computer, how to compare computers with humans, and conceivably how to design computer programs. However, inappropriate use of anthropomorphic metaphors can result in false beliefs about the behavior of computers, for example by causing people to overestimate how "flexible" computers are. According to Paul R. Cohen and Edward Feigenbaum, in order to differentiate between anthropomorphization and logical prediction of AI behavior, "the trick is to know enough about how humans and computers think to say exactly what they have in common, and, when we lack this knowledge, to use the comparison to suggest theories of human thinking or computer thinking." Computers overturn the childhood hierarchical taxonomy of "stones (non-living) → plants (living) → animals (conscious) → humans (rational)", by introducing a non-human "actor" that appears to regularly behave rationally. Much of computing terminology derives from anthropomorphic metaphors: computers can "read", "write", or "catch a virus". Information technology presents no clear correspondence with any other entities in the world besides humans; the options are either to leverage an emotional, imprecise human metaphor, or to reject imprecise metaphor and make use of more precise, domain-specific technical terms. People often grant an unnecessary social role to computers during interactions. The underlying causes are debated; Youngme Moon and Clifford Nass propose that humans are emotionally, intellectually and physiologically biased toward social activity, and so when presented with even tiny social cues, deeply infused social responses are triggered automatically. This may allow incorporation of anthropomorphic features into computers/robots to enable more familiar "social" interactions, making them easier to use. Alleged examples of anthropomorphism toward AI have included: Google engineer Blake Lemoine's widely derided 2022 claim that the Google LaMDA chatbot was sentient; the 2017 granting of honorary Saudi Arabian citizenship to the robot Sophia; and the reactions to the chatbot ELIZA in the 1960s. Psychology Foundational research In psychology, the first empirical study of anthropomorphism was conducted in 1944 by Fritz Heider and Marianne Simmel. In the first part of this experiment, the researchers showed a 2-and-a-half-minute long animation of several shapes moving around on the screen in varying directions at various speeds. When subjects were asked to describe what they saw, they gave detailed accounts of the intentions and personalities of the shapes. For instance, the large triangle was characterized as a bully, chasing the other two shapes until they could trick the large triangle and escape. The researchers concluded that when people see objects making motions for which there is no obvious cause, they view these objects as intentional agents (individuals that deliberately make choices to achieve goals). Modern psychologists generally characterize anthropomorphism as a cognitive bias. That is, anthropomorphism is a cognitive process by which people use their schemas about other humans as a basis for inferring the properties of non-human entities in order to make efficient judgements about the environment, even if those inferences are not always accurate. Schemas about humans are used as the basis because this knowledge is acquired early in life, is more detailed than knowledge about non-human entities, and is more readily accessible in memory. Anthropomorphism can also function as a strategy to cope with loneliness when other human connections are not available. Three-factor theory Since making inferences requires cognitive effort, anthropomorphism is likely to be triggered only when certain aspects about a person and their environment are true. Psychologist Adam Waytz and his colleagues created a three-factor theory of anthropomorphism to describe these aspects and predict when people are most likely to anthropomorphize. The three factors are: Elicited agent knowledge, or the amount of prior knowledge held about an object and the extent to which that knowledge is called to mind. Effectance, or the drive to interact with and understand one's environment. Sociality, the need to establish social connections. When elicited agent knowledge is low and effectance and sociality are high, people are more likely to anthropomorphize. Various dispositional, situational, developmental, and cultural variables can affect these three factors, such as need for cognition, social disconnection, cultural ideologies, uncertainty avoidance, etc. Developmental perspective Children appear to anthropomorphize and use egocentric reasoning from an early age and use it more frequently than adults. Examples of this are describing a storm cloud as "angry" or drawing flowers with faces. This penchant for anthropomorphism is likely because children have acquired vast amounts of socialization, but not as much experience with specific non-human entities, so thus they have less developed alternative schemas for their environment. In contrast, autistic children may tend to describe anthropomorphized objects in purely mechanical terms (that is, in terms of what they do) because they have difficulties with theory of mind (ToM) according to past research. A 2018 study has shown that autistic people are more prone to object personification, suggesting that autistic empathy and ToM may be not only more complex but also more all-encompassing. The double empathy problem challenges the notion that autistic people have difficulties with ToM. Effect on learning Anthropomorphism can be used to assist learning. Specifically, anthropomorphized words and describing scientific concepts with intentionality can improve later recall of these concepts. In mental health In people with depression, social anxiety, or other mental illnesses, emotional support animals are a useful component of treatment partially because anthropomorphism of these animals can satisfy the patients' need for social connection. In marketing Anthropomorphism of inanimate objects can affect product buying behavior. When products seem to resemble a human schema, such as the front of a car resembling a face, potential buyers evaluate that product more positively than if they do not anthropomorphize the object. People also tend to trust robots to do more complex tasks such as driving a car or childcare if the robot resembles humans in ways such as having a face, voice, and name; mimicking human motions; expressing emotion; and displaying some variability in behavior. Image gallery See also Aniconism – antithetic concept Animism Anthropic principle Anthropocentrism Anthropology Anthropomorphic maps Anthropopathism Anthropomorphized food Cynocephaly Furry fandom Great Chain of Being Human-animal hybrid Humanoid Moe anthropomorphism National personification Nature fakers controversy Pareidolia – seeing faces in everyday objects Pathetic fallacy Prosopopoeia Speciesism Talking animals in fiction Tashbih Zoomorphism Notes References Sources Further reading External links "Anthropomorphism" entry in the Encyclopedia of Human-Animal Relationships (Horowitz A., 2007) "Anthropomorphism" entry in the Encyclopedia of Astrobiology, Astronomy, and Spaceflight "Anthropomorphism" in mid-century American print advertising. Collection at The Gallery of Graphic Design. Descriptive technique

Proxemics

Proxemics is the study of human use of space and the effects that population density has on behavior, communication, and social interaction. Proxemics is one among several subcategories in the study of nonverbal communication, including haptics (touch), kinesics (body movement), vocalics (paralanguage), and chronemics (structure of time). Edward T. Hall, the cultural anthropologist who coined the term in 1963, defined proxemics as "the interrelated observations and theories of humans' use of space as a specialized elaboration of culture". In his foundational work on proxemics, The Hidden Dimension, Hall emphasized the impact of proxemic behavior (the use of space) on interpersonal communication. According to Hall, the study of proxemics is valuable in evaluating not only the way people interact with others in daily life, but also "the organization of space in [their] houses and buildings, and ultimately the layout of [their] towns". Proxemics remains a hidden component of interpersonal communication that is uncovered through observation and strongly influenced by culture. Human distances The distance surrounding a person forms a space. The space within intimate distance and personal distance is called personal space. The space within social distance and out of personal distance is called social space, and the space within public distance is called public space. Personal space is the region surrounding a person which they regard as psychologically theirs. Most people value their personal space and feel discomfort, anger, or anxiety when their personal space is encroached. Permitting a person to enter personal space and entering somebody else's personal space are indicators of perception of those people's relationship. An intimate zone is reserved for close friends, lovers, children and close family members. Another zone is used for conversations with friends, to chat with associates, and in group discussions. A further zone is reserved for strangers, newly formed groups, and new acquaintances. A fourth zone is used for speeches, lectures, and theater; essentially, public distance is that range reserved for larger audiences. Entering somebody's personal space is normally an indication of familiarity and sometimes intimacy. However, in modern society, especially in crowded urban communities, it can be difficult to maintain personal space, for example when in a crowded train, elevator or street. Many people find such physical proximity to be psychologically disturbing and uncomfortable, though it is accepted as a fact of modern life. In an impersonal, crowded situation, eye contact tends to be avoided. Even in a crowded place, preserving personal space is important, and intimate and sexual contact, such as frotteurism and groping, is unacceptable physical contact. A person's personal space is carried with them everywhere they go. It is the most inviolate form of territory. Body spacing and posture, according to Hall, are unintentional reactions to sensory fluctuations or shifts, such as subtle changes in the sound and pitch of a person's voice. Social distance between people is reliably correlated with physical distance, as are intimate and personal distance, according to the delineations below. Hall did not mean for these measurements to be strict guidelines that translate precisely to human behavior, but rather a system for gauging the effect of distance on communication and how the effect varies between cultures and other environmental factors. Interpersonal distance Hall described the interpersonal distances of humans (the relative distances between people) in four distinct zones: Intimate distance for embracing, touching or whispering Close phase – less than one inch (0.01 to 0.02 m) Far phase – Personal distance for interactions among good friends or family Close phase – Far phase – Social distance for interactions among acquaintances Close phase – Far phase – Public distance used for public speaking Close phase – Far phase – or more. Vertical The distances mentioned above are horizontal distance. There is also vertical distance that communicates something between people. In this case, however, vertical distance is often understood to convey the degree of dominance or sub-ordinance in a relationship. Looking up at or down on another person can be taken literally in many cases, with the higher person asserting greater status. Teachers, and especially those who work with small children, should realize that students will interact more comfortably with a teacher when they are in same vertical plane. Used in this way, an understanding of vertical distance can become a tool for improved teacher-student communication. On the other hand, a disciplinarian might put this information to use in order to gain psychological advantage over an unruly student. Explanations Biometrics Hall used biometric concepts to categorize, explain, and explore the ways people connect in space. These variations in positioning are impacted by a variety of nonverbal communicative factors, listed below. Kinesthetic factors: This category deals with how closely the participants are to touching, from being completely outside of body-contact distance to being in physical contact, which parts of the body are in contact, and body part positioning. Haptic code: This behavioral category concerns how participants are touching one another, such as caressing, holding, feeling, prolonged holding, spot touching, pressing against, accidental brushing, or not touching at all. Visual code: This category denotes the amount of eye contact between participants. Four sub-categories are defined, ranging from eye-to-eye contact to no eye contact at all. Thermal code: This category denotes the amount of body heat that each participant perceives from another. Four sub-categories are defined: conducted heat detected, radiant heat detected, heat probably detected, and no detection of heat. Olfactory code: This category deals in the kind and degree of odor detected by each participant from the other. Voice loudness: This category deals in the vocal effort used in speech. Seven sub-categories are defined: silent, very soft, soft, normal, normal+, loud, and very loud. Neuropsychology Whereas Hall's work uses human interactions to demonstrate spatial variation in proxemics, the field of neuropsychology describes personal space in terms of the kinds of "nearness" to an individual body. Extrapersonal space: The space that occurs outside the reach of an individual. Peripersonal space: The space within reach of any limb of an individual. Thus, to be "within arm's length" is to be within one's peripersonal space. Pericutaneous space: The space just outside our bodies but which might be near to touching it. Visual-tactile perceptive fields overlap in processing this space. For example, an individual might see a feather as not touching their skin but still experience the sensation of being tickled when it hovers just above their hand. Other examples include the blowing of wind, gusts of air, and the passage of heat. Previc further subdivides extrapersonal space into focal-extrapersonal space, action-extrapersonal space, and ambient-extrapersonal space. Focal-extrapersonal space is located in the lateral temporo-frontal pathways at the center of our vision, is retinotopically centered and tied to the position of our eyes, and is involved in object search and recognition. Action-extrapersonal-space is located in the medial temporo-frontal pathways, spans the entire space, and is head-centered and involved in orientation and locomotion in topographical space. Action-extrapersonal space provides the "presence" of our world. Ambient-extrapersonal space initially courses through the peripheral parieto-occipital visual pathways before joining up with vestibular and other body senses to control posture and orientation in earth-fixed/gravitational space. Numerous studies involving peripersonal and extrapersonal neglect have shown that peripersonal space is located dorsally in the parietal lobe whereas extrapersonal space is housed ventrally in the temporal lobe. The amygdala is suspected of processing people's strong reactions to personal space violations since these are absent in those in which it is damaged and it is activated when people are physically close. Research links the amygdala with emotional reactions to proximity to other people. First, it is activated by such proximity, and second, in those with complete bilateral damage to their amygdala, such as patient S.M., lack a sense of personal space boundary. As the researchers have noted: "Our findings suggest that the amygdala may mediate the repulsive force that helps to maintain a minimum distance between people. Further, our findings are consistent with those in monkeys with bilateral amygdala lesions, who stay within closer proximity to other monkeys or people, an effect we suggest arises from the absence of strong emotional responses to personal space violation." Kinematics Some quantitative theories propose that the zone sizes are generated by the potential kinematics of the two agents, and their abilities to cause or avoid contact with one another. Such models also suggest that the zone sizes and shapes should change according to the sizes and speeds of the agents. Organization of space in territories While personal space describes the immediate space surrounding a person, territory refers to the area which a person may "lay claim to" and defend against others. There are four forms of human territory in proxemic theory. They are: Public territory: a place where one may freely enter. This type of territory is rarely in the constant control of just one person. However, people might come to temporarily own areas of public territory. Interactional territory: a place where people congregate informally Home territory: a place where people continuously have control over their individual territory Body territory: the space immediately surrounding us These different levels of territory, in addition to factors involving personal space, suggest ways for us to communicate and produce expectations of appropriate behavior. In addition to spatial territories, the interpersonal territories between conversants can be determined by "socio-petal socio-fugal axis", or the "angle formed by the axis of the conversants' shoulders". Hall has also studied combinations of postures between dyads (two people) including lying prone, sitting, or standing. Cultural factors Personal space is highly variable, due to cultural differences and personal preferences. On average, preferences vary significantly between countries. A 2017 study found that personal space preferences with respect to strangers ranged between more than 120 cm in Romania, Hungary and Saudi Arabia, and less than 90 cm in Argentina, Peru, Ukraine and Bulgaria. The cultural practices of the United States show considerable similarities to those in northern and central European regions, such as Germany, Scandinavia, and the United Kingdom. Greeting rituals tend to be the same in Europe and in the United States, consisting of minimal body contact—often confined to a simple handshake. The main cultural difference in proxemics is that residents of the United States like to keep more open space between themselves and their conversation partners (roughly compared to in Europe). European cultural history has seen a change in personal space since Roman times, along with the boundaries of public and private space. This topic has been explored in A History of Private Life (2001), under the general editorship of Philippe Ariès and Georges Duby. On the other hand, those living in densely populated places likely have lower expectations of personal space. Residents of India or Japan tend to have a smaller personal space than those in the Mongolian steppe, both in regard to home and individual spaces. Different expectations of personal space can lead to difficulties in intercultural communication. Hall notes that different culture types maintain different standards of personal space. Realizing and recognizing these cultural differences improves cross-cultural understanding, and helps eliminate discomfort people may feel if the interpersonal distance is too large ("stand-offish") or too small (intrusive). Adaptation People make exceptions to and modify their space requirements. A number of relationships may allow for personal space to be modified, including familial ties, romantic partners, friendships and close acquaintances, where there is a greater degree of trust and personal knowledge. Personal space is affected by a person's position in society, with more affluent individuals expecting a larger personal space. Personal space also varies by gender and age. Males typically use more personal space than females, and personal space has a positive relation to age (people use more as they get older). Most people have a fully developed (adult) sense of personal space by age twelve. Under circumstances where normal space requirements cannot be met, such as in public transit or elevators, personal space requirements are modified accordingly. According to the psychologist Robert Sommer, one method of dealing with violated personal space is dehumanization. He argues that on the subway, crowded people often imagine those intruding on their personal space as inanimate. Behavior is another method: a person attempting to talk to someone can often cause situations where one person steps forward to enter what they perceive as a conversational distance, and the person they are talking to can step back to restore their personal space. Applications Architecture Hall's original work on proxemics was conducted with the aim of informing architectural and urban planning practice, to design living and working spaces to better fit human needs and feelings, and to avoid behavioral sink. In particular, Hall emphasized the need for individuals to be allocated enough personal space for comfort, and the differences in these needs between cultures, especially the multiple, different, immigrant cultures found in large cities. Work psychology The theory of proxemics is often considered in relation to the impact of technology on human relationships. While physical proximity cannot be achieved when people are connected virtually, perceived proximity can be attempted, and several studies have shown that it is a crucial indicator in the effectiveness of virtual communication technologies. These studies suggest that various individual and situational factors influence how close we feel to another person, regardless of distance. The mere-exposure effect originally referred to the tendency of a person to positively favor those who they have been physically exposed to most often. However, recent research has extended this effect to virtual communication. This work suggests that the more someone communicates virtually with another person, the more he is able to envision that person's appearance and workspace, therefore fostering a sense of personal connection. Increased communication has also been seen to foster common ground, or the feeling of identification with another, which leads to positive attributions about that person. Some studies emphasize the importance of shared physical territory in achieving common ground, while others find that common ground can be achieved virtually, by communicating often. Much research in the fields of communication, psychology, and sociology, especially under the category of organizational behavior, has shown that physical proximity enhances peoples' ability to work together. Face-to-face interaction is often used as a tool to maintain the culture, authority, and norms of an organization or workplace. An extensive body of research has been written about how proximity is affected by the use of new communication technologies. The importance of physical proximity in co-workers is often emphasized. Cinema Proxemics is an essential component of cinematic mise-en-scène, the placement of characters, props and scenery within a frame, creating visual weight and movement. There are two aspects to the consideration of proxemics in this context, the first being character proxemics, which addresses such questions as: How much space is there between the characters?, What is suggested by characters who are close to (or, conversely, far away from) each other?, Do distances change as the film progresses? and, Do distances depend on the film's other content? The other consideration is camera proxemics, which answers the single question: How far away is the camera from the characters/action? Analysis of camera proxemics typically relates Hall's system of proxemic patterns to the camera angle used to create a specific shot, with the long shot or extreme long shot becoming the public proxemic, a full shot (sometimes called a figure shot, complete view, or medium long shot) becoming the social proxemic, the medium shot becoming the personal proxemic, and the close up or extreme close up becoming the intimate proxemic. Film analyst Louis Giannetti has maintained that, in general, the greater the distance between the camera and the subject (in other words, the public proxemic), the more emotionally neutral the audience remains, whereas the closer the camera is to a character, the greater the audience's emotional attachment to that character. Or, as actor/director Charlie Chaplin put it: "Life is a tragedy when seen in close-up, but a comedy in long shot." Education Implementing appropriate proxemic cues has been shown to improve success in monitored behavioral situations like psychotherapy by increasing patient trust for the therapist (see active listening). Instructional situations have likewise seen increased success in student performance by lessening the actual or perceived distance between the student and the educator (perceived distance is manipulated in the case of instructional videoconferencing, using technological tricks such as angling the frame and adjusting the zoom). Studies have shown that proxemic behavior is also affected when dealing with stigmatized minorities within a population. For example, those who do not have experience dealing with disabled persons tend to create more distance during encounters because they are uncomfortable. Others may judge that the disabled person needs to have an increase of touch, volume, or proximity. Virtual environments Bailenson, Blascovich, Beall, and Loomis conducted an experiment in 2001, testing Argyle and Dean's (1965) equilibrium theory's speculation of an inverse relationship between mutual gaze, a nonverbal cue signaling intimacy, and interpersonal distance. Participants were immersed in a 3D virtual room in which a virtual human representation (that is, an embodied agent) stood. The focus of this study is on the subtle nonverbal exchanges that occur between a person and an embodied agent. Participants in the study clearly did not treat the agent as a mere animation. On the contrary, the results suggest that, in virtual environments, people were influenced by the 3D model and respected personal space of the humanoid representation. The result of the experiment also indicated that women are more affected by the gaze behaviors of the agent and adjust their personal space more accordingly than do men. However, men do subjectively assign gaze behavior to the agent, and their proxemic behavior reflects this perception. Furthermore, both men and women demonstrate less variance in their proxemic behavior when the agent displays mutual gaze behavior than when the agent does not. Other researchers have established that proxemics can be a valuable tool for measuring the behavioral realism of an agent or an avatar. People tend to perceive nonverbal gestures on an implicit level, and degree of personal space appears to be an accurate way to measure people's perception of social presence and realism in virtual environments. Nick Yee in his PhD thesis at Stanford discovered that real world proxemic distances also were applied in the virtual world of Second Life. Other studies demonstrate that implicit behavioral measures such as body posture can be a reliable measure of the user's sense of presence in virtual environments. Similarly, personal space may be a more reliable measure of social presence than a typical ratings survey in immersive virtual environments. Social robotics Proxemic zones have been proposed as tools to control interactions between autonomous robots and humans, such as between self-driving cars and pedestrians. Robot navigation is often controlled using costmaps which these models link to proxemic zones. Cyberbullying Cyberbullying is a communication phenomenon in which a bully utilizes electronic media in order to harass peers. Adolescents favor texting or computer-mediated communication as an alternative to the more directly combative face-to-face interactions because it takes advantage of evading imposed social norms such as "school rules", which are likely to be especially repressive of aggression involving females. Online bullying has a lot in common with bullying in school: Both behaviors include harassment, humiliation, teasing, and aggression. Cyberbullying presents unique challenges in the sense that the perpetrator can attempt to be anonymous, and attacks can happen at any time of day or night. The main factor that encourages cyberbullying is the fact that a cyberbully can hide behind the shield of online anonymity. In other words, social media magnifies the face-to-face social space into a virtual space where a cyberbully can say anything about the victims without the pressure of facing them. Social distancing During the COVID-19 pandemic, many countries enforced social distancing, the requirement to maintain a minimum distance between people at all times. These distances were typically larger than in normal interactions, and proxemics may help to explain the social effects of the change, including long-term changes in levels of interpersonal trust. It has been suggested that the pandemic has made people adverse to hugs or handshakes, less trusting, and more transactional, as a long-term cultural change. In an article in Psychology Today, author Jane Adams discussed "boundary style" as the way people behave when they come in contact with others. "Some changes in how we interact with others may be temporary while others could be long-lasting," she says. See also References Further reading Herrera, D. A. (2010). Gaze, turn-taking and proxemics in multiparty versus dyadic conversation across cultures (Ph.D.). The University of Texas at El Paso, United States—Texas. McArthur, J.A. (2016). Digital Proxemics: How technology shapes the ways we move. Peter Lang. Busbea, Larry D. (2020). Proxemics and the Architecture of Social Interaction. Columbia Books on Architecture and the City (Columbia UP) Semiotics Ethology Interpersonal communication Environmental psychology Nonverbal communication

Idiosyncrasy

An idiosyncrasy is a unique feature of something. The term is often used to express peculiarity. Etymology The term "idiosyncrasy" originates from Greek , "a peculiar temperament, habit of body" (from , "one's own", , "with" and , "blend of the four humors" (temperament)) or literally "particular mingling". Idiosyncrasy is sometimes used as a synonym for eccentricity, as these terms "are not always clearly distinguished when they denote an act, a practice, or a characteristic that impresses the observer as strange or singular." Eccentricity, however, "emphasizes the idea of divergence from the usual or customary; idiosyncrasy implies a following of one's particular temperament or bent especially in trait, trick, or habit; the former often suggests mental aberration, the latter, strong individuality and independence of action". Linguistics The term can also be applied to symbols or words. Idiosyncratic symbols mean one thing for a particular person, as a blade could mean war, but to someone else, it could symbolize a surgery. Idiosyncratic property In phonology, an idiosyncratic property contrasts with a systematic regularity. While systematic regularities in the sound system of a language are useful for identifying phonological rules during analysis of the forms morphemes can take, idiosyncratic properties are those whose occurrence is not determined by those rules. For example, the fact that the English word cab starts with the sound /k/ is an idiosyncratic property; on the other hand that its vowel is longer than in the English word cap is a systematic regularity, as it arises from the fact that the final consonant is voiced rather than voiceless. Medicine Disease Idiosyncrasy defined the way physicians conceived diseases in the 19th century. They considered each disease as a unique condition, related to each patient. This understanding began to change in the 1870s, when discoveries made by researchers in Europe permitted the advent of a "scientific medicine", a precursor to the evidence-based medicine that is the standard of practice today. Pharmacology The term idiosyncratic drug reaction denotes an aberrant or bizarre reaction or hypersensitivity to a substance, without connection to the pharmacology of the drug. It is what is known as a Type B reaction. Type B reactions have the following characteristics: they are usually unpredictable, might not be picked up by toxicological screening, not necessarily dose-related, incidence and morbidity low but mortality is high. Type B reactions are most commonly immunological (e.g. penicillin allergy). Psychiatry and psychology The word is used for the personal way a given individual reacts, perceives and experiences: a certain dish made of meat may cause nostalgic memories in one person and disgust in another. These reactions are called idiosyncratic. Economics In portfolio theory, risks of price changes due to the unique circumstances of a specific security, as opposed to the overall market, are called "idiosyncratic risks". This specific risk, also called unsystematic, can be nulled out of a portfolio through diversification. Pooling multiple securities means the specific risks cancel out. In complete markets, there is no compensation for idiosyncratic risk—that is, a security's idiosyncratic risk does not matter for its price. For instance, in a complete market in which the capital asset pricing model holds, the price of a security is determined by the amount of systematic risk in its returns. Net income received, or losses suffered, by a landlord from renting of one or two properties is subject to idiosyncratic risk due to the numerous things that can happen to real property and variable behavior of tenants. According to one macroeconomic model including a financial sector, hedging idiosyncratic risk can be self-defeating as amid the "risk reduction" experts are encouraged to increase their leverage. This works for small shocks but leads to higher vulnerability for larger shocks and makes the system less stable. Thus, while securitisation in principle reduces the costs of idiosyncratic shocks, it ends up amplifying systemic risks in equilibrium. In econometrics, "idiosyncratic error" is used to describe error—that is, unobserved factors that impact the dependent variable—from panel data that both changes over time and across units (individuals, firms, cities, towns, etc.). See also Humorism Portfolio theory References External links Allergology Deviance (sociology) Inborn errors of metabolism Medical terminology Effects of external causes

Epistemology

Epistemology is the branch of philosophy that examines the nature, origin, and limits of knowledge. Also called theory of knowledge, it explores different types of knowledge, such as propositional knowledge about facts, practical knowledge in the form of skills, and knowledge by acquaintance as a familiarity through experience. Epistemologists study the concepts of belief, truth, and justification to understand the nature of knowledge. To discover how knowledge arises, they investigate sources of justification, such as perception, introspection, memory, reason, and testimony. The school of skepticism questions the human ability to attain knowledge while fallibilism says that knowledge is never certain. Empiricists hold that all knowledge comes from sense experience, whereas rationalists believe that some knowledge does not depend on it. Coherentists argue that a belief is justified if it coheres with other beliefs. Foundationalists, by contrast, maintain that the justification of basic beliefs does not depend on other beliefs. Internalism and externalism disagree about whether justification is determined solely by mental states or also by external circumstances. Separate branches of epistemology are dedicated to knowledge found in specific fields, like scientific, mathematical, moral, and religious knowledge. Naturalized epistemology relies on empirical methods and discoveries, whereas formal epistemology uses formal tools from logic. Social epistemology investigates the communal aspect of knowledge and historical epistemology examines its historical conditions. Epistemology is closely related to psychology, which describes the beliefs people hold, while epistemology studies the norms governing the evaluation of beliefs. It also intersects with fields such as decision theory, education, and anthropology. Early reflections on the nature, sources, and scope of knowledge are found in ancient Greek, Indian, and Chinese philosophy. The relation between reason and faith was a central topic in the medieval period. The modern era was characterized by the contrasting perspectives of empiricism and rationalism. Epistemologists in the 20th century examined the components, structure, and value of knowledge while integrating insights from the natural sciences and linguistics. Definition Epistemology is the philosophical study of knowledge. Also called theory of knowledge, it examines what knowledge is and what types of knowledge there are. It further investigates the sources of knowledge, like perception, inference, and testimony, to determine how knowledge is created. Another topic is the extent and limits of knowledge, confronting questions about what people can and cannot know. Other central concepts include belief, truth, justification, evidence, and reason. Epistemology is one of the main branches of philosophy besides fields like ethics, logic, and metaphysics. The term is also used in a slightly different sense to refer not to the branch of philosophy but to a particular position within that branch, as in Plato's epistemology and Immanuel Kant's epistemology. As a normative field of inquiry, epistemology explores how people should acquire beliefs. This way, it determines which beliefs fulfill the standards or epistemic goals of knowledge and which ones fail, thereby providing an evaluation of beliefs. Descriptive fields of inquiry, like psychology and cognitive sociology, are also interested in beliefs and related cognitive processes. Unlike epistemology, they study the beliefs people have and how people acquire them instead of examining the evaluative norms of these processes. Epistemology is relevant to many descriptive and normative disciplines, such as the other branches of philosophy and the sciences, by exploring the principles of how they may arrive at knowledge. The word epistemology comes from the ancient Greek terms (episteme, meaning knowledge or understanding) and (logos, meaning study of or reason), literally, the study of knowledge. The word was only coined in the 19th century to label this field and conceive it as a distinct branch of philosophy. Central concepts Knowledge Knowledge is an awareness, familiarity, understanding, or skill. Its various forms all involve a cognitive success through which a person establishes epistemic contact with reality. Knowledge is typically understood as an aspect of individuals, generally as a cognitive mental state that helps them understand, interpret, and interact with the world. While this core sense is of particular interest to epistemologists, the term also has other meanings. Understood on a social level, knowledge is a characteristic of a group of people that share ideas, understanding, or culture in general. The term can also refer to information stored in documents, such as "knowledge housed in the library" or knowledge stored in computers in the form of the knowledge base of an expert system. Knowledge contrasts with ignorance, which is often simply defined as the absence of knowledge. Knowledge is usually accompanied by ignorance since people rarely have complete knowledge of a field, forcing them to rely on incomplete or uncertain information when making decisions. Even though many forms of ignorance can be mitigated through education and research, there are certain limits to human understanding that are responsible for inevitable ignorance. Some limitations are inherent in the human cognitive faculties themselves, such as the inability to know facts too complex for the human mind to conceive. Others depend on external circumstances when no access to the relevant information exists. Epistemologists disagree on how much people know, for example, whether fallible beliefs about everyday affairs can amount to knowledge or whether absolute certainty is required. The most stringent position is taken by radical skeptics, who argue that there is no knowledge at all. Types Epistemologists distinguish between different types of knowledge. Their primary interest is in knowledge of facts, called propositional knowledge. It is a theoretical knowledge that can be expressed in declarative sentences using a that-clause, like "Ravi knows that kangaroos hop". For this reason, it is also called knowledge-that. Epistemologists often understand it as a relation between a knower and a known proposition, in the case above between the person Ravi and the proposition "kangaroos hop". It is use-independent since it is not tied to one specific purpose. It is a mental representation that relies on concepts and ideas to depict reality. Because of its theoretical nature, it is often held that only relatively sophisticated creatures, such as humans, possess propositional knowledge. Propositional knowledge contrasts with non-propositional knowledge in the form of knowledge-how and knowledge by acquaintance. Knowledge-how is a practical ability or skill, like knowing how to read or how to prepare lasagna. It is usually tied to a specific goal and not mastered in the abstract without concrete practice. To know something by acquaintance means to be familiar with it as a result of experiental contact. Examples are knowing the city of Perth, knowing the taste of tsampa, and knowing Marta Vieira da Silva personally. Another influential distinction is between a posteriori and a priori knowledge. A posteriori knowledge is knowledge of empirical facts based on sensory experience, like seeing that the sun is shining and smelling that a piece of meat has gone bad. Knowledge belonging to the empirical science and knowledge of everyday affairs belongs to a posteriori knowledge. A priori knowledge is knowledge of non-empirical facts and does not depend on evidence from sensory experience. It belongs to fields such as mathematics and logic, like knowing that . The contrast between a posteriori and a priori knowledge plays a central role in the debate between empiricists and rationalists on whether all knowledge depends on sensory experience. A closely related contrast is between analytic and synthetic truths. A sentence is analytically true if its truth depends only on the meaning of the words it uses. For instance, the sentence "all bachelors are unmarried" is analytically true because the word "bachelor" already includes the meaning "unmarried". A sentence is synthetically true if its truth depends on additional facts. For example, the sentence "snow is white" is synthetically true because its truth depends on the color of snow in addition to the meanings of the words snow and white. A priori knowledge is primarily associated with analytic sentences while a posteriori knowledge is primarily associated with synthetic sentences. However, it is controversial whether this is true for all cases. Some philosophers, such as Willard Van Orman Quine, reject the distinction, saying that there are no analytic truths. Analysis The analysis of knowledge is the attempt to identify the essential components or conditions of all and only propositional knowledge states. According to the so-called traditional analysis, knowledge has three components: it is a belief that is justified and true. In the second half of the 20th century, this view was put into doubt by a series of thought experiments that aimed to show that some justified true beliefs do not amount to knowledge. In one of them, a person is unaware of all the fake barns in their area. By coincidence, they stop in front of the only real barn and form a justified true belief that it is a real barn. Many epistemologists agree that this is not knowledge because the justification is not directly relevant to the truth. More specifically, this and similar counterexamples involve some form of epistemic luck, that is, a cognitive success that results from fortuitous circumstances rather than competence. Following these thought experiments, philosophers proposed various alternative definitions of knowledge by modifying or expanding the traditional analysis. According to one view, the known fact has to cause the belief in the right way. Another theory states that the belief is the product of a reliable belief formation process. Further approaches require that the person would not have the belief if it was false, that the belief is not inferred from a falsehood, that the justification cannot be undermined, or that the belief is infallible. There is no consensus on which of the proposed modifications and reconceptualizations is correct. Some philosophers, such as Timothy Williamson, reject the basic assumption underlying the analysis of knowledge by arguing that propositional knowledge is a unique state that cannot be dissected into simpler components. Value The value of knowledge is the worth it holds by expanding understanding and guiding action. Knowledge can have instrumental value by helping a person achieve their goals. For example, knowledge of a disease helps a doctor cure their patient, and knowledge of when a job interview starts helps a candidate arrive on time. The usefulness of a known fact depends on the circumstances. Knowledge of some facts may have little to no uses, like memorizing random phone numbers from an outdated phone book. Being able to assess the value of knowledge matters in choosing what information to acquire and transmit to others. It affects decisions like which subjects to teach at school and how to allocate funds to research projects. Of particular interest to epistemologists is the question of whether knowledge is more valuable than a mere opinion that is true. Knowledge and true opinion often have a similar usefulness since both are accurate representations of reality. For example, if a person wants to go to Larissa, a true opinion about how to get there may help them in the same way as knowledge does. Plato already considered this problem and suggested that knowledge is better because it is more stable. Another suggestion focuses on practical reasoning. It proposes that people put more trust in knowledge than in mere true beliefs when drawing conclusions and deciding what to do. A different response says that knowledge has intrinsic value, meaning that it is good in itself independent of its usefulness. Belief and truth Beliefs are mental states about what is the case, like believing that snow is white or that God exists. In epistemology, they are often understood as subjective attitudes that affirm or deny a proposition, which can be expressed in a declarative sentence. For instance, to believe that snow is white is to affirm the proposition "snow is white". According to this view, beliefs are representations of what the world is like. They are kept in memory and can be retrieved when actively thinking about reality or when deciding how to act. A different view understands beliefs as behavioral patterns or dispositions to act rather than as representational items stored in the mind. This view says that to believe that there is mineral water in the fridge is nothing more than a group of dispositions related to mineral water and the fridge. Examples are the dispositions to answer questions about the presence of mineral water affirmatively and to go to the fridge when thirsty. Some theorists deny the existence of beliefs, saying that this concept borrowed from folk psychology is an oversimplification of much more complex psychological processes. Beliefs play a central role in various epistemological debates, which cover their status as a component of propositional knowledge, the question of whether people have control over and are responsible for their beliefs, and the issue of whether there are degrees of beliefs, called credences. As propositional attitudes, beliefs are true or false depending on whether they affirm a true or a false proposition. According to the correspondence theory of truth, to be true means to stand in the right relation to the world by accurately describing what it is like. This means that truth is objective: a belief is true if it corresponds to a fact. The coherence theory of truth says that a belief is true if it belongs to a coherent system of beliefs. A result of this view is that truth is relative since it depends on other beliefs. Further theories of truth include pragmatist, semantic, pluralist, and deflationary theories. Truth plays a central role in epistemology as a goal of cognitive processes and a component of propositional knowledge. Justification In epistemology, justification is a property of beliefs that fulfill certain norms about what a person should believe. According to a common view, this means that the person has sufficient reasons for holding this belief because they have information that supports it. Another view states that a belief is justified if it is formed by a reliable belief formation process, such as perception. The terms reasonable, warranted, and supported are closely related to the idea of justification and are sometimes used as synonyms. Justification is what distinguishes justified beliefs from superstition and lucky guesses. However, justification does not guarantee truth. For example, if a person has strong but misleading evidence, they may form a justified belief that is false. Epistemologists often identify justification as one component of knowledge. Usually, they are not only interested in whether a person has a sufficient reason to hold a belief, known as propositional justification, but also in whether the person holds the belief because or based on this reason, known as doxastic justification. For example, if a person has sufficient reason to believe that a neighborhood is dangerous but forms this belief based on superstition then they have propositional justification but lack doxastic justification. Sources Sources of justification are ways or cognitive capacities through which people acquire justification. Often-discussed sources include perception, introspection, memory, reason, and testimony, but there is no universal agreement to what extent they all provide valid justification. Perception relies on sensory organs to gain empirical information. There are various forms of perception corresponding to different physical stimuli, such as visual, auditory, haptic, olfactory, and gustatory perception. Perception is not merely the reception of sense impressions but an active process that selects, organizes, and interprets sensory signals. Introspection is a closely related process focused not on external physical objects but on internal mental states. For example, seeing a bus at a bus station belongs to perception while feeling tired belongs to introspection. Rationalists understand reason as a source of justification for non-empirical facts. It is often used to explain how people can know about mathematical, logical, and conceptual truths. Reason is also responsible for inferential knowledge, in which one or several beliefs are used as premises to support another belief. Memory depends on information provided by other sources, which it retains and recalls, like remembering a phone number perceived earlier. Justification by testimony relies on information one person communicates to another person. This can happen by talking to each other but can also occur in other forms, like a letter, a newspaper, and a blog. Other concepts Rationality is closely related to justification and the terms rational belief and justified belief are sometimes used as synonyms. However, rationality has a wider scope that encompasses both a theoretical side, covering beliefs, and a practical side, covering decisions, intentions, and actions. There are different conceptions about what it means for something to be rational. According to one view, a mental state is rational if it is based on or responsive to good reasons. Another view emphasizes the role of coherence, stating that rationality requires that the different mental states of a person are consistent and support each other. A slightly different approach holds that rationality is about achieving certain goals. Two goals of theoretical rationality are accuracy and comprehensiveness, meaning that a person has as few false beliefs and as many true beliefs as possible. Epistemic norms are criteria to assess the cognitive quality of beliefs, like their justification and rationality. Epistemologists distinguish between deontic norms, which are prescriptions about what people should believe or which beliefs are correct, and axiological norms, which identify the goals and values of beliefs. Epistemic norms are closely related to intellectual or epistemic virtues, which are character traits like open-mindedness and conscientiousness. Epistemic virtues help individuals form true beliefs and acquire knowledge. They contrast with epistemic vices and act as foundational concepts of virtue epistemology. Evidence for a belief is information that favors or supports it. Epistemologists understand evidence primarily in terms of mental states, for example, as sensory impressions or as other propositions that a person knows. But in a wider sense, it can also include physical objects, like bloodstains examined by forensic analysts or financial records studied by investigative journalists. Evidence is often understood in terms of probability: evidence for a belief makes it more likely that the belief is true. A defeater is evidence against a belief or evidence that undermines another piece of evidence. For instance, witness testimony connecting a suspect to a crime is evidence for their guilt while an alibi is a defeater. Evidentialists analyze justification in terms of evidence by saying that to be justified, a belief needs to rest on adequate evidence. The presence of evidence usually affects doubt and certainty, which are subjective attitudes toward propositions that differ regarding their level of confidence. Doubt involves questioning the validity or truth of a proposition. Certainty, by contrast, is a strong affirmative conviction, meaning that the person is free of doubt that the proposition is true. In epistemology, doubt and certainty play central roles in attempts to find a secure foundation of all knowledge and in skeptical projects aiming to establish that no belief is immune to doubt. While propositional knowledge is the main topic in epistemology, some theorists focus on understanding rather than knowledge. Understanding is a more holistic notion that involves a wider grasp of a subject. To understand something, a person requires awareness of how different things are connected and why they are the way they are. For example, knowledge of isolated facts memorized from a textbook does not amount to understanding. According to one view, understanding is a special epistemic good that, unlike knowledge, is always intrinsically valuable. Wisdom is similar in this regard and is sometimes considered the highest epistemic good. It encompasses a reflective understanding with practical applications. It helps people grasp and evaluate complex situations and lead a good life. Schools of thought Skepticism, fallibilism, and relativism Philosophical skepticism questions the human ability to arrive at knowledge. Some skeptics limit their criticism to certain domains of knowledge. For example, religious skeptics say that it is impossible to have certain knowledge about the existence of deities or other religious doctrines. Similarly, moral skeptics challenge the existence of moral knowledge and metaphysical skeptics say that humans cannot know ultimate reality. Global skepticism is the widest form of skepticism, asserting that there is no knowledge in any domain. In ancient philosophy, this view was accepted by academic skeptics while Pyrrhonian skeptics recommended the suspension of belief to achieve a state of tranquility. Overall, not many epistemologists have explicitly defended global skepticism. The influence of this position derives mainly from attempts by other philosophers to show that their theory overcomes the challenge of skepticism. For example, René Descartes used methodological doubt to find facts that cannot be doubted. One consideration in favor of global skepticism is the dream argument. It starts from the observation that, while people are dreaming, they are usually unaware of this. This inability to distinguish between dream and regular experience is used to argue that there is no certain knowledge since a person can never be sure that they are not dreaming. Some critics assert that global skepticism is a self-refuting idea because denying the existence of knowledge is itself a knowledge claim. Another objection says that the abstract reasoning leading to skepticism is not convincing enough to overrule common sense. Fallibilism is another response to skepticism. Fallibilists agree with skeptics that absolute certainty is impossible. Most fallibilists disagree with skeptics about the existence of knowledge, saying that there is knowledge since it does not require absolute certainty. They emphasize the need to keep an open and inquisitive mind since doubt can never be fully excluded, even for well-established knowledge claims like thoroughly tested scientific theories. Epistemic relativism is a related view. It does not question the existence of knowledge in general but rejects the idea that there are universal epistemic standards or absolute principles that apply equally to everyone. This means that what a person knows depends on the subjective criteria or social conventions used to assess epistemic status. Empiricism and rationalism The debate between empiricism and rationalism centers on the origins of human knowledge. Empiricism emphasizes that sense experience is the primary source of all knowledge. Some empiricists express this view by stating that the mind is a blank slate that only develops ideas about the external world through the sense data it receives from the sensory organs. According to them, the mind can arrive at various additional insights by comparing impressions, combining them, generalizing to arrive at more abstract ideas, and deducing new conclusions from them. Empiricists say that all these mental operations depend on material from the senses and do not function on their own. Even though rationalists usually accept sense experience as one source of knowledge, they also say that important forms of knowledge come directly from reason without sense experience, like knowledge of mathematical and logical truths. According to some rationalists, the mind possesses inborn ideas which it can access without the help of the senses. Others hold that there is an additional cognitive faculty, sometimes called rational intuition, through which people acquire nonempirical knowledge. Some rationalists limit their discussion to the origin of concepts, saying that the mind relies on inborn categories to understand the world and organize experience. Foundationalism and coherentism Foundationalists and coherentists disagree about the structure of knowledge. Foundationalism distinguishes between basic and non-basic beliefs. A belief is basic if it is justified directly, meaning that its validity does not depend on the support of other beliefs. A belief is non-basic if it is justified by another belief. For example, the belief that it rained last night is a non-basic belief if it is inferred from the observation that the street is wet. According to foundationalism, basic beliefs are the foundation on which all other knowledge is built while non-basic beliefs constitute the superstructure resting on this foundation. Coherentists reject the distinction between basic and non-basic beliefs, saying that the justification of any belief depends on other beliefs. They assert that a belief must be in tune with other beliefs to amount to knowledge. This is the case if the beliefs are consistent and support each other. According to coherentism, justification is a holistic aspect determined by the whole system of beliefs, which resembles an interconnected web. The view of foundherentism is an intermediary position combining elements of both foundationalism and coherentism. It accepts the distinction between basic and non-basic beliefs while asserting that the justification of non-basic beliefs depends on coherence with other beliefs. Infinitism presents another approach to the structure of knowledge. It agrees with coherentism that there are no basic beliefs while rejecting the view that beliefs can support each other in a circular manner. Instead, it argues that beliefs form infinite justification chains, in which each link of the chain supports the belief following it and is supported by the belief preceding it. Internalism and externalism The disagreement between internalism and externalism is about the sources of justification. Internalists say that justification depends only on factors within the individual. Examples of such factors include perceptual experience, memories, and the possession of other beliefs. This view emphasizes the importance of the cognitive perspective of the individual in the form of their mental states. It is commonly associated with the idea that the relevant factors are accessible, meaning that the individual can become aware of their reasons for holding a justified belief through introspection and reflection. Externalism rejects this view, saying that at least some relevant factors are external to the individual. This means that the cognitive perspective of the individual is less central while other factors, specifically the relation to truth, become more important. For instance, when considering the belief that a cup of coffee stands on the table, externalists are not only interested in the perceptual experience that led to this belief but also consider the quality of the person's eyesight, their ability to differentiate coffee from other beverages, and the circumstances under which they observed the cup. Evidentialism is an influential internalist view. It says that justification depends on the possession of evidence. In this context, evidence for a belief is any information in the individual's mind that supports the belief. For example, the perceptual experience of rain is evidence for the belief that it is raining. Evidentialists have suggested various other forms of evidence, including memories, intuitions, and other beliefs. According to evidentialism, a belief is justified if the individual's evidence supports the belief and they hold the belief on the basis of this evidence. Reliabilism is an externalist theory asserting that a reliable connection between belief and truth is required for justification. Some reliabilists explain this in terms of reliable processes. According to this view, a belief is justified if it is produced by a reliable belief-formation process, like perception. A belief-formation process is reliable if most of the beliefs it causes are true. A slightly different view focuses on beliefs rather than belief-formation processes, saying that a belief is justified if it is a reliable indicator of the fact it presents. This means that the belief tracks the fact: the person believes it because it is a fact but would not believe it otherwise. Virtue epistemology is another type of externalism and is sometimes understood as a form of reliabilism. It says that a belief is justified if it manifests intellectual virtues. Intellectual virtues are capacities or traits that perform cognitive functions and help people form true beliefs. Suggested examples include faculties like vision, memory, and introspection. Others In the epistemology of perception, direct and indirect realists disagree about the connection between the perceiver and the perceived object. Direct realists say that this connection is direct, meaning that there is no difference between the object present in perceptual experience and the physical object causing this experience. According to indirect realism, the connection is indirect since there are mental entities, like ideas or sense data, that mediate between the perceiver and the external world. The contrast between direct and indirect realism is important for explaining the nature of illusions. Constructivism in epistemology is the theory that how people view the world is not a simple reflection of external reality but an invention or a social construction. This view emphasizes the creative role of interpretation while undermining objectivity since social constructions may differ from society to society. According to contrastivism, knowledge is a comparative term, meaning that to know something involves distinguishing it from relevant alternatives. For example, if a person spots a bird in the garden, they may know that it is a sparrow rather than an eagle but they may not know that it is a sparrow rather than an indistinguishable sparrow hologram. Epistemic conservatism is a view about belief revision. It gives preference to the beliefs a person already has, asserting that a person should only change their beliefs if they have a good reason to. One motivation for adopting epistemic conservatism is that the cognitive resources of humans are limited, meaning that it is not feasible to constantly reexamine every belief. Pragmatist epistemology is a form of fallibilism that emphasizes the close relation between knowing and acting. It sees the pursuit of knowledge as an ongoing process guided by common sense and experience while always open to revision. Bayesian epistemology is a formal approach based on the idea that people have degrees of belief representing how certain they are. It uses probability theory to define norms of rationality that govern how certain people should be about their beliefs. Phenomenological epistemology emphasizes the importance of first-person experience. It distinguishes between the natural and the phenomenological attitudes. The natural attitude focuses on objects belonging to common sense and natural science. The phenomenological attitude focuses on the experience of objects and aims to provide a presuppositionless description of how objects appear to the observer. Particularism and generalism disagree about the right method of conducting epistemological research. Particularists start their inquiry by looking at specific cases. For example, to find a definition of knowledge, they rely on their intuitions about concrete instances of knowledge and particular thought experiments. They use these observations as methodological constraints that any theory of more general principles needs to follow. Generalists proceed in the opposite direction. They give preference to general epistemic principles, saying that it is not possible to accurately identify and describe specific cases without a grasp of these principles. Other methods in contemporary epistemology aim to extract philosophical insights from ordinary language or look at the role of knowledge in making assertions and guiding actions. Postmodern epistemology criticizes the conditions of knowledge in advanced societies. This concerns in particular the metanarrative of a constant progress of scientific knowledge leading to a universal and foundational understanding of reality. Feminist epistemology critiques the effect of gender on knowledge. Among other topics, it explores how preconceptions about gender influence who has access to knowledge, how knowledge is produced, and which types of knowledge are valued in society. Decolonial scholarship criticizes the global influence of Western knowledge systems, often with the aim of decolonizing knowledge to undermine Western hegemony. Various schools of epistemology are found in traditional Indian philosophy. Many of them focus on the different sources of knowledge, called . Perception, inference, and testimony are sources discussed by most schools. Other sources only considered by some schools are non-perception, which leads to knowledge of absences, and presumption. Buddhist epistemology tends to focus on immediate experience, understood as the presentation of unique particulars without the involvement of secondary cognitive processes, like thought and desire. Nyāya epistemology discusses the causal relation between the knower and the object of knowledge, which happens through reliable knowledge-formation processes. It sees perception as the primary source of knowledge, drawing a close connection between it and successful action. Mīmāṃsā epistemology understands the holy scriptures known as the Vedas as a key source of knowledge while discussing the problem of their right interpretation. Jain epistemology states that reality is many-sided, meaning that no single viewpoint can capture the entirety of truth. Branches Some branches of epistemology focus on the problems of knowledge within specific academic disciplines. The epistemology of science examines how scientific knowledge is generated and what problems arise in the process of validating, justifying, and interpreting scientific claims. A key issue concerns the problem of how individual observations can support universal scientific laws. Further topics include the nature of scientific evidence and the aims of science. The epistemology of mathematics studies the origin of mathematical knowledge. In exploring how mathematical theories are justified, it investigates the role of proofs and whether there are empirical sources of mathematical knowledge. Epistemological problems are found in most areas of philosophy. The epistemology of logic examines how people know that an argument is valid. For example, it explores how logicians justify that modus ponens is a correct rule of inference or that all contradictions are false. Epistemologists of metaphysics investigate whether knowledge of ultimate reality is possible and what sources this knowledge could have. Knowledge of moral statements, like the claim that lying is wrong, belongs to the epistemology of ethics. It studies the role of ethical intuitions, coherence among moral beliefs, and the problem of moral disagreement. The ethics of belief is a closely related field covering the interrelation between epistemology and ethics. It examines the norms governing belief formation and asks whether violating them is morally wrong. Religious epistemology studies the role of knowledge and justification for religious doctrines and practices. It evaluates the weight and reliability of evidence from religious experience and holy scriptures while also asking whether the norms of reason should be applied to religious faith. Social epistemology focuses on the social dimension of knowledge. While traditional epistemology is mainly interested in knowledge possessed by individuals, social epistemology covers knowledge acquisition, transmission, and evaluation within groups, with specific emphasis on how people rely on each other when seeking knowledge. Historical epistemology examines how the understanding of knowledge and related concepts has changed over time. It asks whether the main issues in epistemology are perennial and to what extent past epistemological theories are relevant to contemporary debates. It is particularly concerned with scientific knowledge and practices associated with it. It contrasts with the history of epistemology, which presents, reconstructs, and evaluates epistemological theories of philosophers in the past. Naturalized epistemology is closely associated with the natural sciences, relying on their methods and theories to examine knowledge. Naturalistic epistemologists focus on empirical observation to formulate their theories and are often critical of approaches to epistemology that proceed by a priori reasoning. Evolutionary epistemology is a naturalistic approach that understands cognition as a product of evolution, examining knowledge and the cognitive faculties responsible for it from the perspective of natural selection. Epistemologists of language explore the nature of linguistic knowledge. One of their topics is the role of tacit knowledge, for example, when native speakers have mastered the rules of grammar but are unable to explicitly articulate those rules. Epistemologists of modality examine knowledge about what is possible and necessary. Epistemic problems that arise when two people have diverging opinions on a topic are covered by the epistemology of disagreement. Epistemologists of ignorance are interested in epistemic faults and gaps in knowledge. There are distinct areas of epistemology dedicated to specific sources of knowledge. Examples are the epistemology of perception, the epistemology of memory, and the epistemology of testimony. Some branches of epistemology are characterized by their research method. Formal epistemology employs formal tools found in logic and mathematics to investigate the nature of knowledge. Experimental epistemologists rely in their research on empirical evidence about common knowledge practices. Applied epistemology focuses on the practical application of epistemological principles to diverse real-world problems, like the reliability of knowledge claims on the internet, how to assess sexual assault allegations, and how racism may lead to epistemic injustice. Metaepistemologists examine the nature, goals, and research methods of epistemology. As a metatheory, it does not directly defend a position about which epistemological theories are correct but examines their fundamental concepts and background assumptions. Related fields Epistemology and psychology were not defined as distinct fields until the 19th century; earlier investigations about knowledge often do not fit neatly into today's academic categories. Both contemporary disciplines study beliefs and the mental processes responsible for their formation and change. One important contrast is that psychology describes what beliefs people have and how they acquire them, thereby explaining why someone has a specific belief. The focus of epistemology is on evaluating beliefs, leading to a judgment about whether a belief is justified and rational in a particular case. Epistemology has a similar intimate connection to cognitive science, which understands mental events as processes that transform information. Artificial intelligence relies on the insights of epistemology and cognitive science to implement concrete solutions to problems associated with knowledge representation and automatic reasoning. Logic is the study of correct reasoning. For epistemology, it is relevant to inferential knowledge, which arises when a person reasons from one known fact to another. This is the case, for example, if a person does not know directly that but comes to infer it based on their knowledge that , , and . Whether an inferential belief amounts to knowledge depends on the form of reasoning used, in particular, that the process does not violate the laws of logic. Another overlap between the two fields is found in the epistemic approach to fallacy theory. Fallacies are faulty arguments based on incorrect reasoning. The epistemic approach to fallacies explains why they are faulty, stating that arguments aim to expand knowledge. According to this view, an argument is a fallacy if it fails to do so. A further intersection is found in epistemic logic, which uses formal logical devices to study epistemological concepts like knowledge and belief. Both decision theory and epistemology are interested in the foundations of rational thought and the role of beliefs. Unlike many approaches in epistemology, the main focus of decision theory lies less in the theoretical and more in the practical side, exploring how beliefs are translated into action. Decision theorists examine the reasoning involved in decision-making and the standards of good decisions. They identify beliefs as a central aspect of decision-making. One of their innovations is to distinguish between weaker and stronger beliefs. This helps them take the effect of uncertainty on decisions into consideration. Epistemology and education have a shared interest in knowledge, with one difference being that education focuses on the transmission of knowledge, exploring the roles of both learner and teacher. Learning theory examines how people acquire knowledge. Behavioral learning theories explain the process in terms of behavior changes, for example, by associating a certain response with a particular stimulus. Cognitive learning theories study how the cognitive processes that affect knowledge acquisition transform information. Pedagogy looks at the transmission of knowledge from the teacher's side, exploring the teaching methods they may employ. In teacher-centered methods, the teacher takes the role of the main authority delivering knowledge and guiding the learning process. In student-centered methods, the teacher mainly supports and facilitates the learning process while the students take a more active role. The beliefs students have about knowledge, called personal epistemology, affect their intellectual development and learning success. The anthropology of knowledge examines how knowledge is acquired, stored, retrieved, and communicated. It studies the social and cultural circumstances that affect how knowledge is reproduced and changes, covering the role of institutions like university departments and scientific journals as well as face-to-face discussions and online communications. It understands knowledge in a wide sense that encompasses various forms of understanding and culture, including practical skills. Unlike epistemology, it is not interested in whether a belief is true or justified but in how understanding is reproduced in society. The sociology of knowledge is a closely related field with a similar conception of knowledge. It explores how physical, demographic, economic, and sociocultural factors impact knowledge. It examines in what sociohistorical contexts knowledge emerges and the effects it has on people, for example, how socioeconomic conditions are related to the dominant ideology in a society. History Early reflections on the nature and sources of knowledge are found in ancient history. In ancient Greek philosophy, Plato (427–347 BCE) studied what knowledge is, examining how it differs from true opinion by being based on good reasons. According to him, the process of learning something is a form of recollection in which the soul remembers what it already knew before. Aristotle (384–322 BCE) was particularly interested in scientific knowledge, exploring the role of sensory experience and how to make inferences from general principles. The Hellenistic schools began to arise in the 4th century BCE. The Epicureans had an empiricist outlook, stating that sensations are always accurate and act as the supreme standard of judgments. The Stoics defended a similar position but limited themselves to lucid and specific sensations, which they regarded as true. The skepticists questioned that knowledge is possible, recommending instead suspension of judgment to arrive at a state of tranquility. The Upanishads, philosophical scriptures composed in ancient India between 700 and 300 BCE, examined how people acquire knowledge, including the role of introspection, comparison, and deduction. In the 6th century BCE, the school of Ajñana developed a radical skepticism questioning the possibility and usefulness of knowledge. The school of Nyaya emerged in the 2nd century BCE and provided a systematic treatment of how people acquire knowledge, distinguishing between valid and invalid sources. When Buddhist philosophers later became interested in epistemology, they relied on concepts developed in Nyaya and other traditions. Buddhist philosopher Dharmakirti (6th or 7th century CE) analyzed the process of knowing as a series of causally related events. Ancient Chinese philosophers understood knowledge as an interconnected phenomenon fundamentally linked to ethical behavior and social involvement. Many saw wisdom as the goal of attaining knowledge. Mozi (470–391 BCE) proposed a pragmatic approach to knowledge using historical records, sensory evidence, and practical outcomes to validate beliefs. Mencius explored analogical reasoning as another source of knowledge. Xunzi aimed to combine empirical observation and rational inquiry. He emphasized the importance of clarity and standards of reasoning without excluding the role of feeling and emotion. The relation between reason and faith was a central topic in the medieval period. In Arabic–Persian philosophy, al-Farabi and Averroes (1126–1198) discussed how philosophy and theology interact and which is the better vehicle to truth. Al-Ghazali criticized many of the core teachings of previous Islamic philosophers, saying that they rely on unproven assumptions that do not amount to knowledge. In Western philosophy, Anselm of Canterbury (1033–1109) proposed that theological teaching and philosophical inquiry are in harmony and complement each other. Peter Abelard (1079–1142) argued against unquestioned theological authorities and said that all things are open to rational doubt. Influenced by Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) developed an empiricist theory, stating that "nothing is in the intellect unless it first appeared in the senses". According to an early form of direct realism proposed by William of Ockham, perception of mind-independent objects happens directly without intermediaries. Meanwhile, in 14th-century India, Gaṅgeśa developed a reliabilist theory of knowledge and considered the problems of testimony and fallacies. In China, Wang Yangming (1472–1529) explored the unity of knowledge and action, holding that moral knowledge is inborn and can be attained by overcoming self-interest. The course of modern philosophy was shaped by René Descartes (1596–1650), who claimed that philosophy must begin from a position of indubitable knowledge of first principles. Inspired by skepticism, he aimed to find absolutely certain knowledge by encountering truths that cannot be doubted. He thought that this is the case for the assertion "I think, therefore I am", from which he constructed the rest of his philosophical system. Descartes, together with Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677) and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716), belonged to the school of rationalism, which asserts that the mind possesses innate ideas independent of experience. John Locke (1632–1704) rejected this view in favor of an empiricism according to which the mind is a blank slate. This means that all ideas depend on sense experience, either as "ideas of sense", which are directly presented through the senses, or as "ideas of reflection", which the mind creates by reflecting on ideas of sense. David Hume (1711–1776) used this idea to explore the limits of what people can know. He said that knowledge of facts is never certain, adding that knowledge of relations between ideas, like mathematical truths, can be certain but contains no information about the world. Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) tried to find a middle position between rationalism and empiricism by identifying a type of knowledge that Hume had missed. For Kant, this is knowledge about principles that underlie all experience and structure it, such as spatial and temporal relations and fundamental categories of understanding. In the 19th-century, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831) argued against empiricism, saying that sensory impressions on their own cannot amount to knowledge since all knowledge is actively structured by the knowing subject. John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) defended a wide-sweeping form of empiricism and explained knowledge of general truths through inductive reasoning. Charles Peirce (1839–1914) thought that all knowledge is fallible, emphasizing that knowledge seekers should always be ready to revise their beliefs if new evidence is encountered. He used this idea to argue against Cartesian foundationalism seeking absolutely certain truths. In the 20th century, fallibilism was further explored by J. L. Austin (1911–1960) and Karl Popper (1902–1994). In continental philosophy, Edmund Husserl (1859–1938) applied the skeptic idea of suspending judgment to the study of experience. By not judging whether an experience is accurate or not, he tried to describe the internal structure of experience instead. Logical positivists, like A. J. Ayer (1910–1989), said that all knowledge is either empirical or analytic. Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) developed an empiricist sense-datum theory, distinguishing between direct knowledge by acquaintance of sense data and indirect knowledge by description, which is inferred from knowledge by acquaintance. Common sense had a central place in G. E. Moore's (1873–1958) epistemology. He used trivial observations, like the fact that he has two hands, to argue against abstract philosophical theories that deviate from common sense. Ordinary language philosophy, as practiced by the late Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951), is a similar approach that tries to extract epistemological insights from how ordinary language is used. Edmund Gettier (1927–2021) conceived counterexamples against the idea that knowledge is the same as justified true belief. These counterexamples prompted many philosophers to suggest alternative definitions of knowledge. One of the alternatives considered was reliabilism, which says that knowledge requires reliable sources, shifting the focus away from justification. Virtue epistemology, a closely related response, analyses belief formation in terms of the intellectual virtues or cognitive competencies involved in the process. Naturalized epistemology, as conceived by Willard Van Orman Quine (1908–2000), employs concepts and ideas from the natural sciences to formulate its theories. Other developments in late 20th-century epistemology were the emergence of social, feminist, and historical epistemology. See also Logology (science) References Notes Citations Bibliography External links

Abnormality (behavior)

Abnormality (or dysfunctional behavior or maladaptive behavior or deviant behavior) is a behavioral characteristic assigned to those with conditions that are regarded as dysfunctional. Behavior is considered to be abnormal when it is atypical or out of the ordinary, consists of undesirable behavior, and results in impairment in the individual's functioning. As applied to humans, abnormality may also encompass deviance, which refers to behavior that is considered to transgress social norms. The definition of abnormal behavior in humans is an often debated issue in abnormal psychology. Abnormal behavior should not be confused with unusual behavior. Behavior that is out of the ordinary is not necessarily indicative of a mental or psychological disorder. Abnormal behavior, on the other hand, while not a mental disorder in itself, is often an indicator of a possible mental and/or psychological disorder. A psychological disorder is defined as an "ongoing dysfunctional pattern of thought, emotion, and behavior that causes significant distress, and is considered deviant in that person's culture or society". Abnormal behavior, as it relates to psychological disorders, would be "ongoing" and a cause of "significant distress". A mental disorder describes a patient who has a medical condition whereby the medical practitioner makes a judgment that the patient is exhibiting abnormal behavior based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5) criteria. Thus, simply because a behavior is unusual it does not make it abnormal; it is only considered abnormal if it meets these criteria. The DSM-5 is used by both researchers and clinicians in diagnosing a potential mental disorder. The criteria needed to be met in the DSM-5 vary for each mental disorder. Unlike physical abnormalities in one's health where symptoms are objective, psychology health professionals cannot use objective symptoms when evaluating someone for abnormalities in behavior. Several conventional criteria There are five main criteria of abnormality. They are: Statistical Criterion Social Criterion Personal Discomfort (Distress) Maladaptive Behavior Deviation from Ideal Abnormal behaviors are "actions that are unexpected and often evaluated negatively because they differ from typical or usual behavior". The following criteria are subjective: Maladaptive and malfunctional behaviors: behaviors, which, due to circumstance, are not fully adapted to the environment. Instead, they become malfunctional and detrimental to the individual, or others. For example, a mouse continuing to attempt to escape when escape is obviously impossible. Behavior that violates the standards of society. When people do not follow the conventional social and moral rules of their society, the behavior is considered to be abnormal. Observer discomfort. If a person's behavior brings discomfort to those in observation, it is likely to be considered abnormal. The standard criteria in psychology and psychiatry is that of mental illness or mental disorder. Determination of abnormality in behavior is based upon medical diagnosis. Other criteria include: Statistical infrequency: statistically rare behaviors are called abnormal. Though not always the case, the presence of abnormal behavior in people is usually rare or statistically unusual. Any specific abnormal behavior may be unusual, but it is not uncommon for people to exhibit some form of prolonged abnormal behavior at some point in their lives. Deviation from social norms: behavior that is deviant from social norms is defined as the departure or deviation of an individual from society's unwritten rules (norms). For example, if one were to witness a person jumping around, nude, on the streets, the person would likely be perceived as abnormal to most people, as they have broken society's norms about wearing clothing. There are also a number of criteria for one to examine before reaching a judgment as to whether someone has deviated from society's norms: Culture: what may be seen as normal in one culture, may be seen as abnormal in another. Situation & context one is placed in: for example, going to the toilet is a normal human act, but going in the middle of a supermarket would be most likely seen as highly abnormal, i.e., defecating or urinating in public is illegal as a misdemeanor act of indecent public conduct. Age: a child at the age of three could get away with taking off clothing in public, but not a person at the age of twenty. Gender: a male responding with behavior normally reacted to as female, and vice versa, is often likely to be seen as abnormal or deviant from social norms. Historical context: standards of normal behavior change in some societies--sometimes very rapidly. Failure to function adequately: behavior that is abnormal. These criteria are necessary to label an abnormality as a disorder, if the individual is unable to cope with the demands of everyday life. Psychologists can disagree on the boundaries that define what is 'functioning' and what is 'adequately', however, as some behaviors that can cause 'failure to function' are not seen as bad. For example, firefighters risking their lives to save people in a blazing fire may be ‘failing to function’ in the fact that they are risking their lives, and in another context, their actions could be construed as pathological, but within the context of being a firefighter said risks are not at odds with adequate functioning. Deviation from ideal mental health: defines abnormality by determining if the behavior the individual is displaying is affecting their mental well-being. As with the failure to function definition, the boundaries that stipulate what 'ideal mental health' is are not clearly defined. A frequent problem with the definition is that all individuals at some point in their life deviate from ideal mental health, but it does not mean the behavior is abnormal. For example, someone who has lost a relative is distressed and deviates from "ideal mental health" for a time, but their distress is not defined as abnormal, as distress is an expected reaction. A common approach to defining abnormality is a multi-criteria approach, where all definitions of abnormality are used to determine whether an individual's behavior is abnormal. For example, psychologists would be prepared to define an individual's behavior as "abnormal" if the following criteria are met: The individual is engaging in behavior that is preventing them from functioning. The individual is engaging in behavior that breaks a social norm. The individual is engaging in behavior that is statistically infrequent. A good example of an abnormal behavior assessed by a multi-criteria approach is depression: it is commonly seen as a deviation from ideal mental stability, it often stops the individual from 'functioning' in normal life, and, although it is a relatively common mental disorder, it is still statistically infrequent. Most people do not experience significant major depressive disorder in their lifetime. Thus, depression and its associated behaviors would be considered abnormal. See also Anti-social behaviour Deviance Dysfunctional family Eccentricity (behavior) List of abnormal behaviors in animals Norm (social) Normalization (sociology) Psychopathy Social alienation Notes and references Problem behavior Deviance (sociology)

Libido

In psychology, libido (; from the Latin , 'desire') is psychic drive or energy, usually conceived of as sexual in nature, but sometimes conceived of as including other forms of desire. The term libido was originally developed by Sigmund Freud, the pioneering originator of psychoanalysis. With direct reference to Plato's Eros, the term initially referred only to specific sexual desire, later expanded to the concept of a universal psychic energy that drives all instincts and whose great reservoir is the id. The libido - in its abstract core differentiated partly according to its synthesising, partly to its analytical aspect called life- and death-drive - thus becomes the source of all natural forms of expression: the behaviour of sexuality as well as striving for social commitment (maternal love instinct etc.), skin pleasure, food, knowledge and victory in the areas of species- and self-preservation. In common or colloquial usage, a person's overall sexual drive is often referred to as that person's "libido". In this sense, libido is influenced by biological, psychological, and social factors. Biologically, the sex hormones and associated neurotransmitters that act upon the nucleus accumbens (primarily testosterone, estrogen, and dopamine, respectively) regulate sex drive in humans. Sexual drive can be affected by social factors such as work and family; psychological factors such as personality and stress; also by medical conditions, medications, lifestyle, relationship issues, and age. Psychological perspectives Freud Sigmund Freud, who is considered the originator of the modern use of the term, defined libido as "the energy, regarded as a quantitative magnitude... of those instincts which have to do with all that may be comprised under the word 'love'." It is the instinctual energy or force, contained in what Freud called the id, the strictly unconscious structure of the psyche. He also explained that it is analogous to hunger, the will to power, and so on insisting that it is a fundamental instinct that is innate in all humans. Freud pointed out that these libidinal drives can conflict with the conventions of civilised behavior, represented in the psyche by the superego. It is this need to conform to society and control the libido that leads to tension and anxiety in the individual, prompting the use of ego defenses which channel the psychic energy of the unconscious drives into forms that are acceptable to the ego and superego. Excessive use of ego defenses results in neurosis, so a primary goal of psychoanalysis is to make the drives accessible to consciousness, allowing them to be addressed directly, thus reducing the patient's automatic resort to ego defenses. Freud viewed libido as passing through a series of developmental stages in the individual, in which the libido fixates on different erogenous zones: first the oral stage (exemplified by an infant's pleasure in nursing), then the anal stage (exemplified by a toddler's pleasure in controlling his or her bowels), then the phallic stage, through a latency stage in which the libido is dormant, to its reemergence at puberty in the genital stage (Karl Abraham would later add subdivisions in both oral and anal stages.). Failure to adequately adapt to the demands of these different stages could result in libidinal energy becoming 'dammed up' or fixated in these stages, producing certain pathological character traits in adulthood. Jung Swiss psychiatrist Carl Gustav Jung identified the libido with psychic energy in general. According to Jung, 'energy', in its subjective and psychological sense, is 'desire', of which sexual desire is just one aspect. Libido thus denotes "a desire or impulse which is unchecked by any kind of authority, moral or otherwise. Libido is appetite in its natural state. From the genetic point of view it is bodily needs like hunger, thirst, sleep, and sex, and emotional states or affects, which constitute the essence of libido." It is "the energy that manifests itself in the life process and is perceived subjectively as striving and desire." Duality (opposition) creates the energy (or libido) of the psyche, which Jung asserts expresses itself only through symbols. These symbols may manifest as "fantasy-images" in the process of psychoanalysis, giving subjective expression to the contents of the libido, which otherwise lacks any definite form. Desire, conceived generally as a psychic longing, movement, displacement and structuring, manifests itself in definable forms which are apprehended through analysis. Other psychological and social perspectives A person may have a desire for sex, but not have the opportunity to act on that desire, or may on personal, moral or religious reasons refrain from acting on the urge. Psychologically, a person's urge can be repressed or sublimated. Conversely, a person can engage in sexual activity without an actual desire for it. Multiple factors affect human sex drive, including stress, illness, pregnancy, and others. A 2001 review found that, on average, men have a higher desire for sex than women. Certain psychological or social factors can reduce the desire for sex. These factors can include lack of privacy or intimacy, stress or fatigue, distraction, or depression. Environmental stress, such as prolonged exposure to elevated sound levels or bright light, can also affect libido. Other causes include experience of sexual abuse, assault, trauma, or neglect, body image issues, and anxiety about engaging in sexual activity. Individuals with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) may find themselves with reduced sexual desire. Struggling to find pleasure, as well as having trust issues, many with PTSD experience feelings of vulnerability, rage and anger, and emotional shutdowns, which have been shown to inhibit sexual desire in those with PTSD. Reduced sex drive may also be present in trauma victims due to issues arising in sexual function. For women, it has been found that treatment can improve sexual function, thus helping restore sexual desire. Depression and libido decline often coincide, with reduced sex drive being one of the symptoms of depression. Those with depression often report the decline in libido to be far reaching and more noticeable than other symptoms. In addition, those with depression often are reluctant to report their reduced sex drive, often normalizing it with cultural/social values, or by the failure of the physician to inquire about it. Sexual desires are often an important factor in the formation and maintenance of intimate relationships in humans. A lack or loss of sexual desire can adversely affect relationships. Changes in the sexual desires of any partner in a sexual relationship, if sustained and unresolved, may cause problems in the relationship. The infidelity of a partner may be an indication that a partner's changing sexual desires can no longer be satisfied within the current relationship. Problems can arise from disparity of sexual desires between partners, or poor communication between partners of sexual needs and preferences. Biological perspectives Endogenous compounds Libido is governed primarily by activity in the mesolimbic dopamine pathway (ventral tegmental area and nucleus accumbens). Consequently, dopamine and related trace amines (primarily phenethylamine) that modulate dopamine neurotransmission play a critical role in regulating libido. Other neurotransmitters, neuropeptides, and sex hormones that affect sex drive by modulating activity in or acting upon this pathway include: Testosterone (directly correlated) – and other androgens Estrogen (directly correlated) – and related female sex hormones Progesterone (inversely correlated) Oxytocin (directly correlated) Serotonin (inversely correlated) Norepinephrine (directly correlated) Acetylcholine Sex hormone levels and the menstrual cycle A woman's desire for sex is correlated to her menstrual cycle, with many women experiencing a heightened sexual desire in the several days immediately before ovulation, which is her peak fertility period, which normally occurs two days before and until two days after the ovulation. This cycle has been associated with changes in a woman's testosterone levels during the menstrual cycle. According to Gabrielle Lichterman, testosterone levels have a direct impact on a woman's interest in sex. According to her, testosterone levels rise gradually from about the 24th day of a woman's menstrual cycle until ovulation on about the 14th day of the next cycle, and during this period the woman's desire for sex increases consistently. The 13th day is generally the day with the highest testosterone levels. In the week following ovulation, the testosterone level is the lowest and as a result women will experience less interest in sex. Also, during the week following ovulation, progesterone levels increase, resulting in a woman experiencing difficulty achieving orgasm. Although the last days of the menstrual cycle are marked by a constant testosterone level, women's libido may get a boost as a result of the thickening of the uterine lining which stimulates nerve endings and makes a woman feel aroused. Also, during these days, estrogen levels decline, resulting in a decrease of natural lubrication. Although some specialists disagree with this theory, menopause is still considered by the majority a factor that can cause decreased sexual desire in women. The levels of estrogen decrease at menopause and this usually causes a lower interest in sex and vaginal dryness which makes sex painful. However, the levels of testosterone increase at menopause and this may be why some women may experience a contrary effect of an increased libido. Physical factors Physical factors that can affect libido include endocrine issues such as hypothyroidism, the effect of certain prescription medications (for example flutamide), and the attractiveness and biological fitness of one's partner, among various other lifestyle factors. Anemia is a cause of lack of libido in women due to the loss of iron during the period. Smoking tobacco, alcohol use disorder, and the use of certain drugs can also lead to a decreased libido. Moreover, specialists suggest that several lifestyle changes such as exercising, quitting smoking, lowering consumption of alcohol or using prescription drugs may help increase one's sexual desire. Medications Some people purposefully attempt to decrease their libido through the usage of anaphrodisiacs. Aphrodisiacs, such as dopaminergic psychostimulants, are a class of drugs which can increase libido. On the other hand, a reduced libido is also often iatrogenic and can be caused by many medications, such as hormonal contraception, SSRIs and other antidepressants, antipsychotics, opioids, beta blockers and isotretinoin. Isotretinoin, finasteride and many SSRIs uncommonly can cause a long-term decrease in libido and overall sexual function, sometimes lasting for months or years after users of these drugs have stopped taking them. These long-lasting effects have been classified as iatrogenic medical disorders, respectively termed post-retinoid sexual dysfunction/post-Accutane syndrome (PRSD/PAS), post-finasteride syndrome (PFS) and post-SSRI sexual dysfunction (PSSD). These three disorders share many overlapping symptoms in addition to reduced libido, and are thought to share a common etiology, but collectively remain poorly-understood and lack effective treatments. Multiple studies have shown that with the exception of bupropion (Wellbutrin), trazodone (Desyrel) and nefazodone (Serzone), antidepressants generally will lead to lowered libido. SSRIs that typically lead to decreased libido are fluoxetine (Prozac), paroxetine (Paxil), fluvoxamine (Luvox), citalopram (Celexa) and sertraline (Zoloft). Lowering the dosage of SSRI medications has been shown to improve libido in some patients. Other users try enrolling in psychotherapy to solve depression-related issues of libido. However, the effectiveness of this therapy is mixed, with many reporting that it had no or little effect on sexual drive. Testosterone is one of the hormones controlling libido in human beings. Emerging research is showing that hormonal contraception methods like oral contraceptive pills (which rely on estrogen and progesterone together) are causing low libido in females by elevating levels of sex hormone-binding globulin (SHBG). SHBG binds to sex hormones, including testosterone, rendering them unavailable. Research is showing that even after ending a hormonal contraceptive method, SHBG levels remain elevated and no reliable data exists to predict when this phenomenon will diminish. Oral contraceptives lower androgen levels in users, and lowered androgen levels generally lead to a decrease in sexual desire. However, usage of oral contraceptives has shown to typically not have a connection with lowered libido in women. Effects of age Males reach the peak of their sex drive in their teenage years , while females reach it in their thirties. The surge in testosterone hits the male at puberty resulting in a sudden and extreme sex drive which reaches its peak at age 15–16, then drops slowly over their lifetime. In contrast, a female's libido increases slowly during adolescence and peaks in their mid-thirties. Actual testosterone and estrogen levels that affect a person's sex drive vary considerably. Some boys and girls will start expressing romantic or sexual interest by age 10–12. The romantic feelings are not necessarily sexual, but are more associated with attraction and desire for another. For boys and girls in their preteen years (ages 11–12), at least 25% report "thinking a lot about sex". By the early teenage years (ages 13–14), however, boys are much more likely to have sexual fantasies than girls. In addition, boys are much more likely to report an interest in sexual intercourse at this age than girls. Masturbation among youth is common, with prevalence among the population generally increasing until the late 20s and early 30s. Boys generally start masturbating earlier, with less than 10% boys masturbating around age 10, around half participating by age 11–12, and over a substantial majority by age 13–14. This is in sharp contrast to girls where virtually none are engaging in masturbation before age 13, and only around 20% by age 13–14. People in their 60s and early 70s generally retain a healthy sex drive, but this may start to decline in the early to mid-70s. Older adults generally develop a reduced libido due to declining health and environmental or social factors. In contrast to common belief, postmenopausal women often report an increase in sexual desire and an increased willingness to satisfy their partner. Women often report family responsibilities, health, relationship problems, and well-being as inhibitors to their sexual desires. Aging adults often have more positive attitudes towards sex in older age due to being more relaxed about it, freedom from other responsibilities, and increased self-confidence. Those exhibiting negative attitudes generally cite health as one of the main reasons. Stereotypes about aging adults and sexuality often regard seniors as asexual beings, doing them no favors when they try to talk about sexual interest with caregivers and medical professionals. Non-western cultures often follow a narrative of older women having a much lower libido, thus not encouraging any sort of sexual behavior for women. Residence in retirement homes has effects on residents' libidos. In these homes, sex occurs, but it is not encouraged by the staff or other residents. Lack of privacy and resident gender imbalance are the main factors lowering desire. Generally, for older adults, being excited about sex, good health, sexual self-esteem and having a sexually talented partner can be factors. Sexual desire disorders Sexual desire disorders are more common in women than in men, and women tend to exhibit less frequent and less intense sexual desires than men. Erectile dysfunction may happen to the penis because of lack of sexual desire, but these two should not be confused since the two can commonly occur simultaneously. For example, moderate to large recreational doses of cocaine, amphetamine or methamphetamine can simultaneously cause erectile dysfunction (evidently due to vasoconstriction) while still significantly increasing libido due to heightened levels of dopamine. Although conversely, excessive or very regular/repeated high-dose amphetamine use may damage leydig cells in the male testes, potentially leading to markedly lowered sexual desire subsequently due to hypogonadism. However, in contrast to this, other stimulants such as cocaine and even caffeine appear to lack negative impacts on testosterone levels, and may even increase their concentrations in the body. Studies on cannabis however seem to be exceptionally mixed, with some claiming decreased levels on testosterone, others reporting increased levels, and with some showing no measurable changes at all. This varying data seems to coincide with the almost equally conflicting data on cannabis' effects on sex drive as well, which may be dosage or frequency-dependent, due to different amounts of distinct cannabinoids in the plant, or based on individual enzyme properties responsible for metabolism of the drug. Evidence on alcohol's effects on testosterone however invariably show a clear decrease, however (like amphetamine, albeit to a lesser degree); temporary increases in libido and related sexual behavior have long been observed during alcohol intoxication in both sexes, but likely most noticeable with moderation, particularly in males. Additionally, men often also naturally experience a decrease in their libido as they age due to decreased productions in testosterone. The American Medical Association has estimated that several million US women have a female sexual arousal disorder, though arousal is not at all synonymous with desire, so this finding is of limited relevance to the discussion of libido. Some specialists claim that women may experience low libido due to some hormonal abnormalities such as lack of luteinising hormone or androgenic hormones, although these theories are still controversial. See also References Further reading Ellenberger, Henri (1970). The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry. New York: Basic Books. Hardcover , softcover . Froböse, Gabriele, and Froböse, Rolf. Lust and Love: Is It More than Chemistry? Michael Gross (trans. and ed.). Royal Society of Chemistry, (2006). Giles, James, The Nature of Sexual Desire, Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 2008. Carl Jung Energy and instincts Estrogens Freudian psychology Motivation Philosophy of sexuality Psychoanalytic terminology Psychodynamics Testosterone

Geomorphology

Geomorphology (from Ancient Greek: , , 'earth'; , , 'form'; and , , 'study') is the scientific study of the origin and evolution of topographic and bathymetric features generated by physical, chemical or biological processes operating at or near Earth's surface. Geomorphologists seek to understand why landscapes look the way they do, to understand landform and terrain history and dynamics and to predict changes through a combination of field observations, physical experiments and numerical modeling. Geomorphologists work within disciplines such as physical geography, geology, geodesy, engineering geology, archaeology, climatology, and geotechnical engineering. This broad base of interests contributes to many research styles and interests within the field. Overview Earth's surface is modified by a combination of surface processes that shape landscapes, and geologic processes that cause tectonic uplift and subsidence, and shape the coastal geography. Surface processes comprise the action of water, wind, ice, wildfire, and life on the surface of the Earth, along with chemical reactions that form soils and alter material properties, the stability and rate of change of topography under the force of gravity, and other factors, such as (in the very recent past) human alteration of the landscape. Many of these factors are strongly mediated by climate. Geologic processes include the uplift of mountain ranges, the growth of volcanoes, isostatic changes in land surface elevation (sometimes in response to surface processes), and the formation of deep sedimentary basins where the surface of the Earth drops and is filled with material eroded from other parts of the landscape. The Earth's surface and its topography therefore are an intersection of climatic, hydrologic, and biologic action with geologic processes, or alternatively stated, the intersection of the Earth's lithosphere with its hydrosphere, atmosphere, and biosphere. The broad-scale topographies of the Earth illustrate this intersection of surface and subsurface action. Mountain belts are uplifted due to geologic processes. Denudation of these high uplifted regions produces sediment that is transported and deposited elsewhere within the landscape or off the coast. On progressively smaller scales, similar ideas apply, where individual landforms evolve in response to the balance of additive processes (uplift and deposition) and subtractive processes (subsidence and erosion). Often, these processes directly affect each other: ice sheets, water, and sediment are all loads that change topography through flexural isostasy. Topography can modify the local climate, for example through orographic precipitation, which in turn modifies the topography by changing the hydrologic regime in which it evolves. Many geomorphologists are particularly interested in the potential for feedbacks between climate and tectonics, mediated by geomorphic processes. In addition to these broad-scale questions, geomorphologists address issues that are more specific or more local. Glacial geomorphologists investigate glacial deposits such as moraines, eskers, and proglacial lakes, as well as glacial erosional features, to build chronologies of both small glaciers and large ice sheets and understand their motions and effects upon the landscape. Fluvial geomorphologists focus on rivers, how they transport sediment, migrate across the landscape, cut into bedrock, respond to environmental and tectonic changes, and interact with humans. Soils geomorphologists investigate soil profiles and chemistry to learn about the history of a particular landscape and understand how climate, biota, and rock interact. Other geomorphologists study how hillslopes form and change. Still others investigate the relationships between ecology and geomorphology. Because geomorphology is defined to comprise everything related to the surface of the Earth and its modification, it is a broad field with many facets. Geomorphologists use a wide range of techniques in their work. These may include fieldwork and field data collection, the interpretation of remotely sensed data, geochemical analyses, and the numerical modelling of the physics of landscapes. Geomorphologists may rely on geochronology, using dating methods to measure the rate of changes to the surface. Terrain measurement techniques are vital to quantitatively describe the form of the Earth's surface, and include differential GPS, remotely sensed digital terrain models and laser scanning, to quantify, study, and to generate illustrations and maps. Practical applications of geomorphology include hazard assessment (such as landslide prediction and mitigation), river control and stream restoration, and coastal protection. Planetary geomorphology studies landforms on other terrestrial planets such as Mars. Indications of effects of wind, fluvial, glacial, mass wasting, meteor impact, tectonics and volcanic processes are studied. This effort not only helps better understand the geologic and atmospheric history of those planets but also extends geomorphological study of the Earth. Planetary geomorphologists often use Earth analogues to aid in their study of surfaces of other planets. History Other than some notable exceptions in antiquity, geomorphology is a relatively young science, growing along with interest in other aspects of the earth sciences in the mid-19th century. This section provides a very brief outline of some of the major figures and events in its development. Ancient geomorphology The study of landforms and the evolution of the Earth's surface can be dated back to scholars of Classical Greece. In the 5th century BC, Greek historian Herodotus argued from observations of soils that the Nile delta was actively growing into the Mediterranean Sea, and estimated its age. In the 4th century BC, Greek philosopher Aristotle speculated that due to sediment transport into the sea, eventually those seas would fill while the land lowered. He claimed that this would mean that land and water would eventually swap places, whereupon the process would begin again in an endless cycle. The Encyclopedia of the Brethren of Purity published in Arabic at Basra during the 10th century also discussed the cyclical changing positions of land and sea with rocks breaking down and being washed into the sea, their sediment eventually rising to form new continents. The medieval Persian Muslim scholar Abū Rayhān al-Bīrūnī (973–1048), after observing rock formations at the mouths of rivers, hypothesized that the Indian Ocean once covered all of India. In his De Natura Fossilium of 1546, German metallurgist and mineralogist Georgius Agricola (1494–1555) wrote about erosion and natural weathering. Another early theory of geomorphology was devised by Song dynasty Chinese scientist and statesman Shen Kuo (1031–1095). This was based on his observation of marine fossil shells in a geological stratum of a mountain hundreds of miles from the Pacific Ocean. Noticing bivalve shells running in a horizontal span along the cut section of a cliffside, he theorized that the cliff was once the pre-historic location of a seashore that had shifted hundreds of miles over the centuries. He inferred that the land was reshaped and formed by soil erosion of the mountains and by deposition of silt, after observing strange natural erosions of the Taihang Mountains and the Yandang Mountain near Wenzhou. Furthermore, he promoted the theory of gradual climate change over centuries of time once ancient petrified bamboos were found to be preserved underground in the dry, northern climate zone of Yanzhou, which is now modern day Yan'an, Shaanxi province. Previous Chinese authors also presented ideas about changing landforms. Scholar-official Du Yu (222–285) of the Western Jin dynasty predicted that two monumental stelae recording his achievements, one buried at the foot of a mountain and the other erected at the top, would eventually change their relative positions over time as would hills and valleys. Daoist alchemist Ge Hong (284–364) created a fictional dialogue where the immortal Magu explained that the territory of the East China Sea was once a land filled with mulberry trees. Early modern geomorphology The term geomorphology seems to have been first used by Laumann in an 1858 work written in German. Keith Tinkler has suggested that the word came into general use in English, German and French after John Wesley Powell and W. J. McGee used it during the International Geological Conference of 1891. John Edward Marr in his The Scientific Study of Scenery considered his book as, 'an Introductory Treatise on Geomorphology, a subject which has sprung from the union of Geology and Geography'. An early popular geomorphic model was the geographical cycle or cycle of erosion model of broad-scale landscape evolution developed by William Morris Davis between 1884 and 1899. It was an elaboration of the uniformitarianism theory that had first been proposed by James Hutton (1726–1797). With regard to valley forms, for example, uniformitarianism posited a sequence in which a river runs through a flat terrain, gradually carving an increasingly deep valley, until the side valleys eventually erode, flattening the terrain again, though at a lower elevation. It was thought that tectonic uplift could then start the cycle over. In the decades following Davis's development of this idea, many of those studying geomorphology sought to fit their findings into this framework, known today as "Davisian". Davis's ideas are of historical importance, but have been largely superseded today, mainly due to their lack of predictive power and qualitative nature. In the 1920s, Walther Penck developed an alternative model to Davis's. Penck thought that landform evolution was better described as an alternation between ongoing processes of uplift and denudation, as opposed to Davis's model of a single uplift followed by decay. He also emphasised that in many landscapes slope evolution occurs by backwearing of rocks, not by Davisian-style surface lowering, and his science tended to emphasise surface process over understanding in detail the surface history of a given locality. Penck was German, and during his lifetime his ideas were at times rejected vigorously by the English-speaking geomorphology community. His early death, Davis' dislike for his work, and his at-times-confusing writing style likely all contributed to this rejection. Both Davis and Penck were trying to place the study of the evolution of the Earth's surface on a more generalized, globally relevant footing than it had been previously. In the early 19th century, authors – especially in Europe – had tended to attribute the form of landscapes to local climate, and in particular to the specific effects of glaciation and periglacial processes. In contrast, both Davis and Penck were seeking to emphasize the importance of evolution of landscapes through time and the generality of the Earth's surface processes across different landscapes under different conditions. During the early 1900s, the study of regional-scale geomorphology was termed "physiography". Physiography later was considered to be a contraction of "physical" and "geography", and therefore synonymous with physical geography, and the concept became embroiled in controversy surrounding the appropriate concerns of that discipline. Some geomorphologists held to a geological basis for physiography and emphasized a concept of physiographic regions while a conflicting trend among geographers was to equate physiography with "pure morphology", separated from its geological heritage. In the period following World War II, the emergence of process, climatic, and quantitative studies led to a preference by many earth scientists for the term "geomorphology" in order to suggest an analytical approach to landscapes rather than a descriptive one. Climatic geomorphology During the age of New Imperialism in the late 19th century European explorers and scientists traveled across the globe bringing descriptions of landscapes and landforms. As geographical knowledge increased over time these observations were systematized in a search for regional patterns. Climate emerged thus as prime factor for explaining landform distribution at a grand scale. The rise of climatic geomorphology was foreshadowed by the work of Wladimir Köppen, Vasily Dokuchaev and Andreas Schimper. William Morris Davis, the leading geomorphologist of his time, recognized the role of climate by complementing his "normal" temperate climate cycle of erosion with arid and glacial ones. Nevertheless, interest in climatic geomorphology was also a reaction against Davisian geomorphology that was by the mid-20th century considered both un-innovative and dubious. Early climatic geomorphology developed primarily in continental Europe while in the English-speaking world the tendency was not explicit until L.C. Peltier's 1950 publication on a periglacial cycle of erosion. Climatic geomorphology was criticized in a 1969 review article by process geomorphologist D.R. Stoddart. The criticism by Stoddart proved "devastating" sparking a decline in the popularity of climatic geomorphology in the late 20th century. Stoddart criticized climatic geomorphology for applying supposedly "trivial" methodologies in establishing landform differences between morphoclimatic zones, being linked to Davisian geomorphology and by allegedly neglecting the fact that physical laws governing processes are the same across the globe. In addition some conceptions of climatic geomorphology, like that which holds that chemical weathering is more rapid in tropical climates than in cold climates proved to not be straightforwardly true. Quantitative and process geomorphology Geomorphology was started to be put on a solid quantitative footing in the middle of the 20th century. Following the early work of Grove Karl Gilbert around the turn of the 20th century, a group of mainly American natural scientists, geologists and hydraulic engineers including William Walden Rubey, Ralph Alger Bagnold, Hans Albert Einstein, Frank Ahnert, John Hack, Luna Leopold, A. Shields, Thomas Maddock, Arthur Strahler, Stanley Schumm, and Ronald Shreve began to research the form of landscape elements such as rivers and hillslopes by taking systematic, direct, quantitative measurements of aspects of them and investigating the scaling of these measurements. These methods began to allow prediction of the past and future behavior of landscapes from present observations, and were later to develop into the modern trend of a highly quantitative approach to geomorphic problems. Many groundbreaking and widely cited early geomorphology studies appeared in the Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, and received only few citations prior to 2000 (they are examples of "sleeping beauties") when a marked increase in quantitative geomorphology research occurred. Quantitative geomorphology can involve fluid dynamics and solid mechanics, geomorphometry, laboratory studies, field measurements, theoretical work, and full landscape evolution modeling. These approaches are used to understand weathering and the formation of soils, sediment transport, landscape change, and the interactions between climate, tectonics, erosion, and deposition. In Sweden Filip Hjulström's doctoral thesis, "The River Fyris" (1935), contained one of the first quantitative studies of geomorphological processes ever published. His students followed in the same vein, making quantitative studies of mass transport (Anders Rapp), fluvial transport (Åke Sundborg), delta deposition (Valter Axelsson), and coastal processes (John O. Norrman). This developed into "the Uppsala School of Physical Geography". Contemporary geomorphology Today, the field of geomorphology encompasses a very wide range of different approaches and interests. Modern researchers aim to draw out quantitative "laws" that govern Earth surface processes, but equally, recognize the uniqueness of each landscape and environment in which these processes operate. Particularly important realizations in contemporary geomorphology include: 1) that not all landscapes can be considered as either "stable" or "perturbed", where this perturbed state is a temporary displacement away from some ideal target form. Instead, dynamic changes of the landscape are now seen as an essential part of their nature. 2) that many geomorphic systems are best understood in terms of the stochasticity of the processes occurring in them, that is, the probability distributions of event magnitudes and return times. This in turn has indicated the importance of chaotic determinism to landscapes, and that landscape properties are best considered statistically. The same processes in the same landscapes do not always lead to the same end results. According to Karna Lidmar-Bergström, regional geography is since the 1990s no longer accepted by mainstream scholarship as a basis for geomorphological studies. Albeit having its importance diminished, climatic geomorphology continues to exist as field of study producing relevant research. More recently concerns over global warming have led to a renewed interest in the field. Despite considerable criticism, the cycle of erosion model has remained part of the science of geomorphology. The model or theory has never been proved wrong, but neither has it been proven. The inherent difficulties of the model have instead made geomorphological research to advance along other lines. In contrast to its disputed status in geomorphology, the cycle of erosion model is a common approach used to establish denudation chronologies, and is thus an important concept in the science of historical geology. While acknowledging its shortcomings, modern geomorphologists Andrew Goudie and Karna Lidmar-Bergström have praised it for its elegance and pedagogical value respectively. Processes Geomorphically relevant processes generally fall into (1) the production of regolith by weathering and erosion, (2) the transport of that material, and (3) its eventual deposition. Primary surface processes responsible for most topographic features include wind, waves, chemical dissolution, mass wasting, groundwater movement, surface water flow, glacial action, tectonism, and volcanism. Other more exotic geomorphic processes might include periglacial (freeze-thaw) processes, salt-mediated action, changes to the seabed caused by marine currents, seepage of fluids through the seafloor or extraterrestrial impact. Aeolian processes Aeolian processes pertain to the activity of the winds and more specifically, to the winds' ability to shape the surface of the Earth. Winds may erode, transport, and deposit materials, and are effective agents in regions with sparse vegetation and a large supply of fine, unconsolidated sediments. Although water and mass flow tend to mobilize more material than wind in most environments, aeolian processes are important in arid environments such as deserts. Biological processes The interaction of living organisms with landforms, or biogeomorphologic processes, can be of many different forms, and is probably of profound importance for the terrestrial geomorphic system as a whole. Biology can influence very many geomorphic processes, ranging from biogeochemical processes controlling chemical weathering, to the influence of mechanical processes like burrowing and tree throw on soil development, to even controlling global erosion rates through modulation of climate through carbon dioxide balance. Terrestrial landscapes in which the role of biology in mediating surface processes can be definitively excluded are extremely rare, but may hold important information for understanding the geomorphology of other planets, such as Mars. Fluvial processes Rivers and streams are not only conduits of water, but also of sediment. The water, as it flows over the channel bed, is able to mobilize sediment and transport it downstream, either as bed load, suspended load or dissolved load. The rate of sediment transport depends on the availability of sediment itself and on the river's discharge. Rivers are also capable of eroding into rock and forming new sediment, both from their own beds and also by coupling to the surrounding hillslopes. In this way, rivers are thought of as setting the base level for large-scale landscape evolution in nonglacial environments. Rivers are key links in the connectivity of different landscape elements. As rivers flow across the landscape, they generally increase in size, merging with other rivers. The network of rivers thus formed is a drainage system. These systems take on four general patterns: dendritic, radial, rectangular, and trellis. Dendritic happens to be the most common, occurring when the underlying stratum is stable (without faulting). Drainage systems have four primary components: drainage basin, alluvial valley, delta plain, and receiving basin. Some geomorphic examples of fluvial landforms are alluvial fans, oxbow lakes, and fluvial terraces. Glacial processes Glaciers, while geographically restricted, are effective agents of landscape change. The gradual movement of ice down a valley causes abrasion and plucking of the underlying rock. Abrasion produces fine sediment, termed glacial flour. The debris transported by the glacier, when the glacier recedes, is termed a moraine. Glacial erosion is responsible for U-shaped valleys, as opposed to the V-shaped valleys of fluvial origin. The way glacial processes interact with other landscape elements, particularly hillslope and fluvial processes, is an important aspect of Plio-Pleistocene landscape evolution and its sedimentary record in many high mountain environments. Environments that have been relatively recently glaciated but are no longer may still show elevated landscape change rates compared to those that have never been glaciated. Nonglacial geomorphic processes which nevertheless have been conditioned by past glaciation are termed paraglacial processes. This concept contrasts with periglacial processes, which are directly driven by formation or melting of ice or frost. Hillslope processes Soil, regolith, and rock move downslope under the force of gravity via creep, slides, flows, topples, and falls. Such mass wasting occurs on both terrestrial and submarine slopes, and has been observed on Earth, Mars, Venus, Titan and Iapetus. Ongoing hillslope processes can change the topology of the hillslope surface, which in turn can change the rates of those processes. Hillslopes that steepen up to certain critical thresholds are capable of shedding extremely large volumes of material very quickly, making hillslope processes an extremely important element of landscapes in tectonically active areas. On the Earth, biological processes such as burrowing or tree throw may play important roles in setting the rates of some hillslope processes. Igneous processes Both volcanic (eruptive) and plutonic (intrusive) igneous processes can have important impacts on geomorphology. The action of volcanoes tends to rejuvenize landscapes, covering the old land surface with lava and tephra, releasing pyroclastic material and forcing rivers through new paths. The cones built by eruptions also build substantial new topography, which can be acted upon by other surface processes. Plutonic rocks intruding then solidifying at depth can cause both uplift or subsidence of the surface, depending on whether the new material is denser or less dense than the rock it displaces. Tectonic processes Tectonic effects on geomorphology can range from scales of millions of years to minutes or less. The effects of tectonics on landscape are heavily dependent on the nature of the underlying bedrock fabric that more or less controls what kind of local morphology tectonics can shape. Earthquakes can, in terms of minutes, submerge large areas of land forming new wetlands. Isostatic rebound can account for significant changes over hundreds to thousands of years, and allows erosion of a mountain belt to promote further erosion as mass is removed from the chain and the belt uplifts. Long-term plate tectonic dynamics give rise to orogenic belts, large mountain chains with typical lifetimes of many tens of millions of years, which form focal points for high rates of fluvial and hillslope processes and thus long-term sediment production. Features of deeper mantle dynamics such as plumes and delamination of the lower lithosphere have also been hypothesised to play important roles in the long term (> million year), large scale (thousands of km) evolution of the Earth's topography (see dynamic topography). Both can promote surface uplift through isostasy as hotter, less dense, mantle rocks displace cooler, denser, mantle rocks at depth in the Earth. Marine processes Marine processes are those associated with the action of waves, marine currents and seepage of fluids through the seafloor. Mass wasting and submarine landsliding are also important processes for some aspects of marine geomorphology. Because ocean basins are the ultimate sinks for a large fraction of terrestrial sediments, depositional processes and their related forms (e.g., sediment fans, deltas) are particularly important as elements of marine geomorphology. Overlap with other fields There is a considerable overlap between geomorphology and other fields. Deposition of material is extremely important in sedimentology. Weathering is the chemical and physical disruption of earth materials in place on exposure to atmospheric or near surface agents, and is typically studied by soil scientists and environmental chemists, but is an essential component of geomorphology because it is what provides the material that can be moved in the first place. Civil and environmental engineers are concerned with erosion and sediment transport, especially related to canals, slope stability (and natural hazards), water quality, coastal environmental management, transport of contaminants, and stream restoration. Glaciers can cause extensive erosion and deposition in a short period of time, making them extremely important entities in the high latitudes and meaning that they set the conditions in the headwaters of mountain-born streams; glaciology therefore is important in geomorphology. See also Bioerosion Biogeology Biogeomorphology Biorhexistasy British Society for Geomorphology Coastal biogeomorphology Coastal erosion Concepts and Techniques in Modern Geography Drainage system (geomorphology) Erosion prediction Geologic modelling Geomorphometry Geotechnics Hack's law Hydrologic modeling, behavioral modeling in hydrology List of landforms Orogeny Physiographic regions of the world Sediment transport Soil morphology Soils retrogression and degradation Stream capture Thermochronology References Further reading Ialenti, Vincent. "Envisioning Landscapes of Our Very Distant Future" NPR Cosmos & Culture. 9/2014. Bierman, P.R.; Montgomery, D.R. Key Concepts in Geomorphology. New York: W. H. Freeman, 2013. . Ritter, D.F.; Kochel, R.C.; Miller, J.R.. Process Geomorphology. London: Waveland Pr Inc, 2011. . Hargitai H., Page D., Canon-Tapia E. and Rodrigue C.M..; Classification and Characterization of Planetary Landforms. in: Hargitai H, Kereszturi Á, eds, Encyclopedia of Planetary Landforms. Cham: Springer 2015 External links The Geographical Cycle, or the Cycle of Erosion (1899) Geomorphology from Space (NASA) British Society for Geomorphology Earth sciences Geology Geological processes Gravity Physical geography Planetary science Seismology Topography

Sanism

Sanism, saneism, mentalism, or psychophobia refers to the discrimination and oppression of people based on actual or perceived mental disorder or cognitive impairment. This discrimination and oppression are based on numerous factors such as stereotypes about neurodiversity. Mentalism impacts individuals with autism, learning disorders, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD), bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, personality disorders, stuttering, tics, intellectual disability, and other cognitive impairments. Mentalism may cause harm through a combination of social inequalities, insults, indignities, and overt discrimination. Some examples of these include refusal of service and the denial of human rights. Mentalism does not only describe how individuals are treated by the general public. The concept also encapsulates how individuals are treated by mental health professionals, the legal system and other institutions. The term "sanism" was coined by Morton Birnbaum, a physician, lawyer, and mental health advocate. Judi Chamberlin coined the term "mentalism" in a chapter of the book Women Look at Psychiatry. Definition The terms mentalism, from "mental", and sanism, from "sane", have become established in some contexts, although concepts such as social stigma, and in some cases ableism, may be used in similar but not identical ways. While mentalism and sanism are used interchangeably, sanism is becoming predominant in certain circles, such as academics. Those who identify as mad, mad advocates, and in a socio-political context where sanism is gaining ground as a movement. The movement of sanism is an act of resistance among those who identify as mad, consumer survivors, and mental health advocates. In academia evidence of this movement can be found in the number of recent publications about sanism and social work practice. Etymologies The term "sanism" was coined by Morton Birnbaum during his work representing Edward Stephens, a mental health patient, in a legal case in the 1960s. Birnbaum was a physician, lawyer and mental health advocate who helped establish a constitutional right to treatment for psychiatric patients along with safeguards against involuntary commitment. Since first noticing the term in 1980, New York legal professor Michael L. Perlin subsequently continued its use. In 1975 Judi Chamberlin coined the term mentalism in a book chapter of Women Look at Psychiatry. The term became more widely known when she used it in 1978 in her book On Our Own: Patient Controlled Alternatives to the Mental Health System, which for some time became the standard text of the psychiatric survivor movement in the US. People began to recognize a pattern in how they were treated, a set of assumptions which most people seemed to hold about mental (ex-)patients regardless of whether they applied to any particular individual at any particular time – that they were incompetent, unable to do things for themselves, constantly in need of supervision and assistance, unpredictable, likely to be violent or irrational etc. It was realized that not only did the general public express mentalist ideas, so did ex-patients, a form of internalized oppression. As of 1998 these terms have been adopted by some consumers/survivors in the UK and the US, but had not gained general currency. This left a conceptual gap filled in part by the concept of 'stigma', but this has been criticized for focusing less on institutionalized discrimination with multiple causes, but on whether people perceive mental health issues as shameful or worse than they are. Despite its use, a body of literature demonstrated widespread discrimination across many spheres of life, including employment, parental rights, housing, immigration, insurance, health care and access to justice. However, the use of new "isms" has also been questioned on the grounds that they can be perceived as divisive, out of date, or a form of undue political correctness. The same criticisms, in this view, may not apply so much to broader and more accepted terms like 'discrimination' or 'social exclusion'. There is also the umbrella term ableism, referring to discrimination against those who are (perceived as) disabled. In terms of the brain, there is the movement for the recognition of neurodiversity. The term 'psychophobia' (from psyche and phobia) has occasionally been used with a similar meaning. Social division Mentalism at one extreme can lead to a categorical dividing of people into an empowered group assumed to be normal, healthy, reliable, and capable, and a powerless group assumed to be sick, disabled, crazy, unpredictable, and violent. This divide can justify inconsiderate treatment of the latter group and expectations of poorer standards of living for them, for which they may be expected to express gratitude. Further discrimination may involve labeling some as "high functioning" and some as "low-functioning"; while this may enable the targeting of resources, in both categories human behaviors are recast in pathological terms.According to Coni Kalinowski (a psychiatrist at the University of Nevada and Director of Mojave Community Services) and Pat Risser (a mental health consultant and self-described former recipient of mental health services). The discrimination can be so fundamental and unquestioned that it can stop people truly empathizing (although they may think they are) or genuinely seeing the other point of view with respect. Some mental conditions can impair awareness and understanding in certain ways at certain times, but mentalist assumptions may lead others to erroneously believe that they necessarily understand the person's situation and needs better than they do themselves. Reportedly even within the disability rights movement internationally, "there is a lot of sanism", and "disability organisations don't always 'get' mental health and don't want to be seen as mentally defective." Conversely, those coming from the mental health side may not view such conditions as disabilities in the same way. Some national government-funded charities view the issue as primarily a matter of stigmatizing attitudes within the general public, perhaps due to people not having enough contact with those (diagnosed with) mental illness, and one head of a schizophrenia charity has compared mentalism to the way racism may be more prevalent when people don't spend time together throughout life. A psychologist who runs The Living Museum facilitating current or former psychiatric patients to exhibit artwork, has referred to the attitude of the general public as psychophobia. Clinical terminology Mentalism may be codified in clinical terminology in subtle ways, including in the basic diagnostic categories used by psychiatry (as in the DSM or ICD). There is some ongoing debate as to which terms and criteria may communicate contempt or inferiority, rather than facilitate real understanding of people and their issues. Some oppose the entire process as labeling and some have responded to justifications for it – for example that it is necessary for clinical or administrative purposes. Others argue that most aspects could easily be expressed in a more accurate and less offensive manner. Some clinical terms may be used far beyond the usual narrowly defined meanings, in a way that can obscure the regular human and social context of people's experiences. For example, having a bad time may be assumed to be decompensation; incarceration or solitary confinement may be described as treatment regardless of benefit to the person; regular activities like listening to music, engaging in exercise or sporting activities, or being in a particular physical or social environment (milieu), may be referred to as therapy; all sorts of responses and behaviors may be assumed to be symptoms; core adverse effects of drugs may be termed side effects. The former director of a US-based psychiatric survivors organization focused on rights and freedoms, David Oaks, has advocated the taking back of words like "mad", "lunatic", "crazy" or "bonkers". While acknowledging that some choose not to use such words in any sense, he questions whether medical terms like "mentally ill", "psychotic" or "clinically depressed" really are more helpful or indicative of seriousness than possible alternatives. Oaks says that for decades he has been exploring the depths of sanism and has not yet found an end, and suggests it may be the most pernicious 'ism' because people tend to define themselves by their rationality and their core feelings. One possible response is to critique conceptions of normality and the problems associated with normative functioning around the world, although in some ways that could also potentially constitute a form of mentalism. After his 2012 accident breaking his neck and subsequent retirement, Oaks refers to himself as "PsychoQuad" on his personal blog. British writer Clare Allen argues that even reclaimed slang terms such as "mad" are just not accurate. In addition, she sees the commonplace mis-use of concepts relating to mental health problems – including for example jokes about people hearing voices as if that automatically undermines their credibility – as equivalent to racist or sexist phrases that would be considered obviously discriminatory. She characterises such usage as indicating an underlying psychophobia and contempt. Blame Interpretations of behaviors, and applications of treatments, may be done in an judgmental way because of an underlying mentalism, according to critics of psychiatry. If a recipient of mental health services disagrees with treatment or diagnosis, or does not change, they may be labeled as non-compliant, uncooperative, or treatment-resistant. This is despite the fact that the issue may be healthcare provider's inadequate understanding of the person or their problems, adverse medication effects, a poor match between the treatment and the person, stigma associated with the treatment, difficulty with access, cultural unacceptability, or many other issues. Mentalism may lead people to assume that someone is not aware of what they are doing and that there is no point trying to communicate with them, despite the fact that they may well have a level of awareness and desire to connect even if they are acting in a seemingly irrational or self-harming way. In addition, mental health professionals and others may tend to equate subduing a person with treatment; a quiet client who causes no community disturbance may be deemed improved no matter how miserable or incapacitated that person may feel as a result. Clinicians may blame clients for not being sufficiently motivated to work on treatment goals or recovery, and as acting out when things are not agreed with or are found upsetting. But critics say that in the majority of cases this is actually due to the client having been treated in a disrespectful, judgmental, or dismissive manner. Nevertheless, such behavior may be justified by characterizing the client as demanding, angry or needing limits. To overcome this, it has been suggested that power-sharing should be cultivated and that when respectful communication breaks down, the first thing that needs to be asked is whether mentalist prejudices have been expressed. Neglect Mentalism has been linked to negligence in monitoring for adverse effects of medications (or other interventions), or to viewing such effects as more acceptable than they would be for others. This has been compared to instances of maltreatment based on racism. Mentalism has also been linked to neglect in failing to check for, or fully respect, people's past experiences of abuse or other trauma. Treatments that do not support choice and self-determination may cause people to re-experience the helplessness, pain, despair, and rage that accompanied the trauma, and yet attempts to cope with this may be labeled as acting out, manipulation, or attention-seeking. In addition, mentalism can lead to "poor" or "guarded" predictions of the future for a person, which could be an overly pessimistic view skewed by a narrow clinical experience. It could also be made impervious to contrary evidence because those who succeed can be discounted as having been misdiagnosed or as not having a genuine form of a disorder – the no true Scotsman fallacy. While some mental health problems can involve very substantial disability and can be very difficult to overcome in society, predictions based on prejudice and stereotypes can be self-fulfilling because individuals pick up on a message that they have no real hope, and realistic hope is said to be a key foundation of recovery. At the same time, a trait or condition might be considered more a form of individual difference that society needs to include and adapt to, in which case a mentalist attitude might be associated with assumptions and prejudices about what constitutes normal society and who is deserving of adaptations, support, or consideration. Institutional discrimination This may be apparent in physical separation, including separate facilities or accommodation, or in lower standards for some than others. Mental health professionals may find themselves drawn into systems based on bureaucratic and financial imperatives and social control, resulting in alienation from their original values, disappointment in "the system", and adoption of the cynical, mentalist beliefs that may pervade an organization. However, just as employees can be dismissed for disparaging sexual or ethnic remarks, it is argued that staff who are entrenched in negative stereotypes, attitudes, and beliefs about those labeled with mental disorders need to be removed from service organizations. A related theoretical approach, known as expressed emotion, has also focused on negative interpersonal dynamics relating to care givers, especially within families. However, the point is also made in such views that institutional and group environments can be challenging from all sides, and that clear boundaries and rights are required for everyone. The mental health professions have themselves been criticized. While social work (also known as clinical social work) has appeared to have more potential than others to understand and assist those using services, and has talked a lot academically about anti-oppressive practice intended to support people facing various -isms, it has allegedly failed to address mentalism to any significant degree. The field has been accused, by social work professionals with experience of using services themselves, of failing to help people identify and address what is oppressing them; of unduly deferring to psychiatric or biomedical conventions particularly in regard to those deemed most unwell; and of failing to address its own discriminatory practices, including its conflicts of interest in its official role aiding the social control of patients through involuntary commitment. In the "user/survivor" movement in England, Pete Shaughnessy, a founder of mad pride, concluded that the National Health Service is "institutionally mentalist and has a lot of soul searching to do in the new Millennium", including addressing the prejudice of its office staff. He suggested that when prejudice is applied by the very professionals who aspire to eradicate it, it raises the question of whether it will ever be eradicated. Shaughnessy committed suicide in 2002. The psychiatric survivors movement has been described as a feminist issue, because the problems it addresses are "important for all women because mentalism acts as a threat to all women" and "mentalism threatens women's families and children." A psychiatric survivor and professional has said that "Mentalism parallels sexism and racism in creating an oppressed underclass, in this case of people who have received psychiatric diagnosis and treatment". She reported that the most frequent complaint of psychiatric patients is that nobody listens, or only selectively in the course of trying to make a diagnosis. On a society-wide level, mentalism has been linked to people being kept in poverty as second class citizens; to employment discrimination keeping people living on handouts; to interpersonal discrimination hindering relationships; to stereotypes promoted through the media spreading fears of unpredictability and dangerousness; and to people fearing to disclose or talk about their experiences. Law With regard to legal protections against discrimination, mentalism may only be covered under general frameworks such as the disability discrimination acts that are in force in some countries, and which require a person to say that they have a disability and to prove that they meet the criteria. In terms of the legal system itself, the law is traditionally based on technical definitions of sanity and insanity, and so the term "sanism" may be used in response. The concept is well known in the US legal community, being referred to in nearly 300 law review articles between 1992 and 2013, though is less well known in the medical community. Michael Perlin, Professor of Law at New York Law School, has defined sanism as "an irrational prejudice of the same quality and character as other irrational prejudices that cause and are reflected in prevailing social attitudes of racism, sexism, homophobia, and ethnic bigotry that permeates all aspects of mental disability law and affects all participants in the mental disability law system: litigants, fact finders, counsel, and expert and lay witnesses." Perlin notes that sanism affects the theory and practice of law in largely invisible and socially acceptable ways, based mainly on "stereotype, myth, superstition, and deindividualization." He believes that its "corrosive effects have warped involuntary civil commitment law, institutional law, tort law, and all aspects of the criminal process (pretrial, trial and sentencing)." According to Perlin, judges are far from immune, tending to reflect sanist thinking that has deep roots within our culture. This results in judicial decisions based on stereotypes in all areas of civil and criminal law, expressed in biased language and showing contempt for mental health professionals. Moreover, courts are often impatient and attribute mental problems to "weak character or poor resolve". Sanist attitudes are prevalent in the teaching of law students, both overtly and covertly, according to Perlin. He notes that this impacts on the skills at the heart of lawyering such as "interviewing, investigating, counseling and negotiating", and on every critical moment of clinical experience: "the initial interview, case preparation, case conferences, planning litigation (or negotiation) strategy, trial preparation, trial and appeal." There is also widespread discrimination by jurors, who Perlin characterizes as demonstrating "irrational brutality, prejudice, hostility, and hatred" towards defendants where there is an insanity defense. Specific sanist myths include relying on popular images of craziness; an 'obsession' with claims that mental problems can be easily faked and experts duped; assuming an absolute link between mental illness and dangerousness; an 'incessant' confusion and mixing up of different legal tests of mental status; and assuming that defendants acquitted on insanity defenses are likely to be released quickly. Although there are claims that neuroimaging has some potential to help in this area, Perlin concludes that it is very difficult to weigh the truth or relevance of such results due to the many uncertainties and limitations, and as it may be either disregarded or over-hyped by scientists, lawyers or in the popular imagination. He believes "the key to an answer here is a consideration of sanism", because to a great extent it can "overwhelm all other evidence and all other issues in this conversation". He suggests that "only therapeutic jurisprudence has the potential power to 'strip the sanist facade'." Perlin has suggested that the international Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is a revolutionary human rights document which has the potential to be the best tool to challenge sanist discrimination. He has also addressed the topic of sanism as it affects which sexual freedoms or protections are afforded to psychiatric patients, especially in forensic facilities. Sanism in the legal profession can affect many people in communities who at some point in their life struggle with some degree of mental health problems, according to Perlin. This may unjustly limit their ability to legally resolve issues in their communities such as: "contract problems, property problems, domestic relations problems, and trusts and estates problems." Susan Fraser, a lawyer in Canada who specializes in advocating for vulnerable people, argues that sanism is based on fear of the unknown, reinforced by stereotypes that dehumanize individuals. She argues that this causes the legal system to fail to properly defend patients' rights to refuse potentially harmful medications; to investigate deaths in psychiatric hospitals and other institutions in an equal way to others; and to fail to properly listen to and respect the voices of mental health consumers and survivors. Education Similar issues have been identified by Perlin in how children are dealt with in regard to learning disabilities, including in special education. In any area of law, he points out, two of the most common sanist myths are presuming that persons with mental disabilities are faking, or that such persons would not be disabled if they only tried harder. In this particular area, he concludes that labeled children are stereotyped in a process rife with racial, class and gender bias. Although intended to help some children, he contends that in reality it can be not merely a double-edged sword but a triple, quadruple or quintuple edged sword. The result of sanist prejudices and misconceptions, in the context of academic competition, is that "we are left with a system that is, in many important ways, stunningly incoherent". Oppression A spiral of oppression experienced by some groups in society has been identified. Firstly, oppressions occur on the basis of perceived or actual differences (which may be related to broad group stereotypes such as racism, sexism, classism, ageism, homophobia etc.). This can have negative physical, social, economic and psychological effects on individuals, including emotional distress and what might be considered mental health problems. Then, society's response to such distress may be to treat it within a system of medical and social care rather than (also) understanding and challenging the oppressions that gave rise to it, thus reinforcing the problem with further oppressive attitudes and practices, which can lead to more distress, and so on in a vicious cycle. In addition, due to coming into contact with mental health services, people may become subject to the oppression of mentalism, since society (and mental health services themselves) have such negative attitudes towards people with a psychiatric diagnosis, thus further perpetuating oppression and discrimination. People suffering such oppression within society may be drawn to more radical political action, but sanist structures and attitudes have also been identified in activist communities. This includes cliques and social hierarchies that people with particular issues may find very difficult to break into or be valued by. There may also be individual rejection of people for strange behavior that is not considered culturally acceptable, or alternatively insensitivity to emotional states including suicidality, or denial that someone has issues if they appear to act normally. See also Disability flag Franco Basaglia List of disability-related terms with negative connotations Mental health stigma Rankism (umbrella term for all forms of hierarchical discrimination) Social Darwinism Social model of disability Supremacism Violent behavior in autistic people References Further reading Ableism Disability rights Neurodiversity Prejudice and discrimination by type

Colon classification

Colon classification (CC) is a library catalogue system developed by Shiyali Ramamrita Ranganathan. It was an early faceted (or analytico-synthetic) classification system. The first edition of colon classification was published in 1933, followed by six more editions. It is especially used in libraries in India. Its name originates from its use of colons to separate facets into classes. Many other classification schemes, some of which are unrelated, also use colons and other punctuation to perform various functions. Originally, CC used only the colon as a separator, but since the second edition, CC has used four other punctuation symbols to identify each facet type. In CC, facets describe "personality" (the most specific subject), matter, energy, space, and time (PMEST). These facets are generally associated with every item in a library, and thus form a reasonably universal sorting system. As an example, the subject "research in the cure of tuberculosis of lungs by x-ray conducted in India in 1950" would be categorized as: This is summarized in a specific call number: Organization The colon classification system uses 42 main classes that are combined with other letters, numbers, and marks in a manner resembling the Library of Congress Classification. Facets CC uses five primary categories, or facets, to specify the sorting of a publication. Collectively, they are called PMEST: Other symbols can be used to indicate components of facets called isolates, and to specify complex combinations or relationships between disciplines. Classes The following are the main classes of CC, with some subclasses, the main method used to sort the subclass using the PMEST scheme and examples showing application of PMEST. z Generalia 1 Universe of Knowledge 2 Library Science 3 Book science 4 Journalism A Natural science B Mathematics B2 Algebra C Physics D Engineering E Chemistry F Technology G Biology H Geology HX Mining I Botany J Agriculture J1 Horticulture J2 Feed J3 Food J4 Stimulant J5 Oil J6 Drug J7 Fabric J8 Dye K Zoology KZ Animal Husbandry L Medicine LZ3 Pharmacology LZ5 Pharmacopoeia M Useful arts M7 Textiles [material]:[work] Δ Spiritual experience and mysticism [religion],[entity]:[problem] N Fine arts ND Sculpture NN Engraving NQ Painting NR Music O Literature P Linguistics Q Religion R Philosophy S Psychology T Education U Geography V History W Political science X Economics Y Sociology YZ Social Work Z Law Example A common example of the colon classification is: "Research in the cure of the tuberculosis of lungs by x-ray conducted in India in 1950s": The main classification is Medicine; (Medicine) Within Medicine, the Lungs are the main concern; The property of the Lungs is that they are afflicted with Tuberculosis; The Tuberculosis is being performed (:) on, that is the intent is to cure (Treatment); The matter that we are treating the Tuberculosis with is X-Rays; And this discussion of treatment is regarding the Research phase; This Research is performed within a geographical space (.), namely India; During the time (') of 1950; And finally, translating into the codes listed for each subject and facet the classification becomes References Further reading Colon Classification (6th Edition) by Shiyali Ramamrita Ranganathan, published by Ess Ess Publications, Delhi, India Chan, Lois Mai. Cataloging and Classification: An Introduction. 2nd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, c. 1994. . Knowledge representation Library cataloging and classification

Maladjustment

Maladjustment is a term used in psychology to refer the "inability to react successfully and satisfactorily to the demand of one's environment". The term maladjustment can be refer to a wide range of social, biological and psychological conditions. Maladjustment can be both intrinsic or extrinsic. Intrinsic maladjustment is the disparities between the needs, motivations and evaluations of an individual, with the actual reward gain through experiences. Extrinsic maladjustment on the other hand, is referred to when an individual's behavior does not meet the cultural or social expectation of society. The causes of maladjustment can be attributed to a wide variety of factors, including: family environment, personal factors, and school-related factors. Maladjustment affects an individual's development and the ability to maintain a positive interpersonal relationship with others. Often maladjustment emerges during early stages of childhood, when a child is in the process of learning methods to solve problem that occurs in interpersonal relationship in their social network. A lack of intervention for individuals who are maladjusted can cause negative effects later on in life. Causes Children who are brought up in certain conditions are more prone to maladjustment. There are three main causes associated to maladjustment: Family causes Socially, children that come from broken homes often are maladjusted. Feelings of frustration toward their situation stems from insecurities, and denial of basic needs such as food, clothing and shelter. Children whose parents are unemployed or possess a low socioeconomic status are more prone to maladjustment. Parents who are abusive and highly authoritative can cause harmful effect towards psychological need which are essential for a child to be socially well adjusted. The bond between a parent and child can affect psychological development in adolescents. Conflicts between parent and child relationship can cause adolescents to have poor adjustment. The level of conflict which occur between a parent and child can affect both the child's perception of the relationship with their parents and a child's self-perception. The perception of conflict between parent and child can be attributed to two mechanisms: reciprocal filial belief and perceived threats. Reciprocal filial belief refers to the love, care and affection that a child experience through their parent, it represents the amount of intimacy a child has with his or her parent. High levels of perceived conflict between parent and child reduces feelings of empathy, a child may feel isolated and therefore alienate themselves from their parent, this reduces the amount of reciprocal filial belief. Adolescents with lower levels of reciprocal filial belief are known to shown characteristic of a maladjusted individual. Perceived threats can be characterized as the anticipation of damage or harm to oneself during an emotional arousing event that induce a response towards stress. Worry, fear and the inability to cope with stress during conflicts are indicators of a rise in the level of perceived threat in a parent and child relationship. Higher levels of perceived threats in a parent and child relationship may exacerbate negative self-perception and weaken the ability to cope, this intensifies antisocial behavior which is a characteristic associated with maladjustment. Personal causes Children with physical, emotional or mental problems often have a hard time keeping up socially when compared to their peers. This can cause a child to experience feeling of isolation and limits interaction which brings about maladjustment. Emotion regulation plays a role in maladjustment. Typically, emotions are generally adaptive responses which allow an individual to have the flexibility to change their emotion based on the demand of their environment. Emotional inertia refers to "the degree in which emotional states are resistant to change"; there is a lack of emotional responsiveness due to the resistance of external environmental changes or internal psychological influences. High level of emotional inertia may be indicative of maladjustment, as an individual does not display a typical variability of emotions towards their social surroundings. A high level of emotional inertia may also represent impairment in emotional-regulation skill, which is known to be indicators of low self-esteem and neuroticism. School related causes Children who are victimized by their peers at school are more at risk of being maladjusted. Children who are victimized by their peer at school are prone to anxiety and feelings of insecurity. This affect their attitudes towards school, victimized children are more likely to show dislike towards schools and display high levels of school avoidance. Teachers who display unfair and biased attitudes towards children cause difficulties in their adjustment towards the classroom and school-life. Unhealthy and negative peer influence, such as delinquency, can cause children to be maladjusted in their social environment. Associated characteristics There are some characteristics that are associated with maladjustments. Nervous behavior. Habits and tics in response to nervousness (e.g. biting fingernails, fidgeting, banging of head, playing with hair, inability to stay still). Emotional overreaction and deviation. The tendency to respond to a situation with unnecessarily excessive or extravagant emotions and actions (e.g. avoidance of responsibility due to fear, withdrawal, easily distracted from slightest annoyance, unwarranted anxiety from small mistakes). Emotional immaturity. The inability to fully control one's emotion (e.g. indecisiveness, over dependence on other, excessively self-conscious and suspicious, being incapable to work independently, hyperactivity, unreasonable fears and worries, high levels of anxiety). Exhibitionist behavior. Behaviors conducted in attempts to gain attention or to portray a positive image (e.g. blame others for one's own failure, high level of overt agreeableness towards authority, physically hurting others). Antisocial behavior. Behaviors and acts that showed hostility or aggression to others (e.g. cruelty to others, the use of obscene and abusive language, bullying others, destructive and irresponsible behaviors) Psychosomatic disturbances. This can include: complications in bowel movement, nausea and vomiting, overeating, and other pains. Negative effects Poor academic performance Maladjustments can have an effect on an individual's academic performance. Individual who have maladjusted behaviors tend to have a lower commitment to scholastic achievements, which cause poorer test results, higher rate of truancy and increase risk of dropping out of school. Suicidal behavior In cases where a child suffers from physical or sexual abuse, maladjustment is a risk for suicidal behavior. Individual with a history of childhood abuse tend to be maladjusted due to their dissatisfaction in social support and the prevalence of an anxious attachment style. Clinical implication suggests that by targeting maladjustment in individuals with history of childhood abuse, the risk of suicidal behavior may be attenuated. See also Adjustment (psychology) References Mental states

Social dynamics

Social dynamics (or sociodynamics) is the study of the behavior of groups and of the interactions of individual group members, aiming to understand the emergence of complex social behaviors among microorganisms, plants and animals, including humans. It is related to sociobiology but also draws from physics and complex system sciences. In the last century, sociodynamics was viewed as part of psychology, as shown in the work: "Sociodynamics: an integrative theorem of power, authority, interfluence and love". In the 1990s, social dynamics began being viewed as a separate scientific discipline[By whom?]. An important paper in this respect is: "The Laws of Sociodynamics". Then, starting in the 2000s, sociodynamics took off as a discipline of its own, many papers were released in the field in this decade. Overview The field of social dynamics brings together ideas from economics, sociology, social psychology, and other disciplines, and is a sub-field of complex adaptive systems or complexity science. The fundamental assumption of the field is that individuals are influenced by one another's behavior. The field is closely related to system dynamics. Like system dynamics, social dynamics is concerned with changes over time and emphasizes the role of feedbacks. However, in social dynamics individual choices and interactions are typically viewed as the source of aggregate level behavior, while system dynamics posits that the structure of feedbacks and accumulations are responsible for system level dynamics. Research in the field typically takes a behavioral approach, assuming that individuals are boundedly rational and act on local information. Mathematical and computational modeling are important tools for studying social dynamics. This field grew out of work done in the 1940s by game theorists such as Duncan & Luce, and even earlier works by mathematician Armand Borel. Because social dynamics focuses on individual level behavior, and recognizes the importance of heterogeneity across individuals, strict analytic results are often impossible. Instead, approximation techniques, such as mean-field approximations from statistical physics, or computer simulations are used to understand the behaviors of the system. In contrast to more traditional approaches in economics, scholars of social dynamics are often interested in non-equilibrium, or dynamic, behavior. That is, behavior that changes over time. Topics Social networks Diffusion of technologies and information Cooperation Social norms See also Complex adaptive system Complexity science Collective intelligence Dynamical systems Jay Wright Forrester Group dynamics Operations research Population dynamics System dynamics Social psychology Societal collapse Sociobiology Sociocultural evolution Notes References Weidlich, W. (1997) "Sociodynamics applied to the evolution of urban and regional structures". Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society, Vol. 1, pp. 85–98. Further reading External links Introduction to Social Macrodynamics Club of Rome report, quote: "We must also keep in mind the presence of social delays--the delays necessary to allow society to absorb or to prepare for a change. Most delays, physical or social reduce the stability of the world system and increase the likelihood of the overshoot mode" Northwestern Institute on Complex Systems—Institute with research focusing on complexity and social dynamics. Center for the Study of Complex Systems, University of Michigan—Center with research focusing on complexity and social dynamics. social-dynamics.org—Blog on Social Dynamics from Kellogg School of Management Social Dynamics Scholar https://archive.today/20020305021324/http://139.142.203.66/pub/www/Journal/vol3/iss2/art4/ http://arquivo.pt/wayback/20090628232019/http://www-rcf.usc.edu/~read/connectionism_preface2.html "Historical Dynamics in a Time of Crisis: Late Byzantium, 1204–1453" (discussion of social dynamics from the point of view of historical studies) Systems theory Social systems

Anthropometry

Anthropometry (, ) refers to the measurement of the human individual. An early tool of physical anthropology, it has been used for identification, for the purposes of understanding human physical variation, in paleoanthropology and in various attempts to correlate physical with racial and psychological traits. Anthropometry involves the systematic measurement of the physical properties of the human body, primarily dimensional descriptors of body size and shape. Since commonly used methods and approaches in analysing living standards were not helpful enough, the anthropometric history became very useful for historians in answering questions that interested them. Today, anthropometry plays an important role in industrial design, clothing design, ergonomics and architecture where statistical data about the distribution of body dimensions in the population are used to optimize products. Changes in lifestyles, nutrition, and ethnic composition of populations lead to changes in the distribution of body dimensions (e.g. the rise in obesity) and require regular updating of anthropometric data collections. History The history of anthropometry includes and spans various concepts, both scientific and pseudoscientific, such as craniometry, paleoanthropology, biological anthropology, phrenology, physiognomy, forensics, criminology, phylogeography, human origins, and cranio-facial description, as well as correlations between various anthropometrics and personal identity, mental typology, personality, cranial vault and brain size, and other factors. At various times in history, applications of anthropometry have ranged from accurate scientific description and epidemiological analysis to rationales for eugenics and overtly racist social movements. One of its misuses was the discredited pseudoscience, phrenology. Individual variation Auxologic Auxologic is a broad term covering the study of all aspects of human physical growth. Height Human height varies greatly between individuals and across populations for a variety of complex biological, genetic, and environmental factors, among others. Due to methodological and practical problems, its measurement is also subject to considerable error in statistical sampling. The average height in genetically and environmentally homogeneous populations is often proportional across a large number of individuals. Exceptional height variation (around 20% deviation from a population's average) within such a population is sometimes due to gigantism or dwarfism, which are caused by specific genes or endocrine abnormalities. It is important to note that a great degree of variation occurs between even the most 'common' bodies (66% of the population), and as such no person can be considered 'average'. In the most extreme population comparisons, for example, the average female height in Bolivia is while the average male height in the Dinaric Alps is , an average difference of . Similarly, the shortest and tallest of individuals, Chandra Bahadur Dangi and Robert Wadlow, have ranged from , respectively.'The age range where most females stop growing is 15–⁠18 years and the age range where most males stop growing is 18–⁠21 years. Weight Human weight varies extensively both individually and across populations, with the most extreme documented examples of adults being Lucia Zarate who weighed , and Jon Brower Minnoch who weighed , and with population extremes ranging from in Bangladesh to in Micronesia. Organs Adult brain size varies from to in females and to in males, with the average being and , respectively. The right cerebral hemisphere is typically larger than the left, whereas the cerebellar hemispheres are typically of more similar size. Size of the human stomach varies significantly in adults, with one study showing volumes ranging from to and weights ranging from to . Male and female genitalia exhibit considerable individual variation, with penis size differing substantially and vaginal size differing significantly in healthy adults. Aesthetic Human beauty and physical attractiveness have been preoccupations throughout history which often intersect with anthropometric standards. Cosmetology, facial symmetry, and waist–hip ratio are three such examples where measurements are commonly thought to be fundamental. Evolutionary science Anthropometric studies today are conducted to investigate the evolutionary significance of differences in body proportion between populations whose ancestors lived in different environments. Human populations exhibit climatic variation patterns similar to those of other large-bodied mammals, following Bergmann's rule, which states that individuals in cold climates will tend to be larger than ones in warm climates, and Allen's rule, which states that individuals in cold climates will tend to have shorter, stubbier limbs than those in warm climates. On a microevolutionary level, anthropologists use anthropometric variation to reconstruct small-scale population history. For instance, John Relethford's studies of early 20th-century anthropometric data from Ireland show that the geographical patterning of body proportions still exhibits traces of the invasions by the English and Norse centuries ago. Similarly, anthropometric indices, namely comparison of the human stature was used to illustrate anthropometric trends. This study was conducted by Jörg Baten and Sandew Hira and was based on the anthropological founds that human height is predetermined by the quality of the nutrition, which used to be higher in the more developed countries. The research was based on the datasets for Southern Chinese contract migrants who were sent to Suriname and Indonesia and included 13,000 individuals. Measuring instruments 3D body scanners Today anthropometry can be performed with three-dimensional scanners. A global collaborative study to examine the uses of three-dimensional scanners for health care was launched in March 2007. The Body Benchmark Study will investigate the use of three-dimensional scanners to calculate volumes and segmental volumes of an individual body scan. The aim is to establish whether the Body Volume Index has the potential to be used as a long-term computer-based anthropometric measurement for health care. In 2001 the UK conducted the largest sizing survey to date using scanners. Since then several national surveys have followed in the UK's pioneering steps, notably SizeUSA, SizeMexico, and SizeThailand, the latter still ongoing. SizeUK showed that the nation had become taller and heavier but not as much as expected. Since 1951, when the last women's survey had taken place, the average weight for women had gone up from 62 to 65 kg. However, recent research has shown that posture of the participant significantly influences the measurements taken, the precision of 3D body scanner may or may not be high enough for industry tolerances, and measurements taken may or may not be relevant to all applications (e.g. garment construction). Despite these current limitations, 3D Body Scanning has been suggested as a replacement for body measurement prediction technologies which (despite the great appeal) have yet to be as reliable as real human data. Baropodographic Baropodographic devices fall into two main categories: (i) floor-based, and (ii) in-shoe. The underlying technology is diverse, ranging from piezoelectric sensor arrays to light refraction,Gefen A 2007. Pressure-sensing devices for assessment of soft tissue loading under bony prominences: technological concepts and clinical utilization. Wounds 19 350–62.Rosenbaum D, Becker HP 1997. Plantar pressure distribution measurements: technical background and clinical applications. J Foot Ankle Surg 3 1–14. but the ultimate form of the data generated by all modern technologies is either a 2D image or a 2D image time series of the pressures acting under the plantar surface of the foot. From these data other variables may be calculated (see data analysis.) The spatial and temporal resolutions of the images generated by commercial pedobarographic systems range from approximately 3 to 10 mm and 25 to 500 Hz, respectively. Sensor technology limits finer resolution. Such resolutions yield a contact area of approximately 500 sensors (for a typical adult human foot with surface area of approximately 100 cm2). For a stance phase duration of approximately 0.6 seconds during normal walking, approximately 150,000 pressure values, depending on the hardware specifications, are recorded for each step. Neuroimaging Direct measurements involve examinations of brains from corpses, or more recently, imaging techniques such as MRI, which can be used on living persons. Such measurements are used in research on neuroscience and intelligence. Brain volume data and other craniometric data are used in mainstream science to compare modern-day animal species and to analyze the evolution of the human species in archeology. Epidemiology and medical anthropology Anthropometric measurements also have uses in epidemiology and medical anthropology, for example in helping to determine the relationship between various body measurements (height, weight, percentage body fat, etc.) and medical outcomes. Anthropometric measurements are frequently used to diagnose malnutrition in resource-poor clinical settings. Forensics and criminology Forensic anthropologists study the human skeleton in a legal setting. A forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of a decedent through various skeletal analyses that produce a biological profile. Forensic anthropologists utilize the Fordisc program to help in the interpretation of craniofacial measurements in regards to ancestry determination. One part of a biological profile is a person's ancestral affinity. People with significant European or Middle Eastern ancestry generally have little to no prognathism; a relatively long and narrow face; a prominent brow ridge that protrudes forward from the forehead; a narrow, tear-shaped nasal cavity; a "silled" nasal aperture; tower-shaped nasal bones; a triangular-shaped palate; and an angular and sloping eye orbit shape. People with considerable African ancestry typically have a broad and round nasal cavity; no dam or nasal sill; Quonset hut-shaped nasal bones; notable facial projection in the jaw and mouth area (prognathism); a rectangular-shaped palate; and a square or rectangular eye orbit shape. A relatively small prognathism often characterizes people with considerable East Asian ancestry; no nasal sill or dam; an oval-shaped nasal cavity; tent-shaped nasal bones; a horseshoe-shaped palate; and a rounded and non-sloping eye orbit shape. Many of these characteristics are only a matter of frequency among those of particular ancestries: their presence or absence of one or more does not automatically classify an individual into an ancestral group. Ergonomics Ergonomics professionals apply an understanding of human factors to the design of equipment, systems and working methods to improve comfort, health, safety, and productivity. This includes physical ergonomics in relation to human anatomy, physiological and bio mechanical characteristics; cognitive ergonomics in relation to perception, memory, reasoning, motor response including human–computer interaction, mental workloads, decision making, skilled performance, human reliability, work stress, training, and user experiences; organizational ergonomics in relation to metrics of communication, crew resource management, work design, schedules, teamwork, participation, community, cooperative work, new work programs, virtual organizations, and telework; environmental ergonomics in relation to human metrics affected by climate, temperature, pressure, vibration, and light; visual ergonomics; and others. Biometrics Biometrics refers to the identification of humans by their characteristics or traits. Biometrics is used in computer science as a form of identification and access control. It is also used to identify individuals in groups that are under surveillance. Biometric identifiers are the distinctive, measurable characteristics used to label and describe individuals. Biometric identifiers are often categorized as physiological versus behavioral characteristics. Subclasses include dermatoglyphics and soft biometrics. United States military research The US Military has conducted over 40 anthropometric surveys of U.S. Military personnel between 1945 and 1988, including the 1988 Army Anthropometric Survey (ANSUR) of men and women with its 240 measures. Statistical data from these surveys encompasses over 75,000 individuals. Civilian American and European Surface Anthropometry Resource Project CAESAR began in 1997 as a partnership between government (represented by the US Air Force and NATO) and industry (represented by SAE International) to collect and organize the most extensive sampling of consumer body measurements for comparison. The project collected and organized data on 2,400 U.S. & Canadian and 2,000 European civilians and a database was developed. This database records the anthropometric variability of men and women, aged 18–65, of various weights, ethnic groups, gender, geographic regions, and socio-economic status. The study was conducted from April 1998 to early 2000 and included three scans per person in a standing pose, full-coverage pose and relaxed seating pose. Data collection methods were standardized and documented so that the database can be consistently expanded and updated. High-resolution measurements of body surfaces were made using 3D Surface Anthropometry. This technology can capture hundreds of thousands of points in three dimensions on the human body surface in a few seconds. It has many advantages over the old measurement system using tape measures, anthropometers, and other similar instruments. It provides detail about the surface shape as well as 3D locations of measurements relative to each other and enables easy transfer to Computer-Aided Design (CAD) or Manufacturing (CAM) tools. The resulting scan is independent of the measurer, making it easier to standardize. Automatic landmark recognition (ALR) technology was used to extract anatomical landmarks from the 3D body scans automatically. Eighty landmarks were placed on each subject. More than 100 univariate measures were provided, over 60 from the scan and approximately 40 using traditional measurements. Demographic data such as age, ethnic group, gender, geographic region, education level, and present occupation, family income and more were also captured.Robinette, Kathleen M, Daanen, Hein A M, Precision of the CAESAR scan-extracted measurements, Applied Ergonomics, vol 37, issue 3, May 2007, pp. 259–265. Fashion design Scientists working for private companies and government agencies conduct anthropometric studies to determine a range of sizes for clothing and other items. For just one instance, measurements of the foot are used in the manufacture and sale of footwear: measurement devices may be used either to determine a retail shoe size directly (e.g. the Brannock Device) or to determine the detailed dimensions of the foot for custom manufacture (e.g. ALINEr). See also References Further reading Anthropometric Survey of Army Personnel: Methods and Summary Statistics 1988 ISO 7250: Basic human body measurements for technological design, International Organization for Standardization, 1998. ISO 8559: Garment construction and anthropometric surveys — Body dimensions, International Organization for Standardization, 1989. ISO 15535: General requirements for establishing anthropometric databases, International Organization for Standardization, 2000. ISO 15537: Principles for selecting and using test persons for testing anthropometric aspects of industrial products and designs, International Organization for Standardization, 2003. ISO 20685: 3-D scanning methodologies for internationally compatible anthropometric databases, International Organization for Standardization, 2005. (A classic review of human body sizes.) External links Anthropometry at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Anthropometry and Biomechanics at NASA'' Anthropometry data at faculty of Industrial Design Engineering at Delft University of Technology Manual for Obtaining Anthropometric Measurements Free Full Text Prepared for the US Access Board: Anthropometry of Wheeled Mobility Project Report Free Full Text Civilian American and European Surface Anthropometry Resource Project—CAESAR at SAE International Articles containing video clips Biological anthropology Biometrics Ergonomics Forensic disciplines Human anatomy Human body Measurement Medical imaging Physiognomy Physiology Racism

Macrosociology

Macrosociology is a large-scale approach to sociology, emphasizing the analysis of social systems and populations at the structural level, often at a necessarily high level of theoretical abstraction. Though macrosociology does concern itself with individuals, families, and other constituent aspects of a society, it does so in relation to larger social system of which such elements are a part. The approach is also able to analyze generalized collectivities (e.g. "the city", "the church"). In contrast, microsociology focuses on the individual social agency. Macrosociology, however, deals with broad societal trends that can later be applied to smaller features of society, or vice versa. To differentiate, macrosociology deals with issues such as war as a whole; 'distress of Third-World countries'; poverty on a national/international level; and environmental deprivation, whereas microsociology analyses issues such as the individual features of war (e.g. camaraderie, one's pleasure in violence, etc.); the role of women in third-world countries; poverty's effect on "the family"; and how immigration impacts a country's environment. A "society" can be considered as a collective of human populations that are politically autonomous, in which members engage in a broad range of cooperative activities. The people of Germany, for example, can be deemed "a society", whereas people with German heritage as a whole, including those who populate other countries, would not be considered a society, per se. Theoretical strategies There are a number of theoretical strategies within contemporary macrosociology, though four approaches, in particular, have the most influence: Idealist Strategy: Attempts to explain the basic features of social life by reference to the creative capacity of the human mind. "Idealists believe that human uniqueness lies in the fact that humans attach symbolic meanings to their actions." Materialist Strategy: Attempts to explain the basic features of human social life in terms of the practical, material conditions of their existence, including the nature of a physical environment; the level of technology; and the organization of an economic system. Functionalist Strategy (or structural functionalism): Functionalism essentially states that societies are complex systems of interrelated and interdependent parts, and each part of a society significantly influences the others. Moreover, each part of society exists because it has a specific function to perform in contributing to the society as a whole. As such, societies tend toward a state of equilibrium or homeostasis, and if there is a disturbance in any part of the society then the other parts will adjust to restore the stability of the society as a whole. Conflict Theoretical Strategy (or conflict theory): Rejects the idea that societies tend toward some basic consensus of harmony in which the features of society work for everyone's good. Rather, the basic structure of society is determined by individuals and groups acquiring scarce resources to satisfy their own needs and wants, thus creating endless conflicts. Historical macrosociology Historical macrosociology can be understood as an approach that uses historical knowledge to try to solve some of the problems seen in the field of macrosociology. As globalization has affected the world, it has also influenced historical macrosociology, leading to the development of two distinct branches: Comparative and historical sociology (CHS): a branch of historical macrosociology that bases its analysis on states, searching for "generalizations about common properties and principles of variation among instances across time and space." As of recently, it has been argued that globalization poses a threat to the CHS way of thinking because it often leads to the dissolution of distinct states. Political Economy of the World-Systems (PEWS): a branch of historical macrosociology that bases its analysis on the systems of states, searching for "generalizations about interdependencies among a system's components and of principles of variation among systemic conditions across time and space." Historical macrosociologists include: Charles Tilly: developed theory of CHS, in which analysis is based on national states. Immanuel Wallerstein: developed world systems theory, in which analysis is based on world capitalist systems. Linking micro- and macro-sociology Perhaps the most highly developed integrative effort to link micro- and macro-sociological phenomena is found in Anthony Giddens's theory of structuration, in which "social structure is defined as both constraining and enabling of human activity as well as both internal and external to the actor." Attempts to link micro and macro phenomena are evident in a growing body of empirical research. Such work appears to follow Giddens' view of the constraining and enabling nature of social structure for human activity and the need to link structure and action. "It appears safe to say that while macrosociology will always remain a central component of sociological theory and research, increasing effort will be devoted to creating workable models that link it with its microcounterpart." See also Base and superstructure Cliodynamics General systems theory Modernization theory Sociocybernetics Structure and agency Systems philosophy References Further reading Tilly, Charles. 1995. "Macrosociology Past and Future." In Newsletter of the Comparative & Historical Sociology 8(1&2):1,3–4. American Sociological Association. Francois, P., J. G. Manning, Harvey Whitehouse, Rob Brennan, et al. 2016. "A Macroscope for Global History. Seshat Global History Databank: A Methodological Overview." Digital Humanities Quarterly Journal 4(26). Methods in sociology

Neurobiological effects of physical exercise

The neurobiological effects of physical exercise involve possible interrelated effects on brain structure, brain function, and cognition. Research in humans has demonstrated that consistent aerobic exercise (e.g., 30 minutes every day) may induce improvements in certain cognitive functions, neuroplasticity and behavioral plasticity; some of these long-term effects may include increased neuron growth, increased neurological activity (e.g., c-Fos and BDNF signaling), improved stress coping, enhanced cognitive control of behavior, improved declarative, spatial, and working memory, and structural and functional improvements in brain structures and pathways associated with cognitive control and memory. The effects of exercise on cognition may affect academic performance in children and college students, improve adult productivity, preserve cognitive function in old age, preventing or treating certain neurological disorders, and improving overall quality of life. In healthy adults, aerobic exercise has been shown to induce transient effects on cognition after a single exercise session and persistent effects on cognition following consistent exercise over the course of several months. People who regularly perform an aerobic exercise (e.g., running, jogging, brisk walking, swimming, and cycling) have greater scores on neuropsychological function and performance tests that measure certain cognitive functions, such as attentional control, inhibitory control, cognitive flexibility, working memory updating and capacity, declarative memory, spatial memory, and information processing speed. Aerobic exercise has both short and long term effects on mood and emotional states by promoting positive affect, inhibiting negative affect, and decreasing the biological response to acute psychological stress. Aerobic exercise may affect both self-esteem and overall well-being (including sleep patterns) with consistent, long term participation. Regular aerobic exercise may improve symptoms associated with central nervous system disorders and may be used as adjunct therapy for these disorders. There is some evidence of exercise treatment efficacy for major depressive disorder and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. The American Academy of Neurology's clinical practice guideline for mild cognitive impairment indicates that clinicians should recommend regular exercise (two times per week) to individuals who have been diagnosed with this condition. Some preclinical evidence and emerging clinical evidence supports the use of exercise as an adjunct therapy for the treatment and prevention of drug addictions. Reviews of clinical evidence also support the use of exercise as an adjunct therapy for certain neurodegenerative disorders, particularly Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. Regular exercise may be associated with a lower risk of developing neurodegenerative disorders. Long-term effects Neuroplasticity Neuroplasticity is the process by which neurons adapt to a disturbance over time, and most often occurs in response to repeated exposure to stimuli. Aerobic exercise increases the production of neurotrophic factors (e.g., BDNF, IGF-1, VEGF) which mediate improvements in cognitive functions and various forms of memory by promoting blood vessel formation in the brain, adult neurogenesis, and other forms of neuroplasticity. Consistent aerobic exercise over a period of several months induces clinically significant improvements in executive functions and increased gray matter volume in nearly all regions of the brain, with the most marked increases occurring in brain regions that give rise to executive functions. The brain structures that show the greatest improvements in gray matter volume in response to aerobic exercise are the prefrontal cortex, caudate nucleus, and hippocampus; less significant increases in gray matter volume occur in the anterior cingulate cortex, parietal cortex, cerebellum, and nucleus accumbens. The prefrontal cortex, caudate nucleus, and anterior cingulate cortex are among the most significant brain structures in the dopamine and norepinephrine systems that give rise to cognitive control. Exercise-induced neurogenesis (i.e., the increases in gray matter volume) in the hippocampus is associated with measurable improvements in spatial memory. Higher physical fitness scores, as measured by VO2 max, are associated with better executive function, faster information processing speed, and greater gray matter volume of the hippocampus, caudate nucleus, and nucleus accumbens. Structural growth Reviews of neuroimaging studies indicate that consistent aerobic exercise increases gray matter volume in nearly all regions of the brain, with more pronounced increases occurring in brain regions associated with memory processing, cognitive control, motor function, and reward; the most prominent gains in gray matter volume are seen in the prefrontal cortex, caudate nucleus, and hippocampus, which support cognitive control and memory processing, among other cognitive functions. Moreover, the left and right halves of the prefrontal cortex, the hippocampus, and the cingulate cortex appear to become more functionally interconnected in response to consistent aerobic exercise. Three reviews indicate that marked improvements in prefrontal and hippocampal gray matter volume occur in healthy adults that regularly engage in medium intensity exercise for several months. Other regions of the brain that demonstrate moderate or less significant gains in gray matter volume during neuroimaging include the anterior cingulate cortex, parietal cortex, cerebellum, and nucleus accumbens. Regular exercise has been shown to counter the shrinking of the hippocampus and memory impairment that naturally occurs in late adulthood. Sedentary adults over age 55 show a 1–2% decline in hippocampal volume annually. A neuroimaging study with a sample of 120 adults revealed that participating in regular aerobic exercise increased the volume of the left hippocampus by 2.12% and the right hippocampus by 1.97% over a one-year period. Subjects in the low intensity stretching group who had higher fitness levels at baseline showed less hippocampal volume loss, providing evidence for exercise being protective against age-related cognitive decline. In general, individuals that exercise more over a given period have greater hippocampal volumes and better memory function. Aerobic exercise has also been shown to induce growth in the white matter tracts in the anterior corpus callosum, which normally shrink with age. The various functions of the brain structures that show exercise-induced increases in gray matter volume include: Caudate nucleus – responsible for stimulus-response learning and inhibitory control; implicated in Parkinson's disease and ADHD Cerebellum – responsible for motor coordination and motor learning Hippocampus – responsible for storage and consolidation of declarative memory and spatial memory Nucleus accumbens – responsible for incentive salience ("wanting" or desire, the form of motivation associated with reward) and positive reinforcement; implicated in addiction Parietal cortex – responsible for sensory perception, working memory, and attention Prefrontal and anterior cingulate cortices – required for the cognitive control of behavior, particularly: working memory, attentional control, decision-making, cognitive flexibility, social cognition, and inhibitory control of behavior; implicated in attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and addiction Persistent effects on cognition Concordant with the functional roles of the brain structures that exhibit increased gray matter volumes, regular exercise over a period of several months has been shown to persistently improve numerous executive functions and several forms of memory. In particular, consistent aerobic exercise has been shown to improve attentional control, information processing speed, cognitive flexibility (e.g., task switching), inhibitory control, working memory updating and capacity, declarative memory, and spatial memory. In healthy young and middle-aged adults, the effect sizes of improvements in cognitive function are largest for indices of executive functions and small to moderate for aspects of memory and information processing speed. It may be that in older adults, individuals benefit cognitively by taking part in both aerobic and resistance type exercise of at least moderate intensity. Individuals who have a sedentary lifestyle tend to have impaired executive functions relative to other more physically active non-exercisers. A reciprocal relationship between exercise and executive functions has also been noted: improvements in executive control processes, such as attentional control and inhibitory control, increase an individual's tendency to exercise. Mechanism of effects BDNF signaling One of the most significant effects of exercise on the brain is increased synthesis and expression of BDNF, a neuropeptide and hormone, resulting in increased signaling through its receptor tyrosine kinase, tropomyosin receptor kinase B (TrkB). Since BDNF is capable of crossing the blood–brain barrier, higher peripheral BDNF synthesis also increases BDNF signaling in the brain. Exercise-induced increases in BDNF signaling are associated with improved cognitive function, improved mood, and improved memory. Furthermore, research has provided a great deal of support for the role of BDNF in hippocampal neurogenesis, synaptic plasticity, and neural repair. Engaging in moderate-high intensity aerobic exercise such as running, swimming, and cycling increases BDNF biosynthesis through myokine signaling, resulting in up to a threefold increase in blood plasma and BDNF levels; exercise intensity is positively correlated with the magnitude of increased BDNF biosynthesis and expression. A meta-analysis of studies involving the effect of exercise on BDNF levels found that consistent exercise modestly increases resting BDNF levels as well. This has important implications for exercise as a mechanism to reduce stress since stress is closely linked with decreased levels of BDNF in the hippocampus. In fact, studies suggest that BDNF contributes to the anxiety-reducing effects of antidepressants. The increase in BDNF levels caused by exercise helps reverse the stress-induced decrease in BDNF which mediates stress in the short term and buffers against stress-related diseases in the long term. IGF-1 signaling is a peptide and neurotrophic factor that mediates some of the effects of growth hormone; IGF-1 elicits its physiological effects by binding to a specific receptor tyrosine kinase, the IGF-1 receptor, to control tissue growth and remodeling. In the brain, IGF-1 functions as a neurotrophic factor that, like , plays a significant role in cognition, neurogenesis, and neuronal survival. Physical activity is associated with increased levels of IGF-1 in blood serum, which is known to contribute to neuroplasticity in the brain due to its capacity to cross the blood–brain barrier and blood–cerebrospinal fluid barrier; consequently, one review noted that IGF-1 is a key mediator of exercise-induced adult neurogenesis, while a second review characterized it as a factor which links "body fitness" with "brain fitness". The amount of IGF-1 released into blood plasma during exercise is positively correlated with exercise intensity and duration. VEGF signaling is a neurotrophic and angiogenic (i.e., blood vessel growth-promoting) signaling protein that binds to two receptor tyrosine kinases, VEGFR1 and VEGFR2, which are expressed in neurons and glial cells in the brain. Hypoxia, or inadequate cellular oxygen supply, strongly upregulates VEGF expression and VEGF exerts a neuroprotective effect in hypoxic neurons. Like and , aerobic exercise has been shown to increase VEGF biosynthesis in peripheral tissue which subsequently crosses the blood–brain barrier and promotes neurogenesis and blood vessel formation in the central nervous system. Exercise-induced increases in VEGF signaling have been shown to improve cerebral blood volume and contribute to exercise-induced neurogenesis in the hippocampus. Irisin A study using FNDC5 knock-out mice as well as artificial elevation of circulating irisin levels showed that irisin confers beneficial cognitive effects of physical exercise and that it can serve an exercise mimetic in mice in which it could "improve both the cognitive deficit and neuropathology in Alzheimer's disease mouse models". The mediator and its regulatory system is therefore being investigated for potential interventions to improve – or further improve – cognitive function or alleviate Alzheimer's disease in humans. Experiments indicate irisin may be linked to regulation of BDNF and neurogenesis in mice. Short-term effects Transient effects on cognition In addition to the persistent effects on cognition that result from several months of daily exercise, acute exercise (i.e., a single bout of exercise) has been shown to transiently improve a number of cognitive functions. Reviews and meta-analyses of research on the effects of acute exercise on cognition in healthy young and middle-aged adults have concluded that information processing speed and a number of executive functions – including attention, working memory, problem solving, cognitive flexibility, verbal fluency, decision making, and inhibitory control – all improve for a period of up to 2 hours post-exercise. A systematic review of studies conducted on children also suggested that some of the exercise-induced improvements in executive function are apparent after single bouts of exercise, while other aspects (e.g., attentional control) only improve following consistent exercise on a regular basis. Other research has suggested immediate performative enhancements during exercise, such as exercise-concurrent improvements in processing speed and accuracy during both visual attention and working memory tasks. Exercise-induced euphoria Continuous exercise can produce a transient state of euphoria – an emotional state involving the experience of pleasure and feelings of profound contentment, elation, and well-being – which is colloquially known as a "runner's high" in distance running or a "rower's high" in rowing. Effects on neurochemistry β-Phenylethylamine β-Phenylethylamine, commonly referred to as phenethylamine, is a human trace amine and potent catecholaminergic and glutamatergic neuromodulator that has similar psychostimulant and euphoriant effects and a similar chemical structure to amphetamine. Thirty minutes of moderate to high intensity physical exercise has been shown to induce an enormous increase in urinary , the primary metabolite of phenethylamine. Two reviews noted a study where the average 24 hour urinary concentration among participants following just 30 minutes of intense exercise increased by 77% relative to baseline concentrations in resting control subjects; the reviews suggest that phenethylamine synthesis sharply increases while an individual is exercising, during which time it is rapidly metabolized due to its short half-life of roughly 30 seconds. In a resting state, phenethylamine is synthesized in catecholamine neurons from by aromatic amino acid decarboxylase (AADC) at approximately the same rate at which dopamine is produced. In light of this observation, the original paper and both reviews suggest that phenethylamine plays a prominent role in mediating the mood-enhancing euphoric effects of a runner's high, as both phenethylamine and amphetamine are potent euphoriants. β-Endorphin β-Endorphin (contracted from "endogenous morphine") is an endogenous opioid neuropeptide that binds to μ-opioid receptors, in turn producing euphoria and pain relief. A meta-analytic review found that exercise significantly increases the secretion of and that this secretion is correlated with improved mood states. Moderate intensity exercise produces the greatest increase in synthesis, while higher and lower intensity forms of exercise are associated with smaller increases in synthesis. A review on and exercise noted that an individual's mood improves for the remainder of the day following physical exercise and that one's mood is positively correlated with overall daily physical activity level. However, humans studies showed that pharmacological blockade of endogenous endorphins does not inhibit a runner's high, while blockade of endocannabinoids may have such an effect. Anandamide Anandamide is an endogenous cannabinoid and retrograde neurotransmitter that binds to cannabinoid receptors (primarily CB1), in turn producing euphoria. It has been shown that aerobic exercise causes an increase in plasma anandamide levels, where the magnitude of this increase is highest at moderate exercise intensity (i.e., exercising at ~⁠70⁠–⁠80⁠% maximum heart rate). Increases in plasma anandamide levels are associated with psychoactive effects because anandamide is able to cross the blood–brain barrier and act within the central nervous system. Thus, because anandamide is a euphoriant and aerobic exercise is associated with euphoric effects, it has been proposed that anandamide partly mediates the short-term mood-lifting effects of exercise (e.g., the euphoria of a runner's high) via exercise-induced increases in its synthesis. Cortisol and the psychological stress response The "stress hormone", cortisol, is a glucocorticoid that binds to glucocorticoid receptors. Psychological stress induces the release of cortisol from the adrenal gland by activating the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis (HPA axis). Short-term increases in cortisol levels are associated with adaptive cognitive improvements, such as enhanced inhibitory control; however, excessively high exposure or prolonged exposure to high levels of cortisol causes impairments in cognitive control and has neurotoxic effects in the human brain. For example, chronic psychological stress decreases expression, which has detrimental effects on hippocampal volume and can lead to depression. As a physical stressor, aerobic exercise stimulates cortisol secretion in an intensity-dependent manner; however, it does not result in long-term increases in cortisol production since this exercise-induced effect on cortisol is a response to transient negative energy balance. Aerobic exercise increases physical fitness and lowers neuroendocrine (i.e., ) reactivity and therefore reduces the biological response to psychological stress in humans (e.g., reduced cortisol release and attenuated heart rate response). Exercise also reverses stress-induced decreases in expression and signaling in the brain, thereby acting as a buffer against stress-related diseases like depression. Glutamate and GABA Glutamate, one of the most common neurochemicals in the brain, is an excitatory neurotransmitter involved in many aspects of brain function, including learning and memory. Based upon animal models, exercise appears to normalize the excessive levels of glutamate neurotransmission into the nucleus accumbens that occurs in drug addiction. A review of the effects of exercise on neurocardiac function in preclinical models noted that exercise-induced neuroplasticity of the rostral ventrolateral medulla (RVLM) has an inhibitory effect on glutamatergic neurotransmission in this region, in turn reducing sympathetic activity; the review hypothesized that this neuroplasticity in the RVLM is a mechanism by which regular exercise prevents inactivity-related cardiovascular disease. Exerkines and other circulating compounds Exerkines are putative "signalling moieties released in response to acute and/or chronic exercise, which exert their effects through endocrine, paracrine and/or autocrine pathways". Effects in children Engaging in active physical pursuits has demonstrated positive effects on the mental health of children and adolescents, enhances their academic performance, boosts cognitive function, and diminishes the likelihood of obesity and cardiovascular diseases among this demographic. Establishing consistent exercise routines with regular frequency and duration is pivotal. Cultivating beneficial exercise habits and sustaining adequate physical activity may support the overall physical and mental well-being of young individuals. Therefore, identifying factors that either impede or encourage exercise behaviors could be a significant strategy in promoting the development of healthy exercise habits among children and adolescents. A 2003 meta-analysis found a positive effect of exercise in children on perceptual skills, intelligence quotient, achievement, verbal tests, mathematic tests, and academic readiness. The correlation was strongest for the age ranges of 4–7 and 11–13 years. A 2010 meta-analysis of the effect of activity on children's executive function found that aerobic exercise may briefly aid children's executive function and also influence more lasting improvements to executive function. Other studies suggested that exercise is unrelated to academic performance, perhaps due to the parameters used to determine exactly what academic achievement is. This area of study has been a focus for education boards that make decisions on whether physical education should be implemented in the school curriculum, how much time should be dedicated to physical education, and its impact on other academic subjects. Another study found that sixth-graders who participated in vigorous physical activity at least three times a week had the highest scores compared to those who participated in moderate or no physical activity at all. Children who participated in vigorous physical activity scored three points higher, on average, on their academic test, which consisted of math, science, English, and world studies. Neuroimaging studies indicate that exercise may influence changes in brain structure and function. Some investigations have linked low levels of aerobic fitness in children with impaired executive function when older as adults, but lack of selective attention, response inhibition, and interference control may also explain this outcome. Effects on central nervous system disorders Exercise as prevention and treatment of drug addictions Clinical and preclinical evidence indicate that consistent aerobic exercise, especially endurance exercise (e.g., marathon running), actually prevents the development of certain drug addictions and is an effective adjunct treatment for drug addiction, and psychostimulant addiction in particular. Consistent aerobic exercise magnitude-dependently (i.e., by duration and intensity) may reduce drug addiction risk, which appears to occur through the reversal of drug-induced, addiction-related neuroplasticity. Moreover, aerobic exercise decreases psychostimulant self-administration, reduces the reinstatement (i.e., relapse) of drug-seeking, and induces opposite effects on striatal dopamine receptor D2 (DRD2) signaling (increased DRD2 density) to those induced by pathological stimulant use (decreased DRD2 density). Consequently, consistent aerobic exercise may lead to better treatment outcomes when used as an adjunct treatment for drug addiction. , more clinical research is still needed to understand the mechanisms and confirm the efficacy of exercise in drug addiction treatment and prevention. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder Regular physical exercise, particularly aerobic exercise, is an effective add-on treatment for ADHD in children and adults, particularly when combined with stimulant medication (i.e., amphetamine or methylphenidate), although the best intensity and type of aerobic exercise for improving symptoms are not currently known. In particular, the long-term effects of regular aerobic exercise in ADHD individuals include better behavior and motor abilities, improved executive functions (including attention, inhibitory control, and planning, among other cognitive domains), faster information processing speed, and better memory. Parent-teacher ratings of behavioral and socio-emotional outcomes in response to regular aerobic exercise include: better overall function, reduced ADHD symptoms, better self-esteem, reduced levels of anxiety and depression, fewer somatic complaints, better academic and classroom behavior, and improved social behavior. Exercising while on stimulant medication augments the effect of stimulant medication on executive function. It is believed that these short-term effects of exercise are mediated by an increased abundance of synaptic dopamine and norepinephrine in the brain. Major depressive disorder A number of medical reviews have indicated that exercise has a marked and persistent antidepressant effect in humans, an effect believed to be mediated through enhanced signaling in the brain. Several systematic reviews have analyzed the potential for physical exercise in the treatment of depressive disorders. The 2013 Cochrane Collaboration review on for depression noted that, based upon limited evidence, it is more effective than a control intervention and comparable to psychological or antidepressant drug therapies. Three subsequent 2014 systematic reviews that included the Cochrane review in their analysis concluded with similar findings: one indicated that physical exercise is effective as an adjunct treatment (i.e., treatments that are used together) with antidepressant medication; the other two indicated that physical exercise has marked antidepressant effects and recommended the inclusion of physical activity as an adjunct treatment for mild–moderate depression and mental illness in general. One systematic review noted that yoga may be effective in alleviating symptoms of prenatal depression. Another review asserted that evidence from clinical trials supports the efficacy of physical exercise as a treatment for depression over a 2–4 month period. These benefits have also been noted in old age, with a review conducted in 2019 finding that exercise is an effective treatment for clinically diagnosed depression in older adults. A meta-analysis from July 2016 concluded that physical exercise improves overall quality of life in individuals with depression relative to controls. Cerebrovascular disease Physical exercise plays a significant role in the prevention and management of stroke. It is well established that physical activity decrease the risk of ischemic stroke and intracerebral haemorrhage. Engaging in physical activity before experiencing a stroke has been found to have a positive impact on the severity and outcomes of stroke. Exercise has the potential to increase the expression of VEGF, caveolin, and angiopoietin in the brain. These changes may promote angiogenesis and neovascularization that contribute to improved blood supply to the stroke affected areas of the brain. Exercise may affect the activation of endothelial nitric oxide synthase (eNOS) and subsequent production of nitric oxide (NO). The increase in NO production may lead to improved post-stroke cerebral blood flow, ensuring a sufficient oxygen and nutrient supply to the brain. Physical activity has been associated with increased expression and activation of hypoxia-inducible factor 1 alpha (HIF-1α), heat shock proteins, and brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF). These factors play crucial roles in promoting cellular survival, neuroprotection, and repair processes in the brain following a stroke. Exercise also inhibit glutamate and caspase activities, which are involved in neuronal death pathways. Additionally, it may promote neurogenesis in the brain. These effects collectively contribute to the reduction of brain infarction and edema, leading to potential improvements in neurological and functional outcomes. The neuroprotective properties of physical activity in relation to haemorrhagic strokes are less studied. Pre-stroke physical activity has been associated with improved outcomes after intracerebral haemorrhages. Furthermore, physical activity may reduce the volume of intracerebral haemorrhages. Being physically active after stroke also enhance the functional recovery. Mild cognitive impairment The American Academy of Neurology's January 2018 update of their clinical practice guideline for mild cognitive impairment states that clinicians should recommend regular exercise (two times per week) to individuals who have been diagnosed with this condition. This guidance is based upon a moderate amount of high-quality evidence which supports the efficacy of regular physical exercise (twice weekly over a 6-month period) for improving cognitive symptoms in individuals with mild cognitive impairment. Neurodegenerative disorders Alzheimer's disease Alzheimer's disease is a cortical neurodegenerative disorder and the most prevalent form of dementia, representing approximately 65% of all cases of dementia; it is characterized by impaired cognitive function, behavioral abnormalities, and a reduced capacity to perform basic activities of daily life. Two reviews found evidence for possible positive effects of physical exercise on cognitive function, the rate of cognitive decline, and the ability to perform activities of daily living in individuals with Alzheimer's disease. A subsequent review found higher levels of physical activity may be associated with reduced risk of dementia and cognitive decline. Parkinson's disease Parkinson's disease symptoms reflect various functional impairments and limitations, such as postural instability, gait disturbance, immobility, and frequent falls. Some evidence suggests that physical exercise may lower the risk of Parkinson's disease. A 2017 study found that strength and endurance training in people with Parkinson's disease had positive effects lasting for several weeks. A 2023 Cochrane review on the effects of physical exercise in people with Parkinson's disease indicated that aquatic exercise might reduce severity of motor symptoms and improve quality of life. Furthermore, endurance training, functional training, and multi-domain training (i.e., engaging in several types of exercise) may provide improvements. See also Brain fitness Exercise is Medicine Exercise prescription Exercise therapy Memory improvement Neuroinflammation#Exercise Nootropic Notes References Addiction Addiction medicine Aerobic exercise Antidepressants Attention Cognition Cognitive neuroscience Epigenetics Euphoriants Exercise physiology Memory Neuropsychology Physical exercise Physical psychiatric treatments Treatment of depression Sports science

General semantics

General semantics is a school of thought that incorporates philosophic and scientific aspects. Although it does not stand on its own as a separate school of philosophy, a separate science, or an academic discipline, it describes itself as a scientifically empirical approach to cognition and problem solving. It has been described by nonproponents as a self-help system, and it has been criticized as having pseudoscientific aspects, but it has also been favorably viewed by various scientists as a useful set of analytical tools albeit not its own science. General semantics is concerned with how phenomena (observable events) translate to perceptions, how they are further modified by the names and labels we apply to them, and how we might gain a measure of control over our own cognitive, emotional, and behavioral responses. Proponents characterize general semantics as an antidote to certain kinds of delusional thought patterns in which incomplete and possibly warped mental constructs are projected onto the world and treated as reality itself. Accurate map–territory relations are a central theme. After partial launches under the names human engineering and humanology, Polish-American originator Alfred Korzybski (1879–1950) fully launched the program as general semantics in 1933 with the publication of Science and Sanity: An Introduction to Non-Aristotelian Systems and General Semantics. In Science and Sanity, general semantics is presented as both a theoretical and a practical system whose adoption can reliably alter human behavior in the direction of greater sanity. In the 1947 preface to the third edition of Science and Sanity, Korzybski wrote: "We need not blind ourselves with the old dogma that 'human nature cannot be changed', for we find that it can be changed." While Korzybski considered his program to be empirically based and to strictly follow the scientific method, general semantics has been described as veering into the domain of pseudoscience. Starting around 1940, university English professor S. I. Hayakawa (1906–1992), speech professor Wendell Johnson, speech professor Irving J. Lee, and others assembled elements of general semantics into a package suitable for incorporation into mainstream communications curricula. The Institute of General Semantics, which Korzybski and co-workers founded in 1938, continues today. General semantics as a movement has waned considerably since the 1950s, although many of its ideas live on in other movements, such as media literacy, neuro-linguistic programming and rational emotive behavior therapy. Overview "Identification" and "the silent level" In the 1946 "Silent and Verbal Levels" diagram, the arrows and boxes denote ordered stages in human neuro-evaluative processing that happens in an instant. Although newer knowledge in biology has more sharply defined what the text in these 1946 boxes labels "electro-colloidal", the diagram remains, as Korzybski wrote in his last published paper in 1950, "satisfactory for our purpose of explaining briefly the most general and important points". General semantics postulates that most people "identify," or fail to differentiate the serial stages or "levels" within their own neuro-evaluative processing. "Most people," Korzybski wrote, "identify in value levels I, II, III, and IV and react as if our verbalizations about the first three levels were 'it.' Whatever we may say something 'is' obviously is not the 'something' on the silent levels." By making it a 'mental' habit to find and keep one's bearings among the ordered stages, general semantics training seeks to sharpen internal orientation much as a GPS device may sharpen external orientation. Once trained, general semanticists affirm, a person will act, respond, and make decisions more appropriate to any given set of happenings. Although producing saliva constitutes an appropriate response when lemon juice drips onto the tongue, a person has inappropriately identified when an imagined lemon or the word "l–e–m–o–n" triggers a salivation response. "Once we differentiate, differentiation becomes the denial of identity," Korzybski wrote in Science and Sanity. "Once we discriminate among the objective and verbal levels, we learn 'silence' on the unspeakable objective levels, and so introduce a most beneficial neurological 'delay'—engage the cortex to perform its natural function." British-American philosopher Max Black, an influential critic of general semantics, called this neurological delay the "central aim" of general semantics training, "so that in responding to verbal or nonverbal stimuli, we are aware of what it is that we are doing". Abstracting and consciousness of abstracting Identification prevents what general semantics seeks to promote: the additional cortical processing experienced as a delay. Korzybski called his remedy for identification "consciousness of abstracting." The term "abstracting" occurs ubiquitously in Science and Sanity. Korzybski's use of the term is somewhat unusual and requires study to understand his meaning. He discussed the problem of identification in terms of "confusions of orders of abstractions" and "lack of consciousness of abstracting". To be conscious of abstracting is to differentiate among the "levels" described above; levels II–IV being abstractions of level I (whatever level I "is"—all we really get are abstractions). The techniques Korzybski prescribed to help a person develop consciousness of abstracting he called "extensional devices". Extensional devices Satisfactory accounts of general semantics extensional devices can be found easily. This article seeks to explain briefly only the "indexing" devices. Suppose you teach in a school or university. Students enter your classroom on the first day of a new term, and, if you identify these new students to a memory association retrieved by your brain, you under-engage your powers of observation and your cortex. Indexing makes explicit a differentiating of studentsthis term from studentsprior terms. You survey the new students, and indexing explicitly differentiates student1 from student2 from student3, etc. Suppose you recognize one student—call her Anna—from a prior course in which Anna either excelled or did poorly. Again, you escape identification by your indexed awareness that Annathis term, this course is different from Annathat term, that course. Not identifying, you both expand and sharpen your apprehension of "students" with an awareness rooted in fresh silent-level observations. Language as a core concern Autoassociative memory in the memory-prediction model describes neural operations in mammalian brains generally. A special circumstance for humans arises with the introduction of language components, both as fresh stimuli and as stored representations. Language considerations figure prominently in general semantics, and three language and communications specialists who embraced general semantics, university professors and authors Hayakawa, Wendell Johnson and Neil Postman, played major roles in framing general semantics, especially for non-readers of Science and Sanity. Criticism Korzybski wrote in the preface to the third edition of Science and Sanity (1947) that general semantics "turned out to be an empirical natural science". But the type of existence, if any, of universals and abstract objects is an issue of serious debate within metaphysical philosophy. So Black summed up general semantics as "some hypothetical neurology fortified with dogmatic metaphysics". And in 1952, two years after Korzybski died, American skeptic Martin Gardner wrote, "[Korzybski's] work moves into the realm of cultism and pseudo-science." Former Institute of General Semantics executive director Steve Stockdale has compared GS to yoga. "First, I'd say that there is little if any benefit to be gained by just knowing something about general semantics. The benefits come from maintaining an awareness of the principles and attitudes that are derived from GS and applying them as they are needed. You can sort of compare general semantics to yoga in that respect... knowing about yoga is okay, but to benefit from yoga you have to do yoga." Similarly, Kenneth Burke explains Korzybski's kind of semantics contrasting it, in A Grammar of Motives, with a kind of Burkean poetry by saying "Semantics is essentially scientist, an approach to language in terms of knowledge, whereas poetic forms are kinds of action". History Early attempts at validation The First American Congress for General Semantics convened in March 1935 at the Central Washington College of Education in Ellensburg, Washington. In introductory remarks to the participants, Korzybski said: General semantics formulates a new experimental branch of natural science, underlying an empirical theory of human evaluations and orientations and involving a definite neurological mechanism, present in all humans. It discovers direct neurological methods for the stimulation of the activities of the human cerebral cortex and the direct introduction of beneficial neurological 'inhibition'.... He added that general semantics "will be judged by experimentation". One paper presented at the congress reported dramatic score improvements for college sophomores on standardized intelligence tests after six weeks of training by methods prescribed in Chapter 29 of Science and Sanity. Interpretation as semantics General semantics accumulated only a few early experimental validations. In 1938, economist and writer Stuart Chase praised and popularized Korzybski in The Tyranny of Words. Chase called Korzybski "a pioneer" and described Science and Sanity as "formulating a genuine science of communication. The term which is coming into use to cover such studies is 'semantics,' matters having to do with signification or meaning." Because Korzybski, in Science and Sanity, had articulated his program using "semantic" as a standalone qualifier on hundreds of pages in constructions like "semantic factors," "semantic disturbances," and especially "semantic reactions," to label the general semantics program "semantics" amounted to only a convenient shorthand. Hayakawa read The Tyranny of Words, then Science and Sanity, and in 1939 he attended a Korzybski-led workshop conducted at the newly organized Institute of General Semantics in Chicago. In the introduction to his own Language in Action, a 1941 Book of the Month Club selection, Hayakawa wrote, "[Korzybski's] principles have in one way or another influenced almost every page of this book...." But, Hayakawa followed Chase's lead in interpreting general semantics as making communication its defining concern. When Hayakawa co-founded the Society for General Semantics and its publication ETC: A Review of General Semantics in 1943—he would continue to edit ETC. until 1970—Korzybski and his followers at the Institute of General Semantics began to complain that Hayakawa had wrongly coopted general semantics. In 1985, Hayakawa gave this defense to an interviewer: "I wanted to treat general semantics as a subject, in the same sense that there's a scientific concept known as gravitation, which is independent of Isaac Newton. So after a while, you don't talk about Newton anymore; you talk about gravitation. You talk about semantics and not Korzybskian semantics." Lowered sights The regimen in the Institute's seminars, greatly expanded as team-taught seminar-workshops starting in 1944, continued to develop following the prescriptions laid down in Chapter XXIX of Science and Sanity. The structural differential, patented by Korzybski in the 1920s, remained among the chief training aids to help students reach "the silent level," a prerequisite for achieving "neurological delay". Innovations in the seminar-workshops included a new "neuro-relaxation" component, led by dancer and Institute editorial secretary Charlotte Schuchardt (1909–2002). But although many people were introduced to general semantics—perhaps the majority through Hayakawa's more limited 'semantics'—superficial lip service seemed more common than the deep internalization that Korzybski and his co-workers at the Institute aimed for. Marjorie Kendig (1892–1981), probably Korzybski's closest co-worker, director of the Institute after his death, and editor of his posthumously published Collected Writings: 1920–1950, wrote in 1968:I would guess that I have known about 30 individuals who have in some degree adequately, by my standards, mastered this highly general, very simple, very difficult system of orientation and method of evaluating—reversing as it must all our cultural conditioning, neurological canalization, etc.... To me the great error Korzybski made—and I carried on, financial necessity—and for which we pay the price today in many criticisms, consisted in not restricting ourselves to training very thoroughly a very few people who would be competent to utilize the discipline in various fields and to train others. We should have done this before encouraging anyone to popularize or spread the word (horrid phrase) in societies for general semantics, by talking about general semantics instead of learning, using, etc. the methodology to change our essential epistemological assumptions, premises, etc. (unconscious or conscious), i.e. the un-learning basic to learning to learn. Yes, large numbers of people do enjoy making a philosophy of general semantics. This saves them the pain of rigorous training so simple and general and limited that it seems obvious when said, yet so difficult. Successors at the Institute of General Semantics continued for many years along the founders' path. Stuart Mayper (1916–1997), who studied under Karl Popper, introduced Popper's principle of falsifiability into the seminar-workshops he led at the Institute starting in 1977. More modest pronouncements gradually replaced Korzybski's claims that general semantics can change human nature and introduce an era of universal human agreement. In 2000, Robert Pula (1928–2004), whose roles at the Institute over three decades included Institute director, editor-in-chief of the Institute's General Semantics Bulletin, and leader of the seminar-workshops, characterized Korzybski's legacy as a "contribution toward the improvement of human evaluating, to the amelioration of human woe...." Hayakawa died in 1992. The Society for General Semantics merged into the Institute of General Semantics in 2003. In 2007, Martin Levinson, president of the Institute's Board of Trustees, teamed with Paul D. Johnston, executive director of the Society at the date of the merger, to teach general semantics with a light-hearted Practical Fairy Tales for Everyday Living. Other institutions supporting or promoting general semantics in the 21st century include the New York Society for General Semantics, the European Society for General Semantics, the Australian General Semantics Society, and the Balvant Parekh Centre for General Semantics and Other Human Sciences (Baroda, India). The major premises Non-Aristotelianism: While Aristotle wrote that a true definition gives the essence of the thing (defined in Greek to ti ên einai, literally "the what it was to be"), general semantics denies the existence of such an 'essence'. In this, general semantics purports to represent an evolution in human evaluative orientation. In general semantics, it is always possible to give a description of empirical facts, but such descriptions remain just that—descriptions—which necessarily leave out many aspects of the objective, microscopic, and submicroscopic events they describe. According to general semantics, language, natural or otherwise (including the language called 'mathematics') can be used to describe the taste of an orange, but one cannot give the taste of the orange using language alone. According to general semantics, the content of all knowledge is structure, so that language (in general) and science and mathematics (in particular) can provide people with a structural 'map' of empirical facts, but there can be no 'identity', only structural similarity, between the language (map) and the empirical facts as lived through and observed by people as humans-in-environments (including doctrinal and linguistic environments). Time binding: The human ability to pass information and knowledge from one generation to the next. Korzybski claimed this to be a unique capacity, separating people from animals. This distinctly human ability for one generation to start where a previous generation left off, is a consequence of the uniquely human ability to move to higher and higher levels of abstraction without limit. Animals may have multiple levels of abstraction, but their abstractions must stop at some finite upper limit; this is not so for humans: humans can have 'knowledge about knowledge', 'knowledge about knowledge about knowledge', etc., without any upper limit. Animals possess knowledge, but each generation of animals does things pretty much in the same way as the previous generation, limited by their neurology and genetic makeup. By contrast, at one time most human societies were hunter-gatherers, but now more advanced means of food production (growing, raising, or buying) predominate. Except for some insects (for example, ants), all animals are still hunter-gatherer species, even though many have existed longer than the human species. For this reason, animals are regarded in general semantics as space-binders (doing space-binding), and plants, which are usually stationary, as energy-binders (doing energy-binding). Non-elementalism and non-additivity: The refusal to separate verbally what cannot be separated empirically, and the refusal to regard such verbal splits as evidence that the 'things' that are verbally split bear an additive relation to one another. For example, space-time cannot empirically be split into 'space' + 'time', a conscious organism (including humans) cannot be split into 'body' + 'mind', etc., therefore, people should never speak of 'space' and 'time' or 'mind' and 'body' in isolation, but always use the terms space-time or mind-body (or other organism-as-a-whole terms). Infinite-valued determinism: General semantics regards the problem of 'indeterminism vs. determinism' as the failure of pre-modern epistemologies to formulate the issue properly, as the failure to consider or include all factors relevant to a particular prediction, and failure to adjust our languages and linguistic structures to empirical facts. General semantics resolves the issue in favor of determinism of a special kind called 'infinite-valued' determinism which always allows for the possibility that relevant 'causal' factors may be 'left out' at any given date, resulting in, if the issue is not understood at that date, 'indeterminism', which simply indicates that our ability to predict events has broken down, not that the world is 'indeterministic'. General semantics considers all human behavior (including all human decisions) as, in principle, fully determined once all relevant doctrinal and linguistic factors are included in the analysis, regarding theories of 'free will' as failing to include the doctrinal and linguistic environments as environments in the analysis of human behavior. Connections to other disciplines The influence of Ludwig Wittgenstein and the Vienna Circle, and of early operationalists and pragmatists such as Charles Sanders Peirce, is particularly clear in the foundational ideas of general semantics. Korzybski himself acknowledged many of these influences. The concept of "silence on the objective level"—attributed to Korzybski and his insistence on consciousness of abstracting—are parallel to some of the central ideas in Zen Buddhism. Although Korzybski never acknowledged any influence from this quarter, he formulated general semantics during the same years that the first popularizations of Zen were becoming part of the intellectual currency of educated speakers of English. On the other hand, later Zen-popularizer Alan Watts was influenced by ideas from general semantics. General semantics has survived most profoundly in the cognitive therapies that emerged in the 1950s and 1960s. Albert Ellis (1913–2007), who developed rational emotive behavior therapy, acknowledged influence from general semantics and delivered the Alfred Korzybski Memorial Lecture in 1991. The Bruges (Belgium) center for solution-focused brief therapy operates under the name Korzybski Institute Training and Research Center. George Kelly, creator of personal construct psychology, was influenced by general semantics. Fritz Perls and Paul Goodman, founders of Gestalt therapy are said to have been influenced by Korzybski Wendell Johnson wrote "People in Quandaries: The Semantics of Personal Adjustment" in 1946, which stands as the first attempt to form a therapy from general semantics. Ray Solomonoff (1926–2009) was influenced by Korzybski. Solomonoff was the inventor of algorithmic probability, and founder of algorithmic information theory ( Kolmogorov complexity). Another scientist influenced by Korzybski (verbal testimony) is Paul Vitanyi (born 1944), a scientist in the theory of computation. During the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s, general semantics entered the idiom of science fiction. Notable examples include the works of A. E. van Vogt, The World of Null-A and its sequels. General semantics appear also in Robert A. Heinlein's work, especially Gulf. Bernard Wolfe drew on general semantics in his 1952 science fiction novel Limbo. Frank Herbert's novels Dune and Whipping Star <ref>O'Reilly, 1981 (p. 180), "The influence of General Semantics is particularly obvious in Whipping Star"...</ref> are also indebted to general semantics. The ideas of general semantics became a sufficiently important part of the shared intellectual toolkit of genre science fiction to merit parody by Damon Knight and others; they have since shown a tendency to reappear in the work of more recent writers such as Samuel R. Delany, Suzette Haden Elgin and Robert Anton Wilson. In 2008, John Wright extended van Vogt's Null-A series with Null-A Continuum. William Burroughs references Korzybski's time binding principle in his essay The Electronic Revolution, and elsewhere. Henry Beam Piper explicitly mentioned general semantics in Murder in the Gunroom, and its principles, such as awareness of the limitations of knowledge, are apparent in his later work. A fictional rendition of the Institute of General Semantics appears in the 1965 French science fiction film, Alphaville, directed by Jean-Luc Godard. Neil Postman, founder of New York University's media ecology program in 1971, edited ETC: A Review of General Semantics from 1976 to 1986. Postman's student Lance Strate, a co-founder of the Media Ecology Association, served as executive director of the Institute of General Semantics from 2007 to 2010. With Charles Weingartner, Neil Postman included General Semantics within the introductory background analysis in Teaching as a Subversive Activity (Delacorte, 1969). In particular, they argued that General Semantics fitted with what Postman and Weingartner referred to as the "Whorf-Sapir hypothesis", the claim that the particular language used to describe experience shapes how we perceive and understand that experience; that is, language shapes the way people think. (The "Whorf-Sapir hypothesis" is also known as Linguistic relativity.) See also Related fields Cognitive science Cognitive therapy E-Prime Gestalt therapy Language and thought Linguistic relativity Perceptual control theory Rational emotive behavior therapy Related subjects Cratylus (dialogue) Harold Innis's communications theories Institute of General Semantics Ladder of inference Map–territory relation Neuro-linguistic programming Propaganda Related persons Aristotle Gregory Bateson Sanford I. Berman Albert Ellis Elwood Murray Allen Walker Read Wilhelm Reich Ida Rolf William Vogt Robert Anton Wilson Related books Levels of Knowing and Existence: Studies in General Semantics, by Harry L. Weinberg Language in Thought and Action, by Professor S.I. Hayakawa (later a U.S. Senator), popularizing the tenets of General Semantics The World of Null-A, a science fiction novel by A. E. van Vogt, which envisions a world run by General Semanticists Gulf, a science fiction novella by Robert A. Heinlein (published in Assignment in Eternity), in which a secret society trained in General Semantics and the techniques of Samuel Renshaw act to protect humanity Notes Further reading Dare to Inquire: Sanity and Survival for the 21st Century and Beyond. by , (2003). Robert Anton Wilson wrote: "This seems to me a revolutionary book on how to transcend prejudices, evade the currently fashionable lunacies, open yourself to new perceptions, new empathy and even new ideas, free your living total brain from the limits of your dogmatic verbal 'mind', and generally wake up and smell the bodies of dead children and other innocents piling up everywhere. In a time of rising rage and terror, we need this as badly as a city with plague needs vaccines and antibiotics. If I had the money I'd send a copy to every delegate at the UN."Trance-Formations: Neuro-Linguistic Programming and the Structure of Hypnosis by Richard Bandler and John Grinder, (1981). One of the important principles—also widely used in political propaganda—discussed in this book is that trance induction uses a language of pure process and lets the listener fill in all the specific content from their own personal experience. E.g. the hypnotist might say "imagine you are sitting in a very comfortable chair in a room painted your favorite color" but not "imagine you are sitting in a very comfortable chair in a room painted red, your favorite color" because then the listener might think "wait a second, red is not my favorite color". The work of the scholar of political communication Murray Edelman (1919–2001), starting with his seminal book The Symbolic Uses of Politics (1964), continuing with Politics as symbolic action: mass arousal and quiescience (1971), Political Language: Words that succeed and policies that fail (1977), Constructing the Political Spectacle (1988) and ending with his last book The Politics of Misinformation (2001) can be viewed as an exploration of the deliberate manipulation and obfuscation of the map-territory distinction for political purposes.Logic and contemporary rhetoric: the use of reason in everyday life by Howard Kahane (d. 2001). (Wadsworth: First edition 1971, sixth edition 1992, tenth edition 2005 with Nancy Cavender.) Highly readable guide to the rhetoric of clear thinking, frequently updated with examples of the opposite drawn from contemporary U.S. media sources.Doing Physics : how physicists take hold of the world by Martin H. Krieger, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992. A "cultural phenomenology of doing physics". The General Semantics connection is the relation to Korzybski's original motivation of trying to identify key features of the successes of mathematics and the physical sciences that could be extended into everyday thinking and social organization.Metaphors We Live By by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, (1980).Philosophy in the flesh: the embodied mind and its challenge to Western thought by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, (1997).The Art of Asking Questions by Stanley L. Payne, (1951) This book is a short handbook-style discussion of how the honest pollster should ask questions to find out what people actually think without leading them, but the same information could be used to slant a poll to get a predetermined answer. Payne notes that the effect of asking a question in different ways or in different contexts can be much larger than the effect of sampling bias, which is the error estimate usually given for a poll. E.g. (from the book) if you ask people "should government go into debt?" the majority will answer "No", but if you ask "Corporations have the right to issue bonds. Should governments also have the right to issue bonds?" the majority will answer "Yes". Related booksThe art of awareness; a textbook on general semantics by , Dubuque, Iowa: W.C. Brown Co., 1966, 1973, 1978; , 1996.Crazy talk, stupid talk: how we defeat ourselves by the way we talk and what to do about it by Neil Postman, Delacorte Press, 1976. All of Postman's books are informed by his study of General Semantics (Postman was editor of ETC. from 1976 to 1986) but this book is his most explicit and detailed commentary on the use and misuse of language as a tool for thought. Developing sanity in human affairs edited by Susan Presby Kodish and Robert P. Holston, Greenwood Press, Westport Connecticut, copyright 1998, Hofstra University. A collection of papers on the subject of general semantics. Drive Yourself Sane: Using the Uncommon Sense of General Semantics, Third Edition. by Bruce I. Kodish and Susan Presby Kodish. Pasadena, CA: Extensional Publishing, 2011.General Semantics in Psychotherapy: Selected Writings on Methods Aiding Therapy, edited by Isabel Caro and Charlotte Schuchardt Read, Institute of General Semantics, 2002.Language habits in human affairs; an introduction to General Semantics by Irving J. Lee, Harper and Brothers, 1941. Still in print from the Institute of General Semantics. On a similar level to Hayakawa.The language of wisdom and folly; background readings in semantics edited by Irving J. Lee, Harper and Row, 1949. Was in print (ca. 2000) from the International Society of General Semantics—now merged with the Institute of General Semantics. A selection of essays and short excerpts from different authors on linguistic themes emphasized by General Semantics—without reference to Korzybski, except for an essay by him. "Language Revision by Deletion of Absolutisms," by Allen Walker Read. Paper presented at the ninth annual meeting of the Semiotic Society of America, Bloomington, IN, 13 October 1984. Published in ETC: A Review of General Semantics. V42n1, Spring 1985, pp. 7–12. Living With Change, Wendell Johnson, Harper Collins, 1972.Mathsemantics: making numbers talk sense by Edward MacNeal, HarperCollins, 1994. Penguin paperback 1995. Explicit General Semantics combined with numeracy education (along the lines of John Allen Paulos's books) and simple statistical and mathematical modelling, influenced by MacNeal's work as an airline transportation consultant. Discusses the fallacy of Single Instance thinking in statistical situations.Operational philosophy: integrating knowledge and action by Anatol Rapoport, New York: Wiley (1953, 1965).People in Quandaries: the semantics of personal adjustment by Wendell Johnson, 1946—still in print from the Institute of General Semantics. Insightful book about the application of General Semantics to psychotherapy; was an acknowledged influence on Richard Bandler and John Grinder in their formulation of Neuro-Linguistic Programming.Semantics by Anatol Rapoport, Crowell, 1975. Includes both general semantics along the lines of Hayakawa, Lee, and Postman and more technical (mathematical and philosophical) material. A valuable survey. Rapoport's autobiography Certainties and Doubts : A Philosophy of Life (Black Rose Books, 2000) gives some of the history of the General Semantics movement as he saw it.Your Most Enchanted Listener by Wendell Johnson, Harper, 1956. Your most enchanted listener is yourself, of course. Similar material as in People in Quandaries but considerably briefer. Related academic articles Bramwell, R. D. (1981). The semantics of multiculturalism: a new element in curriculum. Canadian Journal of Education, Vol. 6, No. 2 (1981), pp. 92–101. Clarke, R. A. (1948). General semantics in art education. The School Review, Vol. 56, No. 10 (Dec., 1948), pp. 600–605. Chisholm, F. P. (1943). Some misconceptions about general semantics. College English, Vol. 4, No. 7 (Apr., 1943), p. 412–416. Glicksberg, C. I. (1946) General semantics and the science of man. Scientific Monthly, Vol. 62, No. 5 (May, 1946), pp. 440–446. Hallie, P. P. (1952). A criticism of general semantics. College English, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Oct., 1952), pp. 17–23. Hasselris, P. (1991). From Pearl Harbor to Watergate to Kuwait: "Language in Thought and Action". The English Journal, Vol. 80, No. 2 (Feb., 1991), pp. 28–35. Hayakawa, S. I. (1939). General semantics and propaganda. Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 3 No. 2 (Apr., 1939), pp. 197–208. Kenyon, R. E. (1988). The Impossibility of Non-identity Languages. General Semantics Bulletin, No. 55, (1990), pp. 43–52. Kenyon, R. E. (1993). E-prime: The Spirit and the Letter. ETC: A Review of General Semantics. Vol. 49 No. 2, (Summer 1992). pp. 185–188 Krohn, F. B. (1985). A general semantics approach to teaching business ethics. Journal of Business Communication, Vol. 22, Issue 3 (Summer, 1985), pp 59–66. Maymi, P. (1956). General concepts or laws in translation. The Modern Language Journal, Vol. 40, No. 1 (Jan., 1956), pp. 13–21. O'Brien, P. M. (1972). The sesame land of general semantics. The English Journal, Vol. 61, No. 2 (Feb., 1972), pp. 281–301. Rapaport, W. J. (1995). Understanding understanding: syntactic semantics and computational cognition. Philosophical Perspectives, Vol. 9, AI, Connectionism and Philosophical Psychology (1995), pp. 49–88. Thorndike, E. L. (1946). The psychology of semantics. American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 59, No. 4 (Oct., 1946), pp. 613–632. Whitworth, R. (1991). A book for all occasions: activities for teaching general semantics. The English Journal, Vol. 80, No. 2 (Feb., 1991), pp. 50–54. Youngren, W. H. (1968). General semantics and the science of meaning. College English'', Vol. 29, No. 4 (Jan., 1968), pp. 253–285. External links Institute of General Semantics Institute of General Semantics in Europe New York Society for General Semantics European Society For General Semantics Australian General Semantics Society ETC A Review of General Semantics Index 1933 introductions

Thesis

A thesis (: theses), or dissertation (abbreviated diss.), is a document submitted in support of candidature for an academic degree or professional qualification presenting the author's research and findings. In some contexts, the word thesis or a cognate is used for part of a bachelor's or master's course, while dissertation is normally applied to a doctorate. This is the typical arrangement in American English. In other contexts, such as within most institutions of the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland, the reverse is true. The term graduate thesis is sometimes used to refer to both master's theses and doctoral dissertations. The required complexity or quality of research of a thesis or dissertation can vary by country, university, or program, and the required minimum study period may thus vary significantly in duration. The word dissertation can at times be used to describe a treatise without relation to obtaining an academic degree. The term thesis is also used to refer to the general claim of an essay or similar work. Etymology The term thesis comes from the Greek word , meaning "something put forth", and refers to an intellectual proposition. Dissertation comes from the Latin dissertātiō, meaning "discussion". Aristotle was the first philosopher to define the term thesis. A 'thesis' is a supposition of some eminent philosopher that conflicts with the general opinion...for to take notice when any ordinary person expresses views contrary to men's usual opinions would be silly.For Aristotle, a thesis would therefore be a supposition that is stated in contradiction with general opinion or express disagreement with other philosophers (104b33-35). A supposition is a statement or opinion that may or may not be true depending on the evidence and/or proof that is offered (152b32). The purpose of the dissertation is thus to outline the proofs of why the author disagrees with other philosophers or the general opinion. Structure and presentation style Structure A thesis (or dissertation) may be arranged as a thesis by publication or a monograph, with or without appended papers, respectively, though many graduate programs allow candidates to submit a curated collection of articles. An ordinary monograph has a title page, an abstract, a table of contents, comprising the various chapters like introduction, literature review, methodology, results, discussion, and bibliography or more usually a references section. They differ in their structure in accordance with the many different areas of study (arts, humanities, social sciences, technology, sciences, etc.) and the differences between them. In a thesis by publication, the chapters constitute an introductory and comprehensive review of the appended published and unpublished article documents. Dissertations normally report on a research project or study, or an extended analysis of a topic. The structure of a thesis or dissertation explains the purpose, the previous research literature impinging on the topic of the study, the methods used, and the findings of the project. Most world universities use a multiple chapter format: a) an introduction: which introduces the research topic, the methodology, as well as its scope and significance b) a literature review: reviewing relevant literature and showing how this has informed the research issue c) a methodology chapter, explaining how the research has been designed and why the research methods/population/data collection and analysis being used have been chosen d) a findings chapter: outlining the findings of the research itself e) an analysis and discussion chapter: analysing the findings and discussing them in the context of the literature review (this chapter is often divided into two—analysis and discussion) f) a conclusion: which shows judgement or decision reached by thesis Style Degree-awarding institutions often define their own house style that candidates have to follow when preparing a thesis document. In addition to institution-specific house styles, there exist a number of field-specific, national, and international standards and recommendations for the presentation of theses, for instance ISO 7144. Other applicable international standards include ISO 2145 on section numbers, ISO 690 on bibliographic references, and ISO 31 or its revision ISO 80000 on quantities or units. Some older house styles specify that front matter (title page, abstract, table of content, etc.) must use a separate page number sequence from the main text, using Roman numerals. The relevant international standard and many newer style guides recognize that this book design practice can cause confusion where electronic document viewers number all pages of a document continuously from the first page, independent of any printed page numbers. They, therefore, avoid the traditional separate number sequence for front matter and require a single sequence of Arabic numerals starting with 1 for the first printed page (the recto of the title page). Presentation requirements, including pagination, layout, type and color of paper, use of acid-free paper (where a copy of the dissertation will become a permanent part of the library collection), paper size, order of components, and citation style, will be checked page by page by the accepting officer before the thesis is accepted and a receipt is issued. However, strict standards are not always required. Most Italian universities, for example, have only general requirements on the character size and the page formatting, and leave much freedom for the actual typographic details. Thesis committee The thesis committee (or dissertation committee) is a committee that supervises a student's dissertation. In the US, these committees usually consist of a primary supervisor or advisor and two or more committee members, who supervise the progress of the dissertation and may also act as the examining committee, or jury, at the oral examination of the thesis (see ). At most universities, the committee is chosen by the student in conjunction with their primary adviser, usually after completion of the comprehensive examinations or prospectus meeting, and may consist of members of the comps committee. The committee members are doctors in their field (whether a PhD or other designation) and have the task of reading the dissertation, making suggestions for changes and improvements, and sitting in on the defense. Sometimes, at least one member of the committee must be a professor in a department that is different from that of the student. Role of thesis supervisor The role of the thesis supervisor is to assist and support a student in their studies, and to determine whether a thesis is ready for examination. The thesis is authored by the student, not the supervisor. The duties of the thesis supervisor also include checking for copyright compliance and ensuring that the student has included in/with the thesis a statement attesting that he/she is the sole author of the thesis. Regional and degree-specific practices and terminologies Argentina In the Latin American docta, the academic dissertation can be referred to as different stages inside the academic program that the student is seeking to achieve into a recognized Argentine University, in all the cases the students must develop original contribution in the chosen fields by means of several paper work and essays that comprehend the body of the thesis. Correspondingly to the academic degree, the last phase of an academic thesis is called in Spanish a defensa de grado, defensa magistral or defensa doctoral in cases in which the university candidate is finalizing their licentiate, master's, or PhD program, respectively. According to a committee resolution, the dissertation can be approved or rejected by an academic committee consisting of the thesis director and at least one evaluator. All the dissertation referees must already have achieved at least the academic degree that the candidate is trying to reach. Canada At English-speaking Canadian universities, writings presented in fulfillment of undergraduate coursework requirements are normally called papers, term papers or essays. A longer paper or essay presented for completion of a 4-year bachelor's degree is sometimes called a major paper. High-quality research papers presented as the empirical study of a "postgraduate" consecutive bachelor with Honours or Baccalaureatus Cum Honore degree are called thesis (Honours Seminar Thesis). Major papers presented as the final project for a master's degree are normally called thesis; and major papers presenting the student's research towards a doctoral degree are called theses or dissertations. At French-language universities, for the fulfillment of a master's degree, students can present a "mémoire"' or a shorter "essai"' (the latter requires the student to take more courses). For the fulfillment of a doctoral degree, they may present a "thèse" or an "essai doctoral" (here too, the latter requires more courses). All these documents are usually synthetic monograph related to the student's research work. A typical undergraduate paper or essay might be forty pages. Master's theses are approximately one hundred pages. PhD theses are usually over two hundred pages. This may vary greatly by discipline, program, college, or university. A study published in 2021 found that in Québec universities, between 2000 and 2020, master's and PhD theses averaged 127.4 and 245.6 pages respectively. Theses Canada acquires and preserves a comprehensive collection of Canadian theses at Library and Archives Canada (LAC) through a partnership with Canadian universities who participate in the program. Most theses can also be found in the institutional repository of the university the student graduated from. Croatia At most university faculties in Croatia, a degree is obtained by defending a thesis after having passed all the classes specified in the degree programme. In the Bologna system, the bachelor's thesis, called završni rad (literally "final work" or "concluding work") is defended after 3 years of study and is about 30 pages long. Most students with bachelor's degrees continue onto master's programmes which end with a master's thesis called diplomski rad (literally "diploma work" or "graduate work"). The term dissertation is used for a doctoral degree paper (doktorska disertacija). Czech Republic In the Czech Republic, higher education is completed by passing all classes remaining to the educational compendium for given degree and defending a thesis. For bachelors programme the thesis is called bakalářská práce (bachelor's thesis), for master's degrees and also doctor of medicine or dentistry degrees it is the diplomová práce (master's thesis), and for Philosophiae doctor (PhD.) degree it is dissertation dizertační práce. Thesis for so called Higher-Professional School (Vyšší odborná škola, VOŠ) is called absolventská práce. Finland The following types of thesis are used in Finland (names in Finnish/Swedish): Kandidaatintutkielma/kandidatavhandling is the dissertation associated with lower-level academic degrees (bachelor's degree), and at universities of applied science. Pro gradu(-tutkielma)/(avhandling) pro gradu, colloquially referred to simply as 'gradu', now referred to as maisterintutkielma by many degree-awarding institutions is the dissertation for master's degrees, which make up the majority of degrees conferred in Finland, and this is therefore the most common type of thesis submitted in the country. The equivalent for engineering and architecture students is diplomityö/diplomarbete. At many Finnish universities, the 21st century has seen a substantial reduction in the requirements for this thesis level. The highest-level theses are called lisensiaatintutkielma/licentiatavhandling and (tohtorin)väitöskirja/doktorsavhandling, for licentiate and doctoral degrees, respectively. France In France, the academic dissertation or thesis is called a thèse and it is reserved for the final work of doctoral candidates. The minimum page length is generally (and not formally) 100 pages (or about 400,000 characters), but is usually several times longer (except for technical theses and for "exact sciences" such as physics and maths). To complete a master's degree in research, a student is required to write a mémoire, the French equivalent of a master's thesis in other higher education systems. The word dissertation in French is reserved for shorter (1,000–2,000 words), more generic academic treatises. The defense is called a soutenance. Since 2023, at the end of the admission process, the doctoral student takes an oath of commitment to the principles of scientific integrity Germany In Germany, an academic thesis is called Abschlussarbeit or, more specifically, the basic name of the degree complemented by -arbeit (rough translation: -work; e.g., Diplomarbeit, Masterarbeit, Doktorarbeit). For bachelor's and master's degrees, the name can alternatively be complemented by -thesis instead (e.g., Bachelorthesis). Length is often given in page count and depends upon departments, faculties, and fields of study. A bachelor's thesis is often 40–60 pages long, a diploma thesis and a master's thesis usually 60–100. The required submission for a doctorate is called a Dissertation or Doktorarbeit. The submission for a Habilitation, which is an academic qualification, not an academic degree, is called Habilitationsschrift, not Habilitationsarbeit. A doctoral degree is often earned with multiple levels of a Latin honors remark for the thesis ranging from summa cum laude (best) to rite (duly). A thesis can also be rejected with a Latin remark (non-rite, non-sufficit or worst as sub omni canone). Bachelor's and master's theses receive numerical grades from 1.0 (best) to 5.0 (failed). India In India the thesis defense is called a (Latin for "by live voice") examination (viva in short). Involved in the viva are two examiners, one guide (student guide) and the candidate. One examiner is an academic from the candidate's own university department (but not one of the candidate's supervisors) and the other is an external examiner from a different university. In India, PG Qualifications such as MSc Physics accompanies submission of dissertation in Part I and submission of a Project (a working model of an innovation) in Part II. Engineering and Designing qualifications such as BTech, B.E., B.Des, MTech, M.E. or M.Des also involves submission of dissertation. In all the cases, the dissertation can be extended for summer internship at certain research and development organizations or also as PhD synopsis. Indonesia In Indonesia, the term thesis is used specifically to refer to master's theses. The undergraduate thesis is called skripsi, while the doctoral dissertation is called disertasi. In general, those three terms are usually called as tugas akhir (final assignment), which is mostly mandatory for the completion of a degree. Undergraduate students usually begin to write their final assignment in their third, fourth or fifth enrollment year, depends on the requirements of their respective disciplines and universities. In some universities, students are required to write a proposal skripsi or proposal tesis (thesis proposal) before they could write their final assignment. If the thesis proposal is considered to fulfill the qualification by the academic examiners, students then may proceed to write their final assignment. Iran In Iran, usually students are required to present a thesis ( pāyān-nāmeh) in their master's degree and a dissertation ( resāleh) in their Doctorate degree, both of which requiring the students to defend their research before a committee and gaining their approval. Most of the norms and rules of writing a thesis or a dissertation are influenced by the French higher education system. Italy In Italy there are normally three types of thesis. In order of complexity: one for the Laurea (equivalent to the UK Bachelor's Degree), another one for the Laurea Magistrale (equivalent to the UK Master's Degree) and then a thesis to complete the Dottorato di Ricerca (PhD). Thesis requirements vary greatly between degrees and disciplines, ranging from as low as 3–4 ECTS credits to more than 30. Thesis work is mandatory for the completion of a degree. Kazakhstan In Kazakhstan, a bachelor's degree typically requires a bachelor's diploma work (kz "бакалаврдың дипломдық жұмысы"), while the master's and PhD degree require a master's/doctoral dissertation (kz "магистрлік/докторлық диссертация"). All the works are publicly presented to the special council at the end of the training, which thoroughly examines the work. PhD candidates may be allowed to present their work without a written thesis, if they provide enough publications in leading journals of the field, and one of which should be a review article specifically. Malaysia Malaysian universities often follow the British model for dissertations and degrees. However, a few universities follow the United States model for theses and dissertations. Some public universities have both British and US style PhD programs. Branch campuses of British, Australian and Middle East universities in Malaysia use the respective models of the home campuses. Pakistan In Pakistan, at undergraduate level the thesis is usually called final year project, as it is completed in the senior year of the degree, the name project usually implies that the work carried out is less extensive than a thesis and bears lesser credit hours too. The undergraduate level project is presented through an elaborate written report and a presentation to the advisor, a board of faculty members and students. At graduate level however, i.e. in MS, some universities allow students to accomplish a project of 6 credits or a thesis of 9 credits, at least one publication is normally considered enough for the awarding of the degree with project and is considered mandatory for the awarding of a degree with thesis. A written report and a public thesis defense is mandatory, in the presence of a board of senior researchers, consisting of members from an outside organization or a university. A PhD candidate is supposed to accomplish extensive research work to fulfill the dissertation requirements with international publications being a mandatory requirement. The defense of the research work is done publicly. Philippines In the Philippines, an academic thesis is named by the degree, such as bachelor/undergraduate thesis or masteral thesis. However, in Philippine English, the term doctorate is typically replaced with doctoral (as in the case of "doctoral dissertation"), though in official documentation the former is still used. The terms thesis and dissertation are commonly used interchangeably in everyday language yet it is generally understood that a thesis refers to bachelor/undergraduate and master academic work while a dissertation is named for doctorate work. The Philippine system is influenced by American collegiate system, in that it requires a research project to be submitted before being allowed to write a thesis. This project is mostly given as a prerequisite writing course to the actual thesis and is accomplished in the term period before; supervision is provided by one professor assigned to a class. This project is later to be presented in front of an academic panel, often the entire faculty of an academic department, with their recommendations contributing to the acceptance, revision, or rejection of the initial topic. In addition, the presentation of the research project will help the candidate choose their primary thesis adviser. An undergraduate thesis is completed in the final year of the degree alongside existing seminar (lecture) or laboratory courses, and is often divided into two presentations: proposal and thesis presentations (though this varies across universities), whereas a master thesis or doctorate dissertation is accomplished in the last term alone and is defended once. In most universities, a thesis is required for the bestowment of a degree to a candidate alongside a number of units earned throughout their academic period of stay, though for practice and skills-based degrees a practicum and a written report can be achieved instead. The examination board often consists of three to five examiners, often professors in a university (with a Masters or PhD degree) depending on the university's examination rules. Required word length, complexity, and contribution to scholarship varies widely across universities in the country. Poland In Poland, a bachelor's degree usually requires a praca licencjacka (bachelor's thesis) or the similar level degree in engineering requires a praca inżynierska (engineer's thesis/bachelor's thesis), the master's degree requires a praca magisterska (master's thesis). The academic dissertation for a PhD is called a dysertacja or praca doktorska. The submission for the Habilitation is called praca habilitacyjna or dysertacja habilitacyjna. Thus the term dysertacja is reserved for PhD and Habilitation degrees. All the theses need to be "defended" by the author during a special examination for the given degree. Examinations for PhD and Habilitation degrees are public. Portugal and Brazil In Portugal and Brazil, a dissertation (dissertação) is required for completion of a master's degree. The defense is done in a public presentation in which teachers, students, and the general public can participate. For the PhD, a thesis (tese) is presented for defense in a public exam. The exam typically extends over 3 hours. The examination board typically involves 5 to 6 scholars (including the advisor) or other experts with a PhD degree (generally at least half of them must be external to the university where the candidate defends the thesis, but it may depend on the university). Each university / faculty defines the length of these documents, and it can vary also in respect to the domains (a thesis in fields like philosophy, history, geography, etc., usually has more pages than a thesis in mathematics, computer science, statistics, etc.) but typical numbers of pages are around 60–80 for MSc and 150–250 for PhD. In Brazil the Bachelor's Thesis is called TCC or Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso (Final Term / Undergraduate Thesis / Final Paper). Russia, Belarus, Ukraine In Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine an academic dissertation or thesis is called what can be literally translated as a "master's degree work" (thesis), whereas the word dissertation is reserved for doctoral theses (Candidate of Sciences). To complete both bachelor's and master's degree, a student is required to write a thesis and to then defend the work publicly. The length of this manuscript usually is given in page count and depends upon educational institution, its departments, faculties, and fields of study Slovenia At universities in Slovenia, an academic thesis called diploma thesis is a prerequisite for completing undergraduate studies. The thesis used to be 40–60 pages long, but has been reduced to 20–30 pages in new Bologna process programmes. To complete Master's studies, a candidate must write magistrsko delo (Master's thesis) that is longer and more detailed than the undergraduate thesis. The required submission for the doctorate is called doktorska disertacija (doctoral dissertation). In pre Bologna programmes students were able to skip the preparation and presentation of a Master's thesis and continue straightforward towards doctorate. Slovakia In Slovakia, higher education is completed by defending a thesis, which is called bachelor's thesis "bakalárska práca" for bachelors programme, master's thesis or "diplomová práca" for master's degrees, and also doctor of medicine or dentistry degrees and dissertation "dizertačná práca" for Philosophiae doctor (PhD.) degree. Sweden In Sweden, there are different types of theses. Practices and definitions vary between fields but commonly include the C thesis/Bachelor thesis, which corresponds to 15 HP or 10 weeks of independent studies, D thesis/'/Magister/one year master's thesis, which corresponds to 15 HP or 10 weeks of independent studies and E Thesis/two-year master's thesis, which corresponds to 30 HP or 20 weeks of independent studies. The undergraduate theses are called uppsats ("essay"), sometimes examensarbete, especially at technical programmes. After that there are two types of post graduate theses: licentiate thesis (licentiatuppsats) and PhD dissertation (doktorsavhandling). A licentiate degree is approximately "half a PhD" in terms of the size and scope of the thesis. Swedish PhD studies should in theory last for four years, including course work and thesis work, but as many PhD students also teach, the PhD often takes longer to complete. The thesis can be written as a monograph or as a compilation thesis; in the latter case, the introductory chapters are called the kappa (literally "coat"). United Kingdom Outside the academic community, the terms thesis and dissertation are interchangeable. At universities in the United Kingdom, the term thesis is usually associated with PhD/EngD (doctoral) and research master's degrees, while dissertation is the more common term for a substantial project submitted as part of a taught master's degree or an undergraduate degree (e.g. MSc, BA, BSc, BMus, BEd, BEng etc.). Thesis word lengths may differ by faculty/department and are set by individual universities. A wide range of supervisory arrangements can be found in the British academy, from single supervisors (more usual for undergraduate and Masters level work) to supervisory teams of up to three supervisors. In teams, there will often be a Director of Studies, usually someone with broader experience (perhaps having passed some threshold of successful supervisions). The Director may be involved with regular supervision along with the other supervisors, or may have more of an oversight role, with the other supervisors taking on the more day-to-day responsibilities of supervision. United States In some U.S. doctoral programs, the "dissertation" can take up the major part of the student's total time spent (along with two or three years of classes) and may take years of full-time work to complete. At most universities, dissertation is the term for the required submission for the doctorate, and thesis refers only to the master's degree requirement. Thesis is also used to describe a cumulative project for a bachelor's degree and is more common at selective colleges and universities, or for those seeking admittance to graduate school or to obtain an honors academic designation. These projects are called "senior projects" or "senior theses"; they are generally done in the senior year near graduation after having completed other courses, the independent study period, and the internship or student teaching period (the completion of most of the requirements before the writing of the paper ensures adequate knowledge and aptitude for the challenge). Unlike a dissertation or master's thesis, they are not as long and they do not require a novel contribution to knowledge or even a very narrow focus on a set subtopic. Like them, they can be lengthy and require months of work, they require supervision by at least one professor adviser, they must be focused on a certain area of knowledge, and they must use an appreciable amount of scholarly citations. They may or may not be defended before a committee but usually are not; there is generally no preceding examination before the writing of the paper, except for at very few colleges. Because of the nature of the graduate thesis or dissertation having to be more narrow and more novel, the result of original research, these usually have a smaller proportion of the work that is cited from other sources, though the fact that they are lengthier may mean they still have more total citations. Specific undergraduate courses, especially writing-intensive courses or courses taken by upperclassmen, may also require one or more extensive written assignments referred to variously as theses, essays, or papers. Increasingly, high schools are requiring students to complete a senior project or senior thesis on a chosen topic during the final year as a prerequisite for graduation. The extended essay component of the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme, offered in a growing number of American high schools, is another example of this trend. Generally speaking, a dissertation is judged as to whether it makes an original and unique contribution to scholarship. Lesser projects (a master's thesis, for example) are judged by whether they demonstrate mastery of available scholarship in the presentation of an idea. The required complexity or quality of research of a thesis may vary significantly among universities or programs. Thesis examinations One of the requirements for certain advanced degrees is often an oral examination (called a viva voce examination or just viva in the UK and certain other English-speaking countries). This examination normally occurs after the dissertation is finished but before it is submitted to the university, and may comprise a presentation (often public) by the student and questions posed by an examining committee or jury. In North America, an initial oral examination in the field of specialization may take place just before the student settles down to work on the dissertation. An additional oral exam may take place after the dissertation is completed and is known as a thesis defense or dissertation defense, which at some universities may be a mere formality and at others may result in the student being required to make significant revisions. Examination results The result of the examination may be given immediately following deliberation by the examination committee (in which case the candidate may immediately be considered to have received their degree), or at a later date, in which case the examiners may prepare a defense report that is forwarded to a Board or Committee of Postgraduate Studies, which then officially recommends the candidate for the degree. Potential decisions (or "verdicts") include: Accepted/pass with no corrections. The thesis is accepted as presented. A grade may be awarded, though in many countries PhDs are not graded at all, and in others, only one of the theoretically possible grades (the highest) is ever used in practice. The thesis must be revised. Revisions (for example, correction of numerous grammatical or spelling errors; clarification of concepts or methodology; an addition of sections) are required. One or more members of the jury or the thesis supervisor will make the decision on the acceptability of revisions and provide written confirmation that they have been satisfactorily completed. If, as is often the case, the needed revisions are relatively modest, the examiners may all sign the thesis with the verbal understanding that the candidate will review the revised thesis with their supervisor before submitting the completed version. Extensive revision required. The thesis must be revised extensively and undergo the evaluation and defense process again from the beginning with the same examiners. Problems may include theoretical or methodological issues. A candidate who is not recommended for the degree after the second defense must normally withdraw from the program. Unacceptable. The thesis is unacceptable and the candidate must withdraw from the program. This verdict is given only when the thesis requires major revisions and when the examination makes it clear that the candidate is incapable of making such revisions. At most North American institutions the latter two verdicts are extremely rare, for two reasons. First, to obtain the status of doctoral candidates, graduate students typically pass a qualifying examination or comprehensive examination, which often includes an oral defense. Students who pass the qualifying examination are deemed capable of completing scholarly work independently and are allowed to proceed with working on a dissertation. Second, since the thesis supervisor (and the other members of the advisory committee) will normally have reviewed the thesis extensively before recommending the student to proceed to the defense, such an outcome would be regarded as a major failure not only on the part of the candidate but also by the candidate's supervisor (who should have recognized the substandard quality of the dissertation long before the defense was allowed to take place). It is also fairly rare for a thesis to be accepted without any revisions; the most common outcome of a defense is for the examiners to specify minor revisions (which the candidate typically completes in a few days or weeks). At universities on the British pattern it is not uncommon for theses at the viva stage to be subject to major revisions in which a substantial rewrite is required, sometimes followed by a new viva. Very rarely, the thesis may be awarded the lesser degree of M.Phil. (Master of Philosophy) instead, preventing the candidate from resubmitting the thesis. Australia In Australia, doctoral theses are usually examined by three examiners (although some, like the Australian Catholic University, the University of New South Wales, and Western Sydney University have shifted to using only two examiners) without a live defense except in extremely rare exceptions. In the case of a master's degree by research, the thesis is usually examined by only two examiners. Typically, one of these examiners will be from within the candidate's own department; the other(s) will usually be from other universities and often from overseas. Following submission of the thesis, copies are sent by mail to examiners and then reports sent back to the institution. Similar to a thesis for a master's degree by research, a thesis for the research component of a master's degree by coursework is also usually examined by two examiners, one from the candidate's department and one from another university. For an Honours year, which is a fourth year in addition to the usual three-year bachelor's degree, the thesis is also examined by two examiners, though both are usually from the candidate's own department. Honours and Master's theses sometimes require an oral defense before they are accepted. Germany In Germany, a thesis is usually examined with an oral examination. This applies to almost all Diplom, Magister, master's and doctoral degrees as well as to most bachelor's degrees. However, a process that allows for revisions of the thesis is usually only implemented for doctoral degrees. There are several different kinds of oral examinations used in practice. The Disputation, also called Verteidigung ("defense"), is usually public (at least to members of the university) and is focused on the topic of the thesis. In contrast, the Rigorosum (oral exam) is not held in public and also encompasses fields in addition to the topic of the thesis. The Rigorosum is only common for doctoral degrees. Another term for an oral examination is Kolloquium, which generally refers to a usually public scientific discussion and is often used synonymously with Verteidigung. In each case, what exactly is expected differs between universities and between faculties. Some universities also demand a combination of several of these forms. Malaysia Like the British model, the PhD or MPhil student is required to submit their thesis or dissertation for examination by two or three examiners. The first examiner is from the university concerned, the second examiner is from another local university and the third examiner is from a suitable foreign university (usually from Commonwealth countries). The choice of examiners must be approved by the university senate. In some public universities, a PhD or MPhil candidate may also have to show a number of publications in peer reviewed academic journals as part of the requirement. An oral viva is conducted after the examiners have submitted their reports to the university. The oral viva session is attended by the Oral Viva chairman, a rapporteur with a PhD qualification, the first examiner, the second examiner and sometimes the third examiner. Branch campuses of British, Australian and Middle East universities in Malaysia use the respective models of the home campuses to examine their PhD or MPhil candidates. Philippines In the Philippines, a thesis is followed by an oral defense. In most universities, this applies to all bachelor, master, and doctorate degrees. However, the oral defense is held in once per semester (usually in the middle or by the end) with a presentation of revisions (so-called "plenary presentation") at the end of each semester. The oral defense is typically not held in public for bachelor and master oral defenses, however a colloquium is held for doctorate degrees. Portugal In Portugal, a thesis is examined with an oral defense, which includes an initial presentation by the candidate followed by an extensive question and answer session. North America In North America, the thesis defense or oral defense is the final examination for doctoral candidates, and sometimes for master's candidates. The examining committee normally consists of the thesis committee, usually a given number of professors mainly from the student's university plus their primary supervisor, an external examiner (someone not otherwise connected to the university), and a chair person. Each committee member will have been given a completed copy of the dissertation prior to the defense, and will come prepared to ask questions about the thesis itself and the subject matter. In many schools, master's thesis defenses are restricted to the examinee and the examiners, but doctoral defenses are open to the public. The typical format will see the candidate giving a short (20–40-minute) presentation of their research, followed by one to two hours of questions. At some U.S. institutions, a longer public lecture (known as a "thesis talk" or "thesis seminar") by the candidate will accompany the defense itself, in which case only the candidate, the examiners, and other members of the faculty may attend the actual defense. Russia and Ukraine A student in Russia or Ukraine has to complete a thesis and then defend it in front of their department. Sometimes the defense meeting is made up of the learning institute's professionals and sometimes the students peers are allowed to view or join in. After the presentation and defense of the thesis, the final conclusion of the department should be that none of them have reservations on the content and quality of the thesis. A conclusion on the thesis has to be approved by the rector of the educational institute. This conclusion (final grade so to speak) of the thesis can be defended/argued not only at the thesis council, but also in any other thesis council of Russia or Ukraine. Spain The former Diploma de estudios avanzados (DEA) lasted two years and candidates were required to complete coursework and demonstrate their ability to research the specific topics they have studied. From 2011 on, these courses were replaced by academic Master's programmes that include specific training on epistemology, and scientific methodology. After its completion, students are able to enroll in a specific PhD programme (programa de doctorado) and begin a dissertation on a set topic for a maximum time of three years (full-time) and five years (part-time). All students must have a full professor as an academic advisor (director de tesis) and a tutor, who is usually the same person. A dissertation (tesis doctoral), with an average of 250 pages, is the main requisite along with typically one previously published journal article. Once candidates have published their written dissertations, they will be evaluated by two external academics (evaluadores externos) and subsequently it is usually exhibited publicly for fifteen natural days. After its approval, candidates must defend publicly their research before a three-member committee (tribunal) with at least one visiting academic: chair, secretary and member (presidente, secretario y vocal). A typical public Thesis Defence (defensa) lasts 45 minutes and all attendants holding a doctoral degree are eligible to ask questions. United Kingdom, Ireland and Hong Kong In Hong Kong, Ireland and the United Kingdom, the thesis defense is called a (Latin for 'by live voice') examination (viva for short). A typical viva lasts for approximately 3 hours, though there is no formal time limit. Involved in the viva are two examiners and the candidate. Usually, one examiner is an academic from the candidate's own university department (but not one of the candidate's supervisors) and the other is an external examiner from a different university. Increasingly, the examination may involve a third academic, the 'chair'; this person, from the candidate's institution, acts as an impartial observer with oversight of the examination process to ensure that the examination is fair. The 'chair' does not ask academic questions of the candidate. In the United Kingdom, there are only two or at most three examiners, and in many universities the examination is held in private. The candidate's primary supervisor is not permitted to ask or answer questions during the viva, and their presence is not necessary. However, some universities permit members of the faculty or the university to attend. At the University of Oxford, for instance, any member of the university may attend a DPhil viva (the university's regulations require that details of the examination and its time and place be published formally in advance) provided they attend in full academic dress. Submission A submission of the thesis is the last formal requirement for most students after the defense. By the final deadline, the student must submit a complete copy of the thesis to the appropriate body within the accepting institution, along with the appropriate forms, bearing the signatures of the primary supervisor, the examiners, and in some cases, the head of the student's department. Other required forms may include library authorizations (giving the university library permission to make the thesis available as part of its collection) and copyright permissions (in the event that the student has incorporated copyrighted materials in the thesis). Many large scientific publishing houses (e.g. Taylor & Francis, Elsevier) use copyright agreements that allow the authors to incorporate their published articles into dissertations without separate authorization. Once all the paperwork is in order, copies of the thesis may be made available in one or more university libraries. Specialist abstracting services exist to publicize the content of these beyond the institutions in which they are produced. Many institutions now insist on submission of digitized as well as printed copies of theses; the digitized versions of successful theses are often made available online. See also Capstone course Compilation thesis Comprehensive examination Dissertation Abstracts Grey literature Postgraduate education Collection of articles Academic journal Academic publishing Treatise Explanatory notes References External links en.wikibooks.org/wiki/ETD Guide Guide to electronic theses and dissertations on Wikibooks Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations (NDLTD) EThOS Database Database of UK Doctoral theses available through the British Library Academia Educational assessment and evaluation Grey literature Rhetoric Scientific documents

Unsolved problems in medicine

This article discusses notable unsolved problems in medicine. Many of the problems relate to how drugs work (the so-called mechanism of action), and to diseases with an unknown cause, the so-called idiopathic diseases. Definition of "disease" There is no overarching, clear definition of what a disease is. On one hand, there is a scientific definition which is tied to a physiological process, and on the other hand, there is the subjective suffering of a patient and the loss of their life quality. Both approaches do not need to match, and they can even be contradictory. For example, when a patient seeks medical help because of a severe flu, the doctor will not care about the specific virological and immunological process behind the clearly visible suffering. This is contrasted by many hemochromatosis patients who will neither see suffering nor a change in his life quality, while the disease-causing process is severe and often deadly if left untreated. Similarly, many cancers in their very early stages are asymptomatic (e.g. pancreatic cancer) and the patient still feels healthy, which delays seeking treatment. Sometimes, cultural factors also play a role in defining "disease". Erectile dysfunction was long seen as a negative but non-pathological state. The introduction of effective treatments has led to its acceptance as a disease. Even more difficulties arise when it comes to mental disorders. Depressions and anxiety disorders cause significant subjective suffering in the patient, but do not harm third persons. On the contrary, a narcissistic disorder or an impulse-control disorder does not cause any suffering in the patient, though the maintenance of healthy interpersonal relationships will be affected, and third persons can be harmed. There is also debate on whether non-normal behavior like paraphilias should be classified as a disease if they neither cause subjective suffering in the patient, nor endanger third persons. Evidence-based medicine Evidence-based medicine (EBM) has become the central paradigm in medical practice and research. However, debate continues around EBM and about how results obtained from large samples of patients can be applied to the individual. Psychiatry and psychology Lack of reliable diagnoses in some disorders Though manuals like the DSM have covered a lot of ground when it comes to defining mental illnesses, in some disorders the reliability of diagnosis is still very poor. For example, inter-rater reliability in cases of dementia is very high, with a kappa value of 0.78, while major depressive disorder is often diagnosed differently by independent experts who see the same patient, with a kappa value of just 0.28. Cultural issues in defining mental disorders Some mental illnesses like paraphilias are still defined by societal and cultural norms, rather than putting the individual's well-being in focus. For example, DSM defined homosexuality as a mental illness, until the American Psychiatric Association decided otherwise in 1973. As Richard Green pointed out in a review on pedophilia, psychiatry should identify unhealthy mental processes and treat them, and not focus on cultural norms, moral questions or legal issues. As textbooks and handbooks like DSM are usually written by Western authors, a culturally neutral definition of mental diseases is an unsolved problem. Though newer editions of the DSM “respect” non-Western cultures by mentioning culture-specific symptom presentations (e.g. a very long time of mourning is regarded as a sign of depression in some cultures, but not in others), the inclusion of cultural factors into diagnostic criteria is seen as a political decision, but not a scientifically founded one. The Western viewpoint when defining mental illnesses also creates a cultural blind spot: Manuals rarely discuss how Western lifestyles and cultures may modify or hide symptoms of mental illnesses. Still no causal classification of mental disorders A patient with a paralysis is referred to an oncologist if the condition is caused by a cancer metastasis in the spinal cord; a treatment by a neurologist is a secondary consideration. Likewise, renal insufficiency is sometimes caused by heart problems, and the treatment is thus led by a cardiologist. In psychiatry, however, grouping mental disorders by their cause is still an unsolved problem. Psychiatric textbooks and manuals cluster disorders by symptoms, which is thought to impede the search for effective treatments. This has been compared to an ornithologist's field guide: It allows you to identify birds, but it does not tell you why a species exists in biotope A but not B. Diseases with unknown cause There are numerous diseases for which causes are not known. There are others for which the etiology is fully or partially understood, but for which effective treatments are not yet available. Idiopathic is a descriptive term used in medicine to denote diseases with an unknown cause or mechanism of apparent spontaneous origin. Examples of idiopathic diseases include: Idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis, Idiopathic intracranial hypertension, and Idiopathic pulmonary haemosiderosis. Another example is that the cause of aggressive periodontitis – resulting in rapid bone loss and teeth in need of extraction – is still unknown. Mechanisms of action It is sometimes unknown how drugs work. Often it is possible to study gene expression in a model organism, and determine the genes that are inhibited by a certain substance, and make further inferences from this data. A classical example of an unknown mechanism of action is the mechanism of general anesthesia. Other examples are paracetamol, antidepressants and lithium. See also List of unsolved problems in biology List of unsolved problems in neuroscience References medicine Medical lists

Biorobotics

Biorobotics is an interdisciplinary science that combines the fields of biomedical engineering, cybernetics, and robotics to develop new technologies that integrate biology with mechanical systems to develop more efficient communication, alter genetic information, and create machines that imitate biological systems. Cybernetics Cybernetics focuses on the communication and system of living organisms and machines that can be applied and combined with multiple fields of study such as biology, mathematics, computer science, engineering, and much more. This discipline falls under the branch of biorobotics because of its combined field of study between biological bodies and mechanical systems. Studying these two systems allow for advanced analysis on the functions and processes of each system as well as the interactions between them. History Cybernetic theory is a concept that has existed for centuries, dating back to the era of Plato where he applied the term to refer to the "governance of people". The term cybernetique is seen in the mid-1800s used by physicist André-Marie Ampère. The term cybernetics was popularized in the late 1940s to refer to a discipline that touched on, but was separate, from established disciplines, such as electrical engineering, mathematics, and biology. Science Cybernetics is often misunderstood because of the breadth of disciplines it covers. In the early 20th century, it was coined as an interdisciplinary field of study that combines biology, science, network theory, and engineering. Today, it covers all scientific fields with system related processes. The goal of cybernetics is to analyze systems and processes of any system or systems in an attempt to make them more efficient and effective. Applications Cybernetics is used as an umbrella term so applications extend to all systems related scientific fields such as biology, mathematics, computer science, engineering, management, psychology, sociology, art, and more. Cybernetics is used amongst several fields to discover principles of systems, adaptation of organisms, information analysis and much more. Genetic engineering Genetic engineering is a field that uses advances in technology to modify biological organisms. Through different methods, scientists are able to alter the genetic material of microorganisms, plants and animals to provide them with desirable traits. For example, making plants grow bigger, better, and faster. Genetic engineering is included in biorobotics because it uses new technologies to alter biology and change an organism's DNA for their and society's benefit. History Although humans have modified genetic material of animals and plants through artificial selection for millennia (such as the genetic mutations that developed teosinte into corn and wolves into dogs), genetic engineering refers to the deliberate alteration or insertion of specific genes to an organism's DNA. The first successful case of genetic engineering occurred in 1973 when Herbert Boyer and Stanley Cohen were able to transfer a gene with antibiotic resistance to a bacterium. Science There are three main techniques used in genetic engineering: The plasmid method, the vector method and the biolistic method. Plasmid method This technique is used mainly for microorganisms such as bacteria. Through this method, DNA molecules called plasmids are extracted from bacteria and placed in a lab where restriction enzymes break them down. As the enzymes break the molecules down, some develop a rough edge that resembles that of a staircase which is considered 'sticky' and capable of reconnecting. These 'sticky' molecules are inserted into another bacteria where they will connect to the DNA rings with the altered genetic material. Vector method The vector method is considered a more precise technique than the plasmid method as it involves the transfer of a specific gene instead of a whole sequence. In the vector method, a specific gene from a DNA strand is isolated through restriction enzymes in a laboratory and is inserted into a vector. Once the vector accepts the genetic code, it is inserted into the host cell where the DNA will be transferred. Biolistic method The biolistic method is typically used to alter the genetic material of plants. This method embeds the desired DNA with a metallic particle such as gold or tungsten in a high speed gun. The particle is then bombarded into the plant. Due to the high velocities and the vacuum generated during bombardment, the particle is able to penetrate the cell wall and inserts the new DNA into the cell. Applications Genetic engineering has many uses in the fields of medicine, research and agriculture. In the medical field, genetically modified bacteria are used to produce drugs such as insulin, human growth hormones and vaccines. In research, scientists genetically modify organisms to observe physical and behavioral changes to understand the function of specific genes. In agriculture, genetic engineering is extremely important as it is used by farmers to grow crops that are resistant to herbicides and to insects such as BTCorn. Bionics Bionics is a medical engineering field and a branch of biorobotics consisting of electrical and mechanical systems that imitate biological systems, such as prosthetics and hearing aids. It's a portmanteau that combines biology and electronics. History The history of bionics goes as far back in time as ancient Egypt. A prosthetic toe made out of wood and leather was found on the foot of a mummy. The time period of the mummy corpse was estimated to be from around the fifteenth century B.C. Bionics can also be witnessed in ancient Greece and Rome. Prosthetic legs and arms were made for amputee soldiers. In the early 16th century, a French military surgeon by the name of Ambroise Pare became a pioneer in the field of bionics. He was known for making various types of upper and lower prosthetics. One of his most famous prosthetics, Le Petit Lorrain, was a mechanical hand operated by catches and springs. During the early 19th century, Alessandro Volta further progressed bionics. He set the foundation for the creation of hearing aids with his experiments. He found that electrical stimulation could restore hearing by inserting an electrical implant to the saccular nerve of a patient's ear. In 1945, the National Academy of Sciences created the Artificial Limb Program, which focused on improving prosthetics since there were a large number of World War II amputee soldiers. Since this creation, prosthetic materials, computer design methods, and surgical procedures have improved, creating modern-day bionics. Science Prosthetics The important components that make up modern-day prosthetics are the pylon, the socket, and the suspension system. The pylon is the internal frame of the prosthetic that is made up of metal rods or carbon-fiber composites. The socket is the part of the prosthetic that connects the prosthetic to the person's missing limb. The socket consists of a soft liner that makes the fit comfortable, but also snug enough to stay on the limb. The suspension system is important in keeping the prosthetic on the limb. The suspension system is usually a harness system made up of straps, belts or sleeves that are used to keep the limb attached. The operation of a prosthetic could be designed in various ways. The prosthetic could be body-powered, externally-powered, or myoelectrically powered. Body-powered prosthetics consist of cables attached to a strap or harness, which is placed on the person's functional shoulder, allowing the person to manipulate and control the prosthetic as he or she deems fit. Externally-powered prosthetics consist of motors to power the prosthetic and buttons and switches to control the prosthetic. Myoelectrically powered prosthetics are new, advanced forms of prosthetics where electrodes are placed on the muscles above the limb. The electrodes will detect the muscle contractions and send electrical signals to the prosthetic to move the prosthetic. The downside to this type of prosthetic is that if the sensors are not placed correctly on the limb then the electrical impulses will fail to move the prosthetic. TrueLimb is a specific brand of prosthetics that uses myoelectrical sensors which enable a person to have control of their bionic limb. Hearing aids Four major components make up the hearing aid: the microphone, the amplifier, the receiver, and the battery. The microphone takes in outside sound, turns that sound to electrical signals, and sends those signals to the amplifier. The amplifier increases the sound and sends that sound to the receiver. The receiver changes the electrical signal back into sound and sends the sound into the ear. Hair cells in the ear will sense the vibrations from the sound, convert the vibrations into nerve signals, and send it to the brain so the sounds can become coherent to the person. The battery simply powers the hearing aid. Applications Cochlear Implant Cochlear implants are a type of hearing aid for those who are deaf. Cochlear implants send electrical signals straight to the auditory nerve, the nerve responsible for sound signals, instead of just sending the signals to the ear canal like normal hearing aids. Bone-Anchored Hearing Aids These hearing aids are also used for people with severe hearing loss. They attach to the bones of the middle ear to create sound vibrations in the skull and send those vibrations to the cochlea. Artificial sensing skin This artificial sensing skin detects any pressure put on it and is meant for people who have lost any sense of feeling on parts of their bodies, such as diabetics with peripheral neuropathy. Bionic eye The bionic eye is a bioelectronic implant that restores vision for people with blindness. The bionic eye, although isn't perfect yet, helped 5 individuals classified as legally blind help to make out letters again. As the retina has millions of photoreceptors, and the human eye has extraordinary capabilities in lensing and dynamic range, it is very hard to replicate with technology. Neural integration is another major challenge. Despite these hurdles, intense research and prototyping is ongoing with many major accomplishments in recent times. Orthopedic bionics Orthopedic bionics consist of advanced bionic limbs that use a person's neuromuscular system to control the bionic limb. A new advancement in the comprehension of brain function has led to the development and implementation of brain-machine interfaces (BMIs). BMIs allow for the processing of neural messaging between motor regions of the brain to muscles of a specific limb to initiate movement. BMIs contribute greatly to the restoration of a person's independent movement who has a bionic limb and or an exoskeleton. Endoscopic robotics These robotics can remove a polyp during a colonoscopy. See also Android (robot) Bio-inspired robotics Molecular machine#Biological Biological devices Biomechatronics Biomimetics Cultured neural networks Cyborg Cylon (reimagining) Nanobot Nanomedicine Plantoid Remote control animal Replicant Roborat Technorganic References External links The BioRobotics Institute, Scuola Superiore Sant'Anna, Pisa, Italy The BioRobotics Lab. Robotics Institute, Carnegie Mellon University * Bioroïdes - A timeline of the popularization of the idea (in French) Harvard BioRobotics Laboratory, Harvard University Locomotion in Mechanical and Biological Systems (LIMBS) Laboratory, Johns Hopkins University BioRobotics Lab in Korea Laboratory of Biomedical Robotics and Biomicrosystems, Italy Tiny backpacks for cells (MIT News) Biologically Inspired Robotics Lab, Case Western Reserve University Bio-Robotics and Human Modeling Laboratory - Georgia Institute of Technology Biorobotics Laboratory at École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (Switzerland) BioRobotics Laboratory, Free University of Berlin (Germany) Biorobotics research group, Institute of Movement Science, CNRS/Aix-Marseille University (France) Center for Biorobotics, Tallinn University of Technology (Estonia) Biopunk Biotechnology Cyberpunk Cybernetics Fictional technology Postcyberpunk Health care robotics Science fiction themes Robotics

Medical psychology

Medical psychology or medico-psychology is the application of psychological principles to the practice of medicine, sometimes using drugs for both physical and mental disorders. A medical psychologist must obtain specific qualification in psychopharmacology to prescribe psychiatric medications and other pharmaceutical drugs. A trained medical psychologist or clinical psychopharmacologist with prescriptive authority is a mid-level provider who prescribes psychotropic medication such as antidepressants for mental health disorders. However, a medical psychologist does not automatically equate with a psychologist having authority to prescribe medication. In fact, most medical psychologists do not prescribe medication and do not have authority to do so. Medical psychologists apply psychological theories, scientific psychological findings, and techniques of psychotherapy, behavior modification, cognitive, interpersonal, family, and lifestyle therapy to improve the psychological and physical health of the patient. Psychologists with postdoctoral specialty training as medical psychologists are the practitioners with refined skills in clinical psychology, health psychology, behavioral medicine, psychopharmacology, and medical science. Highly qualified and postgraduate specialized doctors are trained for service in primary care centers, hospitals, residential care centers, and long-term care facilities and in multidisciplinary collaboration and team treatment. Medical psychology specialty The field of medical psychology may include predoctoral training in the disciplines of health psychology, rehabilitation psychology, pediatric psychology, neuropsychology, and clinical psychopharmacology, as well as subspecialties in pain management, primary care psychology, and hospital-based (or medical school-based) psychology as the foundation psychological training to qualify for proceeding to required postdoctoral specialty training to qualify to become a diplomate/specialist in medical psychology. To be a specialist in medical psychology, a psychologist must hold board certification from the American Board of Medical Psychology (ABMP), which requires a doctorate degree in psychology, a license to practice psychology, a postdoctoral graduate degree or other acceptable postdoctoral didactic training, a residency in medical psychology, submission of a work product for examination, and a written and oral examination by the American Board of Medical Psychology. The American Board of Medical Psychology maintains a distinction between specialists and psychopharmacological psychologists or those interested in practicing one of the related psychological disciplines in primary care centers. The term "medical psychologist" is not an umbrella term, and many other specialties in psychology such as health psychology, embracing the biopsychosocial paradigm (Engel, 1977) of mental/physical health and extending that paradigm to clinical practice through research and the application of evidenced-based diagnostic and treatment procedures are akin to the specialty and are prepared to practice in integrated and primary care settings. Adopting the biopsychosocial paradigm, the field of medical psychology has recognized the Cartesian assumption that the body and mind are separate entities is inadequate, representing as it does an arbitrary dichotomy that works to the detriment of healthcare. The biopsychosocial approach reflects the concept that the psychology of an individual cannot be understood without reference to that individual's social environment. For the medical psychologist, the medical model of disease cannot in itself explain complex health concerns any more than a strict psychosocial (LeVine & Orabona Foster, 2010) explanation of mental and physical health can in itself be comprehensive. Duties Medical psychologists and some psychopharmacologists are trained and equipped to modify physical disease states and the actual cytoarchitecture and functioning of the central nervous and related systems using psychological and pharmacological techniques (when allowed by statute), and to provide prevention for the progression of disease having to do with poor personal and lifestyle choices and conceptualization, behavioral patterns, and chronic exposure to the effects of negative thinking, choosing, attitudes, and negative contexts. The specialty of medical psychology includes training in psychopharmacology and, in states providing statutory authority, may prescribe psychoactive substances as one technique in a larger treatment plan which includes psychological interventions. The medical psychologists and psychopharmacologists who serve in states that have not yet modernized their psychology prescribing laws may evaluate patients and recommend appropriate psychopharmacological techniques in collaboration with a state-authorized prescriber. Medical psychologists and psychopharmacologists who are not board certified strive to integrate the major components of an individual's psychological, biological, and social functioning and are designed to contribute to that person's well-being in a way that respects the natural interface among these components. The whole is greater than the sum of its parts when it comes to providing comprehensive and sensible behavioral healthcare and the medical psychologist is uniquely qualified to collaborate with physicians that are treating the patient's physical illnesses. Certifications The Academy of Medical Psychology defines medical psychology as a specialty trained at the postdoctoral level and designed to deliver advanced diagnostic and clinical interventions in medical and healthcare facilities utilizing the knowledge and skills of clinical psychology, health psychology, behavioral medicine, psychopharmacology and basic medical science. The Academy of Medical Psychology makes a distinction between the prescribing psychologist who is a psychologist with advanced training in psychopharmacology and may prescribe medicine or consult with a physician or other prescriber to diagnose mental illness and select and recommend appropriate psychoactive medicines. Medical psychologists are prepared to do the psychopharmacology consulting or prescribing, but also must have training which prepares them for functioning with behavioral and lifestyle components of physical disease and functioning in or in consultation with multidisciplinary healthcare teams in primary care centers or community hospitals in addition to traditional roles in the treatment of mental illness and substance abuse disorders. The specialty of medical psychology and this distinction from psychopharmacologist is recognized by the National Alliance of Professional Psychology Providers (the psychology national practitioner association; see www.nappp.org). The specialty of medical psychology has established a specialty board certification, American Board of Medical Psychology and Academy of Medical Psychology (www.amphome.org) requiring a doctoral degree in psychology and extensive postdoctoral training in the specialty and the passage of an oral and written examination. Although the Academy of Medical Psychology defines medical psychology as a "specialty," has established a "specialty board certification," and is recognized by the national psychology practitioner association (www.nappp.org), there is a split between NAPPP and the American Psychological Association in that they do not currently recognize the same specialties. APA represents scientists, academics, and practitioners and NAPPP represents only practitioners. However, Louisiana, having a unique definition of medical psychology does recognize the national distinction between medical psychology as a specialty and a clinical psychopharmacology specialty and restricts the term and practice of medical psychology by statute (the Medical Psychology Practice Act) as a "profession of the health sciences" with prescriptive authority. The American Psychological Association does not recognize that the term medical psychology has, as a prerequisite, nor should the term be equated with having, prescriptive authority and has established a specialty in clinical psychopharmacology. In 2006, the APA recommended that the education and training of psychologists, who are specifically pursuing one of several prerequisites for prescribing medication, integrate instruction in the biological sciences, clinical medicine, and pharmacology into a formalized program of postdoctoral education. In 2009, the National Alliance of Professional Providers in Psychology recognized the education and training specified by the American Board of Medical Psychology (www.amphome.org; ABMP) and the Academy of Medical Psychology as the approved standards for postgraduate training and examination and qualifications in the nationally recognized specialty in medical psychology. Since then, numerous hospitals, primary care centers, and other health facilities have recognized the ABMP standards and qualifications for privileges in healthcare facilities and verification of specialty status. The following Clinical Competencies are identified as essential in the education and training of psychologists, wishing to pursue prescriptive authority. These recommended prerequisites are not required or specifically recommended by APA for the training and education of medical psychologists not pursuing prerequisites for prescribing medication. Basic Science: anatomy, & physiology, biochemistry; Neurosciences: neuroanatomy, neurophysiology, neurochemistry; Physical Assessment and Laboratory Exams: physical assessment, laboratory and radiological assessment, medical terminology; Clinical Medicine and Pathophysiology: pathophysiology with emphasis on the principal physiological systems, clinical medicine, differential diagnosis, clinical correlation and case studies, chemical dependency, chronic pain management; Clinical and Research Pharmacology and Psychopharmacology: pharmacology, clinical pharmacology, pharmacogenetics, psychopharmacology, developmental psychopharmacology; Clinical Pharmacotherapeutics: professional, ethical and legal issues, combined therapies and their interactions, computer-based aids to practice, pharmacoepidemiology; Research: methodology and design of psychopharmacology research, interpretation and evaluation, FDA drug development and other regulatory processes. The 2006 APA recommendations also include supervised clinical experience intended to integrate the above seven knowledge domains and assess competencies in skills and applied knowledge. The national psychology practitioner association (NAPPP; www.nappp.org) and national certifying body (Academy of Medical Psychology; www.amphome.org) have established the national training, examination, and specialty practice criteria and guidelines in the specialty of medical psychology and have established a national journal in the specialty. Such certifying bodies view psychopharmacology training (either to prescribe or consult) as one component of the training of a specialist in medical psychology, but recognize that training and specialized skills in other aspects of the treatment of behavioral aspects of medical illness and mental illness affecting physical illness is essential to practice at the specialty level in medical psychology. See also Prescriptive authority for psychologists movement Health psychology Rehabilitation psychology Psychiatry Pain Psychology Medical ethics References External links MedPsych American Psychological Association - Division 55 - Society for Prescribing Psychology National Alliance of Professional Psychology Providers Academy of Medical Psychology American Board of Behavioral Health Practice National Institute For Behavioral Health Quality Postdoctoral training programs in clinical psychopharmacology Specialty of clinical psychopharmacology Psychopharmacology Examination for Psychologists (PEP) Division 55 newsletter "The Tablet" Department Medical Psychology Tilburg University The Netherlands Applied psychology

Mathematics

Mathematics is a field of study that discovers and organizes methods, theories and theorems that are developed and proved for the needs of empirical sciences and mathematics itself. There are many areas of mathematics, which include number theory (the study of numbers), algebra (the study of formulas and related structures), geometry (the study of shapes and spaces that contain them), analysis (the study of continuous changes), and set theory (presently used as a foundation for all mathematics). Mathematics involves the description and manipulation of abstract objects that consist of either abstractions from nature orin modern mathematicspurely abstract entities that are stipulated to have certain properties, called axioms. Mathematics uses pure reason to prove properties of objects, a proof consisting of a succession of applications of deductive rules to already established results. These results include previously proved theorems, axioms, andin case of abstraction from naturesome basic properties that are considered true starting points of the theory under consideration. Mathematics is essential in the natural sciences, engineering, medicine, finance, computer science, and the social sciences. Although mathematics is extensively used for modeling phenomena, the fundamental truths of mathematics are independent of any scientific experimentation. Some areas of mathematics, such as statistics and game theory, are developed in close correlation with their applications and are often grouped under applied mathematics. Other areas are developed independently from any application (and are therefore called pure mathematics) but often later find practical applications. Historically, the concept of a proof and its associated mathematical rigour first appeared in Greek mathematics, most notably in Euclid's Elements. Since its beginning, mathematics was primarily divided into geometry and arithmetic (the manipulation of natural numbers and fractions), until the 16th and 17th centuries, when algebra and infinitesimal calculus were introduced as new fields. Since then, the interaction between mathematical innovations and scientific discoveries has led to a correlated increase in the development of both. At the end of the 19th century, the foundational crisis of mathematics led to the systematization of the axiomatic method, which heralded a dramatic increase in the number of mathematical areas and their fields of application. The contemporary Mathematics Subject Classification lists more than sixty first-level areas of mathematics. Areas of mathematics Before the Renaissance, mathematics was divided into two main areas: arithmetic, regarding the manipulation of numbers, and geometry, regarding the study of shapes. Some types of pseudoscience, such as numerology and astrology, were not then clearly distinguished from mathematics. During the Renaissance, two more areas appeared. Mathematical notation led to algebra which, roughly speaking, consists of the study and the manipulation of formulas. Calculus, consisting of the two subfields differential calculus and integral calculus, is the study of continuous functions, which model the typically nonlinear relationships between varying quantities, as represented by variables. This division into four main areasarithmetic, geometry, algebra, calculusendured until the end of the 19th century. Areas such as celestial mechanics and solid mechanics were then studied by mathematicians, but now are considered as belonging to physics. The subject of combinatorics has been studied for much of recorded history, yet did not become a separate branch of mathematics until the seventeenth century. At the end of the 19th century, the foundational crisis in mathematics and the resulting systematization of the axiomatic method led to an explosion of new areas of mathematics. The 2020 Mathematics Subject Classification contains no less than first-level areas. Some of these areas correspond to the older division, as is true regarding number theory (the modern name for higher arithmetic) and geometry. Several other first-level areas have "geometry" in their names or are otherwise commonly considered part of geometry. Algebra and calculus do not appear as first-level areas but are respectively split into several first-level areas. Other first-level areas emerged during the 20th century or had not previously been considered as mathematics, such as mathematical logic and foundations. Number theory Number theory began with the manipulation of numbers, that is, natural numbers and later expanded to integers and rational numbers Number theory was once called arithmetic, but nowadays this term is mostly used for numerical calculations. Number theory dates back to ancient Babylon and probably China. Two prominent early number theorists were Euclid of ancient Greece and Diophantus of Alexandria. The modern study of number theory in its abstract form is largely attributed to Pierre de Fermat and Leonhard Euler. The field came to full fruition with the contributions of Adrien-Marie Legendre and Carl Friedrich Gauss. Many easily stated number problems have solutions that require sophisticated methods, often from across mathematics. A prominent example is Fermat's Last Theorem. This conjecture was stated in 1637 by Pierre de Fermat, but it was proved only in 1994 by Andrew Wiles, who used tools including scheme theory from algebraic geometry, category theory, and homological algebra. Another example is Goldbach's conjecture, which asserts that every even integer greater than 2 is the sum of two prime numbers. Stated in 1742 by Christian Goldbach, it remains unproven despite considerable effort. Number theory includes several subareas, including analytic number theory, algebraic number theory, geometry of numbers (method oriented), diophantine equations, and transcendence theory (problem oriented). Geometry Geometry is one of the oldest branches of mathematics. It started with empirical recipes concerning shapes, such as lines, angles and circles, which were developed mainly for the needs of surveying and architecture, but has since blossomed out into many other subfields. A fundamental innovation was the ancient Greeks' introduction of the concept of proofs, which require that every assertion must be proved. For example, it is not sufficient to verify by measurement that, say, two lengths are equal; their equality must be proven via reasoning from previously accepted results (theorems) and a few basic statements. The basic statements are not subject to proof because they are self-evident (postulates), or are part of the definition of the subject of study (axioms). This principle, foundational for all mathematics, was first elaborated for geometry, and was systematized by Euclid around 300 BC in his book Elements. The resulting Euclidean geometry is the study of shapes and their arrangements constructed from lines, planes and circles in the Euclidean plane (plane geometry) and the three-dimensional Euclidean space. Euclidean geometry was developed without change of methods or scope until the 17th century, when René Descartes introduced what is now called Cartesian coordinates. This constituted a major change of paradigm: Instead of defining real numbers as lengths of line segments (see number line), it allowed the representation of points using their coordinates, which are numbers. Algebra (and later, calculus) can thus be used to solve geometrical problems. Geometry was split into two new subfields: synthetic geometry, which uses purely geometrical methods, and analytic geometry, which uses coordinates systemically. Analytic geometry allows the study of curves unrelated to circles and lines. Such curves can be defined as the graph of functions, the study of which led to differential geometry. They can also be defined as implicit equations, often polynomial equations (which spawned algebraic geometry). Analytic geometry also makes it possible to consider Euclidean spaces of higher than three dimensions. In the 19th century, mathematicians discovered non-Euclidean geometries, which do not follow the parallel postulate. By questioning that postulate's truth, this discovery has been viewed as joining Russell's paradox in revealing the foundational crisis of mathematics. This aspect of the crisis was solved by systematizing the axiomatic method, and adopting that the truth of the chosen axioms is not a mathematical problem. In turn, the axiomatic method allows for the study of various geometries obtained either by changing the axioms or by considering properties that do not change under specific transformations of the space. Today's subareas of geometry include: Projective geometry, introduced in the 16th century by Girard Desargues, extends Euclidean geometry by adding points at infinity at which parallel lines intersect. This simplifies many aspects of classical geometry by unifying the treatments for intersecting and parallel lines. Affine geometry, the study of properties relative to parallelism and independent from the concept of length. Differential geometry, the study of curves, surfaces, and their generalizations, which are defined using differentiable functions. Manifold theory, the study of shapes that are not necessarily embedded in a larger space. Riemannian geometry, the study of distance properties in curved spaces. Algebraic geometry, the study of curves, surfaces, and their generalizations, which are defined using polynomials. Topology, the study of properties that are kept under continuous deformations. Algebraic topology, the use in topology of algebraic methods, mainly homological algebra. Discrete geometry, the study of finite configurations in geometry. Convex geometry, the study of convex sets, which takes its importance from its applications in optimization. Complex geometry, the geometry obtained by replacing real numbers with complex numbers. Algebra Algebra is the art of manipulating equations and formulas. Diophantus (3rd century) and al-Khwarizmi (9th century) were the two main precursors of algebra. Diophantus solved some equations involving unknown natural numbers by deducing new relations until he obtained the solution. Al-Khwarizmi introduced systematic methods for transforming equations, such as moving a term from one side of an equation into the other side. The term algebra is derived from the Arabic word al-jabr meaning 'the reunion of broken parts' that he used for naming one of these methods in the title of his main treatise. Algebra became an area in its own right only with François Viète (1540–1603), who introduced the use of variables for representing unknown or unspecified numbers. Variables allow mathematicians to describe the operations that have to be done on the numbers represented using mathematical formulas. Until the 19th century, algebra consisted mainly of the study of linear equations (presently linear algebra), and polynomial equations in a single unknown, which were called algebraic equations (a term still in use, although it may be ambiguous). During the 19th century, mathematicians began to use variables to represent things other than numbers (such as matrices, modular integers, and geometric transformations), on which generalizations of arithmetic operations are often valid. The concept of algebraic structure addresses this, consisting of a set whose elements are unspecified, of operations acting on the elements of the set, and rules that these operations must follow. The scope of algebra thus grew to include the study of algebraic structures. This object of algebra was called modern algebra or abstract algebra, as established by the influence and works of Emmy Noether. Some types of algebraic structures have useful and often fundamental properties, in many areas of mathematics. Their study became autonomous parts of algebra, and include: group theory field theory vector spaces, whose study is essentially the same as linear algebra ring theory commutative algebra, which is the study of commutative rings, includes the study of polynomials, and is a foundational part of algebraic geometry homological algebra Lie algebra and Lie group theory Boolean algebra, which is widely used for the study of the logical structure of computers The study of types of algebraic structures as mathematical objects is the purpose of universal algebra and category theory. The latter applies to every mathematical structure (not only algebraic ones). At its origin, it was introduced, together with homological algebra for allowing the algebraic study of non-algebraic objects such as topological spaces; this particular area of application is called algebraic topology. Calculus and analysis Calculus, formerly called infinitesimal calculus, was introduced independently and simultaneously by 17th-century mathematicians Newton and Leibniz. It is fundamentally the study of the relationship of variables that depend on each other. Calculus was expanded in the 18th century by Euler with the introduction of the concept of a function and many other results. Presently, "calculus" refers mainly to the elementary part of this theory, and "analysis" is commonly used for advanced parts. Analysis is further subdivided into real analysis, where variables represent real numbers, and complex analysis, where variables represent complex numbers. Analysis includes many subareas shared by other areas of mathematics which include: Multivariable calculus Functional analysis, where variables represent varying functions Integration, measure theory and potential theory, all strongly related with probability theory on a continuum Ordinary differential equations Partial differential equations Numerical analysis, mainly devoted to the computation on computers of solutions of ordinary and partial differential equations that arise in many applications Discrete mathematics Discrete mathematics, broadly speaking, is the study of individual, countable mathematical objects. An example is the set of all integers. Because the objects of study here are discrete, the methods of calculus and mathematical analysis do not directly apply. Algorithmsespecially their implementation and computational complexityplay a major role in discrete mathematics. The four color theorem and optimal sphere packing were two major problems of discrete mathematics solved in the second half of the 20th century. The P versus NP problem, which remains open to this day, is also important for discrete mathematics, since its solution would potentially impact a large number of computationally difficult problems. Discrete mathematics includes: Combinatorics, the art of enumerating mathematical objects that satisfy some given constraints. Originally, these objects were elements or subsets of a given set; this has been extended to various objects, which establishes a strong link between combinatorics and other parts of discrete mathematics. For example, discrete geometry includes counting configurations of geometric shapes. Graph theory and hypergraphs Coding theory, including error correcting codes and a part of cryptography Matroid theory Discrete geometry Discrete probability distributions Game theory (although continuous games are also studied, most common games, such as chess and poker are discrete) Discrete optimization, including combinatorial optimization, integer programming, constraint programming Mathematical logic and set theory The two subjects of mathematical logic and set theory have belonged to mathematics since the end of the 19th century. Before this period, sets were not considered to be mathematical objects, and logic, although used for mathematical proofs, belonged to philosophy and was not specifically studied by mathematicians. Before Cantor's study of infinite sets, mathematicians were reluctant to consider actually infinite collections, and considered infinity to be the result of endless enumeration. Cantor's work offended many mathematicians not only by considering actually infinite sets but by showing that this implies different sizes of infinity, per Cantor's diagonal argument. This led to the controversy over Cantor's set theory. In the same period, various areas of mathematics concluded the former intuitive definitions of the basic mathematical objects were insufficient for ensuring mathematical rigour. This became the foundational crisis of mathematics. It was eventually solved in mainstream mathematics by systematizing the axiomatic method inside a formalized set theory. Roughly speaking, each mathematical object is defined by the set of all similar objects and the properties that these objects must have. For example, in Peano arithmetic, the natural numbers are defined by "zero is a number", "each number has a unique successor", "each number but zero has a unique predecessor", and some rules of reasoning. This mathematical abstraction from reality is embodied in the modern philosophy of formalism, as founded by David Hilbert around 1910. The "nature" of the objects defined this way is a philosophical problem that mathematicians leave to philosophers, even if many mathematicians have opinions on this nature, and use their opinionsometimes called "intuition"to guide their study and proofs. The approach allows considering "logics" (that is, sets of allowed deducing rules), theorems, proofs, etc. as mathematical objects, and to prove theorems about them. For example, Gödel's incompleteness theorems assert, roughly speaking that, in every consistent formal system that contains the natural numbers, there are theorems that are true (that is provable in a stronger system), but not provable inside the system. This approach to the foundations of mathematics was challenged during the first half of the 20th century by mathematicians led by Brouwer, who promoted intuitionistic logic, which explicitly lacks the law of excluded middle. These problems and debates led to a wide expansion of mathematical logic, with subareas such as model theory (modeling some logical theories inside other theories), proof theory, type theory, computability theory and computational complexity theory. Although these aspects of mathematical logic were introduced before the rise of computers, their use in compiler design, formal verification, program analysis, proof assistants and other aspects of computer science, contributed in turn to the expansion of these logical theories. Statistics and other decision sciences The field of statistics is a mathematical application that is employed for the collection and processing of data samples, using procedures based on mathematical methods especially probability theory. Statisticians generate data with random sampling or randomized experiments. Statistical theory studies decision problems such as minimizing the risk (expected loss) of a statistical action, such as using a procedure in, for example, parameter estimation, hypothesis testing, and selecting the best. In these traditional areas of mathematical statistics, a statistical-decision problem is formulated by minimizing an objective function, like expected loss or cost, under specific constraints. For example, designing a survey often involves minimizing the cost of estimating a population mean with a given level of confidence. Because of its use of optimization, the mathematical theory of statistics overlaps with other decision sciences, such as operations research, control theory, and mathematical economics. Computational mathematics Computational mathematics is the study of mathematical problems that are typically too large for human, numerical capacity. Numerical analysis studies methods for problems in analysis using functional analysis and approximation theory; numerical analysis broadly includes the study of approximation and discretization with special focus on rounding errors. Numerical analysis and, more broadly, scientific computing also study non-analytic topics of mathematical science, especially algorithmic-matrix-and-graph theory. Other areas of computational mathematics include computer algebra and symbolic computation. History Etymology The word mathematics comes from the Ancient Greek word máthēma, meaning , and the derived expression mathēmatikḗ tékhnē, meaning . It entered the English language during the Late Middle English period through French and Latin. Similarly, one of the two main schools of thought in Pythagoreanism was known as the mathēmatikoi (μαθηματικοί)which at the time meant "learners" rather than "mathematicians" in the modern sense. The Pythagoreans were likely the first to constrain the use of the word to just the study of arithmetic and geometry. By the time of Aristotle (384–322 BC) this meaning was fully established. In Latin and English, until around 1700, the term mathematics more commonly meant "astrology" (or sometimes "astronomy") rather than "mathematics"; the meaning gradually changed to its present one from about 1500 to 1800. This change has resulted in several mistranslations: For example, Saint Augustine's warning that Christians should beware of mathematici, meaning "astrologers", is sometimes mistranslated as a condemnation of mathematicians. The apparent plural form in English goes back to the Latin neuter plural (Cicero), based on the Greek plural ta mathēmatiká and means roughly "all things mathematical", although it is plausible that English borrowed only the adjective mathematic(al) and formed the noun mathematics anew, after the pattern of physics and metaphysics, inherited from Greek. In English, the noun mathematics takes a singular verb. It is often shortened to maths or, in North America, math. Ancient In addition to recognizing how to count physical objects, prehistoric peoples may have also known how to count abstract quantities, like timedays, seasons, or years. Evidence for more complex mathematics does not appear until around 3000 , when the Babylonians and Egyptians began using arithmetic, algebra, and geometry for taxation and other financial calculations, for building and construction, and for astronomy. The oldest mathematical texts from Mesopotamia and Egypt are from 2000 to 1800 BC. Many early texts mention Pythagorean triples and so, by inference, the Pythagorean theorem seems to be the most ancient and widespread mathematical concept after basic arithmetic and geometry. It is in Babylonian mathematics that elementary arithmetic (addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division) first appear in the archaeological record. The Babylonians also possessed a place-value system and used a sexagesimal numeral system which is still in use today for measuring angles and time. In the 6th century BC, Greek mathematics began to emerge as a distinct discipline and some Ancient Greeks such as the Pythagoreans appeared to have considered it a subject in its own right. Around 300 BC, Euclid organized mathematical knowledge by way of postulates and first principles, which evolved into the axiomatic method that is used in mathematics today, consisting of definition, axiom, theorem, and proof. His book, Elements, is widely considered the most successful and influential textbook of all time. The greatest mathematician of antiquity is often held to be Archimedes of Syracuse. He developed formulas for calculating the surface area and volume of solids of revolution and used the method of exhaustion to calculate the area under the arc of a parabola with the summation of an infinite series, in a manner not too dissimilar from modern calculus. Other notable achievements of Greek mathematics are conic sections (Apollonius of Perga, 3rd century BC), trigonometry (Hipparchus of Nicaea, 2nd century BC), and the beginnings of algebra (Diophantus, 3rd century AD). The Hindu–Arabic numeral system and the rules for the use of its operations, in use throughout the world today, evolved over the course of the first millennium AD in India and were transmitted to the Western world via Islamic mathematics. Other notable developments of Indian mathematics include the modern definition and approximation of sine and cosine, and an early form of infinite series. Medieval and later During the Golden Age of Islam, especially during the 9th and 10th centuries, mathematics saw many important innovations building on Greek mathematics. The most notable achievement of Islamic mathematics was the development of algebra. Other achievements of the Islamic period include advances in spherical trigonometry and the addition of the decimal point to the Arabic numeral system. Many notable mathematicians from this period were Persian, such as Al-Khwarizmi, Omar Khayyam and Sharaf al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī. The Greek and Arabic mathematical texts were in turn translated to Latin during the Middle Ages and made available in Europe. During the early modern period, mathematics began to develop at an accelerating pace in Western Europe, with innovations that revolutionized mathematics, such as the introduction of variables and symbolic notation by François Viète (1540–1603), the introduction of logarithms by John Napier in 1614, which greatly simplified numerical calculations, especially for astronomy and marine navigation, the introduction of coordinates by René Descartes (1596–1650) for reducing geometry to algebra, and the development of calculus by Isaac Newton (1643–1727) and Gottfried Leibniz (1646–1716). Leonhard Euler (1707–1783), the most notable mathematician of the 18th century, unified these innovations into a single corpus with a standardized terminology, and completed them with the discovery and the proof of numerous theorems. Perhaps the foremost mathematician of the 19th century was the German mathematician Carl Gauss, who made numerous contributions to fields such as algebra, analysis, differential geometry, matrix theory, number theory, and statistics. In the early 20th century, Kurt Gödel transformed mathematics by publishing his incompleteness theorems, which show in part that any consistent axiomatic systemif powerful enough to describe arithmeticwill contain true propositions that cannot be proved. Mathematics has since been greatly extended, and there has been a fruitful interaction between mathematics and science, to the benefit of both. Mathematical discoveries continue to be made to this very day. According to Mikhail B. Sevryuk, in the January 2006 issue of the Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society, "The number of papers and books included in the Mathematical Reviews (MR) database since 1940 (the first year of operation of MR) is now more than 1.9 million, and more than 75 thousand items are added to the database each year. The overwhelming majority of works in this ocean contain new mathematical theorems and their proofs." Symbolic notation and terminology Mathematical notation is widely used in science and engineering for representing complex concepts and properties in a concise, unambiguous, and accurate way. This notation consists of symbols used for representing operations, unspecified numbers, relations and any other mathematical objects, and then assembling them into expressions and formulas. More precisely, numbers and other mathematical objects are represented by symbols called variables, which are generally Latin or Greek letters, and often include subscripts. Operation and relations are generally represented by specific symbols or glyphs, such as (plus), (multiplication), (integral), (equal), and (less than). All these symbols are generally grouped according to specific rules to form expressions and formulas. Normally, expressions and formulas do not appear alone, but are included in sentences of the current language, where expressions play the role of noun phrases and formulas play the role of clauses. Mathematics has developed a rich terminology covering a broad range of fields that study the properties of various abstract, idealized objects and how they interact. It is based on rigorous definitions that provide a standard foundation for communication. An axiom or postulate is a mathematical statement that is taken to be true without need of proof. If a mathematical statement has yet to be proven (or disproven), it is termed a conjecture. Through a series of rigorous arguments employing deductive reasoning, a statement that is proven to be true becomes a theorem. A specialized theorem that is mainly used to prove another theorem is called a lemma. A proven instance that forms part of a more general finding is termed a corollary. Numerous technical terms used in mathematics are neologisms, such as polynomial and homeomorphism. Other technical terms are words of the common language that are used in an accurate meaning that may differ slightly from their common meaning. For example, in mathematics, "or" means "one, the other or both", while, in common language, it is either ambiguous or means "one or the other but not both" (in mathematics, the latter is called "exclusive or"). Finally, many mathematical terms are common words that are used with a completely different meaning. This may lead to sentences that are correct and true mathematical assertions, but appear to be nonsense to people who do not have the required background. For example, "every free module is flat" and "a field is always a ring". Relationship with sciences Mathematics is used in most sciences for modeling phenomena, which then allows predictions to be made from experimental laws. The independence of mathematical truth from any experimentation implies that the accuracy of such predictions depends only on the adequacy of the model. Inaccurate predictions, rather than being caused by invalid mathematical concepts, imply the need to change the mathematical model used. For example, the perihelion precession of Mercury could only be explained after the emergence of Einstein's general relativity, which replaced Newton's law of gravitation as a better mathematical model. There is still a philosophical debate whether mathematics is a science. However, in practice, mathematicians are typically grouped with scientists, and mathematics shares much in common with the physical sciences. Like them, it is falsifiable, which means in mathematics that, if a result or a theory is wrong, this can be proved by providing a counterexample. Similarly as in science, theories and results (theorems) are often obtained from experimentation. In mathematics, the experimentation may consist of computation on selected examples or of the study of figures or other representations of mathematical objects (often mind representations without physical support). For example, when asked how he came about his theorems, Gauss once replied "durch planmässiges Tattonieren" (through systematic experimentation). However, some authors emphasize that mathematics differs from the modern notion of science by not on empirical evidence. Pure and applied mathematics Until the 19th century, the development of mathematics in the West was mainly motivated by the needs of technology and science, and there was no clear distinction between pure and applied mathematics. For example, the natural numbers and arithmetic were introduced for the need of counting, and geometry was motivated by surveying, architecture and astronomy. Later, Isaac Newton introduced infinitesimal calculus for explaining the movement of the planets with his law of gravitation. Moreover, most mathematicians were also scientists, and many scientists were also mathematicians. However, a notable exception occurred with the tradition of pure mathematics in Ancient Greece. The problem of integer factorization, for example, which goes back to Euclid in 300 BC, had no practical application before its use in the RSA cryptosystem, now widely used for the security of computer networks. In the 19th century, mathematicians such as Karl Weierstrass and Richard Dedekind increasingly focused their research on internal problems, that is, pure mathematics. This led to split mathematics into pure mathematics and applied mathematics, the latter being often considered as having a lower value among mathematical purists. However, the lines between the two are frequently blurred. The aftermath of World War II led to a surge in the development of applied mathematics in the US and elsewhere. Many of the theories developed for applications were found interesting from the point of view of pure mathematics, and many results of pure mathematics were shown to have applications outside mathematics; in turn, the study of these applications may give new insights on the "pure theory". An example of the first case is the theory of distributions, introduced by Laurent Schwartz for validating computations done in quantum mechanics, which became immediately an important tool of (pure) mathematical analysis. An example of the second case is the decidability of the first-order theory of the real numbers, a problem of pure mathematics that was proved true by Alfred Tarski, with an algorithm that is impossible to implement because of a computational complexity that is much too high. For getting an algorithm that can be implemented and can solve systems of polynomial equations and inequalities, George Collins introduced the cylindrical algebraic decomposition that became a fundamental tool in real algebraic geometry. In the present day, the distinction between pure and applied mathematics is more a question of personal research aim of mathematicians than a division of mathematics into broad areas. The Mathematics Subject Classification has a section for "general applied mathematics" but does not mention "pure mathematics". However, these terms are still used in names of some university departments, such as at the Faculty of Mathematics at the University of Cambridge. Unreasonable effectiveness The unreasonable effectiveness of mathematics is a phenomenon that was named and first made explicit by physicist Eugene Wigner. It is the fact that many mathematical theories (even the "purest") have applications outside their initial object. These applications may be completely outside their initial area of mathematics, and may concern physical phenomena that were completely unknown when the mathematical theory was introduced. Examples of unexpected applications of mathematical theories can be found in many areas of mathematics. A notable example is the prime factorization of natural numbers that was discovered more than 2,000 years before its common use for secure internet communications through the RSA cryptosystem. A second historical example is the theory of ellipses. They were studied by the ancient Greek mathematicians as conic sections (that is, intersections of cones with planes). It was almost 2,000 years later that Johannes Kepler discovered that the trajectories of the planets are ellipses. In the 19th century, the internal development of geometry (pure mathematics) led to definition and study of non-Euclidean geometries, spaces of dimension higher than three and manifolds. At this time, these concepts seemed totally disconnected from the physical reality, but at the beginning of the 20th century, Albert Einstein developed the theory of relativity that uses fundamentally these concepts. In particular, spacetime of special relativity is a non-Euclidean space of dimension four, and spacetime of general relativity is a (curved) manifold of dimension four. A striking aspect of the interaction between mathematics and physics is when mathematics drives research in physics. This is illustrated by the discoveries of the positron and the baryon In both cases, the equations of the theories had unexplained solutions, which led to conjecture of the existence of an unknown particle, and the search for these particles. In both cases, these particles were discovered a few years later by specific experiments. Specific sciences Physics Mathematics and physics have influenced each other over their modern history. Modern physics uses mathematics abundantly, and is also considered to be the motivation of major mathematical developments. Computing Computing is closely related to mathematics in several ways. Theoretical computer science is considered to be mathematical in nature. Communication technologies apply branches of mathematics that may be very old (e.g., arithmetic), especially with respect to transmission security, in cryptography and coding theory. Discrete mathematics is useful in many areas of computer science, such as complexity theory, information theory, and graph theory. In 1998, the Kepler conjecture on sphere packing seemed to also be partially proven by computer. Biology and chemistry Biology uses probability extensively in fields such as ecology or neurobiology. Most discussion of probability centers on the concept of evolutionary fitness. Ecology heavily uses modeling to simulate population dynamics, study ecosystems such as the predator-prey model, measure pollution diffusion, or to assess climate change. The dynamics of a population can be modeled by coupled differential equations, such as the Lotka–Volterra equations. Statistical hypothesis testing, is run on data from clinical trials to determine whether a new treatment works. Since the start of the 20th century, chemistry has used computing to model molecules in three dimensions. Earth sciences Structural geology and climatology use probabilistic models to predict the risk of natural catastrophes. Similarly, meteorology, oceanography, and planetology also use mathematics due to their heavy use of models. Social sciences Areas of mathematics used in the social sciences include probability/statistics and differential equations. These are used in linguistics, economics, sociology, and psychology. Often the fundamental postulate of mathematical economics is that of the rational individual actor – Homo economicus. In this model, the individual seeks to maximize their self-interest, and always makes optimal choices using perfect information. This atomistic view of economics allows it to relatively easily mathematize its thinking, because individual calculations are transposed into mathematical calculations. Such mathematical modeling allows one to probe economic mechanisms. Some reject or criticise the concept of Homo economicus. Economists note that real people have limited information, make poor choices and care about fairness, altruism, not just personal gain. Without mathematical modeling, it is hard to go beyond statistical observations or untestable speculation. Mathematical modeling allows economists to create structured frameworks to test hypotheses and analyze complex interactions. Models provide clarity and precision, enabling the translation of theoretical concepts into quantifiable predictions that can be tested against real-world data. At the start of the 20th century, there was a development to express historical movements in formulas. In 1922, Nikolai Kondratiev discerned the ~50-year-long Kondratiev cycle, which explains phases of economic growth or crisis. Towards the end of the 19th century, mathematicians extended their analysis into geopolitics. Peter Turchin developed cliodynamics since the 1990s. Mathematization of the social sciences is not without risk. In the controversial book Fashionable Nonsense (1997), Sokal and Bricmont denounced the unfounded or abusive use of scientific terminology, particularly from mathematics or physics, in the social sciences. The study of complex systems (evolution of unemployment, business capital, demographic evolution of a population, etc.) uses mathematical knowledge. However, the choice of counting criteria, particularly for unemployment, or of models, can be subject to controversy. Philosophy Reality The connection between mathematics and material reality has led to philosophical debates since at least the time of Pythagoras. The ancient philosopher Plato argued that abstractions that reflect material reality have themselves a reality that exists outside space and time. As a result, the philosophical view that mathematical objects somehow exist on their own in abstraction is often referred to as Platonism. Independently of their possible philosophical opinions, modern mathematicians may be generally considered as Platonists, since they think of and talk of their objects of study as real objects. Armand Borel summarized this view of mathematics reality as follows, and provided quotations of G. H. Hardy, Charles Hermite, Henri Poincaré and Albert Einstein that support his views. Nevertheless, Platonism and the concurrent views on abstraction do not explain the unreasonable effectiveness of mathematics. Proposed definitions There is no general consensus about the definition of mathematics or its epistemological statusthat is, its place inside knowledge. A great many professional mathematicians take no interest in a definition of mathematics, or consider it undefinable. There is not even consensus on whether mathematics is an art or a science. Some just say, "mathematics is what mathematicians do". A common approach is to define mathematics by its object of study. Aristotle defined mathematics as "the science of quantity" and this definition prevailed until the 18th century. However, Aristotle also noted a focus on quantity alone may not distinguish mathematics from sciences like physics; in his view, abstraction and studying quantity as a property "separable in thought" from real instances set mathematics apart. In the 19th century, when mathematicians began to address topicssuch as infinite setswhich have no clear-cut relation to physical reality, a variety of new definitions were given. With the large number of new areas of mathematics that have appeared since the beginning of the 20th century, defining mathematics by its object of study has become increasingly difficult. For example, in lieu of a definition, Saunders Mac Lane in Mathematics, form and function summarizes the basics of several areas of mathematics, emphasizing their inter-connectedness, and observes: Another approach for defining mathematics is to use its methods. For example, an area of study is often qualified as mathematics as soon as one can prove theoremsassertions whose validity relies on a proof, that is, a purely-logical deduction. Rigor Mathematical reasoning requires rigor. This means that the definitions must be absolutely unambiguous and the proofs must be reducible to a succession of applications of inference rules, without any use of empirical evidence and intuition. Rigorous reasoning is not specific to mathematics, but, in mathematics, the standard of rigor is much higher than elsewhere. Despite mathematics' concision, rigorous proofs can require hundreds of pages to express, such as the 255-page Feit–Thompson theorem. The emergence of computer-assisted proofs has allowed proof lengths to further expand. The result of this trend is a philosophy of the quasi-empiricist proof that can not be considered infallible, but has a probability attached to it. The concept of rigor in mathematics dates back to ancient Greece, where their society encouraged logical, deductive reasoning. However, this rigorous approach would tend to discourage exploration of new approaches, such as irrational numbers and concepts of infinity. The method of demonstrating rigorous proof was enhanced in the sixteenth century through the use of symbolic notation. In the 18th century, social transition led to mathematicians earning their keep through teaching, which led to more careful thinking about the underlying concepts of mathematics. This produced more rigorous approaches, while transitioning from geometric methods to algebraic and then arithmetic proofs. At the end of the 19th century, it appeared that the definitions of the basic concepts of mathematics were not accurate enough for avoiding paradoxes (non-Euclidean geometries and Weierstrass function) and contradictions (Russell's paradox). This was solved by the inclusion of axioms with the apodictic inference rules of mathematical theories; the re-introduction of axiomatic method pioneered by the ancient Greeks. It results that "rigor" is no more a relevant concept in mathematics, as a proof is either correct or erroneous, and a "rigorous proof" is simply a pleonasm. Where a special concept of rigor comes into play is in the socialized aspects of a proof, wherein it may be demonstrably refuted by other mathematicians. After a proof has been accepted for many years or even decades, it can then be considered as reliable. Nevertheless, the concept of "rigor" may remain useful for teaching to beginners what is a mathematical proof. Training and practice Education Mathematics has a remarkable ability to cross cultural boundaries and time periods. As a human activity, the practice of mathematics has a social side, which includes education, careers, recognition, popularization, and so on. In education, mathematics is a core part of the curriculum and forms an important element of the STEM academic disciplines. Prominent careers for professional mathematicians include math teacher or professor, statistician, actuary, financial analyst, economist, accountant, commodity trader, or computer consultant. Archaeological evidence shows that instruction in mathematics occurred as early as the second millennium BCE in ancient Babylonia. Comparable evidence has been unearthed for scribal mathematics training in the ancient Near East and then for the Greco-Roman world starting around 300 BCE. The oldest known mathematics textbook is the Rhind papyrus, dated from in Egypt. Due to a scarcity of books, mathematical teachings in ancient India were communicated using memorized oral tradition since the Vedic period. In Imperial China during the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE), a mathematics curriculum was adopted for the civil service exam to join the state bureaucracy. Following the Dark Ages, mathematics education in Europe was provided by religious schools as part of the Quadrivium. Formal instruction in pedagogy began with Jesuit schools in the 16th and 17th century. Most mathematical curricula remained at a basic and practical level until the nineteenth century, when it began to flourish in France and Germany. The oldest journal addressing instruction in mathematics was L'Enseignement Mathématique, which began publication in 1899. The Western advancements in science and technology led to the establishment of centralized education systems in many nation-states, with mathematics as a core componentinitially for its military applications. While the content of courses varies, in the present day nearly all countries teach mathematics to students for significant amounts of time. During school, mathematical capabilities and positive expectations have a strong association with career interest in the field. Extrinsic factors such as feedback motivation by teachers, parents, and peer groups can influence the level of interest in mathematics. Some students studying math may develop an apprehension or fear about their performance in the subject. This is known as math anxiety or math phobia, and is considered the most prominent of the disorders impacting academic performance. Math anxiety can develop due to various factors such as parental and teacher attitudes, social stereotypes, and personal traits. Help to counteract the anxiety can come from changes in instructional approaches, by interactions with parents and teachers, and by tailored treatments for the individual. Psychology (aesthetic, creativity and intuition) The validity of a mathematical theorem relies only on the rigor of its proof, which could theoretically be done automatically by a computer program. This does not mean that there is no place for creativity in a mathematical work. On the contrary, many important mathematical results (theorems) are solutions of problems that other mathematicians failed to solve, and the invention of a way for solving them may be a fundamental way of the solving process. An extreme example is Apery's theorem: Roger Apery provided only the ideas for a proof, and the formal proof was given only several months later by three other mathematicians. Creativity and rigor are not the only psychological aspects of the activity of mathematicians. Some mathematicians can see their activity as a game, more specifically as solving puzzles. This aspect of mathematical activity is emphasized in recreational mathematics. Mathematicians can find an aesthetic value to mathematics. Like beauty, it is hard to define, it is commonly related to elegance, which involves qualities like simplicity, symmetry, completeness, and generality. G. H. Hardy in A Mathematician's Apology expressed the belief that the aesthetic considerations are, in themselves, sufficient to justify the study of pure mathematics. He also identified other criteria such as significance, unexpectedness, and inevitability, which contribute to mathematical aesthetics. Paul Erdős expressed this sentiment more ironically by speaking of "The Book", a supposed divine collection of the most beautiful proofs. The 1998 book Proofs from THE BOOK, inspired by Erdős, is a collection of particularly succinct and revelatory mathematical arguments. Some examples of particularly elegant results included are Euclid's proof that there are infinitely many prime numbers and the fast Fourier transform for harmonic analysis. Some feel that to consider mathematics a science is to downplay its artistry and history in the seven traditional liberal arts. One way this difference of viewpoint plays out is in the philosophical debate as to whether mathematical results are created (as in art) or discovered (as in science). The popularity of recreational mathematics is another sign of the pleasure many find in solving mathematical questions. Cultural impact Artistic expression Notes that sound well together to a Western ear are sounds whose fundamental frequencies of vibration are in simple ratios. For example, an octave doubles the frequency and a perfect fifth multiplies it by . Humans, as well as some other animals, find symmetric patterns to be more beautiful. Mathematically, the symmetries of an object form a group known as the symmetry group. For example, the group underlying mirror symmetry is the cyclic group of two elements, . A Rorschach test is a figure invariant by this symmetry, as are butterfly and animal bodies more generally (at least on the surface). Waves on the sea surface possess translation symmetry: moving one's viewpoint by the distance between wave crests does not change one's view of the sea. Fractals possess self-similarity. Popularization Popular mathematics is the act of presenting mathematics without technical terms. Presenting mathematics may be hard since the general public suffers from mathematical anxiety and mathematical objects are highly abstract. However, popular mathematics writing can overcome this by using applications or cultural links. Despite this, mathematics is rarely the topic of popularization in printed or televised media. Awards and prize problems The most prestigious award in mathematics is the Fields Medal, established in 1936 and awarded every four years (except around World War II) to up to four individuals. It is considered the mathematical equivalent of the Nobel Prize. Other prestigious mathematics awards include: The Abel Prize, instituted in 2002 and first awarded in 2003 The Chern Medal for lifetime achievement, introduced in 2009 and first awarded in 2010 The AMS Leroy P. Steele Prize, awarded since 1970 The Wolf Prize in Mathematics, also for lifetime achievement, instituted in 1978 A famous list of 23 open problems, called "Hilbert's problems", was compiled in 1900 by German mathematician David Hilbert. This list has achieved great celebrity among mathematicians, and at least thirteen of the problems (depending how some are interpreted) have been solved. A new list of seven important problems, titled the "Millennium Prize Problems", was published in 2000. Only one of them, the Riemann hypothesis, duplicates one of Hilbert's problems. A solution to any of these problems carries a 1 million dollar reward. To date, only one of these problems, the Poincaré conjecture, has been solved by the Russian mathematician Grigori Perelman. See also Law (mathematics) List of mathematical jargon Lists of mathematicians Lists of mathematics topics Mathematical constant Mathematical sciences Mathematics and art Mathematics education Philosophy of mathematics Relationship between mathematics and physics Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics References Notes Citations Sources . Further reading Available online (registration required).  – A translated and expanded version of a Soviet mathematics encyclopedia, in ten volumes. Also in paperback and on CD-ROM, and online. . Formal sciences Main topic articles

Social psychology (sociology)

In sociology, social psychology (also known as sociological social psychology) studies the relationship between the individual and society. Although studying many of the same substantive topics as its counterpart in the field of psychology, sociological social psychology places relatively more emphasis on the influence of social structure and culture on individual outcomes, such as personality, behavior, and one's position in social hierarchies. Researchers broadly focus on higher levels of analysis, directing attention mainly to groups and the arrangement of relationships among people. This subfield of sociology is broadly recognized as having three major perspectives: Symbolic interactionism, social structure and personality, and structural social psychology. Some of the major topics in this field include social status, structural power, sociocultural change, social inequality and prejudice, leadership and intra-group behavior, social exchange, group conflict, impression formation and management, conversation structures, socialization, social constructionism, social norms and deviance, identity and roles, and emotional labor. The primary methods of data collection are sample surveys, field observations, vignette studies, field experiments, and controlled experiments. History Sociological social psychology is understood to have emerged in 1902 with a landmark study by sociologist Charles Cooley, entitled Human Nature and the Social Order, in which he introduces the concept of the looking-glass self. Sociologist Edward Alsworth Ross would subsequently publish the first sociological textbook in social psychology, known as Social Psychology, in 1908. Following a few decades later, Jacob L. Moreno would go on to found the field's major academic journal in 1937, entitled Sociometry—though its name would change in 1978 to Social Psychology and to its current title, Social Psychology Quarterly, the year after. Foundational concepts Symbolic interactionism In the 1920s, William and Dorothy Thomas introduced what would become not only a basic tenet of sociological social psychology, but of sociology in general. In 1923, the two proposed the concept of definition of the situation, followed in 1928 by the Thomas theorem (or Thomas axiom): This subjective definition of situation by social actors, groups, or subcultures would be interpreted by Robert K. Merton as a 'self-fulfilling prophecy' (re ‘mind over matter’), becoming a core concept of what would form the theory of symbolic interactionism. Generally credited as the founder of symbolic interactionism is University of Chicago philosopher and sociologist George Herbert Mead, whose work greatly influences the area of social psychology in general. However, it would be sociologist Herbert Blumer, Mead's colleague and disciple at Chicago, who coined the name of the framework in 1937. Action theory At Harvard University, sociologist Talcott Parsons began developing a cybernetic theory of action in 1927, which would subsequently be adapted to small group research by Parsons' student and colleague, Robert Freed Bales. Using Bales' behavior coding scheme, interaction process analysis, would result in a body of observational studies in social interactions in groups. During his 41-year tenure at Harvard, Bales mentored a distinguished group of sociological social psychologists concerned with group processes and other topics in sociological social psychology. Major frameworks Symbolic interactionism The contemporary notion of symbolic interactionism originates from the work of George Herbert Mead and Max Weber. In this circular framework, social interactions are considered to be the basis from which meanings are constructed; meanings that then influence the process of social interaction itself. Many symbolic interactionists see the self as a core meaning that is both constructed through and influential in social relations. The structural school of symbolic interactionism uses shared social knowledge from a macro-level culture, natural language, social institution, or organization to explain relatively enduring patterns of social interaction and psychology at the micro-level, typically investigating these matters with quantitative methods. The Iowa School, along with identity theory and affect control theory, are major programs of research in this tradition. The latter two theories, in particular, focus on the ways in which actions control mental states, which demonstrates the underlying cybernetic nature of the approach that is also evident in Mead's writings. Moreover, affect control theory provides a mathematical model of role theory and of labeling theory. Stemming from the Chicago School, process symbolic interactionism considers the meanings that underlie social interactions to be situated, creative, fluid, and often contested. As such, researchers in this tradition frequently use qualitative and ethnographic methods. Symbolic Interaction, an academic journal founded by the Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction, emerged in 1977 as a central outlet for the empirical research and conceptual studies produced by scholars in this area. Postmodern symbolic interactionism, which understands the notion of self and identity as increasingly fragmented and illusory, considers attempts at theory to be meta-narrative with no more authority than other conversations. The approach is presented in detail by The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Research. Social structure and personality This research perspective deals with relationships between large-scale social systems and individual behaviors and mental states including feelings, attitudes and values, and mental faculties. Some researchers focus on issues of health and how social networks bring useful social support to the ill. Another line of research deals with how education, occupation, and other components of social class impact values. Some studies assess emotional variations, especially in happiness versus alienation and anger, among individuals in different structural positions. Structural social psychology Structural social psychology diverges from the other two dominant approaches to sociological social psychology in that its theories seek to explain the emergence and maintenance of social structures by actors (whether people, groups, or organizations), generally assuming greater stability in social structure (especially compared to symbolic interactionism), and most notably assuming minimal differences between individual actors. Whereas the other two approaches to social psychology attempt to model social reality closely, structural social psychology strives for parsimony, aiming to explain the widest range of phenomena possible, while making the fewest assumptions possible. Structural social psychology makes greater use of formal theories with explicitly stated propositions and scope conditions, to specify the intended range of application. Social exchange Social exchange theory emphasizes the notion that social action is the result of personal choices that are made in order to maximize benefit while minimizing cost. A key component of this theory is the postulation of the "comparison level of alternatives": an actor's sense of the best possible alternative in a given situation (i.e. the choice with the highest net benefits or lowest net costs; similar to the concept of a "cost-benefit analysis"). Theories of social exchange share many essential features with classical economic theories, such as rational choice theory. However, social exchange theories differ from classical economics in that social exchange makes predictions about the relationships between persons, rather than just the evaluation of goods. For example, social exchange theories have been used to predict human behavior in romantic relationships by taking into account each actor's subjective sense of cost (e.g., financial dependence), benefit (e.g. attraction, chemistry, attachment), and comparison level of alternatives (e.g. whether or not there are any viable alternative mates available). Expectation states and Status characteristics Expectation states theory—as well as its popular sub-theory, status characteristics theory—proposes that individuals use available social information to form expectations for themselves and others. Group members, for instance, use stereotypes about competence in attempting to determine who will be comparatively more skilled in a given task, which then indicates one's authority and status in the group. In order to determine everyone else's relative ability and assign rank accordingly, such members use one's membership in social categories (e.g. race, gender, age, education, etc.); their known ability on immediate tasks; and their observed dominant behaviors (e.g. glares, rate of speech, interruptions, etc.). Although exhibiting dominant behaviors and, for example, belonging to a certain race has no direct connection to actual ability, implicit cultural beliefs about who possesses how much social value will drive group members to "act as if" they believe some people have more useful contributions than others. As such, the theory has been used to explain the rise, persistence, and enactment of status hierarchies. Substantive topics Social influence Social influence is a factor in every individual's life. Social influence takes place when one's thoughts, actions and feelings are affected by other people. It is a way of interaction that affects individual behavior and can occur within groups and between groups. It is a fundamental process that affects ways of socialization, conformity, leadership and social change. Dramaturgy Another aspect of microsociology aims to focus on individual behavior in social settings. One specific researcher in the field, Erving Goffman, claims that humans tend to believe that they are actors on a stage, which he explains in the book The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. He argues that as a result, individuals will further proceed with their actions based on the response of that individual's 'audience' or in other words, the people to whom he is speaking. Much like a play, Goffman believes that rules of conversing and communication exist: to display confidence, display sincerity, and avoid infractions which are otherwise known as embarrassing situations. Breaches of such rules are what make social situations awkward. Group dynamics (group processes) From a sociological perspective, group dynamics refers to the ways in which power, status, justice, and legitimacy impact the structure and interactions that take place within groups. A particular area of study, in which scholars examine how group size affects the type and quality of interactions that take place between group members, was introduced by the work of German social theorist, Georg Simmel. Those who study group processes also study interactions between groups, such as in the case of Muzafer Sherif's Robbers Cave Experiment. Initially, groups can be characterized as either dyads (two people) or triads (three people), where the essential difference is that, if one person were to leave a dyad, that group would dissolve completely, while the same is not true of a triad. What this difference indicates is the fundamental nature of group size: every additional member of a group increases the group's stability while decreasing the possible amount of intimacy or interactions between any two members. A group can also be distinguished in terms of how and why its members know each other. In this sense, individual group members belong to one of the following: Primary group: Consists of close friends and family who are held together by expressive ties; Secondary group: Consists of coworkers, colleagues, classmates, and so on, who are held together by instrumental ties; or Reference group: Consists of people who do not necessarily know or interact with each other, but who use each other for standards of comparison for appropriate behaviors. See also Behavioral economics List of social psychologists Political psychology Social psychology (discipline within psychology) Socialization Sociobiology Sociology Socionics References External links Social Psychology Network Society for Personality and Social Psychology Society of Experimental Social Psychology Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Current Research in Social Psychology Social Psychology - brief introduction Social Psychology basics Social Psychology forum Scapegoating Processes in Groups Introduction to Social Psychology PsychWiki Social philosophy Interdisciplinary subfields of sociology Behavioural sciences Social constructionism

Cognitive model

A cognitive model is a representation of one or more cognitive processes in humans or other animals for the purposes of comprehension and prediction. There are many types of cognitive models, and they can range from box-and-arrow diagrams to a set of equations to software programs that interact with the same tools that humans use to complete tasks (e.g., computer mouse and keyboard). In terms of information processing, cognitive modeling is modeling of human perception, reasoning, memory and action. Relationship to cognitive architectures Cognitive models can be developed within or without a cognitive architecture, though the two are not always easily distinguishable. In contrast to cognitive architectures, cognitive models tend to be focused on a single cognitive phenomenon or process (e.g., list learning), how two or more processes interact (e.g., visual search bsc1780 decision making), or making behavioral predictions for a specific task or tool (e.g., how instituting a new software package will affect productivity). Cognitive architectures tend to be focused on the structural properties of the modeled system, and help constrain the development of cognitive models within the architecture. Likewise, model development helps to inform limitations and shortcomings of the architecture. Some of the most popular architectures for cognitive modeling include ACT-R, Clarion, LIDA, and Soar. History Cognitive modeling historically developed within cognitive psychology/cognitive science (including human factors), and has received contributions from the fields of machine learning and artificial intelligence among others. Box-and-arrow models A number of key terms are used to describe the processes involved in the perception, storage, and production of speech. Typically, they are used by speech pathologists while treating a child patient. The input signal is the speech signal heard by the child, usually assumed to come from an adult speaker. The output signal is the utterance produced by the child. The unseen psychological events that occur between the arrival of an input signal and the production of speech are the focus of psycholinguistic models. Events that process the input signal are referred to as input processes, whereas events that process the production of speech are referred to as output processes. Some aspects of speech processing are thought to happen online—that is, they occur during the actual perception or production of speech and thus require a share of the attentional resources dedicated to the speech task. Other processes, thought to happen offline, take place as part of the child's background mental processing rather than during the time dedicated to the speech task. In this sense, online processing is sometimes defined as occurring in real-time, whereas offline processing is said to be time-free (Hewlett, 1990). In box-and-arrow psycholinguistic models, each hypothesized level of representation or processing can be represented in a diagram by a “box,” and the relationships between them by “arrows,” hence the name. Sometimes (as in the models of Smith, 1973, and Menn, 1978, described later in this paper) the arrows represent processes additional to those shown in boxes. Such models make explicit the hypothesized information- processing activities carried out in a particular cognitive function (such as language), in a manner analogous to computer flowcharts that depict the processes and decisions carried out by a computer program. Box-and-arrow models differ widely in the number of unseen psychological processes they describe and thus in the number of boxes they contain. Some have only one or two boxes between the input and output signals (e.g., Menn, 1978; Smith, 1973), whereas others have multiple boxes representing complex relationships between a number of different information-processing events (e.g., Hewlett, 1990; Hewlett, Gibbon, & Cohen- McKenzie, 1998; Stackhouse & Wells, 1997). The most important box, however, and the source of much ongoing debate, is that representing the underlying representation (or UR). In essence, an underlying representation captures information stored in a child's mind about a word he or she knows and uses. As the following description of several models will illustrate, the nature of this information and thus the type(s) of representation present in the child's knowledge base have captured the attention of researchers for some time. (Elise Baker et al. Psycholinguistic Models of Speech Development and Their Application to Clinical Practice. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research. June 2001. 44. p 685–702.) Computational models A computational model is a mathematical model in computational science that requires extensive computational resources to study the behavior of a complex system by computer simulation. The system under study is often a complex nonlinear system for which simple, intuitive analytical solutions are not readily available. Rather than deriving a mathematical analytical solution to the problem, experimentation with the model is done by changing the parameters of the system in the computer, and studying the differences in the outcome of the experiments. Theories of operation of the model can be derived/deduced from these computational experiments. Examples of common computational models are weather forecasting models, earth simulator models, flight simulator models, molecular protein folding models, and neural network models. Symbolic A symbolic model is expressed in characters, usually non-numeric ones, that require translation before they can be used. Subsymbolic A cognitive model is subsymbolic if it is made by constituent entities that are not representations in their turn, e.g., pixels, sound images as perceived by the ear, signal samples; subsymbolic units in neural networks can be considered particular cases of this category. Hybrid Hybrid computers are computers that exhibit features of analog computers and digital computers. The digital component normally serves as the controller and provides logical operations, while the analog component normally serves as a solver of differential equations. See more details at hybrid intelligent system. Dynamical systems In the traditional computational approach, representations are viewed as static structures of discrete symbols. Cognition takes place by transforming static symbol structures in discrete, sequential steps. Sensory information is transformed into symbolic inputs, which produce symbolic outputs that get transformed into motor outputs. The entire system operates in an ongoing cycle. What is missing from this traditional view is that human cognition happens continuously and in real time. Breaking down the processes into discrete time steps may not fully capture this behavior. An alternative approach is to define a system with (1) a state of the system at any given time, (2) a behavior, defined as the change over time in overall state, and (3) a state set or state space, representing the totality of overall states the system could be in. The system is distinguished by the fact that a change in any aspect of the system state depends on other aspects of the same or other system states. A typical dynamical model is formalized by several differential equations that describe how the system's state changes over time. By doing so, the form of the space of possible trajectories and the internal and external forces that shape a specific trajectory that unfold over time, instead of the physical nature of the underlying mechanisms that manifest this dynamics, carry explanatory force. On this dynamical view, parametric inputs alter the system's intrinsic dynamics, rather than specifying an internal state that describes some external state of affairs. Early dynamical systems Associative memory Early work in the application of dynamical systems to cognition can be found in the model of Hopfield networks. These networks were proposed as a model for associative memory. They represent the neural level of memory, modeling systems of around 30 neurons which can be in either an on or off state. By letting the network learn on its own, structure and computational properties naturally arise. Unlike previous models, “memories” can be formed and recalled by inputting a small portion of the entire memory. Time ordering of memories can also be encoded. The behavior of the system is modeled with vectors which can change values, representing different states of the system. This early model was a major step toward a dynamical systems view of human cognition, though many details had yet to be added and more phenomena accounted for. Language acquisition By taking into account the evolutionary development of the human nervous system and the similarity of the brain to other organs, Elman proposed that language and cognition should be treated as a dynamical system rather than a digital symbol processor. Neural networks of the type Elman implemented have come to be known as Elman networks. Instead of treating language as a collection of static lexical items and grammar rules that are learned and then used according to fixed rules, the dynamical systems view defines the lexicon as regions of state space within a dynamical system. Grammar is made up of attractors and repellers that constrain movement in the state space. This means that representations are sensitive to context, with mental representations viewed as trajectories through mental space instead of objects that are constructed and remain static. Elman networks were trained with simple sentences to represent grammar as a dynamical system. Once a basic grammar had been learned, the networks could then parse complex sentences by predicting which words would appear next according to the dynamical model. Cognitive development A classic developmental error has been investigated in the context of dynamical systems: The A-not-B error is proposed to be not a distinct error occurring at a specific age (8 to 10 months), but a feature of a dynamic learning process that is also present in older children. Children 2 years old were found to make an error similar to the A-not-B error when searching for toys hidden in a sandbox. After observing the toy being hidden in location A and repeatedly searching for it there, the 2-year-olds were shown a toy hidden in a new location B. When they looked for the toy, they searched in locations that were biased toward location A. This suggests that there is an ongoing representation of the toy's location that changes over time. The child's past behavior influences its model of locations of the sandbox, and so an account of behavior and learning must take into account how the system of the sandbox and the child's past actions is changing over time. Locomotion One proposed mechanism of a dynamical system comes from analysis of continuous-time recurrent neural networks (CTRNNs). By focusing on the output of the neural networks rather than their states and examining fully interconnected networks, three-neuron central pattern generator (CPG) can be used to represent systems such as leg movements during walking. This CPG contains three motor neurons to control the foot, backward swing, and forward swing effectors of the leg. Outputs of the network represent whether the foot is up or down and how much force is being applied to generate torque in the leg joint. One feature of this pattern is that neuron outputs are either off or on most of the time. Another feature is that the states are quasi-stable, meaning that they will eventually transition to other states. A simple pattern generator circuit like this is proposed to be a building block for a dynamical system. Sets of neurons that simultaneously transition from one quasi-stable state to another are defined as a dynamic module. These modules can in theory be combined to create larger circuits that comprise a complete dynamical system. However, the details of how this combination could occur are not fully worked out. Modern dynamical systems Behavioral dynamics Modern formalizations of dynamical systems applied to the study of cognition vary. One such formalization, referred to as “behavioral dynamics”, treats the agent and the environment as a pair of coupled dynamical systems based on classical dynamical systems theory. In this formalization, the information from the environment informs the agent's behavior and the agent's actions modify the environment. In the specific case of perception-action cycles, the coupling of the environment and the agent is formalized by two functions. The first transforms the representation of the agents action into specific patterns of muscle activation that in turn produce forces in the environment. The second function transforms the information from the environment (i.e., patterns of stimulation at the agent's receptors that reflect the environment's current state) into a representation that is useful for controlling the agents actions. Other similar dynamical systems have been proposed (although not developed into a formal framework) in which the agent's nervous systems, the agent's body, and the environment are coupled together Adaptive behaviors Behavioral dynamics have been applied to locomotive behavior. Modeling locomotion with behavioral dynamics demonstrates that adaptive behaviors could arise from the interactions of an agent and the environment. According to this framework, adaptive behaviors can be captured by two levels of analysis. At the first level of perception and action, an agent and an environment can be conceptualized as a pair of dynamical systems coupled together by the forces the agent applies to the environment and by the structured information provided by the environment. Thus, behavioral dynamics emerge from the agent-environment interaction. At the second level of time evolution, behavior can be expressed as a dynamical system represented as a vector field. In this vector field, attractors reflect stable behavioral solutions, where as bifurcations reflect changes in behavior. In contrast to previous work on central pattern generators, this framework suggests that stable behavioral patterns are an emergent, self-organizing property of the agent-environment system rather than determined by the structure of either the agent or the environment. Open dynamical systems In an extension of classical dynamical systems theory, rather than coupling the environment's and the agent's dynamical systems to each other, an “open dynamical system” defines a “total system”, an “agent system”, and a mechanism to relate these two systems. The total system is a dynamical system that models an agent in an environment, whereas the agent system is a dynamical system that models an agent's intrinsic dynamics (i.e., the agent's dynamics in the absence of an environment). Importantly, the relation mechanism does not couple the two systems together, but rather continuously modifies the total system into the decoupled agent's total system. By distinguishing between total and agent systems, it is possible to investigate an agent's behavior when it is isolated from the environment and when it is embedded within an environment. This formalization can be seen as a generalization from the classical formalization, whereby the agent system can be viewed as the agent system in an open dynamical system, and the agent coupled to the environment and the environment can be viewed as the total system in an open dynamical system. Embodied cognition In the context of dynamical systems and embodied cognition, representations can be conceptualized as indicators or mediators. In the indicator view, internal states carry information about the existence of an object in the environment, where the state of a system during exposure to an object is the representation of that object. In the mediator view, internal states carry information about the environment which is used by the system in obtaining its goals. In this more complex account, the states of the system carries information that mediates between the information the agent takes in from the environment, and the force exerted on the environment by the agents behavior. The application of open dynamical systems have been discussed for four types of classical embodied cognition examples: Instances where the environment and agent must work together to achieve a goal, referred to as "intimacy". A classic example of intimacy is the behavior of simple agents working to achieve a goal (e.g., insects traversing the environment). The successful completion of the goal relies fully on the coupling of the agent to the environment. Instances where the use of external artifacts improves the performance of tasks relative to performance without these artifacts. The process is referred to as "offloading". A classic example of offloading is the behavior of Scrabble players; people are able to create more words when playing Scrabble if they have the tiles in front of them and are allowed to physically manipulate their arrangement. In this example, the Scrabble tiles allow the agent to offload working memory demands on to the tiles themselves. Instances where a functionally equivalent external artifact replaces functions that are normally performed internally by the agent, which is a special case of offloading. One famous example is that of human (specifically the agents Otto and Inga) navigation in a complex environment with or without assistance of an artifact. Instances where there is not a single agent. The individual agent is part of larger system that contains multiple agents and multiple artifacts. One famous example, formulated by Ed Hutchins in his book Cognition in the Wild, is that of navigating a naval ship. The interpretations of these examples rely on the following logic: (1) the total system captures embodiment; (2) one or more agent systems capture the intrinsic dynamics of individual agents; (3) the complete behavior of an agent can be understood as a change to the agent's intrinsic dynamics in relation to its situation in the environment; and (4) the paths of an open dynamical system can be interpreted as representational processes. These embodied cognition examples show the importance of studying the emergent dynamics of an agent-environment systems, as well as the intrinsic dynamics of agent systems. Rather than being at odds with traditional cognitive science approaches, dynamical systems are a natural extension of these methods and should be studied in parallel rather than in competition. See also Computational cognition Computational models of language acquisition Computational-representational understanding of mind MindModeling@Home Memory-prediction framework Space mapping References External links Cognitive modeling at CMU Cognitive modeling at RPI (HCI) Cognitive modeling at RPI (CLARION) Cognitive modeling at the University of Memphis (LIDA) Cognitive modeling at UMich Enactive cognition

CBT

CBT most commonly refers to: Cock and ball torture, a sexual activity Cognitive behavioral therapy, a psychotherapeutic approach CBT or cbt may also refer to: Broadcasting CBT-FM, a radio station in Grand Falls-Windsor, Canada Certified Broadcast Technologist, a professional title Businesses Cabot Corp (NYSE:CBT), a chemical manufacturer Cincinnati Bell Telephone, an American telco in Ohio Connecticut Bank and Trust Company, a regional banking institution that merged into Bank of New England Computing .cbt, an extension for tarred comic book archive files Complete binary tree, a binary tree data structure where all levels are filled Computer-based testing, electronic administering of examinations Computer-based training Core-based trees, a proposal for making IP Multicast scalable by constructing a tree of routers Closed beta test, a beta version released to a select group for testing Publishing cbt (publisher), Munich, Germany .cbt, a comic book archive file extension Children's Book Trust, Delhi, India Committee on Bible Translation, for the New International Version Science Center for Biochemical Technology, India Complete binary tree, in computer science Coulomb blockade thermometer, in physics Core body temperature, in biology and medicine Sport Commonwealth Bank Trophy, in Australian netball Competitive Balance Tax, in Major League Baseball Confederação Brasileira de Tênis (Brazilian Tennis Confederation) Transport Campaign for Better Transport (disambiguation), several advocacy groups Ceneri Base Tunnel, a railway tunnel in Switzerland Compulsory Basic Training, a British motorcycling certification Other uses Cadet Basic Training at the United States Military Academy Cock and Ball Torture (band), a German grindcore band See also Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT)

Treatment of mental disorders

Mental disorders are classified as a psychological condition marked primarily by sufficient disorganization of personality, mind, and emotions to seriously impair the normal psychological and often social functioning of the individual. Individuals diagnosed with certain mental disorders can be unable to function normally in society. Mental disorders may consist of several affective, behavioral, cognitive and perceptual components. The acknowledgement and understanding of mental health conditions has changed over time and across cultures. There are still variations in the definition, classification, and treatment of mental disorders. History Treatments, as well as societies attitudes towards mental illnesses have substantially changed throughout the years. Many earlier treatments for mental illness were later deemed as ineffective as well dangerous. Some of these earlier treatments included trephination and bloodletting. Trephination was when a small hole was drilled into a person's skull to let out demons, as that was an earlier belief for mental disorders. Bloodletting is when a certain amount of blood was drained out of a person, due to the belief that chemical imbalances resulted in mental disorders. A more scientific reason behind mental disorders but both treatments were dangerous and ineffective nevertheless. During the 17th century however, many people with mental disorders were just locked away in institutions due to lack of knowledgeable treatment. Mental institutions became the main treatment for a long period of time. But though years of research, studies, and medical developments, many current treatments are now effective and safe for patients. Early glimpses of treatment of mental illness included dunking in cold water by Samuel Willard (physician), who reportedly established the first American hospital for mental illness. The history of treatment of mental disorders consists in a development through years mainly in both psychotherapy (Cognitive therapy, Behavior therapy, Group Therapy, and ECT) and psychopharmacology (drugs used in mental disorders). Different perspectives on the causes of psychological disorders arose. Some believed that stated that psychological disorders are caused by specific abnormalities of the brain and nervous system and that is, in principle, they should be approached for treatments in the same way as physical illness (arose from Hippocrates's ideas). Psychotherapy is a relatively new method used in treatment of mental disorders. The practice of individual psychotherapy as a treatment of mental disorders is about 100 years old. Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) was the first one to introduce this concept in psychoanalysis. Cognitive behavioral therapy is a more recent therapy that was  founded in the 1960s by Aaron T. Beck, an American psychiatrist. It is a more systematic and structured part of psychotherapy. It consist in helping the patient learn effective ways to overcome their problems and difficulties that causes them distress. Behavior therapy has its roots in experimental psychology. E.L. Thorndike and B.F. Skinner were among the first to work on behavior therapy. Convulsive therapy was introduced by Ladislas Meduna in 1934. He induced seizures through a series of injections, as a means to attempt to treat schizophrenia.  Meanwhile, in Italy, Ugo Cerletti  substituted injections with electricity. Because of this substitution the new theory was called electroconvulsive therapy (ECT).  Beside psychotherapy, a wide range of medication is used in the treatment of mental disorders. The first drugs used for this purpose were extracted from plants with psychoactive properties. Louis Lewin, in 1924, was the first one to introduce a classification of drugs and plants that had properties of this kind. The history of the medications used in mental disorders has developed a lot through years. The discovery of modern drugs prevailed during the 20th century. Lithium, a mood stabilizer, was discovered as a treatment of mania, by John F. Cade in 1949, "and Hammond (1871) used lithium bromide for 'acute mania with depression'". In 1937, Daniel Bovet and Anne-Marie Staub discovered the first antihistamine. In 1951 Paul Charpentier synthesized chlorpromazine an antipsychotic. Influences There are numbers of practitioners who have influenced the treatment of modern mental disorders. During the 18th century in Philippe Pinel a French physician helped/advocated for better treatment of patients with mental disorders. Similar to Pinel Benjamin Rush, a Philadelphian physician believed patients just needed time away from the stresses of modern life. Which he believed was the cause of mental disorders to develop. Benjamin Rush(1746–1813) was considered the Father of American Psychiatry for his many works and studies in the mental health field. He tried to classify different types of mental disorders, he theorized about their causes, and tried to find possible cures for them. Rush believed that mental disorders were caused by poor blood circulation, though he was wrong. He also described Savant Syndrome and had an approach to addictions. Other important early psychiatrists include George Parkman, Oliver Wendell Holmes Sr., George Zeller, Carl Jung, Leo Kanner, and Peter Breggin. George Parkman (1790–1849) got his medical degree at the University of Aberdeen in Scotland. He was influenced by Benjamin Rush, who inspired him to take interest in the state asylums. He trained at the Parisian Asylum. Parkman wrote several papers on treatment for the mentally ill. Oliver Wendell Holmes Sr.(1809–1894) was an American Physician who wrote many famous writings on medical treatments. George Zeller (1858–1938) was famous for his way of treating the mentally ill. He believed they should be treated like people and did so in a caring manner. He banned narcotics, mechanical restraints, and imprisonment while he was in charge at Peoria State Asylum. Peter Breggin (1939–present) disagrees with the practices of harsh psychiatry such as electroconvulsive therapy. Classification German Physician Emil Kraepelin was more interested in the causes of mental disorders and potential classifications rather than focusing on and attempting to treating symptoms of mental disorders. This led to the classification of manic depression and Schizophrenia, as well as the start of a framework for classifying other disorders. However this method of research/work was ignored until the need for a universal classification system. This need would later lead to the creation of the DSM. Which not only provided classification of mental disorders but helped to understand where to start in terms of treatment. Psychotherapy A form of treatment for many mental disorders is psychotherapy. Psychotherapy is an interpersonal intervention, usually provided by a mental health professional such as a clinical psychologist, that employs any of a range of specific psychological techniques. There are several main types. Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is used for a wide variety of disorders, based on modifying the patterns of thought and behavior associated with a particular disorder. There are various kinds of CBT therapy, and offshoots such as dialectical behavior therapy. Psychoanalysis, addressing underlying psychic conflicts and defenses, has been a dominant school of psychotherapy and is still in use. Systemic therapy or family therapy is sometimes used, addressing a network of relationships as well as individuals themselves. Some psychotherapies are based on a humanistic approach. Some therapies are for a specific disorder only, for example interpersonal and social rhythm therapy. Mental health professionals often pick and choose techniques, employing an eclectic or integrative approach tailored to a particular disorder and individual. Much may depend on the therapeutic relationship, and there may be issues of trust, confidentiality and engagement. To regulate the potentially powerful influences of therapies, psychologists hold themselves to a set of ethical standers for the treatment of people with mental disorders, written by the American Psychological Association. These ethical standards include: Striving to benefit clients and taking care to do no harm; Establishing relationships of trust with clients; Promoting accuracy, honesty, and truthfulness; Seeking fairness in treatment and taking precautions to avoid biases; Respecting the dignity and worth of all people. Medication Psychiatric medication is also widely used to treat mental disorders. These are licensed psychoactive drugs usually prescribed by a psychiatrist or family doctor. There are several main groups. Antidepressants are used for the treatment of clinical depression as well as often for anxiety and other disorders. Anxiolytics are used, generally short-term, for anxiety disorders and related problems such as physical symptoms and insomnia. Mood stabilizers are used primarily in bipolar disorder, mainly targeting mania rather than depression. Antipsychotics are used for psychotic disorders, notably in schizophrenia. However, they are also often used to treat bipolar disorder in smaller doses to treat anxiety. Stimulants are commonly used, notably for ADHD. Despite the different conventional names of the drug groups, there can be considerable overlap in the kinds of disorders for which they are actually indicated. There may also be off-label use. There can be problems with adverse effects and adherence. Antipsychotics In addition of atypical antipsychotics in cases of inadequate response to antidepressant therapy is an increasingly popular strategy that is well supported in the literature, though these medications may result in greater discontinuation due to adverse events. Aripiprazole was the first drug approved by the US Food and Drug Administration for adjunctive treatment of MDD in adults with inadequate response to antidepressant therapy in the current episode. Recommended doses of aripiprazole range from 2 mg/d to 15 mg/d based on 2 large, multicenter randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled studies, which were later supported by a third large trial. Most conventional antipsychotics, such as the phenothiazines, work by blocking the D2 Dopamine receptors. Atypical antipsychotics, such as clozapine block both the D2 Dopamine receptors as well as 5HT2A serotonin receptors. Atypical antipsychotics are favored over conventional antipsychotics because they reduce the prevalence of pseudoparkinsonism which causes tremors and muscular rigidity similar to Parkinson's disease. The most severe side effect of antipsychotics is agranulocytosis, a depression of white blood cell count with unknown cause, and some patients may also experience photosensitivity. Atypical and conventional antipsychotics also differ in the fact that atypical medications help with both positive and negative symptoms while conventional medications only help with the positive symptoms; negative symptoms being things that are taken away from the person such as a reduction in motivation, while positive symptoms are things being added such as seeing illusions. Antidepressant Early antidepressants were discovered through research on treating tuberculosis and yielded the class of antidepressants known as monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAO). Only two MAO inhibitors remain on the market in the United States because they alter the metabolism of the dietary amino acid tyramine which can lead to a hypertensive crisis. Research on improving phenothiazine antipsychotics led to the development of tricyclic antidepressants which inhibit synaptic uptake of the neurotransmitters norepinephrine and serotonin. SSRIs or selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors are the most frequently used antidepressant. These drugs share many similarities with the tricyclic antidepressants but are more selective in their action. The greatest risk of the SSRIs is an increase in violent and suicidal behavior, particularly in children and adolescents. In 2006 antidepressant sales worldwide totaled US$15 billion and over 226 million prescriptions were given. Research on the effects of physical activity on mental illness Research completed As increasing evidence of the benefits of physical activity has become apparent, research on the mental benefits of physical activity has been examined. While it was originally believed that physical activity only slightly benefits mood and mental state, overtime positive mental effects from physical activity became more pronounced. Scientists began completing studies, which were often highly problematic due to problems such as getting patients to complete their trials, controlling for all possible variables, and finding adequate ways to test progress. Data were often collected through case and population studies, allowing for less control, but still gathering observations. More recently studies have begun to have more established methods in an attempt to start to comprehend the benefits of different levels and amounts of fitness across multiple age groups, genders, and mental illnesses. Some psychologists are recommending fitness to patients, however the majority of doctors are not prescribing patients with a full program. Results Many early studies show that physical activity has positive effects on subjects with mental illness. Most studies have shown that higher levels of exercise correlate to improvement in mental state, especially for depression. On the other hand, some studies have found that exercise can have a beneficial short-term effect at lower intensities. Demonstrating that lower intensity sessions with longer rest periods produced significantly higher positive affect and reduced anxiety when measured shortly after. Physical activity was found to be beneficial regardless of age and gender. Some studies found exercise to be more effective at treating depression than medication over long periods of time, but the most effective treatment of depression was exercise in combination with antidepressants. Exercise appeared to have the greatest effect on mental health a short period of time after exercise. Different studies have found this time to be from twenty minutes to several hours. Patients who have added exercise to other treatments tend to have more consistent long lasting relief from symptoms than those who just take medication. No single regimented workout has been agreed upon as most effective for any mental illness at this time. The exercise programs prescribed are mostly intended to get patients doing some form of physical activity, as the benefits of doing any form of exercise have been proven to be better than doing nothing at all. Other Electroconvulsive therapy (known as ECT) is when electric currents are applied to someone with a mental disorder who is not responding well to other forms of therapy. Psychosurgery, including deep brain stimulation, is another available treatment for some disorders. This form of therapy is disputed in many cases on its ethicality and effectiveness. Creative therapies are sometimes used, including music therapy, art therapy or drama therapy. Each form of these therapy involves performing, creating, listening to, observing, or being a part of the therapeutic act. Lifestyle adjustments and supportive measures are often used, including peer support, self-help and supported housing or employment. Some advocate dietary supplements. A placebo effect may play a role. Services Mental health services may be based in hospitals, clinics or the community. Often an individual may engage in different treatment modalities and use various mental health services. These may be under case management (sometimes referred to as "service coordination"), use inpatient or day treatment. Patients can utilize a psychosocial rehabilitation program or take part in an assertive community treatment program. Providing optimal treatments earlier in the course of a mental health disorder may prevent further relapses and ongoing disability. This has led to a new early intervention in psychosis service approach for psychosis Some approaches are based on a recovery model of mental disorder, and may focus on challenging stigma and social exclusion and creating empowerment and hope. In America, half of people with severe symptoms of a mental health condition were found to have received no treatment in the prior 12 months. Fear of disclosure, rejection by friends, and ultimately discrimination are a few reasons why people with mental health conditions often don't seek help. The UK is moving towards paying mental health providers by the outcome results that their services achieve. Stigmas and treatment Stigma against mental disorders can lead people with mental health conditions not to seek help. Two types of mental health stigmas include social stigma and perceived stigma. Though separated into different categories, the two can interact with each other, where prejudicial attitudes in social stigma lead to the internalization of discriminatory perceptions in perceived stigma. The stigmatization of mental illnesses can elicit stereotypes, some common ones including violence, incompetence, and blame. However, the manifestation of that stereotype into prejudice may not always occur. When it does, prejudice leads to discrimination, the behavioral reaction. Public stigmas may also harm social opportunities. Prejudice frequently disallows people with mental illnesses from finding suitable housing or procuring good jobs. Studies have shown that stereotypes and prejudice about mental illness have harmful impacts on obtaining and keeping good jobs. This, along with other negative effects of stigmatization have led researchers to conduct studies on the relationship between public stigma and care seeking. Researchers have found that an inverse relationship exists between public stigma and care seeking, as well as between stigmatizing attitudes and treatment adherence. Furthermore, specific beliefs that may influence people not to seek treatment have been identified, one of which is concern over what others might think. The internalization of stigmas may lead to self-prejudice which in turn can lead a person to experience negative emotional reactions, interfering with a person's quality of life. Research has shown a significant relationship between shame and avoiding treatment. A study measuring this relationship found that research participants who expressed shame from personal experiences with mental illnesses were less likely to participate in treatment. Additionally, family shame is also a predictor of avoiding treatment. Research showed that people with psychiatric diagnoses were more likely to avoid services if they believed family members would have a negative reaction to said services. Hence, public stigma can influence self-stigma, which has been shown to decrease treatment involvement. As such, the interaction between the two constructs impact care seeking. Public discourse on mental health treatment often centers on the biomedical model, which primarily treats mental illness with medication. While widespread, this approach can reinforce stigma by oversimplifying the complexity of mental health conditions. Arthur Kleinman, in "Rethinking Psychiatry" (1988), critiques the biomedical model by emphasizing the importance of cultural and social factors in understanding mental illness. He argues that reducing mental health to purely biological factors overlooks the societal influences that shape these conditions, challenging the misconception that mental illness is merely a personal weakness. Laurence J. Kirmayer, in "Cultural Variations in the Clinical Presentation of Depression and Anxiety" (2001), expands on Kleinman's critique by demonstrating that mental health conditions manifest differently across cultures. Kirmayer advocates for culturally sensitive treatment approaches that not only improve diagnosis but also reduce stigma by recognizing cultural differences. This work counters the misconception that mental illness is a universal experience, instead promoting a nuanced approach that considers cultural context. Anthropologist Byron J. Good, in "Medicine, Rationality, and Experience"(1994), further supports these views by arguing that mental health treatment must consider cultural narratives that shape individuals' experiences. Together, these scholars advocate for a shift from the limitations of the biomedical model toward a more holistic and culturally informed approach, crucial for reducing stigma and improving care. List of treatments Somatotherapy (type of pharmacotherapy; biology-based treatments) Psychiatric medications (psychoactive drugs used in psychiatry) Antianxiety drugs (anxiolytics) Antidepressant drugs Antipsychotic drugs Mood stabilizers Shock therapy also known as convulsive therapies Insulin shock therapy (no longer practiced) Electroconvulsive therapy Psychosurgery Leukotomy (prefrontal lobotomy; no longer practiced) Bilateral cingulotomy Deep brain stimulation Psychotherapy (psychology-based treatment) Cognitive behavioral therapy Psychoanalysis Gestalt therapy Interpersonal psychotherapy EMDR Behavior therapy References 72.Kleinman, Arthur. (1988). Rethinking Psychiatry: From Cultural Category to Personal Experience. Free Press. 73.Kirmayer, Laurence J. (2001). "Cultural Variations in the Clinical Presentation of Depression and Anxiety: Implications for Diagnosis and Treatment." Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 62(suppl 13), 22–28. 74.Scheper-Hughes, Nancy, & Lock, Margaret M. (1987). "The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology." Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 1(1), 6-41. Further reading Mind, Brain, and Personality Disorders Am. J. Psychiatry 1 April 2005: 648–655. General Psychiatry JAMA 16 September 1998: 961–962 The practice of medicinal chemistry, Camille Georges Wermuth Theories of Psychotherapy & Counseling: Concepts and Cases, Richard S. Sharf Cognitive behavioural interventions in physiotherapy and occupational therapy, Marie Donaghy, Maggie Nicol, Kate M. Davidson Key concepts in psychotherapy integration, Jerold R. Gold Mental disorders

Impostor syndrome

Impostor syndrome, also known as impostor phenomenon or impostorism, is a psychological experience of intellectual and professional fraudulence. One source defines it as "the subjective experience of perceived self-doubt in one's abilities and accomplishments compared with others, despite evidence to suggest the contrary". Those who have it may doubt their skills, talents, or accomplishments. They may have a persistent internalized fear of being exposed as frauds. Despite external evidence of their competence, those experiencing this phenomenon do not believe they deserve their success or luck. They may think that they are deceiving others because they feel as if they are not as intelligent as they outwardly portray themselves to be. Impostor syndrome is not a recognized psychiatric disorder and is not featured in the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual nor is it listed as a diagnosis in the International Classification of Diseases, Tenth Revision (ICD-10). Thus, clinicians lack information on the prevalence, comorbidities, and best practices for assessing and treating impostor syndrome. However, outside the academic literature, impostor syndrome has become widely discussed, especially in the context of achievement in the workplace. Signs and symptoms Impostor phenomenon is studied as a reaction to particular stimuli and events. It is an experience that a person has, not a mental disorder. Impostor phenomenon is not recognized in the DSM or ICD, although both of these classification systems recognize low self-esteem and sense of failure as associated symptoms of depression. Although impostor phenomenon is not a pathological condition, it is a distorted system of belief about oneself that can have a powerful negative impact on a person's valuation of their own worth. Comorbidity People with impostor syndrome have a higher chance to suffer from depression and anxiety. They are also more likely to experience low self esteem, somatic symptoms and social dysfunctions. Associated factors Impostor syndrome is associated with several factors. Some of them are considered to be risk factors, while others are considered to be consequences. However, since the associations are documented in correlational studies, it is not possible to identify cause and effect. Risk factors Impostor phenomenon is linked to neuroticism, low self-esteem and perfectionism. It is negatively correlated with the personality traits of extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. Impostor syndrome can stem from and result in strained personal relationships and can hinder people from achieving their full potential in their fields of interest. The term "impostorization" shifts the source of the phenomenon away from the supposed impostor to institutions whose policies, practices, or workplace cultures "either make or intend to make individuals question their intelligence, competence, and sense of belonging." Implications People with impostor syndrome tend to be less satisfied at work and have lower job performance. They also show higher rates of burnout. Diagnosis The first scale designated to measure characteristics of impostor phenomenon was designed by Harvey in 1981 and included 14 items. In 1985, the Clance Impostor Phenomenon Scale (CIPS) was developed. This 20-item measure, in contrast to the Harvey Impostor Scale, recognizes the anxiety associated with being judged and the sense of inferiority towards peers. The scale is the most frequently used. However, research has not yet conclusively shown its superiority over other scales. Other measures include the Perceived Fraudulence Scale (by Kolligian and Sternberg) and the Leary Impostor Scale, a 7-item test that assesses a single facet of the impostor phenomenon: a perception of being an impostor or fraud. In 2023 the Impostor Phenomenon Assessment was developed based on three factors: Doubts about achievement - fear of failure/success and overpreparation. For example: "I often feel that I have to work harder than others to achieve all that I do" Perceived discrepancy - discounting achievements and attributing success to external factors such as luck. For example: "I feel that I have attained my present academic or professional position through 'pulling strings' or 'having connections'. Self-handicapping behaviours - avoidance and perfectionism. For example - I find myself often leaving tasks to the last minute. Management Psychology professors dealing with impostor syndrome have suggested several recommendations for people in similar situations. These include: Try not to let emotions of worthlessness or uncertainty control your actions; instead, embrace your fears and move forward. Consider your accomplishments in the past as proof against impostor syndrome, and utilize them as a fallback when you start to doubt your abilities. Build a rapport with a counselor who can assist you in identifying false ideas that perpetuate impostor syndrome. As a reminder of your belonging, create areas where your identities are honored and expressed. Help others reject impostor beliefs by reflecting back to them their values, abilities, and talents; assisting others may also work as a beneficial reminder for you. Psychosocial interventions In 2019, when a systematic review was conducted, none of the 62 studies on impostor syndrome empirically assessed the efficacy of treatment. In their 1978 paper, Clance and Imes proposed a therapeutic approach they used for their participants or clients with impostor phenomenon. This technique includes a group setting where people meet others who are also living with this experience. The researchers explained that group meetings made a significant impact on their participants. They proposed that this impact was a result of the realization that they were not the only ones who experienced these feelings. The participants were required to complete various homework assignments as well. In one assignment, participants recalled all of the people they believed they had fooled or tricked in the past. In another take-home task, people wrote down the positive feedback they had received. Later, they would have to recall why they received this feedback and what about it made them perceive it in a negative light. In the group sessions, the researchers also had the participants re-frame common thoughts and ideas about performance. An example would be to change: "I might fail this exam" to "I will do well on this exam". The researchers concluded that simply extracting the self-doubt before an event occurs helps eliminate feelings of impostorism. It was recommended that people struggling with this experience seek support from friends and family. Epidemiology Impostor syndrome prevalence rates range considerably from 9 to 82%, depending on the screening method and threshold used. Rates are especially high among ethnic minority groups. The syndrome is common among men and women and in people of all ages (from teenagers to late-stage professionals). Impostor phenomenon is not uncommon for students who enter a new academic environment. Feelings of insecurity can come as a result of an unknown, new environment. This can lead to lower self-confidence and belief in their own abilities. Gender differences When impostor syndrome was first conceptualised, it was viewed as a phenomenon that was common among high-achieving women. Further research has shown that it affects both men and women; the proportion affected are more or less equally distributed among the genders. People with impostor syndrome often have corresponding mental health issues, which may be treated with psychological interventions, though the phenomenon is not a formal mental disorder. Clance and Imes stated in their 1978 article that, based on their clinical experience, impostor phenomenon was less prevalent in men. However, more recent research has mostly found that impostor phenomenon is spread equally among men and women. Settings Impostor phenomenon can occur in other various settings. Some examples include a new environment, academic settings, and in the workplace. 22 to 60% of physicians suffer from impostor phenomenon. The worry and emotions the students held, had a direct impact of their performance in the program. Common facets of impostor phenomenon experienced by students include not feeling prepared academically (especially when comparing themselves to classmates). Cokley et al. investigated the impact impostor phenomenon has on students, specifically ethnic minority students. They found that the feelings the students had of being fraudulent resulted in psychological distress. Ethnic minority students often questioned the grounds on which they were accepted into the program. They held the false assumption that they only received their acceptance due to affirmative action—rather than an extraordinary application and qualities they had to offer. Tigranyan et al. (2021) examined the way impostor phenomenon relates to psychology doctoral students. The purpose of the study was to investigate the Impostor Phenomenon's relationship to perfectionistic cognitions, depression, anxiety, achievement motives, self-efficacy, self-compassion, and self-esteem in clinical and counseling psychology doctoral students. Furthermore, this study sought to investigate how Impostor Phenomenon interferes with academic, practicum, and internship performance of these students and how Impostor Phenomenon manifests throughout a psychology doctoral program. Included were 84 clinical and counseling psychology doctoral students and they were instructed to respond to an online survey. The data was analyzed using a Pearson's product-moment correlation and a multiple linear regression. Eighty-eight percent of the students in the study reported at least moderate feelings of Impostor Phenomenon characteristics. This study also found significant positive correlations between the Impostor Phenomenon and perfectionistic cognitions, depression, anxiety, and self-compassion. This study indicates that clinical faculty and supervisors should take a supportive approach to assist students to help decrease feelings of Impostor Phenomenon, in hopes of increasing feelings of competence and confidence. History The term impostor phenomenon was introduced in an article published in 1978, titled "The Impostor Phenomenon in High Achieving Women: Dynamics and Therapeutic Intervention" by Pauline R. Clance and Suzanne A. Imes. Clance and Imes defined impostor phenomenon as "an internal experience of intellectual phoniness". In 1985, Clance published a book on the topic, and the phenomenon became widely known. Initially, Clance identified the syndrome with high-achieving professional women, but later studies found that it is widespread in both men and women and in many professional settings. Society and culture Several famous people have reported suffering from impostor syndrome. These include Michelle Obama and Sheryl Sandberg. See also Dunning–Kruger effect a cognitive bias wherein people of non-average ability (both high and low) inaccurately estimate their own abilities Explanatory style how people typically explain events to themselves Illusory superiority a cognitive bias whereby people overestimate their own qualities and abilities Inner critic a manifestation of the inner voice which demeans and criticises the person it belongs to "Fakin' It" (Simon & Garfunkel song) 1960s-era pop/rock song on the subject Inferiority complex Jonah complex the fear of success which prevents the realisation of one's potential Poseur Self-handicapping Setting oneself up to fail a psychological phenomenon where someone intentionally attempts to prevent their own success at a given task Tall poppy syndrome aspects of a culture where people of high status are resented for having been viewed as superior to their peers References External links 1978 introductions Popular psychology 1970s neologisms Cognitive biases

Motivation

Motivation is an internal state that propels individuals to engage in goal-directed behavior. It is often understood as a force that explains why people or animals initiate, continue, or terminate a certain behavior at a particular time. It is a complex phenomenon and its precise definition is disputed. It contrasts with amotivation, which is a state of apathy or listlessness. Motivation is studied in fields like psychology, neuroscience, motivation science, and philosophy. Motivational states are characterized by their direction, intensity, and persistence. The direction of a motivational state is shaped by the goal it aims to achieve. Intensity is the strength of the state and affects whether the state is translated into action and how much effort is employed. Persistence refers to how long an individual is willing to engage in an activity. Motivation is often divided into two phases: in the first phase, the individual establishes a goal, while in the second phase, they attempt to reach this goal. Many types of motivation are discussed in the academic literature. Intrinsic motivation comes from internal factors like enjoyment and curiosity. It contrasts with extrinsic motivation, which is driven by external factors like obtaining rewards and avoiding punishment. For conscious motivation, the individual is aware of the motive driving the behavior, which is not the case for unconscious motivation. Other types include rational and irrational motivation, biological and cognitive motivation, short-term and long-term motivation, and egoistic and altruistic motivation. Theories of motivation are conceptual frameworks that seek to explain motivational phenomena. Content theories aim to describe which internal factors motivate people and which goals they commonly follow. Examples are the hierarchy of needs, the two-factor theory, and the learned needs theory. They contrast with process theories, which discuss the cognitive, emotional, and decision-making processes that underlie human motivation, like expectancy theory, equity theory, goal-setting theory, self-determination theory, and reinforcement theory. Motivation is relevant to many fields. It affects educational success, work performance, athletic success, and economic behavior. It is further pertinent in the fields of personal development, health, and criminal law. Definition, measurement, and semantic field Motivation is often understood as an internal state or force that propels individuals to engage and persist in goal-directed behavior. Motivational states explain why people or animals initiate, continue, or terminate a certain behavior at a particular time. Motivational states are characterized by the goal they aim for, as well as the intensity and duration of the effort devoted to the goal. Motivational states have different degrees of strength. If a state has a high degree then it is more likely to influence behavior than if it has a low degree. Motivation contrasts with amotivation, which is a lack of interest in a certain activity or a resistance to it. In a slightly different sense, the word "motivation" can also refer to the act of motivating someone and to a reason or goal for doing something. It comes from the Latin term (to move). The traditional discipline studying motivation is psychology. It investigates how motivation arises, which factors influence it, and what effects it has. Motivation science is a more recent field of inquiry focused on an integrative approach that tries to link insights from different subdisciplines. Neurology is interested in the underlying neurological mechanisms, such as the involved brain areas and neurotransmitters. Philosophy aims to clarify the nature of motivation and understand its relation to other concepts. Motivation is not directly observable but has to be inferred from other characteristics. There are different ways to do so and measure it. The most common approach is to rely on self-reports and use questionnaires. They can include direct questions like "how motivated are you?" but may also inquire about additional factors in relation to the goals, feelings, and effort invested in a particular activity. Another approach is based on external observation of the individual. This can concern studying behavioral changes but may also include additional methods like measuring brain activity and skin conductance. Academic definitions Many academic definitions of motivation have been proposed but there is little consensus on its precise characterization. This is partly because motivation is a complex phenomenon with many aspects and different definitions often focus on different aspects. Some definitions emphasize internal factors. This can involve psychological aspects in relation to desires and volitions or physiological aspects regarding physical needs. For example, John Dewey and Abraham Maslow use a psychological perspective to understand motivation as a form of desire while Jackson Beatty and Charles Ransom Gallistel see it as a physical process akin to hunger and thirst. Some definitions stress the continuity between human and animal motivation, but others draw a clear distinction between the two. This is often emphasized by the idea that human agents act for reasons and are not mechanistically driven to follow their strongest impulse. A closely related disagreement concerns the role of awareness and rationality. Definitions emphasizing this aspect understand motivation as a mostly conscious process of rationally considering the most appropriate behavior. Another perspective emphasizes the multitude of unconscious and subconscious factors responsible. Other definitions characterize motivation as a form of arousal that provides energy to direct and maintain behavior. For instance, K. B. Madsen sees motivation as "the 'driving force' behind behavior" while Elliott S. Vatenstein and Roderick Wong emphasize that motivation leads to goal-oriented behavior that is interested in consequences. The role of goals in motivation is sometimes paired with the claim that it leads to flexible behavior in contrast to blind reflexes or fixed stimulus-response patterns. This is based on the idea that individuals use means to bring about the goal and are flexible in regard to what means they employ. According to this view, the feeding behavior of rats is based on motivation since they can learn to traverse through complicated mazes to satisfy their hunger, which is not the case for the stimulus-bound feeding behavior of flies. Some psychologists define motivation as a temporary and reversible process. For example, Robert A. Hinde and John Alcock see it as a transitory state that affects responsiveness to stimuli. This approach makes it possible to contrast motivation with phenomena like learning which bring about permanent behavioral changes. Another approach is to provide a very broad characterization to cover many different aspects of motivation. This often results in very long definitions by including many of the factors listed above. The multitude of definitions and the lack of consensus have prompted some theorists, like psychologists B. N. Bunnell and Donald A. Dewsbury, to doubt that the concept of motivation is theoretically useful and to see it instead as a mere hypothetical construct. Semantic field The term "motivation" is closely related to the term "motive" and the two terms are often used as synonyms. However, some theorists distinguish their precise meanings as technical terms. For example, psychologist Andrea Fuchs understands motivation as the "sum of separate motives". According to psychologist Ruth Kanfer, motives are stable dispositional tendencies that contrast with the dynamic nature of motivation as a fluctuating internal state. Motivation is closely related to ability, effort, and action. An ability is a power to perform an action, like the ability to walk or to write. Individuals can have abilities without exercising them. They are more likely to be motivated to do something if they have the ability to do it, but having an ability is not a requirement and it is possible to be motivated while lacking the corresponding ability. Effort is the physical and mental energy invested when exercising an ability. It depends on motivation and high motivation is associated with high effort. The quality of the resulting performance depends on the ability, effort, and motivation. Motivation to perform an action can be present even if the action is not executed. This is the case, for instance, if there is a stronger motivation to engage in a different action at the same time. Components and stages Motivation is a complex phenomenon that is often analyzed in terms of different components and stages. Components are aspects that different motivational states have in common. Often-discussed components are direction, intensity, and persistence. Stages or phases are temporal parts of how motivation unfolds over time, like the initial goal-setting stage in contrast to the following goal-striving stage. A closely related issue concerns the different types of mental phenomena that are responsible for motivation, like desires, beliefs, and rational deliberation. Some theorists hold that a desire to do something is an essential part of all motivational states. This view is based on the idea that the desire to do something justifies the effort to engage in this activity. However, this view is not generally accepted and it has been suggested that at least in some cases, actions are motivated by other mental phenomena, like beliefs or rational deliberation. For example, a person may be motivated to undergo a painful root canal treatment because they conclude that it is a necessary thing to do even though they do not actively desire it. Components Motivation is sometimes discussed in terms of three main components: direction, intensity, and persistence. Direction refers to the goal people choose. It is the objective in which they decide to invest their energy. For example, if one roommate decides to go to the movies while the other visits a party, they both have motivation but their motivational states differ in regard to the direction they pursue. The pursued objective often forms part of a hierarchy of means-end relationships. This implies that several steps or lower-level goals may have to be fulfilled to reach a higher-level goal. For example, to achieve the higher-level goal of writing a complete article, one needs to realize different lower-level goals, like writing different sections of the article. Some goals are specific, like reducing one's weight by 3 kg, while others are non-specific, like losing as much weight as possible. Specific goals often affect motivation and performance positively by making it easier to plan and track progress. The goal belongs to the individual's motivational reason and explains why they favor an action and engage in it. Motivational reasons contrast with normative reasons, which are facts that determine what should be done or why a course of action is objectively good. Motivational reasons can be in tune with normative reasons but this is not always the case. For example, if a cake is poisoned then this is a normative reason for the host not to offer it to their guests. But if they are not aware of the poison then politeness may be their motivating reason to offer it. The intensity of motivation corresponds to how much energy someone is willing to invest into a particular task. For instance, two athletes engaging in the same drill have the same direction but differ concerning the motivational intensity if one gives their best while the other only puts in minimal effort. Some theorists use the term "effort" rather than "intensity" for this component. The strength of a motivational state also affects whether it is translated into action. One theory states that different motivational states compete with each other and that only the behavior with the highest net force of motivation is put into action. However, it is controversial whether this is always true. For example, it has been suggested that in cases of rational deliberation, it may be possible to act against one's strongest motive. Another problem is that this view may lead to a form of determinism that denies the existence of free will. Persistence is the long-term component of motivation and refers to how long an individual engages in an activity. A high level of motivational persistence manifests itself in a sustained dedication over time. The motivational persistence in relation to the chosen goal contrasts with flexibility on the level of the means: individuals may adjust their approach and try different strategies on the level of the means to reach a pursued end. This way, individuals can adapt to changes in the physical and social environment that affect the effectiveness of previously chosen means. The components of motivation can be understood in analogy to the allocation of limited resources: direction, intensity, and persistence determine where to allocate energy, how much of it, and for how long. For effective action, it is usually relevant to have the right form of motivation on all three levels: to pursue an appropriate goal with the required intensity and persistence. Stages The process of motivation is commonly divided into two stages: goal-setting and goal-striving. Goal-setting is the phase in which the direction of motivation is determined. It involves considering the reasons for and against different courses of action and then committing oneself to a goal one aims to achieve. The goal-setting process by itself does not ensure that the plan is carried out. This happens in the goal-striving stage, in which the individual tries to implement the plan. It starts with the initiation of the action and includes putting in effort and trying different strategies to succeed. Various difficulties can arise in this phase. The individual has to muster the initiative to get started with the goal-directed behavior and stay committed even when faced with obstacles without giving in to distractions. They also need to ensure that the chosen means are effective and that they do not overexert themselves. Goal-setting and goal-striving are usually understood as distinct stages but they can be intertwined in various ways. Depending on the performance during the striving phase, the individual may adjust their goal. For example, if the performance is worse than expected, they may lower their goals. This can go hand in hand with adjusting the effort invested in the activity. Emotional states affect how goals are set and which goals are prioritized. Positive emotions are associated with optimism about the value of a goal and create a tendency to seek positive outcomes. Negative emotions are associated with a more pessimistic outlook and tend to lead to the avoidance of bad outcomes. Some theorists have suggested further phases. For example, psychologist Barry J. Zimmerman includes an additional self-reflection phase after the performance. A further approach is to distinguish two parts of the planning: the first part consists in choosing a goal while the second part is about planning how to realize this goal. Types Many different types of motivation are discussed in the academic literature. They differ from each other based on the underlying mechanisms responsible for their manifestation, what goals are pursued, what temporal horizon they encompass, and who is intended to benefit. Intrinsic and extrinsic The distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation is based on the source or origin of the motivation. Intrinsic motivation comes from within the individual and is driven by internal factors, like enjoyment, curiosity, or a sense of fulfillment. It occurs when people pursue an activity for its own sake. It can be due to affective factors, when the person engages in the behavior because it feels good, or cognitive factors, when they see it as something good or meaningful. An example of intrinsic motivation is a person who plays basketball during lunch break only because they enjoy it. Extrinsic motivation arises from external factors, such as rewards, punishments, or recognition from others. This occurs when people engage in an activity because they are interested in the effects or the outcome of the activity rather than in the activity itself. For instance, if a student does their homework because they are afraid of being punished by their parents then extrinsic motivation is responsible. Intrinsic motivation is often more highly regarded than extrinsic motivation. It is associated with genuine passion, creativity, a sense of purpose, and personal autonomy. It also tends to come with stronger commitment and persistence. Intrinsic motivation is a key factor in cognitive, social, and physical development. The degree of intrinsic motivation is affected by various conditions, including a sense of autonomy and positive feedback from others. In the field of education, intrinsic motivation tends to result in high-quality learning. However, there are also certain advantages to extrinsic motivation: it can provide people with motivation to engage in useful or necessary tasks which they do not naturally find interesting or enjoyable. Some theorists understand the difference between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation as a spectrum rather than a clear dichotomy. This is linked to the idea that the more autonomous an activity is, the more it is associated with intrinsic motivation. A behavior can be motivated only by intrinsic motives, only by extrinsic motives, or by a combination of both. In the latter case, there are both internal and external reasons why the person engages in the behavior. If both are present, they may work against each other. For example, the presence of a strong extrinsic motivation, like a high monetary reward, can decrease intrinsic motivation. Because of this, the individual may be less likely to further engage in the activity if it does not result in an external reward anymore. However, this is not always the case and under the right circumstances, the combined effects of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation leads to higher performance. Conscious and unconscious Conscious motivation involves motives of which the person is aware. It includes the explicit recognition of goals and underlying values. Conscious motivation is associated with the formulation of a goal and a plan to realize it as well as its controlled step-by-step execution. Some theorists emphasize the role of the self in this process as the entity that plans, initiates, regulates, and evaluates behavior. An example of conscious motivation is a person in a clothing store who states that they want to buy a shirt and then goes on to buy one. Unconscious motivation involves motives of which the person is not aware. It can be guided by deep-rooted beliefs, desires, and feelings operating beneath the level of consciousness. Examples include the unacknowledged influences of past experiences, unresolved conflicts, hidden fears, and defense mechanisms. These influences can affect decisions, impact behavior, and shape habits. An example of unconscious motivation is a scientist who believes that their research effort is a pure expression of their altruistic desire to benefit science while their true motive is an unacknowledged need for fame. External circumstances can also impact the motivation underlying unconscious behavior. An example is the effect of priming, in which an earlier stimulus influences the response to a later stimulus without the person's awareness of this influence. Unconscious motivation is a central topic in Sigmund Freud's psychoanalysis. Early theories of motivation often assumed that conscious motivation is the primary form of motivation. However, this view has been challenged in the subsequent literature and there is no academic consensus on the relative extent of their influence. Rational and irrational Closely related to the contrast between conscious and unconscious motivation is the distinction between rational and irrational motivation. A motivational state is rational if it is based on a good reason. This implies that the motive of the behavior explains why the person should engage in the behavior. In this case, the person has an insight into why the behavior is considered valuable. For example, if a person saves a drowning child because they value the child's life then their motivation is rational. Rational motivation contrasts with irrational motivation, in which the person has no good reason that explains the behavior. In this case, the person lacks a clear understanding of the deeper source of motivation and in what sense the behavior is in tune with their values. This can be the case for impulsive behavior, for example, when a person spontaneously acts out of anger without reflecting on the consequences of their actions. Rational and irrational motivation play a key role in the field of economics. In order to predict the behavior of economic actors, it is often assumed that they act rationally. In this field, rational behavior is understood as behavior that is in tune with self-interest while irrational behavior goes against self-interest. For example, based on the assumption that it is in the self-interest of firms to maximize profit, actions that lead to that outcome are considered rational while actions that impede profit maximization are considered irrational. However, when understood in a wider sense, rational motivation is a broader term that also includes behavior motivated by a desire to benefit others as a form of rational altruism. Biological and cognitive Biological motivation concerns motives that arise due to physiological needs. Examples are hunger, thirst, sex, and the need for sleep. They are also referred to as primary, physiological, or organic motives. Biological motivation is associated with states of arousal and emotional changes. Its source lies in innate mechanisms that govern stimulus-response patterns. Cognitive motivation concerns motives that arise from the psychological level. They include affiliation, competition, personal interests, and self-actualization as well as desires for perfection, justice, beauty, and truth. They are also called secondary, psychological, social, or personal motives. They are often seen as a higher or more refined form of motivation. The processing and interpretation of information play a key role in cognitive motivation. Cognitively motivated behavior is not an innate reflex but a flexible response to the available information that is based on past experiences and expected outcomes. It is associated with the explicit formulation of desired outcomes and engagement in goal-directed behavior to realize these outcomes. Some theories of human motivation see biological causes as the source of all motivation. They tend to conceptualize human behavior in analogy to animal behavior. Other theories allow for both biological and cognitive motivation and some put their main emphasis on cognitive motivation. Short-term and long-term Short-term and long-term motivation differ in regard to the temporal horizon and the duration of the underlying motivational mechanism. Short-term motivation is focused on achieving rewards immediately or in the near future. It is associated with impulsive behavior. It is a transient and fluctuating phenomenon that may arise and subside spontaneously. Long-term motivation involves a sustained commitment to goals in a more distant future. It encompasses a willingness to invest time and effort over an extended period before the intended goal is reached. It is often a more deliberative process that requires goal-setting and planning. Both short-term and long-term motivation are relevant to achieving one's goals. For example, short-term motivation is central when responding to urgent problems while long-term motivation is a key factor in pursuing far-reaching objectives. However, they sometimes conflict with each other by supporting opposing courses of action. An example is a married person who is tempted to have a one-night stand. In this case, there may be a clash between the short-term motivation to seek immediate physical gratification and the long-term motivation to preserve and nurture a successful marriage built on trust and commitment. Another example is the long-term motivation to stay healthy in contrast to the short-term motivation to smoke a cigarette. Egoistic and altruistic The difference between egoistic and altruistic motivation concerns who is intended to benefit from the anticipated course of action. Egoistic motivation is driven by self-interest: the person is acting for their own benefit or to fulfill their own needs and desires. This self-interest can take various forms, including immediate pleasure, career advancement, financial rewards, and gaining respect from others. Altruistic motivation is marked by selfless intentions and involves a genuine concern for the well-being of others. It is associated with the desire to assist and help others in a non-transactional manner without the goal of obtaining personal gain or rewards in return. According to the controversial thesis of psychological egoism, there is no altruistic motivation: all motivation is egoistic. Proponents of this view hold that even apparently altruistic behavior is caused by egoistic motives. For example, they may claim that people feel good about helping other people and that their egoistic desire to feel good is the true internal motivation behind the externally altruistic behavior. Many religions emphasize the importance of altruistic motivation as a component of religious practice. For example, Christianity sees selfless love and compassion as a way of realizing God's will and bringing about a better world. Buddhists emphasize the practice of loving-kindness toward all sentient beings as a means to eliminate suffering. Others Many other types of motivation are discussed in the academic literature. Moral motivation is closely related to altruistic motivation. Its motive is to act in tune with moral judgments and it can be characterized as the willingness to "do the right thing". The desire to visit a sick friend to keep a promise is an example of moral motivation. It can conflict with other forms of motivation, like the desire to go to the movies instead. An influential debate in moral philosophy centers around the question of whether moral judgments can directly provide moral motivation, as internalists claim. Externalists provide an alternative explanation by holding that additional mental states, like desires or emotions, are needed. Externalists hold that these additional states do not always accompany moral judgments, meaning that it would be possible to have moral judgments without a moral motivation to follow them. Certain forms of psychopathy and brain damage can inhibit moral motivation. Self-determination theorists, such as Edward Deci and Richard Ryan, distinguish between autonomous and controlled motivation. Autonomous motivation is associated with acting according to one's free will or doing something because one wants to do it. In the case of controlled motivation, the person feels pressured into doing something by external forces. A related contrast is between push and pull motivation. Push motivation arises from unfulfilled internal needs and aims at satisfying them. For example, hunger may push an individual to find something to eat. Pull motivation arises from an external goal and aims at achieving this goal, like the motivation to get a university degree. Achievement motivation is the desire to overcome obstacles and strive for excellence. Its goal is to do things well and become better even in the absence of tangible external rewards. It is closely related to the fear of failure. An example of achievement motivation in sports is a person who challenges stronger opponents in an attempt to get better. Human motivation is sometimes contrasted with animal motivation. The field of animal motivation examines the reasons and mechanisms underlying animal behavior. It belongs to psychology and zoology. It gives specific emphasis to the interplay of external stimulation and internal states. It further considers how an animal benefits from a certain behavior as an individual and in terms of evolution. There are important overlaps between the fields of animal and human motivation. Studies on animal motivation tend to focus more on the role of external stimuli and instinctive responses while the role of free decisions and delayed gratification has a more prominent place when discussing human motivation. Amotivation and akrasia Motivation contrasts with amotivation (also known as avolition) which is an absence of interest. Individuals in the state of amotivation feel apathy or lack the willingness to engage in a particular behavior. For instance, amotivated children at school remain passive in class, do not engage in classroom activities, and fail to follow teacher instructions. Amotivation can be a significant barrier to productivity, goal attainment, and overall well-being. It can be caused by factors like unrealistic expectations, helplessness, feelings of incompetence, and the inability to see how one's actions affect outcomes. In the field of Christian spirituality, the terms acedia and accidie are often used to describe a form of amotivation or listlessness associated with a failure to engage in spiritual practices. Amotivation is usually a temporary state. The term amotivational syndrome refers to a more permanent and wide-reaching condition. It involves apathy and lack of activity in relation to a broad range of activities and is associated with incoherence, inability to concentrate, and memory disturbance. The term disorders of diminished motivation covers a wide range of related phenomena, including abulia, akinetic mutism, and other motivation-related neurological disorders. Amotivation is closely related to akrasia. A person in the state of akrasia believes that they should perform a certain action but cannot motivate themselves to do it. This means that there is an internal conflict between what a person believes they should do and what they actually do. The cause of akrasia is sometimes that a person gives in to temptations and is not able to resist them. For this reason, akrasia is also referred to as weakness of the will. An addict who compulsively consumes drugs even though they know that it is not in their best self-interest is an example of akrasia. Akrasia contrasts with enkrasia, which is a state where a person's motivation aligns with their beliefs. Theories Theories of motivation are frameworks or sets of principles that aim to explain motivational phenomena. They seek to understand how motivation arises and what causes and effects it has as well as the goals that commonly motivate people. This way, they provide explanations of why an individual engages in one behavior rather than another, how much effort they invest, and how long they continue to strive toward a given goal. Important debates in the academic literature concern to what extent motivation is innate or based on genetically determined instincts rather than learned through previous experience. A closely related issue is whether motivational processes are mechanistic and run automatically or have a more complex nature involving cognitive processes and active decision-making. Another discussion revolves around the topic of whether the primary sources of motivation are internal needs rather than external goals. A common distinction among theories of motivation is between content theories and process theories. Content theories attempt to identify and describe the internal factors that motivate people, such as different types of needs, drives, and desires. They examine which goals motivate people. Influential content theories are Maslow's hierarchy of needs, Frederick Herzberg's two-factor theory, and David McClelland's learned needs theory. Process theories discuss the cognitive, emotional, and decision-making processes that underlie human motivation. They examine how people select goals and the means to achieve them. Major process theories are expectancy theory, equity theory, goal-setting theory, self-determination theory, and reinforcement theory. Another way to classify theories of motivation focuses on the role of inborn physiological processes in contrast to cognitive processes and distinguishes between biological, psychological, and biopsychosocial theories. Major content theories Maslow holds that humans have different kinds of needs and that those needs are responsible for motivation. According to him, they form a hierarchy of needs that is composed of lower and higher needs. Lower needs belong to the physiological level and are characterized as deficiency needs since they indicate some form of lack. Examples are the desire for food, water, and shelter. Higher needs belong to the psychological level and are associated with the potential to grow as a person. Examples are self-esteem in the form of a positive self-image and personal development by actualizing one's unique talents and abilities. Two key principles of Maslow's theory are the progression principle and the deficit principle. They state that lower needs have to be fulfilled before higher needs become activated. This means that higher needs, like esteem and self-actualization, are unable to provide full motivation while lower needs, like food and shelter, remain unfulfilled. An influential extension of Maslow's hierarchy of needs was proposed by Clayton Alderfer in the form of his ERG theory. Herzberg's Two-Factor Theory also analyzes motivation in terms of lower and higher needs. Herzberg applies it specifically to the workplace and distinguishes between lower-lever hygiene factors and higher-level motivators. Hygiene factors are associated with the work environment and conditions. Examples include company policies, supervision, salary, and job security. They are essential to prevent job dissatisfaction and associated negative behavior, such as frequent absence or decreased effort. Motivators are more directly related to work itself. They include the nature of the work and the associated responsibility as well as recognition and personal and professional growth opportunities. They are responsible for job satisfaction as well as increased commitment and creativity. This theory implies, for example, that increasing salary and job security may not be sufficient to fully motivate workers if their higher needs are not met. McClelland's learned needs theory states that individuals have three primary needs: affiliation, power, and achievement. The need for affiliation is a desire to form social connections with others. The need for power is a longing to exert control over one's surroundings and wield influence over others. The need for achievement relates to a yearning to establish ambitious objectives and to receive positive feedback on one's performance. McClelland holds that these needs are present in everyone but that their exact form, strength, and expression is shaped by cultural influences and the individual's experiences. For example, affiliation-oriented individuals are primarily motivated by establishing and maintaining social relations while achievement-oriented individuals are inclined to set challenging goals and strive for personal excellence. More emphasis on the need of affiliation tends to be given in collectivist cultures in contrast to a focus on the need of achievement in individualist cultures. Major process theories Expectancy theory states that whether a person is motivated to perform a certain behavior depends on the expected results of this behavior: the more positive the expected results are, the higher the motivation to engage in that behavior. Expectancy theorists understand the expected results in terms of three factors: expectancy, instrumentality, and valence. Expectancy concerns the relation between effort and performance. If the expectancy of a behavior is high then the person believes that their efforts will likely result in successful performance. Instrumentality concerns the relation between performance and outcomes. If the instrumentality of a performance is high then the person believes that it will likely result in the intended outcomes. Valence is the degree to which the outcomes are attractive to the person. These three components affect each other in a multiplicative way, meaning that high motivation is only present if all of them are high. In this case, the person believes it likely that they perform well, that the performance leads to the expected result, and that the result as a high value. Equity theory sees fairness as a key aspect of motivation. According to it, people are interested in the proportion between effort and reward: they judge how much energy one has to invest and how good the outcome is. Equity theory states that individuals assess fairness by comparing their own ratio of effort and reward to the ratio of others. A key idea of equity theory is that people are motivated to reduce perceived inequity. This is especially the case if they feel that they receive less rewards than others. For example, if an employee has the impression that they work longer than their co-workers while receiving the same salary, this may motivate them to ask for a raise. Goal-setting theory holds that having clearly defined goals is one of the key factors of motivation. It states that effective goals are specific and challenging. A goal is specific if it involves a clear objective, such as a quantifiable target one intends to reach rather than just trying to do one's best. A goal is challenging if it is achievable but hard to reach. Two additional factors identified by goal-setting theorists are goal commitment and self-efficacy. Commitment is a person's dedication to achieving a goal and includes an unwillingness to abandon or change the goal when meeting resistance. To have self-efficacy means to believe in oneself and in one's ability to succeed. This belief can help people persevere through obstacles and remain motivated to reach challenging goals. According to self-determination theory, the main factors influencing motivation are autonomy, competence, and connection. People act autonomously if they decide themselves what to do rather than following orders. This tends to increase motivation since humans usually prefer to act in accordance with their wishes, values, and goals without being coerced by external forces. If a person is competent at a certain task then they tend to feel good about the work itself and its results. Lack of competence can decrease motivation by leading to frustration if one's efforts fail to succeed. Connection is another factor identified by self-determination theorists and concerns the social environment. Motivation tends to be reinforced for activities in which a person can positively relate to others, receives approval, and can reach out for help. Reinforcement theory is based on behaviorism and explains motivation in relation to positive and negative outcomes of previous behavior. It uses the principle of operant conditioning, which states that behavior followed by positive consequences is more likely to be repeated, while behavior followed by negative consequences is less likely to be repeated. This theory predicts, for example, that if an aggressive behavior of a child is rewarded then this will reinforce the child's motivation for aggressive behavior in the future. In various fields Neurology In neurology, motivation is studied from a physiological perspective by examining the brain processes and brain areas involved in motivational phenomena. Neurology uses data from both humans and animals, which it obtains through a variety of methods, including the use of functional magnetic resonance imaging and positron emission tomography. It investigates regular motivational processes, pathological cases, and the effect of possible treatments. It is a complex discipline that relies on insights from fields like clinical, experimental, and comparative psychology. Neurologists understand motivation as a multifaceted phenomenon that integrates and processes signals to make complex decisions and coordinate actions. Motivation is influenced by the organism's physiological state, like stress, information about the environment, and personal history, like past experiences with this environment. All this information is integrated to perform a cost–benefit analysis, which considers the time, effort, and discomfort associated with pursuing a goal as well as positive outcomes, like fulfilling one's needs or escaping harm. This form of reward prediction is associated with several brain areas, like the orbitofrontal cortex, the anterior cingulate, and the basolateral amygdala. The dopamine system plays a key role in learning which positive and negative outcomes are associated with a specific behavior and how certain signals, like environmental cues, are related to specific goals. Through these associations, motivation can automatically arise when the signals are present. For example, if a person associates having a certain type of food with a specific time of day then they may automatically feel motivated to eat this food when the time arrives. Education Motivation plays a key role in education since it affects the students' engagement with the studied topic and shapes their learning experience and academic success. Motivated students are more likely to participate in classroom activities and persevere through challenges. One of the responsibilities of educators and educational institutions is to establish a learning environment that fosters and sustains students' motivation to ensure effective learning. Educational research is particularly interested in understanding the different effects that intrinsic and extrinsic motivation have on the learning process. In the case of intrinsic motivation, students are interested in the subject and the learning experience itself. Students driven by extrinsic motivation seek external rewards, like good grades or peer recognition. Intrinsic motivation is often seen as the preferred type of motivation since it is associated with more in-depth learning, better memory retention, and long-term commitment. Extrinsic motivation in the form of rewards and recognition also plays a key role in the learning process. However, it can conflict with intrinsic motivation in some cases and may then hinder creativity. Various factors influence student motivation. It is usually beneficial to have an organized classroom with few distractions. The learning material should be neither too easy, which threatens to bore students, nor too difficult, which can lead to frustration. The behavior of the teacher also has a significant impact on student motivation, for example, in regard to how the material is presented, the feedback they provide on assignments, and the interpersonal relation they build with the students. Teachers who are patient and supportive can encourage interaction by interpreting mistakes as learning opportunities. Work Work motivation is an often-studied topic in the fields of organization studies and organizational behavior. They aim to understand human motivation in the context of organizations and investigate its role in work and work-related activities including human resource management, employee selection, training, and managerial practices. Motivation plays a key role in the workplace on various levels. It impacts how employees feel about their work, their level of determination, commitment, and overall job satisfaction. It also affects employee performance and overall business success. Lack of motivation can lead to decreased productivity due to complacency, disinterest, and absenteeism. It can also manifest in the form of occupational burnout. Various factors influence work motivation. They include the personal needs and expectations of the employees, the characteristics of the tasks they perform, and whether the work conditions are perceived as fair and just. Another key aspect is how managers communicate and provide feedback.  Understanding and managing employee motivation is essential for managers to ensure effective leadership, employee performance, and business success. Cultural differences can have a significant impact on how to motivate workers. For example, workers from economically advanced countries may respond better to higher-order goals like self-actualization while the fulfillment of more basic needs tends to be more central for workers from less economically developed countries. There are different approaches to increasing employee motivation. Some focus on material benefits, like high salary, health care, stock ownership plans, profit-sharing, and company cars. Others aim to make changes to the design of the job itself. For example, overly simplified and segmented jobs tend to result in decreased productivity and lower employee morale. The dynamics of motivation differ between paid work and volunteer work. Intrinsic motivation plays a larger role for volunteers with key motivators being self-esteem, the desire to help others, career advancement, and self-improvement. Sport Motivation is a fundamental aspect of sports. It affects how consistently athletes train, how much effort they are willing to invest, and how well they persevere through challenges. Proper motivation is an influential factor for athletic success. It concerns both the long-term motivation needed to sustain progress and commitment over an extended period as well as the short-term motivation required to mobilize as much energy as possible for a high performance on the same day. It is the responsibility of coaches not just to advise and instruct athletes on training plans and strategies but also to motivate them to put in the required effort and give their best. There a different coaching styles and the right approach may depend on the personalities of the coach, the athlete, and the group as well as the general athletic situation. Some styles focus on realizing a particular goal while others concentrate on teaching, following certain principles, or building a positive interpersonal relationship. Criminal law The motive of a crime is a key aspect in criminal law. It refers to reasons that the accused had for committing a crime. Motives are often used as evidence to demonstrate why the accused might have committed the crime and how they would benefit from it. The absence of a motive can be used as evidence to put the accused's involvement in the crime into doubt. For example, financial gain is a motive to commit a crime from which the perpetrator would financially benefit, like embezzlement. As a technical term, motive is distinguished from intent. Intent is the mental state of the defendant and belongs to mens rea. A motive is a reason that tempts a person to form an intent. Unlike intent, motive is usually not an essential element of a crime: it plays various roles in investigative considerations but is normally not required to establish the defendant's guilt. In a different sense, motivation also plays a role in justifying why convicted offenders should be punished. According to the deterrence theory of law, one key aspect of punishment for law violation is to motivate both the convicted individual and potential future wrongdoers to not engage in similar criminal behavior. Others Motivation is a central factor in implementing and maintaining lifestyle changes in the fields of personal development and health. Personal development is a process of self-improvement aimed at enhancing one's skills, knowledge, talents, and overall well-being. It is realized through practices that promote growth and improve different areas in one's life. Motivation is pivotal in engaging in these practices. It is especially relevant to ensure long-term commitment and to follow through with one's plans. For example, health-related lifestyle changes may at times require high willpower and self-control to implement meaningful adjustments while resisting impulses and bad habits. This is the case when trying to resist urges to smoke, consume alcohol, and eat fattening food. Motivation plays a key role in economics since it is what drives individuals and organizations to make economic decisions and engage in economic activities. It affects diverse processes involving consumer behavior, labor supply, and investment decisions. For example, rational choice theory, a fundamental theory in economics, postulates that individuals are motivated by self-interest and aim to maximize their utility, which guides economic behavior like consumption choices. In video games, player motivation is what drives people to play a game and engage with its contents. Player motivation often revolves around completing certain objectives, like solving a puzzle, beating an enemy, or exploring the game world. It concerns both smaller objectives within a part of the game as well as finishing the game as a whole. Understanding different types of player motivation helps game designers make their games immersive and appealing to a wide audience. Motivation is also relevant in the field of politics. This is true specifically for democracies to ensure active engagement, participation, and voting. See also 3C-model Amotivational syndrome Effects of hormones on sexual motivation Employee engagement Enthusiasm Frustration Happiness at work Health action process approach Hedonic motivation Humanistic psychology I-Change Model Incentives Learned industriousness Motivation crowding theory Nucleus accumbens Positive education Positive psychology in the workplace Regulatory focus theory Rubicon model (psychology) Striatum Work engagement References Notes Citations Sources Behavior Cognition Psychology

Tinbergen's four questions

Tinbergen's four questions, named after 20th century biologist Nikolaas Tinbergen, are complementary categories of explanations for animal behaviour. These are also commonly referred to as levels of analysis. It suggests that an integrative understanding of behaviour must include ultimate (evolutionary) explanations, in particular: behavioural adaptive functions phylogenetic history; and the proximate explanations underlying physiological mechanisms ontogenetic/developmental history. Four categories of questions and explanations When asked about the purpose of sight in humans and animals, even elementary-school children can answer that animals have vision to help them find food and avoid danger (function/adaptation). Biologists have three additional explanations: sight is caused by a particular series of evolutionary steps (phylogeny), the mechanics of the eye (mechanism/causation), and even the process of an individual's development (ontogeny). This schema constitutes a basic framework of the overlapping behavioural fields of ethology, behavioural ecology, comparative psychology, sociobiology, evolutionary psychology, and anthropology. Julian Huxley identified the first three questions. Niko Tinbergen gave only the fourth question, as Huxley's questions failed to distinguish between survival value and evolutionary history; Tinbergen's fourth question helped resolve this problem. Evolutionary (ultimate) explanations First question: Function (adaptation) Darwin's theory of evolution by natural selection is the only scientific explanation for why an animal's behaviour is usually well adapted for survival and reproduction in its environment. However, claiming that a particular mechanism is well suited to the present environment is different from claiming that this mechanism was selected for in the past due to its history of being adaptive. The literature conceptualizes the relationship between function and evolution in two ways. On the one hand, function and evolution are often presented as separate and distinct explanations of behaviour. On the other hand, the common definition of adaptation is a central concept in evolution: a trait that was functional to the reproductive success of the organism and that is thus now present due to being selected for; that is, function and evolution are inseparable. However, a trait can have a current function that is adaptive without being an adaptation in this sense, if for instance the environment has changed. Imagine an environment in which having a small body suddenly conferred benefit on an organism when previously body size had had no effect on survival. A small body's function in the environment would then be adaptive, but it would not become an adaptation until enough generations had passed in which small bodies were advantageous to reproduction for small bodies to be selected for. Given this, it is best to understand that presently functional traits might not all have been produced by natural selection. The term "function" is preferable to "adaptation", because adaptation is often construed as implying that it was selected for due to past function. This corresponds to Aristotle's final cause. Second question: Phylogeny (evolution) Evolution captures both the history of an organism via its phylogeny, and the history of natural selection working on function to produce adaptations. There are several reasons why natural selection may fail to achieve optimal design (Mayr 2001:140–143; Buss et al. 1998). One entails random processes such as mutation and environmental events acting on small populations. Another entails the constraints resulting from early evolutionary development. Each organism harbors traits, both anatomical and behavioural, of previous phylogenetic stages, since many traits are retained as species evolve. Reconstructing the phylogeny of a species often makes it possible to understand the "uniqueness" of recent characteristics: Earlier phylogenetic stages and (pre-) conditions which persist often also determine the form of more modern characteristics. For instance, the vertebrate eye (including the human eye) has a blind spot, whereas octopus eyes do not. In those two lineages, the eye was originally constructed one way or the other. Once the vertebrate eye was constructed, there were no intermediate forms that were both adaptive and would have enabled it to evolve without a blind spot. It corresponds to Aristotle's formal cause. Proximate explanations Third question: Mechanism (causation) Some prominent classes of Proximate causal mechanisms include: The brain: For example, Broca's area, a small section of the human brain, has a critical role in linguistic capability. Hormones: Chemicals used to communicate among cells of an individual organism. Testosterone, for instance, stimulates aggressive behaviour in a number of species. Pheromones: Chemicals used to communicate among members of the same species. Some species (e.g., dogs and some moths) use pheromones to attract mates. In examining living organisms, biologists are confronted with diverse levels of complexity (e.g. chemical, physiological, psychological, social). They therefore investigate causal and functional relations within and between these levels. A biochemist might examine, for instance, the influence of social and ecological conditions on the release of certain neurotransmitters and hormones, and the effects of such releases on behaviour, e.g. stress during birth has a tocolytic (contraction-suppressing) effect. However, awareness of neurotransmitters and the structure of neurons is not by itself enough to understand higher levels of neuroanatomic structure or behaviour: "The whole is more than the sum of its parts." All levels must be considered as being equally important: cf. transdisciplinarity, Nicolai Hartmann's "Laws about the Levels of Complexity." It corresponds to Aristotle's efficient cause. Fourth question: Ontogeny (development) Ontogeny is the process of development of an individual organism from the zygote through the embryo to the adult form. In the latter half of the twentieth century, social scientists debated whether human behaviour was the product of nature (genes) or nurture (environment in the developmental period, including culture). An example of interaction (as distinct from the sum of the components) involves familiarity from childhood. In a number of species, individuals prefer to associate with familiar individuals but prefer to mate with unfamiliar ones (Alcock 2001:85–89, Incest taboo, Incest). By inference, genes affecting living together interact with the environment differently from genes affecting mating behaviour. A simple example of interaction involves plants: Some plants grow toward the light (phototropism) and some away from gravity (gravitropism). Many forms of developmental learning have a critical period, for instance, for imprinting among geese and language acquisition among humans. In such cases, genes determine the timing of the environmental impact. A related concept is labeled "biased learning" (Alcock 2001:101–103) and "prepared learning" (Wilson, 1998:86–87). For instance, after eating food that subsequently made them sick, rats are predisposed to associate that food with smell, not sound (Alcock 2001:101–103). Many primate species learn to fear snakes with little experience (Wilson, 1998:86–87). See developmental biology and developmental psychology. It corresponds to Aristotle's material cause. Causal relationships The figure shows the causal relationships among the categories of explanations. The left-hand side represents the evolutionary explanations at the species level; the right-hand side represents the proximate explanations at the individual level. In the middle are those processes' end products—genes (i.e., genome) and behaviour, both of which can be analyzed at both levels. Evolution, which is determined by both function and phylogeny, results in the genes of a population. The genes of an individual interact with its developmental environment, resulting in mechanisms, such as a nervous system. A mechanism (which is also an end-product in its own right) interacts with the individual's immediate environment, resulting in its behaviour. Here we return to the population level. Over many generations, the success of the species' behaviour in its ancestral environment—or more technically, the environment of evolutionary adaptedness (EEA) may result in evolution as measured by a change in its genes. In sum, there are two processes—one at the population level and one at the individual level—which are influenced by environments in three time periods. Examples Vision Four ways of explaining visual perception: Function: To find food and avoid danger. Phylogeny: The vertebrate eye initially developed with a blind spot, but the lack of adaptive intermediate forms prevented the loss of the blind spot. Mechanism: The lens of the eye focuses light on the retina. Development: Neurons need the stimulation of light to wire the eye to the brain (Moore, 2001:98–99). Westermarck effect Four ways of explaining the Westermarck effect, the lack of sexual interest in one's siblings (Wilson, 1998:189–196): Function: To discourage inbreeding, which decreases the number of viable offspring. Phylogeny: Found in a number of mammalian species, suggesting initial evolution tens of millions of years ago. Mechanism: Little is known about the neuromechanism. Ontogeny: Results from familiarity with another individual early in life, especially in the first 30 months for humans. The effect is manifested in nonrelatives raised together, for instance, in kibbutzs. Romantic love Four ways of explaining romantic love have been used to provide a comprehensive biological definition (Bode & Kushnick, 2021): Function: Mate choice, courtship, sex, pair-bonding. Phylogeny: Evolved by co-opting mother-infant bonding mechanisms sometime in the recent evolutionary history of humans. Mechanisms: Social, psychological mate choice, genetic, neurobiological, and endocrinological mechanisms cause romantic love. Ontogeny: Romantic love can first manifest in childhood, manifests with all its characteristics following puberty, but can manifest across the lifespan. Sleep Sleep has been described using Tinbergen's four questions as a framework (Bode & Kuula, 2021): Function: Energy restoration, metabolic regulation, thermoregulation, boosting immune system, detoxification, brain maturation, circuit reorganization, synaptic optimization, avoiding danger. Phylogeny: Sleep exists in invertebrates, lower vertebrates, and higher vertebrates. NREM and REM sleep exist in eutheria, marsupialiformes, and also evolved in birds. Mechanisms: Mechanisms regulate wakefulness, sleep onset, and sleep. Specific mechanisms involve neurotransmitters, genes, neural structures, and the circadian rhythm. Ontogeny: Sleep manifests differently in babies, infants, children, adolescents, adults, and older adults. Differences include the stages of sleep, sleep duration, and sex differences. Use of the four-question schema as "periodic table" Konrad Lorenz, Julian Huxley and Niko Tinbergen were familiar with both conceptual categories (i.e. the central questions of biological research: 1. - 4. and the levels of inquiry: a. - g.), the tabulation was made by Gerhard Medicus. The tabulated schema is used as the central organizing device in many animal behaviour, ethology, behavioural ecology and evolutionary psychology textbooks (e.g., Alcock, 2001). One advantage of this organizational system, what might be called the "periodic table of life sciences," is that it highlights gaps in knowledge, analogous to the role played by the periodic table of elements in the early years of chemistry. This "biopsychosocial" framework clarifies and classifies the associations between the various levels of the natural and social sciences, and it helps to integrate the social and natural sciences into a "tree of knowledge" (see also Nicolai Hartmann's "Laws about the Levels of Complexity"). Especially for the social sciences, this model helps to provide an integrative, foundational model for interdisciplinary collaboration, teaching and research (see The Four Central Questions of Biological Research Using Ethology as an Example – PDF). References Sources Alcock, John (2001) Animal Behaviour: An Evolutionary Approach, Sinauer, 7th edition. . Buss, David M., Martie G. Haselton, Todd K. Shackelford, et al. (1998) "Adaptations, Exaptations, and Spandrels," American Psychologist, 53:533–548. http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/comm/haselton/webdocs/spandrels.html Buss, David M. (2004) Evolutionary Psychology: The New Science of the Mind, Pearson Education, 2nd edition. . Cartwright, John (2000) Evolution and Human Behaviour, MIT Press, . Krebs, John R., Davies N.B. (1993) An Introduction to Behavioural Ecology, Blackwell Publishing, . Lorenz, Konrad (1937) Biologische Fragestellungen in der Tierpsychologie (I.e. Biological Questions in Animal Psychology). Zeitschrift für Tierpsychologie, 1: 24–32. Mayr, Ernst (2001) What Evolution Is, Basic Books. . Gerhard Medicus (2017, chapter 1). Being Human – Bridging the Gap between the Sciences of Body and Mind, Berlin VWB Medicus, Gerhard (2017) Being Human – Bridging the Gap between the Sciences of Body and Mind. Berlin: VWB 2015, Nesse, Randolph M (2013) "Tinbergen's Four Questions, Organized," Trends in Ecology and Evolution, 28:681-682. Moore, David S. (2001) The Dependent Gene: The Fallacy of 'Nature vs. Nurture''', Henry Holt. . Pinker, Steven (1994) The Language Instinct: How the Mind Creates Language, Harper Perennial. . Tinbergen, Niko (1963) "On Aims and Methods of Ethology," Zeitschrift für Tierpsychologie, 20: 410–433. Wilson, Edward O. (1998) Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge'', Vintage Books. . External links Diagrams The Four Areas of Biology pdf The Four Areas and Levels of Inquiry pdf Tinbergen's four questions within the "Fundamental Theory of Human Sciences" ppt Tinbergen's Four Questions, organized pdf Derivative works On aims and methods of cognitive ethology (pdf) by Jamieson and Bekoff. Behavioral ecology Ethology Evolutionary psychology Sociobiology

Phenomenology (philosophy)

Phenomenology is a philosophical study and movement largely associated with the early 20th century that seeks to objectively investigate the nature of subjective, conscious experience. It attempts to describe the universal features of consciousness while avoiding assumptions about the external world, aiming to describe phenomena as they appear to the subject, and to explore the meaning and significance of the lived experiences. This approach, while philosophical, has found many applications in qualitative research across different scientific disciplines, especially in the social sciences, humanities, psychology, and cognitive science, but also in fields as diverse as health sciences, architecture, and human-computer interaction, among many others. The application of phenomenology in these fields aims to gain a deeper understanding of subjective experience, rather than focusing on behavior. Phenomenology is contrasted with phenomenalism, which reduces mental states and physical objects to complexes of sensations, and with psychologism, which treats logical truths or epistemological principles as the products of human psychology. In particular, transcendental phenomenology, as outlined by Edmund Husserl, aims to arrive at an objective understanding of the world via the discovery of universal logical structures in human subjective experience. There are important differences in the ways that different branches of phenomenology approach subjectivity. For example, according to Martin Heidegger, truths are contextually situated and dependent on the historical, cultural, and social context in which they emerge. Other types include hermeneutic, genetic, and embodied phenomenology. All these different branches of phenomenology may be seen as representing different philosophies despite sharing the common foundational approach of phenomenological inquiry; that is, investigating things just as they appear, independent of any particular theoretical framework. Etymology The term phenomenology derives from the Greek φαινόμενον, phainómenon ("that which appears") and λόγος, lógos ("study"). It entered the English language around the turn of the 18th century and first appeared in direct connection to Husserl's philosophy in a 1907 article in The Philosophical Review. In philosophy, "phenomenology" refers to the tradition inaugurated by Edmund Husserl at the beginning of the 20th century. The term, however, had been used in different senses in other philosophy texts since the 18th century. These include those by Johann Heinrich Lambert (1728–1777), Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), G. W. F. Hegel (1770–1831), and Carl Stumpf (1848–1936), among others. It was, however, the usage of Franz Brentano (and, as he later acknowledged, Ernst Mach) that would prove definitive for Husserl. From Brentano, Husserl took the conviction that philosophy must commit itself to description of what is "given in direct 'self-evidence'." Central to Brentano's phenomenological project was his theory of intentionality, which he developed from his reading of Aristotle's On the Soul. According to the phenomenological tradition, "the central structure of an experience is its intentionality, it being directed towards something, as it is an experience of or about some object." Also, on this theory, every intentional act is implicitly accompanied by a secondary, pre-reflective awareness of the act as one's own. Overview Phenomenology proceeds systematically, but it does not attempt to study consciousness from the perspective of clinical psychology or neurology. Instead, it seeks to determine the essential properties and structures of experience. Phenomenology is not a matter of individual introspection: a subjective account of experience, which is the topic of psychology, must be distinguished from an account of subjective experience, which is the topic of phenomenology. Its topic is not "mental states", but "worldly things considered in a certain way". Phenomenology is a direct reaction to the psychologism and physicalism of Husserl's time. It takes as its point of departure the question of how objectivity is possible at all when the experience of the world and its objects is thoroughly subjective. So far from being a form of subjectivism, phenomenologists argue that the scientific ideal of a purely objective third-person is a fantasy and falsity. The perspective and presuppositions of the scientist must be articulated and taken into account in the design of the experiment and the interpretation of its results. Inasmuch as phenomenology is able to accomplish this, it can help to improve the quality of empirical scientific research. In spite of the field's internal diversity, Shaun Gallagher and Dan Zahavi argue that the phenomenological method is composed of four basic steps: the époche, the phenomenological reduction, the eidetic variation, and intersubjective corroboration. The époche is Husserl's term for the procedure by which the phenomenologist endeavors to suspend commonsense and theoretical assumptions about reality (what he terms the natural attitude) in order to attend only to what is directly given in experience. This is not a skeptical move; reality is never in doubt. The purpose is to see it more closely as it truly is. The underlying insight is that objects are "experienced and disclosed in the ways they are, thanks to the way consciousness is structured." The phenomenological reduction is closely linked to the époche. The aim of the reduction is to analyze the correlations between what is given in experience and specific structures of subjectivity shaping and enabling this givenness. This "leads back" (Latin: re-ducere) to the world. Eidetic variation is the process of imaginatively stripping away the properties of things to determine what is essential to them, that is, what are the characteristics without which a thing would not be the thing that it is (Eidos is Plato's Greek word for the essence of a thing). Significantly for the phenomenological researcher, eidetic variation can be practiced on acts of consciousness themselves to help clarify, for instance, the structure of perception or memory. Husserl openly acknowledges that the essences uncovered by this method include various degrees of vagueness and also that such analyses are defeasible. He contends, however, that this does not undermine the value of the method. Intersubjective corroboration is simply the sharing of one's results with the larger research community. This allows for comparisons that help to sort out what is idiosyncratic to the individual from what might be essential to the structure of experience as such. According to Maurice Natanson, "The radicality of the phenomenological method is both continuous and discontinuous with philosophy's general effort to subject experience to fundamental, critical scrutiny: to take nothing for granted and to show the warranty for what we claim to know." According to Husserl the suspension of belief in what is ordinarily taken for granted or inferred by conjecture diminishes the power of what is customarily embraced as objective reality. In the words of Rüdiger Safranski, "[Husserl's and his followers'] great ambition was to disregard anything that had until then been thought or said about consciousness or the world [while] on the lookout for a new way of letting the things [they investigated] approach them, without covering them up with what they already knew." History Edmund Husserl "set the phenomenological agenda" for even those who did not strictly adhere to his teachings, such as Martin Heidegger, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Maurice Merleau-Ponty, to name just the foremost. Each thinker has "different conceptions of phenomenology, different methods, and different results." Husserl's conceptions Husserl derived many important concepts central to phenomenology from the works and lectures of his teachers, the philosophers and psychologists Franz Brentano and Carl Stumpf. An important element of phenomenology that Husserl borrowed from Brentano is intentionality (often described as "aboutness" or "directedness"), the notion that consciousness is always consciousness of something. The object of consciousness is called the intentional object, and this object is constituted for consciousness in many different ways, through, for instance, perception, memory, signification, and so forth. Throughout these different intentionalities, though they have different structures and different ways of being "about" the object, an object is still constituted as the identical object; consciousness is directed at the same intentional object in direct perception as it is in the immediately-following retention of this object and the eventual remembering of it. As envisioned by Husserl, phenomenology is a method of philosophical inquiry that rejects the rationalist bias that has dominated Western thought since Plato in favor of a method of reflective attentiveness that discloses the individual's "lived experience." Loosely rooted in an epistemological device called epoché, Husserl's method entails the suspension of judgment while relying on the intuitive grasp of knowledge, free of presuppositions and intellectualizing. Sometimes depicted as the "science of experience," the phenomenological method, rooted in intentionality, represents an alternative to the representational theory of consciousness. That theory holds that reality cannot be grasped directly because it is available only through perceptions of reality that are representations in the mind. In Husserl's own words: experience is not an opening through which a world, existing prior to all experience, shines into a room of consciousness; it is not a mere taking of something alien to consciousness into consciousness... Experience is the performance in which for me, the experiencer, experienced being "is there", and is there as what it is, with the whole content and the mode of being that experience itself, by the performance going on in its intentionality, attributes to it. In effect, he counters that consciousness is not "in" the mind; rather, consciousness is conscious of something other than itself (the intentional object), regardless of whether the object is a physical thing or just a figment of the imagination. Logical Investigations (1900/1901) In the first edition of the Logical Investigations, under the influence of Brentano, Husserl describes his position as "descriptive psychology." Husserl analyzes the intentional structures of mental acts and how they are directed at both real and ideal objects. The first volume of the Logical Investigations, the Prolegomena to Pure Logic, begins with a critique of psychologism, that is, the attempt to subsume the a priori validity of the laws of logic under psychology. Husserl establishes a separate field for research in logic, philosophy, and phenomenology, independently from the empirical sciences. "Pre-reflective self-consciousness" is Shaun Gallagher and Dan Zahavi's term for Husserl's (1900/1901) idea that self-consciousness always involves a self-appearance or self-manifestation prior to self-reflection. This is one point of nearly unanimous agreement among phenomenologists: "a minimal form of self-consciousness is a constant structural feature of conscious experience. Experience happens for the experiencing subject in an immediate way and as part of this immediacy, it is implicitly marked as my experience." Ideas (1913) In 1913, Husserl published Ideas: General Introduction to Pure Phenomenology. In this work, he presents phenomenology as a form of "transcendental idealism". Although Husserl claimed to have always been a transcendental idealist, this was not how many of his admirers had interpreted the Logical Investigations, and some were alienated as a result. This work introduced distinctions between the act of consciousness (noesis) and the phenomena at which it is directed (the noemata). Noetic refers to the intentional act of consciousness (believing, willing, etc.). Noematic refers to the object or content (noema), which appears in the noetic acts (the believed, wanted, hated, loved, etc.). What is observed is not the object as it is in itself, but how and inasmuch it is given in the intentional acts. Knowledge of essences would only be possible by "bracketing" all assumptions about the existence of an external world and the inessential (subjective) aspects of how the object is concretely given to us. This phenomenological reduction is the second stage of Husserl's procedure of epoché. That which is essential is then determined by the imaginative work of eidetic variation, which is a method for clarifying the features of a thing without which it would not be what it is. Husserl concentrated more on the ideal, essential structures of consciousness. As he wanted to exclude any hypothesis on the existence of external objects, he introduced the method of phenomenological reduction to eliminate them. What was left over was the pure transcendental ego, as opposed to the concrete empirical ego. Transcendental phenomenology is the study of the essential structures that are left in pure consciousness: this amounts in practice to the study of the noemata and the relations among them. Munich phenomenology Some phenomenologists were critical of the new theories espoused in Ideas. Members of the Munich group, such as Max Scheler and Roman Ingarden, distanced themselves from Husserl's new transcendental phenomenology. Their theoretical allegiance was to the earlier, realist phenomenology of the first edition of Logical Investigations. Heidegger's conception Martin Heidegger modified Husserl's conception of phenomenology because of what Heidegger perceived as Husserl's subjectivist tendencies. Whereas Husserl conceived humans as having been constituted by states of consciousness, Heidegger countered that consciousness is peripheral to the primacy of one's existence, for which he introduces Dasein as a technical term, which cannot be reduced to a mode of consciousness. From this angle, one's state of mind is an "effect" rather than a determinant of existence, including those aspects of existence of which one is not conscious. By shifting the center of gravity to existence in what he calls fundamental ontology, Heidegger altered the subsequent direction of phenomenology. According to Heidegger, philosophy was more fundamental than science itself. According to him, science is only one way of knowing the world with no special access to truth. Furthermore, the scientific mindset itself is built on a much more "primordial" foundation of practical, everyday knowledge. This emphasis on the fundamental status of a person's pre-cognitive, practical orientation in the world, sometimes called "know-how", would be adopted by both Sartre and Merleau-Ponty. While for Husserl, in the epoché, being appeared only as a correlate of consciousness, for Heidegger the pre-conscious grasp of being is the starting point. For this reason, he replaces Husserl's concept of intentionality with the notion of comportment, which is presented as "more primitive" than the "conceptually structured" acts analyzed by Husserl. Paradigmatic examples of comportment can be found in the unreflective dealing with equipment that presents itself as simply "ready-to-hand" in what Heidegger calls the normally circumspect mode of engagement within the world. For Husserl, all concrete determinations of the empirical ego would have to be abstracted in order to attain pure consciousness. By contrast, Heidegger claims that "the possibilities and destinies of philosophy are bound up with man's existence, and thus with temporality and with historicality." For this reason, all experience must be seen as shaped by social context, which for Heidegger joins phenomenology with philosophical hermeneutics. Husserl charged Heidegger with raising the question of ontology but failing to answer it, instead switching the topic to Dasein. That is neither ontology nor phenomenology, according to Husserl, but merely abstract anthropology. While Being and Time and other early works are clearly engaged with Husserlian issues, Heidegger's later philosophy has little relation to the problems and methods of classical phenomenology. Merleau-Ponty's conception Maurice Merleau-Ponty develops his distinctive mode of phenomenology by drawing, in particular, upon Husserl's unpublished writings, Heidegger's analysis of being-in-the-world, Gestalt theory, and other contemporary psychology research. In his most famous work, The Phenomenology of Perception, Merleau-Ponty critiques empiricist and intellectualist accounts to chart a "third way" that avoids their metaphysical assumptions about an objective, pre-given world. The central contentions of this work are that the body is the locus of engagement with the world, and that the body's modes of engagement are more fundamental than what phenomenology describes as consequent acts of objectification. Merleau-Ponty reinterprets concepts like intentionality, the phenomenological reduction, and the eidetic method to capture our inherence in the perceived world, that is, our embodied coexistence with things through a kind of reciprocal exchange. According to Merleau-Ponty, perception discloses a meaningful world that can never be completely determined, but which nevertheless aims at truth. Varieties Some scholars have differentiated phenomenology into these seven types: Transcendental constitutive phenomenology studies how objects are constituted in transcendental consciousness, setting aside questions of any relation to the natural world. Naturalistic constitutive phenomenology studies how consciousness constitutes things in the world of nature, assuming with the natural attitude that consciousness is part of nature. Existential phenomenology studies concrete human existence, including human experience of free choice and/or action in concrete situations. Generative historicist phenomenology studies how meaning—as found in human experience—is generated in historical processes of collective experience over time. Genetic phenomenology studies the emergence (or genesis) of meanings of things within the stream of experience. Hermeneutical phenomenology (sometimes hermeneutic phenomenology) studies interpretive structures of experience. This approach was introduced in Martin Heidegger's early work. Realistic phenomenology (sometimes realist phenomenology) studies the structure of consciousness and intentionality as "it occurs in a real world that is largely external to consciousness and not somehow brought into being by consciousness." The contrast between "constitutive phenomenology" (sometimes static phenomenology or descriptive phenomenology) and "genetic phenomenology" (sometimes phenomenology of genesis) is due to Husserl. Modern scholarship also recognizes the existence of the following varieties: late Heidegger's transcendental hermeneutic phenomenology, Maurice Merleau-Ponty's embodied phenomenology, Michel Henry's material phenomenology, Alva Noë's analytic phenomenology, and J. L. Austin's linguistic phenomenology. Concepts Intentionality Intentionality refers to the notion that consciousness is always the consciousness of something. The word itself should not be confused with the "ordinary" use of the word intentional, but should rather be taken as playing on the etymological roots of the word. Originally, intention referred to a "stretching out" ("in tension," from Latin intendere), and in this context it refers to consciousness "stretching out" towards its object. However, one should be careful with this image: there is not some consciousness first that, subsequently, stretches out to its object; rather, consciousness occurs as the simultaneity of a conscious act and its object. Intentionality is often summed up as "aboutness." Whether this something that consciousness is about is in direct perception or in fantasy is inconsequential to the concept of intentionality itself; whatever consciousness is directed at, that is what consciousness is conscious of. This means that the object of consciousness does not have to be a physical object apprehended in perception: it can just as well be a fantasy or a memory. Consequently, these "structures" of consciousness, such as perception, memory, fantasy, and so forth, are called intentionalities. The term "intentionality" originated with the Scholastics in the medieval period and was resurrected by Brentano who in turn influenced Husserl's conception of phenomenology, who refined the term and made it the cornerstone of his theory of consciousness. The meaning of the term is complex and depends entirely on how it is conceived by a given philosopher. The term should not be confused with "intention" or the psychoanalytic conception of unconscious "motive" or "gain". Significantly, "intentionality is not a relation, but rather an intrinsic feature of intentional acts." This is because there are no independent relata. It is (at least in the first place) a matter of indifference to the phenomenologist whether the intentional object has any existence independent of the act. Intuition Intuition in phenomenology refers to cases where the intentional object is directly present to the intentionality at play; if the intention is "filled" by the direct apprehension of the object, one has an intuited object. Having a cup of coffee in front of oneself, for instance, seeing it, feeling it, or even imagining it – these are all filled intentions, and the object is then intuited. The same goes for the apprehension of mathematical formulae or a number. If one does not have the object as referred to directly, the object is not intuited, but still intended, but then emptily. Examples of empty intentions can be signitive intentions – intentions that only imply or refer to their objects. Evidence In everyday language, the word evidence is used to signify a special sort of relation between a state of affairs and a proposition: State A is evidence for the proposition "A is true." In phenomenology, however, the concept of evidence is meant to signify the "subjective achievement of truth." This is not an attempt to reduce the objective sort of evidence to subjective "opinion," but rather an attempt to describe the structure of having something present in intuition with the addition of having it present as intelligible: "Evidence is the successful presentation of an intelligible object, the successful presentation of something whose truth becomes manifest in the evidencing itself." In Ideas, Husserl presents as the "Principle of All Principles" that, "every originary presentive intuition is a legitimizing source of cognition, that everything originally (so to speak, in its 'personal' actuality) offered to us in 'intuition' is to be accepted simply as what it is presented as being, but also only within the limits in which it is presented there." It is in this realm of phenomenological givenness, Husserl claims, that the search begins for "indubitable evidence that will ultimately serve as the foundation for every scientific discipline." Noesis and noema Franz Brentano introduced a distinction between sensory and noetic consciousness: the former describes presentations of sensory objects or intuitions, while the latter describes the thinking of concepts. In Husserl's phenomenology, this pair of terms, derived from the Greek nous (mind) designate respectively the real content, noesis, and the ideal content, noema, of an intentional act (an act of consciousness). The noesis is the part of the act that gives it a particular sense or character (as in judging or perceiving something, loving or hating it, accepting or rejecting it, etc.). This is real in the sense that it is actually part of what takes place in the consciousness of the subject of the act. The noesis is always correlated with a noema. For Husserl, the full noema is a complex ideal structure comprising at least a noematic sense and a noematic core. The correct interpretation of what Husserl meant by the noema has long been controversial, but the noematic sense is generally understood as the ideal meaning of the act. For instance, if A loves B, loving is a real part of A's conscious activity – noesis – but gets its sense from the general concept of loving, which has an abstract or ideal meaning, as "loving" has a meaning in the English language independently of what an individual means by the word when they use it. The noematic core as the act's referent or object as it is meant in the act. One element of controversy is whether this noematic object is the same as the actual object of the act (assuming it exists) or is some kind of ideal object. Empathy and intersubjectivity In phenomenology, empathy refers to the experience of one's own body as another. While people often identify others with their physical bodies, this type of phenomenology requires that they focus on the subjectivity of the other, as well as the intersubjective engagement with them. In Husserl's original account, this was done by a sort of apperception built on the experiences of one's own lived body. The lived body is one's own body as experienced by oneself, as oneself. One's own body manifests itself mainly as one's possibilities of acting in the world. It is what lets oneself reach out and grab something, for instance, but it also, and more importantly, allows for the possibility of changing one's point of view. This helps to differentiate one thing from another by the experience of moving around it, seeing new aspects of it (often referred to as making the absent present and the present absent), and still retaining the notion that this is the same thing that one saw other aspects of just a moment ago (it is identical). One's body is also experienced as a duality, both as object (one's ability to touch one's own hand) and as one's own subjectivity (one's experience of being touched). The experience of one's own body as one's own subjectivity is then applied to the experience of another's body, which, through apperception, is constituted as another subjectivity. One can thus recognise the Other's intentions, emotions, etc. This experience of empathy is important in the phenomenological account of intersubjectivity. In phenomenology, intersubjectivity constitutes objectivity (i.e., what one experiences as objective is experienced as being intersubjectively available – available to all other subjects. This does not imply that objectivity is reduced to subjectivity nor does it imply a relativist position, cf. for instance intersubjective verifiability). In the experience of intersubjectivity, one also experiences oneself as being a subject among other subjects, and one experiences oneself as existing objectively for these Others; one experiences oneself as the noema of Others' noeses, or as a subject in another's empathic experience. As such, one experiences oneself as objectively existing subjectivity. Intersubjectivity is also a part in the constitution of one's lifeworld, especially as "homeworld." Lifeworld The lifeworld (German: Lebenswelt) is the "world" each one of us lives in. One could call it the "background" or "horizon" of all experience, and it is that on which each object stands out as itself (as different) and with the meaning it can only hold for us. According to Husserl, the lifeworld is both personal and intersubjective (it is then called a "homeworld"), and, as such, it avoids the threat of solipsism. Phenomenology and empirical science The phenomenological analysis of objects is notably different from traditional science. However, several frameworks do phenomenology with an empirical orientation or aim to unite it with the natural sciences or with cognitive science. For a classical critical point of view, Daniel Dennett argues for the wholesale uselessness of phenomenology considering phenomena as qualia, which cannot be the object of scientific research or do not exist in the first place. Liliana Albertazzi counters such arguments by pointing out that empirical research on phenomena has been successfully carried out employing modern methodology. Human experience can be investigated by surveying, and with brain scanning techniques. For example, ample research on color perception suggests that people with normal color vision see colors similarly and not each in their own way. Thus, it is possible to universalize phenomena of subjective experience on an empirical scientific basis. In the early twenty-first century, phenomenology has increasingly engaged with cognitive science and philosophy of mind. Some approaches to the naturalization of phenomenology reduce consciousness to the physical-neuronal level and are therefore not widely acknowledged as representing phenomenology. These include the frameworks of neurophenomenology, embodied constructivism, and the cognitive neuroscience of phenomenology. Other likewise controversial approaches aim to explain life-world experience on a sociological or anthropological basis despite phenomenology being mostly considered descriptive rather than explanatory. See also References Citations Bibliography External links At the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy: At the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: At the History of Women Philosophers and Scientists: Edmund Husserl Philosophical schools and traditions

Immature personality disorder

Immature personality disorder was a type of personality disorder diagnosis. It is characterized by lack of emotional development, low tolerance of stress and anxiety, inability to accept personal responsibility, and reliance on age-inappropriate defense mechanisms. It has been noted for displaying "an absence of mental disability", and demonstrating "ineffectual responses to social, psychological and physical demands." History The definition borrowed by the first edition of the DSM (see Diagnosis) was originally published in the Army Service Forces's Medical 203 in 1945 under Immaturity Reactions. It had five subtypes: Emotional instability reaction (later histrionic personality disorder): excitability, ineffectiveness, undependable judgement, poorly controlled hostility, guilt and anxiety; Passive-dependency reaction (later dependent personality disorder): helplessness, indecisiveness, tendency to cling to others; Passive-aggressive reaction (later passive-aggressive personality disorder): pouting, stubbornness, procrastination, inefficiency, passive obstructionism; Aggressive reaction: irritability, temper tantrums, destructive behavior; Immaturity with symptomatic "habit" reaction: e.g. speech disorder brought on by stress. Diagnosis DSM Immature personality (321), as "Personality trait disturbance", only appeared in the first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), separately from personality disorders. The DSM defines the condition as follows: Some of its subtypes became separate conditions (see History). In DSM-II "immature" became a type specifier for Other personality disorder (301.89), and remained unchanged in the DSM-III. The condition does not appear in later editions. ICD The International Classification of Diseases (ICD) also listed the condition as Immature personality (321) in the ICD-6 and ICD-7. The ICD-8 introduced Other personality disorder (301.8) which became the main diagnosis adding "immature" as a type specifier. This classification was shared by the ICD-9 and ICD-10. The specifier was removed in ICD-11. Mechanics Early explanations The underlying mechanism of the disorder was originally explained either as fixation (certain character patterns persisting from childhood to adult life), or as a regressive reaction due to severe stress (reversion to an earlier stage of development). Poor emotional control "require[s] quick mobilization of defense, usually explosive in nature, for the protection of the ego." In case of dependency "there is a predominant child-parent relationship." The "morbid resentment" of the aggressive type is the result of a "deep dependency" hidden by reaction formation. Later developments IPD involves a weakness of the ego, which limits the ability to restrain impulses or properly model anxiety. They fail to integrate the aggressive and libidinal factors at play in other people, and thus are not able to parse their own experiences. It can be caused by a neurobiological immaturity of brain functioning, or through a childhood trauma, or other means. Prevalence Determining the prevalence of the disorder in the general population would be difficult because it has not had a separate diagnosis since World War II. As part of Other personality disorder it can be estimated to be a fraction of 1.6% in the United States and 2.4% in Denmark. A Russian study of military age persons in the Tomsk region between 2016 and 2018 reported that mental and behavioral disorders were detected in 93 out of 685 recruits. 3.6% (25 of them) could be diagnosed with immature personality disorder. In law and custom In the 1980s, it was noted that immature personality disorder was one of the most common illnesses invoked by the Roman Catholic Church in order to facilitate annulment of undesired marriages. In 1978, David Augustine Walton was tried in Barbados for killing two passersby who had offered his mother and girlfriend a ride following an argument, and pleaded diminished capacity resulting from his immature personality disorder; he was nevertheless convicted of murder. In 1989, a former employee of the Wisconsin Department of Transportation had his claim of discrimination dismissed, after alleging that his employment had been terminated due to his Immature Personality Disorder alongside a sexual fetish in which he placed chocolate bars under the posteriors of women whose driving capabilities he was testing. A 1994 Australian case regarding unemployment benefits noted that while "mere personal distaste for certain work is not relevant, but a condition (such as immature personality disorder) may foreclose otherwise suitable prospects". A 2017 study indicated that an individual with immature personality disorder (among other people with personality disorders) was allowed to die through Belgian euthanasia laws that require a medical diagnosis of a life-long condition that could impair well-being. Notes References Personality disorders

Social ecology (academic field)

Social ecology studies relationships between people and their environment, often the interdependence of people, collectives and institutions. Evolving out of biological ecology, human ecology, systems theory and ecological psychology, social ecology takes a “broad, interdisciplinary perspective that gives greater attention to the social, psychological, institutional, and cultural contexts of people-environment relations than did earlier versions of human ecology.” The concept has been employed to study a diverse array of social problems and policies within the behavioural and social sciences. Conceptual orientation As described by Stokols, the core principles of social ecology include: Multidimensional structure of human environments—physical & social, natural & built features; objective-material as well as perceived-symbolic (or semiotic); virtual & place-based features Cross-disciplinary, multi-level, contextual analyses of people-environment relationships spanning proximal and distal scales (from narrow to broad spatial, sociocultural, and temporal scope) Systems principles, especially feedback loops, interdependence of system elements, anticipating unintended side effects of public policies and environmental interventions Translation of theory and research findings into community interventions and public policies Privileging and combining both academic and non-academic perspectives, including scientists and academicians, lay citizens and community stakeholder groups, business leaders and other professional groups, and government decision makers. Transdisciplinary values and orientation, synthesizing concepts and methods from different fields that pertain to particular research topics. Academic programs Several academic programs combine a broad definition of “environmental studies” with analyses of social processes, biological considerations, and the physical environment. A number of social ecology degree-granting programs and research institutes shape the global evolution of the social ecological paradigm. For example, see: College of the Atlantic UC Irvine School of Social Ecology Yale School of Forestry & Environmental Studies Cornell University College of Human Ecology New York University, Environmental Education The Institute for Social Ecology in Plainfield, VT The Institute for Social-Ecological Research, Frankfurt Institute of Social Ecology, Vienna Stockholm Resilience Centre Most of the 120 listed programs at the link below are in human ecology, but many overlap with social ecology: Society for Human Ecology list of programs and institutions See also Social ecology (Bookchin) Social ecological model Ecology Environmental stewardship References External links Conceptual social ecology Google scholar search on social ecological systems Article on expansion of social ecological systems science

Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory

The Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory – Fourth Edition (MCMI-IV) is the most recent edition of the Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory. The MCMI is a psychological assessment tool intended to provide information on personality traits and psychopathology, including specific mental disorders outlined in the DSM-5. It is intended for adults (18 and over) with at least a 5th grade reading level who are currently seeking mental health services. The MCMI was developed and standardized specifically on clinical populations (i.e. patients in clinical settings or people with existing mental health problems), and the authors are very specific that it should not be used with the general population or adolescents. However, there is evidence base that shows that it may still retain validity on non-clinical populations, and so psychologists will sometimes administer the test to members of the general population, with caution. The concepts involved in the questions and their presentation make it unsuitable for those with below average intelligence or reading ability. The MCMI-IV is based on Theodore Millon's evolutionary theory and is organized according to a multiaxial format. Updates to each version of the MCMI coincide with revisions to the DSM. The fourth edition is composed of 195 true-false questions that take approximately 25–30 minutes to complete. It was created by Theodore Millon, Seth Grossman, and Carrie Millon. The test is modeled on four categories of scales: 15 Personality Pattern Scales 10 Clinical Syndrome Scales 5 Validity Scales: 3 Modifying Indices; 2 Random Response Indicators 45 Grossman Personality Facet Scales (based on Seth Grossman's theories of personality and psychopathology) Theory The Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventories are based on Theodore Millon's evolutionary theory. Millon's theory is one of many theories of personality. Briefly the theory is divided into three core components which Millon cited as representing the most basic motivations. These core components are which each manifest in distinct polarities (in parentheses): Existence (Pleasure – Pain) Adaptation (Passive – Active) Reproduction (Self – Other) Furthermore, this theory presents personality as manifesting in three functional and structural domains, which are further divided into subdomains: Behavioral Phenomenological Intrapsychic Biophysical Finally, the Millon Evolutionary Theory outlines 15 personalities, each with a normal and abnormal presentation. The MCMI-IV is one of several measures in a body of personality assessments developed by Millon and associates based on his theory of personality. History MCMI In 1969, Theodore Millon wrote a book called Modern Psychopathology, after which he received many letters from students stating that his ideas were helpful in writing their dissertations. This was the event that prompted him to undertake test construction of the MCMI himself. The original version of the MCMI was published in 1977 and corresponds with the DSM-III. It contained 11 personality scales and 9 clinical syndrome scales. MCMI-II With the publication of the DSM-III-R, a new version of the MCMI (MCMI-II) was published in 1987 to reflect the changes made to the revised DSM. The MCMI-II contained 13 personality scales and 9 clinical syndrome scales. The antisocial-aggressive scale was separated into two separate scales, and the masochistic (self-defeating) scale was added. Additionally, 3 modifying indices added and a 3-point item-weighting system introduced. MCMI-III The MCMI-III was published in 1994 and reflected revisions made in the DSM-IV. This version eliminated specific personality scales and added scales for depressive and PTSD bringing the total number of scales to 14 personality scales, 10 clinical syndrome scales, and 5 correction scales. The previous 3-point item-weighting scale was modified to a 2-point scale. Additional content was added to include child abuse, anorexia and bulimia. The Grossman Facet scales are also new to this version. The MCMI-III is composed of 175 true-false questions that reportedly take 25–30 minutes to complete. MCMI-IV The MCMI-IV was published in 2015. This version contains 195 true-false items and takes approximately 25–30 minutes to complete. The MCMI-IV consists of 5 validity scales, 15 personality scales and 10 clinical syndrome scales. Changes from the MCMI-III include a complete normative update, both new and updated test items, changes to remain aligned to the DSM-5, the inclusion of ICD-10 code types, an updated set of Grossman Facet Scales, the addition of critical responses, and the addition of the Turbulent Personality Scale. Format The MCMI-IV contains a total of 30 scales broken down into 25 clinical scales and 5 validity scales. The 25 clinical scales are divided into 15 personality and 10 clinical syndrome scales (the clinical syndrome scales are further divided into 7 Clinical Syndromes and 3 Severe Clinical Syndromes). The personality scales are further divided into 12 Clinical Personality Patterns and 3 Severe Personality Pathology scales. Personality scales The personality scales are associated with personality patterns identified in Millon's evolutionary theory and the DSM-5 personality disorders. There are two main categories of personality scales: Clinical Personality Pattern Scales and Severe Personality Pathology Scales. Each of the personality scales contain 3 Grossman Facet Scales for a total of 45 Grossman Facet Scales. When interpreting the personality scales, the authors recommend that qualified professionals interpret the Severe Personality Pathology scales before the Clinical Personality Pattern scales as the pattern of responding indicated by the Severe Personality Pathology scale scores may also affect the scores on the Clinical Personality Pattern scales (i.e. if an individual scores high on the Severe Personality Pathology scale P (Paranoid), this may also explain the pattern of scores on the Clinical Personality Pattern scales). Grossman Facet Scales The Grossman Facet Scales were added to improve the overall clinical utility and specificity of the test, and attempt to influence future iterations of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). The hope was the DSM would adopt the prototypical feature identification method used in the MCMI to differentiate between personality disorders. There are three facet scales within each of the Clinical Personality Patterns and Severe Personality Pathology scales. Each facet scale is thought to help identify the key descriptive components of each personality scale, making it easier to evaluate slight differences in symptom presentations between people with elevated scores on the same personality scale. For instance, two profiles with an elevated score on the Borderline scale may have differences in their Temperamentally Labile facet scale scores. This would mean, for clinical treatment or assessment planning, you could have a better understanding of how quickly and spontaneously a person's mood may change, compared to others with elevated Borderline scale scores. There are also some noteworthy limitations of the Grossman facet scales. The MCMI personality scales share some of the same test items, leading to strong intercorrelations between different personality scales. Additionally, each facet consists of less than 10 items and the items are often similar to ones in other facets of the same personality scale. Thus, it is unclear how much a facet measures a unique component of a personality scale. Furthermore, statistical analysis has found some items within the facet scales may not be consistently measuring the same component as other items on that scale, with some item alpha coefficients as low as .51. For these reasons it is recommended to use supplemental information, in addition to that provided by the facet scales, to inform any assessment or treatment decisions. Summary table of personality scales Clinical syndrome scales 10 Clinical Syndrome Scales correspond with clinical disorders of the DSM-5. Similar to the personality scales, the 10 clinical syndrome scales are broken down into 7 clinical syndrome scales (A-R) and 3 severe clinical syndrome scales (SS-PP). When interpreting the clinical scales, the authors recommend that qualified professionals interpret the Severe Clinical Syndrome scales before the Clinical Syndrome scales as the pattern of responding indicated by the Severe Clinical Syndrome scale scores may also affect the scores on the Clinical Syndrome scales (e.g. if an individual scores high on the Severe P scale Clinical Syndrome scale score (e.g. Thought Disorder), this may also explain the pattern of scores on the other Clinical Syndrome scales). Summary table of clinical syndrome scales Validity scales of MCMI Modifying indices The modifying indices consist of 3 scales: the Disclosure Scale (X), the Desirability Scale (Y) and the Debasement Scale (Z). These scales are used to provide information about a patient's response style, including whether they presented themselves in a positive light (elevated Desirability scale) or negative light (elevated Debasement scale). The Disclosure scale measures whether the person was open in the assessment, or if they were unwilling to share details about his/her history. Random response indicators These two scales assist in detecting random responding. In general, the Validity Scale (V) contains a number of improbable items which may indicate questionable results if endorsed. The Inconsistency Scale (W) detects differences in responses to pairs of items that should be endorsed similarly. The more inconsistent responding on pairs of items, the more confident the examiner can be that the person is responding randomly, as opposed to carefully considering their response to items. Validity The MCMI-IV was updated in 2015, with revised items and a new normative sample of 1,547 clinical patients. The process of updating the MCMI-IV was an iterative process from item generation, through item tryout, to standardization and the selection of final items to be included in the full scale. Test construction underwent three stages of validation, more commonly known as the tripartite model of test construction (theoretical-substantive validity, internal-structural validity, and external-criterion validity). As development was an iterative process, each step was reanalyzed each time items were added or eliminated. Theoretical-substantive validity The first stage was a deductive approach and involved developing a large pool of items. 245 new items were generated by the authors in accordance with relevant personality research, reference materials, and the current diagnostic criteria. These items were then administered to 449 clinical and non-clinical participants. The number of items was reduced based on a rational approach according to the degree to which they fit Millon's evolutionary theory. Items were also eliminated based on simplicity, grammar, content, and scale relevance. Internal-structural validity Once the initial item pool was reduced after piloting, the second validation stage assessed how well items interrelated, and the psychometric properties of the test were determined. 106 items were retained and administered along with the 175 MCMI-III items. The ability of the MCMI items to give reliable indications of the domains of interest were examined using internal consistency and test-retest reliability. Internal consistency is the extent to which the items on a scale generally measure the same thing. Cronbach's alpha values (an estimate of internal consistency) median (average) values were 0.84 for the personality pattern scales, 0.83 for the clinical syndrome scales, and 0.80 for the Grossman Facet Scales. Test-retest reliability is an estimate of the stability of the responses in the same person over a brief period of time. Examining test-retest reliability requires administering the items from the MCMI-IV at two different time periods. The median testing interval between administrations was 13 days. The higher the correlation between scores at two time points, more stable the measure is. Based on 129 participants, the test-retest reliability of the MCMI-IV personality and clinical syndrome scales ranged from 0.73 (Delusional) to 0.93 (Histrionic) with a most values above 0.80. These statistics indicate that the measure is highly stable over a short period of time; however, no long-term data are available. After examining the psychometrics of these "tryout" items, 50 items were replaced, resulting in 284 items that were administered to the standardization sample of 1,547 clinical patients. External-criterion validity The final validation stage included examining convergent and discriminative validity of the test, which is assessed by correlating the test with similar/dissimilar instruments. Most correlations between the MCMI-IV Personality Pattern scales and the MMPI-2-RF (another widely used and validated measure of personality psychopathology) Restructured Clinical scales were low to moderate. Some, but not all, of the MCMI-IV Clinical Syndrome scales were correlated moderately to highly with the MMPI-2-RF Restructured Clinical and Specific Problem scales. The authors describe these relationships as "support for the measurement of similar constructs" across measures and that the validity correlations are consistent with the "argument that the two assessments are best used complimentarily to elucidate personality and clinical symptomatology in the therapeutic context". Scoring system Patients' raw scores are converted to Base Rate (BR) scores to allow comparison between the personality indices. Converting scores to a common metric is typical in psychological testing so test users can compare the scores across different indices. However, most psychological tests use a standard score metric, such as a T-score; the BR metric is unique to the Millon instruments. Although the Millon instruments emphasize personality functioning as a spectrum from healthy to disordered, the developers found it important to develop various clinically relevant thresholds or anchors for scores. BR scores are indexed on a scale of 0 – 115, with 0 representing a raw score of 0, a score of 60 representing the median of a clinical distribution, 75 serving as the cut score for presence of disorder, 85 serving as the cut score for prominence of disorder, and 115 corresponding to the maximum raw score. BR scores falling in the 60-74 range represent normal functioning, 75-84 correspond to abnormal personality patterns but average functioning, and BR scores above 85 are considered clinically significant (i.e., representing a diagnosis and functional impairment). Conversion from raw scores to BR scores is relatively complex, and its derivation is based largely on the characteristics of a sample of 235 psychiatric patients, from which developers obtained MCMI profiles and clinician ratings of the examinees’ level of functioning and diagnosis. The median raw score for each scale within this sample was assigned a BR score of 60, and BR scores of 75 and 85 were assigned to raw score values that corresponded to the base rates of presence and prominence within the sample, respectively, of the condition represented by each scale. Intermediate values were interpolated between the anchor scores. In addition, “corrections” to the BR scores are made to adjust for each examinee's response style as reflected by scores on the Modifying Indices. For example, if a Modifying Index score suggests that an examinee was not sufficiently candid (e.g., employed a socially desirable response style), BR scores are adjusted upward to reflect greater severity than the raw scores would suggest. Accordingly, the test is not appropriate for nonclinical populations or those without psychopathological concerns, as BR scores may adjust and indicate pathology in a case of normal functioning. Because computation of BR scores is conducted via computer (or mail-in) scoring, the complex modifying process is not transparent to test users. Although this scaling is referred to as Base Rate scores, their values are anchored to base rates of psychiatric conditions in their developmental sample, and may not reflect the base rates of pathology specific to the population from which a given examinee is drawn. Further, because they are derived from a psychiatric sample, they cannot be applied meaningfully to nonpsychiatric samples, for which no norms are available and for which Modifying Indices adjustments have not been developed. Interpretation Administration and interpretation of results should only be completed by a professional with the proper qualifications. The test creators advise that test users have completed a recognized graduate training program in psychology, supervised training and experience with personality scales, and possess an understanding of Millon's underlying theory. Computer-based test interpretation reports are also available for the results of the MCMI-IV. As with all computer-based test interpretations, the authors caution that these interpretations should be considered a "professional-to-professional consultation" and integrated with other sources of information. The interpretation of the results from the MCMI-IV is a complex process that requires integrating scores from all of the scales with other available information such as history and interview. Test results may be considered invalid based on a number of different response patterns on the modifying indices. Disclosure is the only score in the MCMI-IV in which the raw scores are interpreted and in which a particularly low score is clinically relevant. A raw score above 114 or below 7 is considered not to be an accurate representation of the patient's personality style as they either over-or under-disclosed and may indicate questionable results. Desirability or Debasement base rate scores of 75 or greater indicate that the examiner should proceed with caution. Personality and Clinical Syndrome base rate scores of 75–84 are taken to indicate the presence of a personality trait or clinical syndrome (for the Clinical Syndromes scales). Scores of 85 or above indicate the persistence of a personality trait or clinical syndrome. Invalidity is a measure of random responding, ability to understand item content, appropriate attention to item content, and as an additional measure of response style. The scale is very sensitive to random responding. Scores on this scale determine whether the test protocol is valid or invalid. Similar measurement tools The MCMI is one of several self-report measurement tools designed to provide information about psychological functioning and personality psychopathology. Similar tests include the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory and the Personality Assessment Inventory. See also Clinical psychology Personality test Psychological testing References External links Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-III, at Pearson Education, Inc. Personality tests

Masking (personality)

In psychology and sociology, masking is a defensive behavior in which an individual conceals their natural personality or behavior in response to social pressure, abuse, or harassment. Masking can be strongly influenced by environmental factors such as authoritarian parents, autism, rejection, and emotional, physical, or sexual abuse. Masking can be a behavior individuals adopt subconsciously as coping mechanisms or a trauma response, or it can be a conscious behavior an individual adopts to fit in within perceived societal norms. Masking is interconnected with maintaining performative behavior within social structures and cultures. History Masking has existed since antiquity, with authors like Shakespeare referencing it in fiction long before masking was formally defined and studied within psychology. Frantz Fanon is credited with defining masking in his 1957 Black Skin, White Masks, which describes masking behavior in race relations within the stratified post-war United States. Fanon explains how African-Americans, especially those of low social capital, adopted certain behaviors to resemble white people as well as other behaviors intended to please whites and reinforce the white man's higher social status. The term masking was used to describe the act of concealing disgust by Paul Ekman (1972) and Friesen (1969). It was also thought of as a learned behavior. Developmental studies have shown that this ability begins as early as preschool and improves with age. Masking is mostly used to conceal a negative emotion (usually sadness, frustration, and anger) with a positive emotion or indifferent affect. Causes The social drivers of masking include social discrimination, cultural dominance, and violence. Elizabeth Radulski argues that masking is a cultural performance within Judith Butler's concept of performativity that helps individuals bypass cultural and structural barriers. Situational contexts The causes of masking are highly contextual and situational. Masking may disguise emotions considered socially inappropriate within a situational context, such as anger, jealousy, or rage. Individuals may mask in certain social situations, such as job interviews or dates, or around people of different cultures, identities, or ethnicities. Since different social situations require different performances, individuals often switch masks and exhibit different masking behaviors in different contexts. Code-switching, although associated more with linguistics, also refers to the process of changing one's masking behavior around different cultures in social and cultural anthropology. Contextual factors including relationships with one's conversation partner, social capital (class) differences, location, and social setting are all reasons why an individual would express, suppress, or mask an emotion. There is a gendered disparity in masking behavior; studies show women mask negative emotions to a greater extent than men. According to psychologist Teresa Davis, this may be due to the greater social expectation for conformity placed on female gender roles, causing women to develop the skill to a greater extent than men during childhood socialization. Autistic masking Autistic masking, also referred to as camouflaging, is the conscious or subconscious suppression of autistic behaviors or the compensation of difficulties in social interaction by autistic people with the goal of being perceived as neurotypical. It is a learned coping strategy. Typical examples of autistic masking include the suppression of stimming and meltdowns, a common reaction to sensory overload. To compensate difficulties in social interaction with neurotypical peers, autistic people might maintain eye contact despite discomfort, use rehearsed conversational scripts, or mirror the body language and tone of others. Masking requires an exceptional effort. It is linked with adverse mental health outcomes such as stress, autistic burnout, anxiety and other psychological disorders, loss of identity, and suicidality. Some studies find that compensation strategies are seen as contributing to leading a successful and satisfactory life. Gender Differences Research suggests that there are noticeable differences in social camouflaging between males and females, with the claim that females are more prevalent in masking their personalities in social situations more than men. Due to the autism gender gap, the scenario in which autism within females is not as recognized as it is in males, females often times have a harder time getting a diagnosis of autism at an earlier age, bringing a more pressured conforming to social cues and reciprocity to social situations, leading to higher cases of female autistic individuals masking more often. Not only this, but due to females with ASD (Autism Spectrum Disorder) learning to mask at such early stages of life, many females will remain undiagnosed, or get a late diagnosis of autism. Environment also plays a role in autistic females learning how to mask themselves more than male autistic individuals. Females with ASD have a higher tendency to learn through a series of mimicking others, this would lead ultimately lead to females with ASD learning how to mask as if it was second nature. Consequences Little is known about the effects of masking one's negative emotions. In the workplace, masking leads to feelings of dissonance, insincerity, job dissatisfaction, emotional and physical exhaustion, and self-reported health problems. Some have also reported experiencing somatic symptoms and harmful physiological and cognitive effects as a consequence. Masking bring reports of loneliness from autistic individuals, due to the fact that many are having to suppress their true identity to conform to social standards. Masking can make it difficult to form real connections with other people, followed by statements that many feel as if they have lost their true identity as an autistic individual, feeling as if they are only playing a role for the majority of their lives. Though there are many disadvantages to masking for individuals, many report the benefits masking has brought for them. Such reports stated that individuals felt as if became easier to socialize, to uphold careers, build relationships, and even at times, were able to protect themselves. See also Alter ego Beard (companion) Closet Jew Closeted Defense mechanism Dramaturgy (sociology) Facial Action Coding System Identity formation Minority stress Model minority Passing (sociology) Persona (psychology) Shibboleth Stigma management Undercover References Further reading Deception Personality

Music therapy

Music therapy, an allied health profession, "is the clinical and evidence-based use of music interventions to accomplish individualized goals within a therapeutic relationship by a credentialed professional who has completed an approved music therapy program." It is also a vocation, involving a deep commitment to music and the desire to use it as a medium to help others. Although music therapy has only been established as a profession relatively recently, the connection between music and therapy is not new. Music therapy is a broad field. Music therapists use music-based experiences to address client needs in one or more domains of human functioning: cognitive, academic, emotional/psychological; behavioral; communication; social; physiological (sensory, motor, pain, neurological and other physical systems), spiritual, aesthetics. Music experiences are strategically designed to use the elements of music for therapeutic effects, including melody, harmony, key, mode, meter, rhythm, pitch/range, duration, timbre, form, texture, and instrumentation. Some common music therapy practices include developmental work (communication, motor skills, etc.) with individuals with special needs, songwriting and listening in reminiscence, orientation work with the elderly, processing and relaxation work, and rhythmic entrainment for physical rehabilitation in stroke survivors. Music therapy is used in medical hospitals, cancer centers, schools, alcohol and drug recovery programs, psychiatric hospitals, nursing homes, and correctional facilities. Music therapy is distinctive from Musopathy, which relies on a more generic and non-cultural approach based on neural, physical, and other responses to the fundamental aspects of sound. Music therapy might also be described as Sound Healing. Extensive studies have been made with this description Music therapy aims to provide physical and mental benefit. Music therapists use their techniques to help their patients in many areas, ranging from stress relief before and after surgeries to neuropathologies such as Alzheimer's disease. Studies on patients diagnosed with mental health disorders such as anxiety, depression, and schizophrenia have associated some improvements in mental health after music therapy. The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) have claimed that music therapy is an effective method in helping individuals experiencing mental health issues, and more should be done to offer those in need this type of help. Uses Children and adolescents Music therapy may be suggested for adolescent populations to help manage disorders usually diagnosed in adolescence, such as mood/anxiety disorders and eating disorders, or inappropriate behaviors, including suicide attempts, withdrawal from family, social isolation from peers, aggression, running away, and substance abuse. Goals in treating adolescents with music therapy, especially for those at high risk, often include increased recognition and awareness of emotions and moods, improved decision-making skills, opportunities for creative self expression, decreased anxiety, increased self-confidence, improved self-esteem, and better listening skills. There is some evidence that, when combined with other types of rehabilitation, music therapy may contribute to the success rate of sensorimotor, cognitive, and communicative rehabilitation. For children and adolescents with major depressive or anxiety disorders, there is moderate to low quality evidence that music therapy added to the standard treatment may reduce internalizing symptoms and may be more effective than treatment as usual (without music therapy). Methods Among adolescents, group meetings and individual sessions are the main methods for music therapy. Both methods may include listening to music, discussing concerning moods and emotions in or toward music, analyzing the meanings of specific songs, writing lyrics, composing or performing music, and musical improvisation. Private individual sessions can provide personal attention and are most effective when using music preferred by the patient. Using music that adolescents can relate to or connect with can help adolescent patients view the therapist as safe and trustworthy, and to engage in therapy with less resistance. Music therapy conducted in groups allows adolescent individuals to feel a sense of belonging, express their opinions, learn how to socialize and verbalize appropriately with peers, improve compromising skills, and develop tolerance and empathy. Group sessions that emphasize cooperation and cohesion can be effective in working with adolescents. Music therapy intervention programs typically include about 18 sessions of treatment. The achievement of a physical rehabilitation goal relies on the child's existing motivation and feelings towards music and their commitment to engage in meaningful, rewarding efforts. Regaining full functioning also confides in the prognosis of recovery, the condition of the client, and the environmental resources available. Both techniques use systematic processes where the therapists assist the client by using musical experiences and connections that collaborate as a dynamic force of change toward rehabilitation. Assessment Assessment includes obtaining a full medical history, musical (ability to duplicate a melody or identify changes in rhythm, etc.) and non-musical functioning (social, physical/motor, emotional, etc.). Premature infants Premature infants are those born at 37 weeks after conception or earlier. They are subject to numerous health risks, such as abnormal breathing patterns, decreased body fat and muscle tissue, as well as feeding issues. The coordination for sucking and breathing is often not fully developed, making feeding a challenge. Offering musical therapy to premature infants while they are in the neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) aims to both mask unwanted auditory stimuli, stimulate infant development, and promote a calm environment for families. While there are no reported adverse effects from music therapy, the evidence supporting music therapy's beneficial effects for infants is weak as many of the clinical trials that have been performed either had mixed results or were poorly designed. There is no strong evidence to suggest that music therapy improves an infant's oxygen therapy, improves sucking, or improves development when compared to usual care. There is some weaker evidence that music therapy may decrease an infants' heart rate. There is no evidence to indicate that music therapy reduces anxiety in parents of preterm infants in the NICU or information to understand what type of music therapy may be more beneficial or how for how long. Medical disorders Music may both motivate and provide a sense of distraction. Rhythmic stimuli has been found to help balance training for those with a brain injury. Singing is a form of rehabilitation for neurological impairments. Neurological impairments following a brain injury can be in the form of apraxia – loss to perform purposeful movements, dysarthria, muscle control disturbances (due to damage of the central nervous system), aphasia (defect in expression causing distorted speech), or language comprehension. Singing training has been found to improve lung, speech clarity, and coordination of speech muscles, thus, accelerating rehabilitation of such neurological impairments. For example, melodic intonation therapy is the practice of communicating with others by singing to enhance speech or increase speech production by promoting socialization, and emotional expression. Autism Music may help people with autism hone their motor and attention skills as well as healthy neurodevelopment of socio-communication and interaction skills. Music therapy may also contribute to improved selective attention, speech production, and language processing and acquisition in people with autism. Music therapy may benefit the family as a whole. Some family members of children with autism claim that music therapy sessions have allowed their child to interact more with the family and the world. Music therapy is also beneficial in that it gives children an outlet to use outside of the sessions. Some children after participating in music therapy may want to keep making music long after the sessions end. Heart disease Listening to music may improve heart rate, respiratory rate, and blood pressure in those with coronary heart disease (CHD). Stroke Music may be a useful tool in the recovery of motor skills. Dementia Like many of the other disorders mentioned, some of the most common significant effects of the disorder can be seen in social behaviors, leading to improvements in interaction, conversation, and other such skills. A study of over 330 subjects showed that music therapy produces highly significant improvements in social behaviors, overt behaviors like wandering and restlessness, reductions in agitated behaviors, and improvements to cognitive defects, measured with reality orientation and face recognition tests. The effectiveness of the treatment seems to be strongly dependent on the patient and the quality and length of treatment. A group of adults with dementia participated in group music therapy. In the group, these adults engaged in singing, drumming, improvisation, and movement. Each of these activities engaged the adults in different ways. The singing aided with memory, as these adults improved memorization skills in by taking out specific words in the chorus of a song and by repeating phrases back to the music therapist when the therapist sang a phrase of a song to them. Drumming led to increased socialization of the group, as it allowed the patients collaborate to create particular rhythms. Improvisation allowed the patients to get out of their comfort zone and taught them how to better deal with anxiety. Lastly, movement with either one arm or two increased social interaction between the patients. Another meta-study examined the proposed neurological mechanisms behind music therapy's effects on these patients. Many authors suspect that music has a soothing effect on the patient by affecting how noise is perceived: music renders noise familiar, or buffers the patient from overwhelming or extraneous noise in their environment. Others suggest that music serves as a sort of mediator for social interactions, providing a vessel through which to interact with others without requiring much cognitive load. Aphasia Broca's aphasia, or non-fluent aphasia, is a language disorder caused by damage to Broca's area and surrounding regions in the left frontal lobe. Those with non-fluent aphasia are able to understand language fairly well, but they struggle with language production and syntax. Neurologist Oliver Sacks studied neurological oddities in people, trying to understand how the brain works. He concluded that people with some type of frontal lobe damage often "produced not only severe difficulties with expressive language (aphasia) but a strange access of musicality with incessant whistling, singing and a passionate interest in music. For him, this was an example of normally suppressed brain functions being released by damage to others". Sacks had a genuine interest in trying to help people affected with neurological disorders and other phenomena associated with music, and how it can provide access to otherwise unreachable emotional states, revivify neurological avenues that have been frozen, evoke memories of earlier, lost events or states of being and attempts to bring those with neurological disorders back to a time when the world was much richer for them. He was a firm believer that music has the power to heal. Melodic intonation therapy (MIT), developed in 1973 by neurological researchers Sparks, Helm, and Albert, is a method used by music therapists and speech–language pathologists to help people with communication disorders caused by damage to the left hemisphere of the brain by engaging the singing abilities and possibly engaging language-capable regions in the undamaged right hemisphere. While unable to speak fluently, patients with non-fluent aphasia are often able to sing words, phrases, and even sentences they cannot express otherwise. MIT harnesses the singing ability of patients with non-fluent aphasia as a means to improve their communication. Although its exact nature depends on the therapist, in general MIT relies on the use of intonation (the rising and falling of the voice) and rhythm (beat/speed) to train patients to produce phrases verbally. In MIT, common words and phrases are turned into melodic phrases, generally starting with two step sing-song patterns and eventually emulating typical speech intonation and rhythmic patterns. A therapist will usually begin by introducing an intonation to their patient through humming. They will accompany this humming with a rhythm produced by the tapping of the left hand. At the same time, the therapist will introduce a visual stimuli of the written phrase to be learned. The therapist then sings the phrase with the patient, and ideally the patient is eventually able to sing the phrase on their own. With much repetition and through a process of "inner-rehearsal" (practicing internally hearing one's voice singing), a patient may eventually be able to produce the phrase verbally without singing. As the patient advances in therapy, the procedure can be adapted to give them more autonomy and to teach them more complex phrases. Through the use of MIT, a non-fluent aphasic patient can be taught numerous phrases which aid them to communicate and function during daily life. The mechanisms of this success are yet to be fully understood. It is commonly agreed that while speech is lateralized mostly to the left hemisphere (for right-handed and most left-handed individuals), some speech functionality is also distributed in the right hemisphere. MIT is thought to stimulate these right language areas through the activation of music processing areas also in the right hemisphere Similarly, the rhythmic tapping of the left hand stimulates the right sensorimotor cortex to further engage the right hemisphere in language production. Overall, by stimulating the right hemisphere during language tasks, therapists hope to decrease dependence on the left hemisphere for language production. While results are somewhat contradictory, studies have in fact found increased right hemispheric activation in non-fluent aphasic patients after MIT. This change in activation has been interpreted as evidence of decreased dependence on the left hemisphere. There is debate, however, as to whether changes in right hemispheric activation are part of the therapeutic process during/after MIT, or are simply a side effect of non-fluent aphasia. In hopes of making MIT more effective, researchers are continually studying the mechanisms of MIT and non-fluent aphasia. Cancer There is tentative evidence that music interventions led by a trained music therapist may have positive effects on psychological and physical outcomes in adults with cancer. The effectiveness of music therapy for children with cancer is not known. Mental health There is weak evidence to suggest that people with schizophrenia may benefit from the addition of music therapy along with their other standard treatment regieme. Potential improvements include decreased aggression, less hallucinations and delusions, social functioning, and quality of life of people with schizophrenia or schizophrenia-like disorders. In addition, moderate-to-low-quality evidence suggests that music therapy as an addition to standard care improves the global state, mental state (including negative and general symptoms). Further research using standardized music therapy programs and consistent monitoring protocols are necessary to understand the effectiveness of this approach for adults with schizophrenia. Music therapy may be a useful tool for helping treat people with post-traumatic stress disorder however more rigorous empirical study is required. For adults with depressive symptoms, there is some weak evidence to suggest that music therapy may help reduce symptoms and recreative music therapy and guided imagery and music being superior to other methods in reducing depressive symptoms. In the use of music therapy for adults, there is "music medicine" which is called for listening to prerecorded music as treated like a medicine. Music Therapy also uses "Receptive music therapy" using "music-assisted relaxation" and using images connecting to the music. There is some discussion on the process of change facilitated by musical activities on mental wellness. Scholars proposed a six-dimensional framework, which contains emotional, psychological, social, cognitive, behavioral and spiritual aspects. Through conducting interview sessions with mental health service users (with mood disorders, anxiety disorders, schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders), their study showed the relevance of the six-dimensional framework. Impact on general mental health Music therapy has been used to help bring improvements to mental health among people of all age groups. It has been used as far back as the 1830s. One example of a mental hospital that used music therapy to aid in the healing process of their patients includes the Hanwell Lunatic Asylum. This mental hospital provided "music and movement sessions and musical performances" as well as "group and individual music therapy for patients with serious mental illness or emotional problems." Two main categories of music therapy were used in this study; analytic music therapy and Nordoff-Robbins music therapy. Analytic music therapy involves both words and music, while Nordoff-Robbins music therapy places great emphasis on assessing how clients react to music therapy and how the use of this type of therapy can be constantly altered and shifted to allow it to benefit the client the most. Bereavement The DSM-IV TR (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders) lists bereavement as a mental health diagnosis when the focus of clinical attention is related to the loss of a loved one and when symptoms of Major Depressive Disorder are present for up to two months. Music therapy models have been found to be successful in treating grief and bereavement (Rosner, Kruse & Hagl, 2010).In many countries, including the United States, music therapists do not diagnose, therefore diagnosing a bereavement-related disorder would not be within their scope of practice. Grief treatment for adolescents Grief treatment is very valuable within the adolescent age group. Just as adults and the elderly struggle with grief from loss, relationship issues, job-related stress, and financial issues, so do adolescents also experience grief from disappointments that occur early on in life, however different these disappointing life events may be. For example, many people of adolescent age experience life-altering events such as parental divorce, trauma from emotional or physical abuse, struggles within school, and loss. If this grief is not acted upon early on through the use of some kind of therapy, it can alter the entire course of an adolescent's life. In one particular study on the impact of music therapy on grief management within adolescents used songwriting to allow these adolescents to express what they were feeling through lyrics and instrumentals. In the article Development of the Grief Process Scale through music therapy songwriting with bereaved adolescents, the results of the study demonstrate that in all of the treatment groups combined, the mean GPS (grief process scale) score decreased by 43%. The use of music therapy songwriting allowed these adolescents to become less overwhelmed with grief and better able to process it as demonstrated by the decrease in mean GPS score. Empirical evidence Since 2017, providing evidence-based practice is becoming more and more important and music therapy has been continuously critiqued and regulated to provide that desired evidence-based practice. A number of research studies and meta-analyses have been conducted on, or included, music therapy and all have found that music therapy has at least some promising effects, especially when used for the treatment of grief and bereavement. The AMTA has largely supported the advancement of music therapy through research that would promote evidenced-based practice. With the definition of evidence-based health care as "the conscientious use of current best evidence in making decisions about the care of individual patients or the delivery of health services, current best evidence is up-to-date information from relevant, valid research about the effects of different forms of health care, the potential for harm from exposure to particular agents, the accuracy of diagnostic tests, and the predictive power of prognostic factors". Both qualitative and quantitative studies have been completed and both have provided evidence to support music therapy in the use of bereavement treatment. One study that evaluated a number of treatment approaches found that only music therapy had significant positive outcomes where the others showed little improvement in participants (Rosner, Kruse & Hagl, 2010). Furthermore, a pilot study, which consisted of an experimental and control group, examined the effects of music therapy on mood and behaviors in the home and school communities. It was found that there was a significant change in grief symptoms and behaviors with the experimental group in the home, but conversely found that there was no significant change in the experimental group in the school community, despite the fact that mean scores on the Depression Self-Rating Index and the Behavior Rating Index decreased (Hilliard, 2001). Yet another study completed by Russel Hilliard (2007), looked at the effects of Orff-based music therapy and social work groups on childhood grief symptoms and behaviors. Using a control group that consisted of wait-listed clients, and employing the Behavior Rating Index for Children and the bereavement Group Questionnaire for Parents and Guardians as measurement tools, it was found that children who were in the music therapy group showed significant improvement in grief symptoms and also showed some improvement in behaviors compared to the control group, whereas the social work group also showed significant improvement in both grief and behaviors compared to the control group. The study concludes with support for music therapy as a medium from bereavement groups for children (Hilliard, 2007). Though there has been research done on music therapy, and though the use of it has been evaluated, there remain a number of limitations in these studies and further research should be completed before absolute conclusions are made, though the results of using music therapy in the treatment have consistently shown to be positive. Music therapy practice is working together with clients, through music, to promote healthy change (Bruscia, 1998). The American Music Therapy Association (AMTA) has defined the practice of music therapy as "a behavioral science concerned with changing unhealthy behaviors and replacing them with more adaptive ones through the use of musical stimuli". Interventions Though music therapy practice employs a large number of intervention techniques, some of the most commonly used interventions include improvisation, therapeutic singing, therapeutic instrumental music playing, music-facilitated reminiscence and life review, songwriting, music-facilitated relaxation, and lyric analysis. While there has been no conclusive research done on the comparison of interventions (Jones, 2005; Silverman, 2008; Silverman & Marcionetti, 2004), the use of particular interventions is individualized to each client based upon thorough assessment of needs, and the effectiveness of treatment may not rely on the type of intervention (Silverman, 2009). Improvisation in music therapy allows for clients to make up, or alter, music as they see fit. While improvisation is an intervention in a methodical practice, it does allow for some freedom of expression, which is what it is often used for. Improvisation has several other clinical goals as well, which can also be found on the Improvisation in music therapy page, such as: facilitating verbal and nonverbal communication, self-exploration, creating intimacy, teamwork, developing creativity, and improving cognitive skills. Building on these goals, Botello and Krout designed a cognitive behavioral application to assess and improve communication in couples. Further research is needed before the use of improvisation is conclusively proven to be effective in this application, but there were positive signs in this study of its use. Singing or playing an instrument is often used to help clients express their thoughts and feelings in a more structured manner than improvisation and can also allow participation with only limited knowledge of music. Singing in a group can facilitate a sense of community and can also be used as group ritual to structure a theme of the group or of treatment (Krout, 2005). Research that compares types of music therapy intervention has been inconclusive. Music Therapists use lyric analysis in a variety of ways, but typically lyric analysis is used to facilitate dialogue with clients based on the lyrics, which can then lead to discussion that addresses the goals of therapy. Types of music therapy Two fundamental types of music therapy are receptive music therapy and active music therapy (also known as expressive music therapy). Active music therapy engages clients or patients in the act of making music, whereas receptive music therapy guides patients or clients in listening or responding to live or recorded music. Either or both can lead to verbal discussions, depending on client needs and the therapist's orientation. Receptive Receptive music therapy involves listening to recorded or live genres of music such as classical, rock, jazz, and/or country music. In Receptive music therapy, patients are the recipient of the music experience, meaning that they are actively listening and responding to the music rather than creating it. During music sessions, patients participate in song discussion, music relaxation, and are given the ability to listen to their preferred music genre. It can improve mood, decrease stress, decrease pain, enhance relaxation, and decrease anxiety; this can help with coping skills. There is also evidence of biochemical changes (e.g., lowered cortisol levels). Active In active music therapy, patients engage in some form of music-making (e.g., vocalizing, rapping, chanting, singing, playing instruments, improvising, song writing, composing, or conducting). Researchers at Baylor, Scott, and White Universities are studying the effect of harmonica playing on patients with COPD to determine if it helps improve lung function. Another example of active music therapy takes place in a nursing home in Japan: therapists teach the elderly how to play easy-to-use instruments so they can overcome physical difficulties. Models and approaches Music therapist Kenneth Bruscia stated "A model is a comprehensive approach to assessment, treatment, and evaluation that includes theoretical principles, clinical indications and contraindications, goals, methodological guidelines and specifications, and the characteristic use of certain procedural sequences and techniques." In the literature, the terms model, orientation, or approach might be encountered and may have slightly different meanings. Regardless, music therapists use both psychology models and models specific to music therapy. The theories these models are based on include beliefs about human needs, causes of distress, and how humans grow or heal. Models developed specifically for music therapy include analytical music therapy, Benenzon, the Bonny Method of Guided Imagery and Music (GIM), community music therapy, Nordoff-Robbins music therapy (creative music therapy), neurologic music therapy, and vocal psychotherapy. Psychological orientations used in music therapy include psychodynamic, cognitive behavioral, humanistic, existential, and the biomedical model. The Bonny Method of Guided Imagery and Music To be trained in this method, students are required to be healthcare professionals. Some courses are only open to music therapists and mental health professionals. Music educator and therapist Helen Lindquist Bonny (1921–2010) developed an approach influenced by humanistic and transpersonal psychological views, known as the Bonny Method of guided imagery in music (BGIM or GIM). Guided imagery refers to a technique used in natural and alternative medicine that involves using mental imagery to help with the physiological and psychological ailments of patients. The practitioner often suggests a relaxing and focusing image, and through the use of imagination and discussion, they aim to find constructive solutions to manage their problems. Bonny applied this psychotherapeutic method to the field of music therapy by using music as the means of guiding the patient to a higher state of consciousness where healing and constructive self-awareness can take place. Music is considered a "co-therapist" because of its importance. GIM with children can be used in one-on-one or group settings, and involves relaxation techniques, identification and sharing of personal feeling states, and improvisation to discover the self, and foster growth. The choice of music is carefully selected for the client based on their musical preferences and the goals of the session. The piece is usually classical, and it must reflect the age and attention abilities of the child in length and genre. A full explanation of the exercises must be offered at their level of understanding. Nordoff-Robbins Paul Nordoff, a Juilliard School graduate and Professor of Music, was a pianist and composer who, upon seeing disabled children respond so positively to music, gave up his academic career to further investigate the possibility of music as a means for therapy. Clive Robbins, a special educator, partnered with Nordoff for over 17 years in the exploration and research of music's effects on disabled children—first in the UK, and then in the United States in the 1950s and 60s. Their pilot projects included placements at care units for autistic children and child psychiatry departments, where they put programs in place for children with mental disorders, emotional disturbances, developmental delays, and other handicaps. Their success at establishing a means of communication and relationship with children with cognitive impairments at the University of Pennsylvania gave rise to the National Institutes of Health's first grant given of this nature, and the 5-year study "Music therapy project for psychotic children under seven at the day care unit" involved research, publication, training and treatment. Several publications, including Therapy in Music for Handicapped Children, Creative Music Therapy, Music Therapy in Special Education, as well as instrumental and song books for children, were released during this time. Nordoff and Robbins's success became known globally in the mental health community, and they were invited to share their findings and offer training on an international tour that lasted several years. Funds were granted to support the founding of the Nordoff Robbins Music Therapy Centre in Great Britain in 1974, where a one-year graduate program for students was implemented. In the early eighties, a center was opened in Australia, and various programs and institutes for music therapy were founded in Germany and other countries. In the United States, the Nordoff-Robbins Center for Music Therapy was established at New York University in 1989 Today, Nordoff-Robbins is a music therapy Theoretical Model / Approach. The Nordoff-Robbins approach, based on the belief that everyone is capable of finding meaning in and benefiting from musical experience, is now practiced by hundreds of therapists internationally. This approach focuses on treatment through the creation of music by both therapist and client together. The therapist uses various techniques so that even the most low functioning individuals can actively participate. Orff Gertrude Orff developed Orff Music Therapy at the Kinderzentrum München. Both the clinical setting of social pediatrics and the Orff Schulwerk (schoolwork) approach in music education (developed by German composer Carl Orff) influence this method, which is used with children with developmental problems, delays, and disabilities. Theodor Hellbrügge developed the area of social pediatrics in Germany after the Second World War. He understood that medicine alone could not meet the complex needs of developmentally disabled children. Hellbrügge consulted psychologists, occupational therapists and other mental healthcare professionals whose knowledge and skills could aid in the diagnostics and treatment of children. Gertrude Orff was asked to develop a form of therapy based on the Orff Schulwerk approach to support the emotional development of patients. Elements found in both the music therapy and education approaches include the understanding of holistic music presentation as involving word, sound and movement, the use of both music and play improvisation as providing a creative stimulus for the child to investigate and explore, Orff instrumentation, including keyboard instruments and percussion instruments as a means of participation and interaction in a therapeutic setting, and the multisensory aspects of music used by the therapist to meet the particular needs of the child, such as both feeling and hearing sound. Corresponding with the attitudes of humanistic psychology, the developmental potential of the child, as in the acknowledgement of their strengths as well as their handicaps, and the importance of the therapist-child relationship, are central factors in Orff music therapy. The strong emphasis on social integration and the involvement of parents in the therapeutic process found in social pediatrics also influence theoretical foundations. Knowledge of developmental psychology puts into perspective how developmental disabilities influence the child, as do their social and familial environments. The basis for interaction in this method is known as responsive interaction, in which the therapist meets the child at their level and responds according to their initiatives, combining both humanistic and developmental psychology philosophies. Involving the parents in this type of interaction by having them participate directly or observe the therapist's techniques equips the parents with ideas of how to interact appropriately with their child, thus fostering a positive parent-child relationship. Cultural aspects Through the ages music has been an integral component of rituals, ceremonies, healing practices, and spiritual and cultural traditions. Further, Michael Bakan, author of World Music: Traditions and Transformations, states that "Music is a mode of cultural production and can reveal much about how the culture works," something ethnomusicologists study. Cultural considerations in music therapy services, education, and research The 21st century is a culturally pluralistic world. In some countries, such as the United States, an individual may have multiple cultural identities that are quite different from the music therapist's. These include race; ethnicity, culture, and/or heritage; religion; sex; ability/disability; education; or socioeconomic status. Music therapists strive to achieve multicultural competence through a lifelong journey of formal and informal education and self-reflection. Multicultural therapy "uses modalities and defines goals consistent with the life experiences and cultural values of clients" rather than basing therapy on the therapist's worldview or the dominant culture's norms. Empathy in general is an important aspect of any mental health practitioner and the same is true for music therapists, as is multicultural awareness. It is the added complexity to cultural empathy that comes from adding music that provides both the greater risk and potential to provide exceptional culturally sensitive therapy (Valentino, 2006). An extensive knowledge of a culture is really needed to provide this effective treatment as providing culturally sensitive music therapy goes beyond knowing the language of speech, the country, or even some background about the culture. Simply choosing music that is from the same country of origin or that has the same spoken language is not effective for providing music therapy as music genres vary as do the messages each piece of music sends. Also, different cultures view and use music in various ways and may not always be the same as how the therapist views and uses music. Melody Schwantes and her colleagues wrote an article that describes the effective use of the Mexican "corrido" in a bereavement group of Mexican migrant farm workers (Schwantes, Wigram, Lipscomb & Richards, 2011). This support group was dealing with the loss of two of their coworkers after an accident they were in and so the corrido, a song form traditionally used for telling stories of the deceased. An important element that was also mentioned was that songwriting has shown to be a large cultural artifact in many cultures, and that there are many subtle messages and thoughts provided in songs that would otherwise be hard to identify. Lastly, the authors of this study stated that "Given the position and importance of songs in all cultures, the example in this therapeutic process demonstrates the powerful nature of lyrics and music to contain and express difficult and often unspoken feelings" (Schwantes et al., 2011). Usage by region African continent In 1999, the first program for music therapy in Africa opened in Pretoria, South Africa. Research has shown that in Tanzania patients can receive palliative care for life-threatening illnesses directly after the diagnosis of these illnesses. This is different from many Western countries, because they reserve palliative care for patients who have an incurable illness. Music is also viewed differently between Africa and Western countries. In Western countries and a majority of other countries throughout the world, music is traditionally seen as entertainment whereas in many African cultures, music is used in recounting stories, celebrating life events, or sending messages. Australia Music for healing in ancient times One of the first groups known to heal with sound were the aboriginal people of Australia. The modern name of their healing tool is the didgeridoo, but it was originally called the yidaki. The yidaki produced sounds that are similar to the sound healing techniques used in modern day. The sound of the didgeridoo produces a low, bass frequency. For at least 40,000 years, the healing tool was believed to assist in healing "broken bones, muscle tears and illnesses of every kind". However, here are no reliable sources stating the didgeridoo's exact age. Archaeological studies of rock art in Northern Australia suggest that the people of the Kakadu region of the Northern Territory have been using the didgeridoo for less than 1,000 years, based on the dating of paintings on cave walls and shelters from this period. A clear rock painting in Ginga Wardelirrhmeng, on the northern edge of the Arnhem Land plateau, from the freshwater period (that had begun 1500 years ago) shows a didgeridoo player and two songmen participating in an Ubarr ceremony. In modern times – an allied health profession 1949 in Australia, music therapy (not clinical music therapy as understood today) was started through concerts organized by the Australian Red Cross along with a Red Cross Music Therapy Committee. The key Australian body, the Australian Music Therapy Association (AMTA), was founded in 1975. Canada History: c. 1940 – present For earlier history related to Western traditions, see sub-section. In 1956, Fran Herman, one of Canada's music therapy pioneers, began a 'remedial music' program at the Home For Incurable Children, now known as the Holland Bloorview Kids Rehabilitation Hospital, in Toronto. Her group 'The Wheelchair Players' continued until 1964, and is considered to be the first music therapy group project in Canada. Its production "The Emperor's Nightingale" was the subject of a documentary film. Composer/pianist Alfred Rosé, a professor at the University of Western Ontario, also pioneered the use of music therapy in London, Ontario, at Westminster Hospital in 1952 and at the London Psychiatric Hospital in 1956. Two other music therapy programs were initiated during the 1950s; one by Norma Sharpe at St. Thomas Psychiatric Hospital in St. Thomas, Ontario, and the other by Thérèse Pageau at the Hôpital St-Jean-de-Dieu (now Hôpital Louis-Hippolyte Lafontaine) in Montreal. A conference in August 1974, organized by Norma Sharpe and six other music therapists, led to the founding of the Canadian Music Therapy Association, which was later renamed the Canadian Association for Music Therapy (CAMT). As of 2009, the organization had over 500 members. Canada's first music therapy training program was founded in 1976, at Capilano College (now Capilano University) in North Vancouver, by Nancy McMaster and Carolyn Kenny. China The relationship between music therapy and health has long been documented in ancient China. It is said that in ancient times, really good traditional Chinese medicine did not use acupuncture or traditional Chinese medicine, but music: at the end of a song, people were safe when they were discharged. As early as before the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, the Yellow Emperor's Canon of internal medicine believed that the five tones (Palace, Shang, horn, emblem and feather) belonged to the five elements (gold, wood, water, fire and earth), and were associated with five basic emotions (joy, anger, worry, thought and fear), that is, the five chronicles. Different music such as palace, Shang, horn, micro and feather were used to target different diseases. More than 2000 years ago, the book Yue Ji also talked about the important role of music in regulating life harmony and improving health; "Zuo Zhuan" recorded the famous doctors of the state of Qin and the discussion that music can prevent and treat diseases: "there are six or seven days, the hair is colorless, the emblem is five colors, and sex produces six diseases." It is emphasized that silence should be controlled and appropriate in order to have a beneficial regulating effect on the human body; The book "the soul and the body flow, the spirit also flows"; Zhang Jingyue and Xu Lingtai, famous medical experts in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, also specially discussed phonology and medicine in the "classics with wings" and "Yuefu Chuansheng". For example, Liu Xueyu, one of the emperors of the Tang Dynasty, cured some stubborn diseases through the records of music in the Tang Dynasty. Chinese contemporary music therapy began in the 1980s. In 1984, Professor Zhang Boyuan of the Department of psychology of Peking University published the experimental report on the research of physical and mental defense of music, which was the first published scientific research article on music therapy in China; In 1986, Professor Gao Tian of Beijing Conservatory of music published his paper "Research on the relieving effect of music on pain"; In 1989, the Chinese society of therapeutics was officially established; In 1994, pukaiyuan published his monograph music therapy; In 1995, he Huajun and Lu Tingzhu published a monograph music therapy; In 2000, Zhang Hongyi edited and published fundamentals of music therapy; In 2002, fan Xinsheng edited and published music therapy; In 2007, Gao Tian edited and published the basic theory of music therapy. In short, Chinese music therapy has made rapid progress in theoretical research, literature review and clinical research. In addition, the music therapy methods under the guidance of ancient Chinese music therapy theory and traditional Chinese medicine theory with a long history have attracted worldwide attention. The prospect of Chinese music therapy is broad. Germany The Germany Music Therapy Society defines music therapy as the "targeted use of music as part of a therapeutic relationship to restore, maintain and promote mental, physical and cognitive health []." India The roots of musical therapy in India can be traced back to ancient Hindu mythology, Vedic texts, and local folk traditions. It is very possible that music therapy has been used for hundreds of years in Indian culture. In the 1990s, another dimension to this, known as Musopathy, was postulated by Indian musician Chitravina Ravikiran based on fundamental criteria derived from acoustic physics. The Indian Association of Music Therapy was established in 2010 by Dr. Dinesh C. Sharma with a motto "to use pleasant sounds in a specific manner like drug in due course of time as green medicine". He also published the International Journal of Music Therapy (ISSN 2249-8664) to popularize and promote music therapy research on an international platform. Suvarna Nalapat has studied music therapy in the Indian context. Her books Nadalayasindhu-Ragachikitsamrutam (2008), Music Therapy in Management Education and Administration (2008) and Ragachikitsa (2008) are accepted textbooks on music therapy and Indian arts. The Music Therapy Trust of India is another venture in the country. It was started by Margaret Lobo. She is the founder and director of the Otakar Kraus Music Trust and her work began in 2004. Lebanon In 2006, Hamda Farhat introduced music therapy to Lebanon, developing and inventing therapeutic methods such as the triple method to treat hyperactivity, depression, anxiety, addiction, and post traumatic stress disorder. She has met with great success in working with many international organizations, and in the training of therapists, educators, and doctors. The Lebanese Association Of Music Therapy L.A.M.T ref number 65 is the only reference at Lebanon, the president Dr Hamda farhat, members administer Dr Antoine chartouni, Dr Elia Francis Safi TRAINING and Formation Norway Norway is recognized as an important country for music therapy research. Its two major research centers are the Center for Music and Health with the Norwegian Academy of Music in Oslo, and the Grieg Academy Centre for Music Therapy (GAMUT), at University of Bergen. The former was mostly developed by professor Even Ruud, while professor Brynjulf Stige is largely responsible for cultivating the latter. The center in Bergen has 18 staff, including 2 professors and 4 associate professors, as well as lecturers and PhD students. Two of the field's major international research journals are based in Bergen: Nordic Journal for Music Therapy and Voices: A World Forum for Music Therapy. Norway's main contribution to the field is mostly in the area of "community music therapy", which tends to be as much oriented toward social work as individual psychotherapy, and music therapy research from this country uses a wide variety of methods to examine diverse methods across an array of social contexts, including community centers, medical clinics, retirement homes, and prisons. Nigeria The origins of Musical therapy practices in Nigeria is unknown, however the country is identified to have a lengthy lineage and history of musical therapy being utilized throughout the culture. The most common people associated with music therapy are herbalists, Witch doctors, and faith healers according to Professor Charles O. Aluede of Ambrose Alli University (Ekpoma, Edo State, Nigeria). Applying music and thematic sounds to the healing process is believed to help the patient overcome true sickness in his/her mind which then will seemingly cure the disease. Another practice involving music is called "Igbeuku", a religious practice performed by faith healers. In the practice of Igbeuku, patients are persuaded to confess their sins which cause themselves serve discomfort. Following a confession, patients feel emotionally relieved because the priest has announced them clean and subjected them to a rigorous dancing exercise. The dancing exercise is a "thank you" for the healing and tribute to the spiritual greater beings. The dance is accompanied by music and can be included among the unorthodox medical practices of Nigerian culture. While most of the music therapy practices come in the medical field, musical therapy is often used in the passing of a loved one. The use of song and dance in a funeral setting is very common across the continent but especially in Nigeria. Songs allude to the idea the finally resting place is Hades (hell). The music helps alleviate the sorrows felt by the family members and friends of the lost loved one. Along with music therapy being a practice for funeral events, it is also implemented to those dying as a last resort tactic of healing. The Esan of Edo State of Nigeria, in particular, herbalists perform practices with an Oko – a small aerophone made of elephant tusk which is blown into dying patients' ears to resuscitate them. Nigeria is full of interesting cultural practices in which contribute a lot to the music therapy world. South Africa There are longstanding traditions of music healing, which in some ways may be very different than music therapy. Mercédès Pavlicevic (1955–2018), an international music therapist, along with Kobie Temmingh, pioneered the music therapy program at the University of Pretoria, which debuted with a master's degree program in 1999. She noted the differences in longstanding traditions and other ways of viewing healing or music. A Nigerian colleague felt "that music in Africa is healing, and what is music therapy other than some colonial import?" Pavlicevic noted that "in Africa there is a long tradition of music healing" and asked "Can there be a synthesis of these two music-based practices towards something new?... I am not altogether convinced that African music healing and music therapy are especially closely related [emphasis added]. But I am utterly convinced that music therapy can learn an enormous amount from the African worldview and from music-making in Africa – rather than from African music-healing as such." The South African Music Therapy Association can provide information to the public about music therapy or educational programs in South Africa. South Africa was selected to host the 16th World Congress of Music Therapy in July 2020, a triennial World Federation of Music Therapy event. Due to the coronavirus pandemic (SARS-CoV-2) the congress was moved to an online event. United States Credential National board certification (current as of 2021): MT-BC (Music Therapist-Board Certified, also written as Board Certified Music Therapist) State license or registration: varies by state, see below The credentials listed below were previously conferred by the former national organizations AAMT and NAMT; these credentials have not been available since 1998. CMT (Certified Music Therapist) ACMT (Advanced Certified Music Therapist) RMT (Registered Music Therapist). There are other countries that use RMT as a credential, such as Australia, that is different from the U.S. credential. The states of Georgia, Illinois, Iowa, Maryland, North Dakota, Nevada, New Jersey, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, and Virginia have established licenses for music therapists, while in Wisconsin, music therapists must be registered, and in Utah hold state certification. In the State of New York, the Creative Arts Therapy license (LCAT) incorporates the music therapy credential within their licensure, a mental health license that requires a master's degree and post-graduate supervision. The states of California and Connecticut have title protection for music therapists, meaning only those with the MT-BC credential can use the title "Board Certified Music Therapist". Professional association The American Music Therapy Association (AMTA). Education Publication on music therapy education and training has been detailed in both single author (Goodman, 2011) and edited (Goodman, 2015, 2023) volumes. The register of the European Music Therapy Confederation lists all educational training programs throughout Europe. A music therapy degree candidate can earn an undergraduate, master's or doctoral degree in music therapy. Many AMTA approved programs in the United States offer equivalency and certificate degrees in music therapy for students that have completed a degree in a related field. Some practicing music therapists have held PhDs either in music therapy or in fields related to music therapy. A music therapist typically incorporates music therapy techniques with broader clinical practices such as psychotherapy, rehabilitation, and other practices depending on client needs. Music therapy services rendered within the context of a social service, educational, or health care agency are often reimbursable by insurance or other sources of funding for individuals with certain needs. A degree in music therapy requires proficiency in guitar, piano, voice, music theory, music history, reading music, improvisation, as well as varying levels of skill in assessment, documentation, and other counseling and health care skills depending on the focus of the particular university's program. 1200 hours of clinical experience are required, some of which are gained during an approximately six-month internship that takes place after all other degree requirements are met. After successful completion of educational requirements, including internship, music therapists can apply to take, take, and pass the Board Certification Examination in Music Therapy. Board Certification Examination in Music Therapy The current national credential is MT-BC (Music Therapist-Board Certified). It is not required in all states. To be eligible to apply to take the Board Certification Examination in Music Therapy, an individual must successfully complete a music therapy degree from a program accredited by AMTA at a college or university (or have a bachelor's degree and complete all of the music therapy course requirements from an accredited program), which includes successfully completing a music therapy internship. To maintain the credential, 100 units of continuing education must be completed every five years. The board exam is created by and administered through The Certification Board for Music Therapists. History: –present For earlier history related to Western traditions, see sub-section. From a western viewpoint, music therapy in the 20th and 21st centuries (as of 2021), as an evidence-based, allied healthcare profession, grew out of the aftermath of World Wars I and II, when, particularly in the United Kingdom and United States, musicians would travel to hospitals and play music for soldiers suffering from with war-related emotional and physical trauma. Using music to treat the mental and physical ailments of active duty military and veterans was not new. Its use was recorded during the U.S. Civil War and Florence Nightingale used it a decade earlier in the Crimean War. Despite research data, observations by doctors and nurses, praise from patients, and willing musicians, it was difficult to vastly increase music therapy services or establish lasting music therapy education programs or organizations in the early 20th century. However, many of the music therapy leaders of this time period provided music therapy during WWI or to its veterans. These were pioneers in the field such as Eva Vescelius, musician, author, 1903 founder of the short-lived National Therapeutic Society of New York and the 1913 Music and Health journal, and creator/teacher of a musicotherapy course; Margaret Anderton, pianist, WWI music therapy provider for Canadian soldiers, a strong believer in training for music therapists, and 1919 Columbia University musicotherapy teacher; Isa Maud Ilsen, a nurse and musician who was the American Red Cross Director of Hospital Music in WWI reconstruction hospitals, 1919 Columbia University musicotherapy teacher, 1926 founder of the National Association for Music in Hospitals, and author; and Harriet Ayer Seymour, music therapist to WWI veterans, author, researcher, lecturer/teacher, founder of the National Foundation for Music Therapy in 1941, author of the first music therapy textbook published in the US. Several physicians also promoted music as a therapeutic agent during this time period. In the 1940s, changes in philosophy regarding care of psychiatric patients as well as the influx of WWII veterans in Veterans Administration hospitals renewed interest in music programs for patients. Many musicians volunteered to provide entertainment and were primarily assigned to perform on psychiatric wards. Positive changes in patients' mental and physical health were noted by nurses. The volunteer musicians, many of whom had degrees in music education, becoming aware of the powerful effects music could have on patients realized that specialized training was necessary. The first music therapy bachelor's degree program was established in 1944 with three others and one master's degree program quickly following: "Michigan State College [now a University] (1944), the University of Kansas [master's degree only] (1946), the College of the Pacific (1947), The Chicago Musical College (1948) and Alverno College (1948)." The National Association for Music Therapy (NAMT), a professional association, was formed in 1950. In 1956 the first music therapy credential in the US, Registered Music Therapist (RMT), was instituted by the NAMT. The American Music Therapy Association (AMTA) was founded in 1998 as a merger between the National Association for Music Therapy (NAMT, founded in 1950) and the American Association for Music Therapy (AAMT, founded in 1971). United Kingdom Live music was used in hospitals after both World Wars as part of the treatment program for recovering soldiers. Clinical music therapy in Britain as it is understood today was pioneered in the 1960s and 1970s by French cellist Juliette Alvin whose influence on the current generation of British music therapy lecturers remains strong. Mary Priestley, one of Juliette Alvin's students, created "analytical music therapy". The Nordoff-Robbins approach to music therapy developed from the work of Paul Nordoff and Clive Robbins in the 1950/60s. Practitioners are registered with the Health Professions Council and, starting from 2007, new registrants must normally hold a master's degree in music therapy. There are master's level programs in music therapy in Manchester, Bristol, Cambridge, South Wales, Edinburgh and London, and there are therapists throughout the UK. The professional body in the UK is the British Association for Music Therapy In 2002, the World Congress of Music Therapy, coordinated and promoted by the World Federation of Music Therapy, was held in Oxford on the theme of Dialogue and Debate. In November 2006, Dr. Michael J. Crawford and his colleagues again found that music therapy helped the outcomes of schizophrenic patients. Military: active duty, veterans, family members History Music therapy finds its roots in the military. The United States Department of War issued Technical Bulletin 187 in 1945, which described the use of music in the recovery of military service members in Army hospitals. The use of music therapy in military settings started to flourish and develop following World War II and research and endorsements from both the United States Army and the Surgeon General of the United States. Although these endorsements helped music therapy develop, there was still a recognized need to assess the true viability and value of music as a medically based therapy. Walter Reed Army Medical Center and the Office of the Surgeon General worked together to lead one of the earliest assessments of a music therapy program. The goal of the study was to understand whether "music presented according to a specific plan" influenced recovery among service members with mental and emotional disorders. Eventually, case reports in reference to this study relayed not only the importance but also the impact of music therapy services in the recovery of military service personnel. The first university sponsored music therapy course was taught by Margaret Anderton in 1919 at Columbia University. Anderton's clinical specialty was working with wounded Canadian soldiers during World War II, using music-based services to aid in their recovery process. Today, Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom have both presented an array of injuries; however, the two signature injuries are post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and traumatic brain injury (TBI). These two signature injuries are increasingly common among millennial military service members and in music therapy programs. A person diagnosed with PTSD can associate a memory or experience with a song they have heard. This can result in either good or bad experiences. If it is a bad experience, the song's rhythm or lyrics can bring out the person's anxiety or fear response. If it is a good experience, the song can bring feelings of happiness or peace which could bring back positive emotions. Either way, music can be used as a tool to bring emotions forward and help the person cope with them. Methods Music therapists work with active duty military personnel, veterans, service members in transition, and their families. Music therapists strive to engage clients in music experiences that foster trust and complete participation over the course of their treatment process. Music therapists use an array of music-centered tools, techniques, and activities when working with military-associated clients, many of which are similar to the techniques used in other music therapy settings. These methods include, but are not limited to: group drumming, listening, singing, and songwriting. Songwriting is a particularly effective tool with military veterans struggling with PTSD and TBI as it creates a safe space to, "... work through traumatic experiences, and transform traumatic memories into healthier associations". Programs Music therapy in the military is seen in programs on military bases, VA healthcare facilities, military treatment facilities, and military communities. Music therapy programs have a large outreach because they exist for all phases of military life: pre-mobilization, deployment, post-deployment, recovery (in the case of injury), and among families of fallen military service personnel. The Exceptional Family Member Program (EFMP) also exists to provide music therapy services to active duty military families who have a family member with a developmental, physical, emotional, or intellectual disorder. Currently, programs at the Davis–Monthan Air Force Base, Resounding Joy, Inc., and the Music Institute of Chicago partner with EFMP services to provide music therapy services to eligible military family members. Music therapy programs primarily target active duty military members and their treatment facility to provide reconditioning among members convalescing in Army hospitals. Although, music therapy programs not only benefit the military but rather a wide range of clients including the U.S. Air Force, American Navy, and U.S. Marines Corp. Individuals exposed to trauma benefit from their essential rehabilitative tools to follow the course of recovery from stress disorders. Music therapists are certified professionals who possess the abilities to determine appropriate interventions to support one recovering from a physically, emotionally, or mentally traumatic experience. In addition to their skills, they play an integral part throughout the treatment process of service members diagnosed with post-traumatic stress or brain injuries. In many cases, self-expression through songwriting or using instruments help restore emotions that can be lost following trauma. Music has a significant effect on troops traveling overseas or between bases because many soldiers view music to be an escape from war, a connection to their homeland and families, or as motivation. By working with a certified music therapist, marines undergo sessions re-instituting concepts of cognition, memory attention, and emotional processing. Although programs primarily focus on phases of military life, other service members such as the U.S. Air Force are eligible for treatment as well. For instance, during a music therapy session, a man begins to play a song to a wounded Airmen. The Airmen says "[music] allows me to talk about something that happened without talking about it". Music allows the active duty airmen to open up about previous experiences while reducing his anxiety level. History The use of music to soothe grief has been used since the time of David and King Saul. In I Samuel, David plays the lyre to make King Saul feel relieved and better. It has since been used all over the world for treatment of various issues, though the first recorded use of official "music therapy" was in 1789 – an article titled "Music Physically Considered" by an unknown author was found in Columbian Magazine. The creation and expansion of music therapy as a treatment modality thrived in the early to mid 1900s and while a number of organizations were created, none survived for long. It was not until 1950 that the National Association for Music Therapy was founded in New York that clinical training and certification requirements were created. In 1971, the American Association for Music Therapy was created, though at that time called the Urban Federation of Music Therapists. The Certification Board for Music Therapists was created in 1983 which strengthened the practice of music therapy and the trust that it was given. In 1998, the American Music Therapy Association was formed out of a merger between National and American Associations and as of 2017 is the single largest music therapy organization in the world (American music therapy, 1998–2011). Ancient flutes, carved from ivory and bone, were found by archaeologists, that were determined to be from as far back as 43,000 years ago. He also states that "The earliest fragment of musical notation is found on a 4,000-year-old Sumerian clay tablet, which includes instructions and tuning for a hymn honoring the ruler Lipit-Ishtar. But for the title of oldest extant song, most historians point to "Hurrian Hymn No. 6," an ode to the goddess Nikkal that was composed in cuneiform by the ancient Hurrian's sometime around the 14th century B.C.". Western cultures Music and healing Music has been used as a healing implement for centuries. Apollo is the ancient Greek god of music and of medicine and his son Aesculapius was said to cure diseases of the mind by using song and music. By 5000 BC, music was used for healing by Egyptian priest-physicians. Plato said that music affected the emotions and could influence the character of an individual. Aristotle taught that music affects the soul and described music as a force that purified the emotions. Aulus Cornelius Celsus advocated the sound of cymbals and running water for the treatment of mental disorders. Music as therapy was practiced in the Bible when David played the harp to rid King Saul of a bad spirit (1 Sam 16:23). As early as 400 B.C., Hippocrates played music for mental patients. In the thirteenth century, Arab hospitals contained music-rooms for the benefit of the patients. In the United States, Native American medicine men often employed chants and dances as a method of healing patients. The Turco-Persian psychologist and music theorist al-Farabi (872–950), known as Alpharabius in Europe, dealt with music for healing in his treatise Meanings of the Intellect, in which he discussed the therapeutic effects of music on the soul. In his De vita libri tres published in 1489, Platonist Marsilio Ficino gives a lengthy account of how music and songs can be used to draw celestial benefits for staying healthy. Robert Burton wrote in the 17th century in his classic work, The Anatomy of Melancholy, that music and dance were critical in treating mental illness, especially melancholia. The rise of an understanding of the body and mind in terms of the nervous system led to the emergence of a new wave of music for healing in the eighteenth century. Earlier works on the subject, such as Athanasius Kircher's Musurgia Universalis of 1650 and even early eighteenth-century books such as Michael Ernst Ettmüller's 1714 Disputatio effectus musicae in hominem (Disputation on the Effect of Music on Man) or Friedrich Erhardt Niedten's 1717 Veritophili, still tended to discuss the medical effects of music in terms of bringing the soul and body into harmony. But from the mid-eighteenth century works on the subject such as Richard Brocklesby's 1749 Reflections of Antient and Modern Musick, the 1737 Memoires of the French Academy of Sciences, or Ernst Anton Nicolai's 1745 (The Connection of Music to Medicine), stressed the power of music over the nerves. Music therapy: 17th – 19th century After 1800, some books on music and medicine drew on the Brunonian system of medicine, arguing that the stimulation of the nerves caused by music could directly improve or harm health. Throughout the 19th century, an impressive number of books and articles were authored by physicians in Europe and the United States discussing use of music as a therapeutic agent to treat both mental and physical illness. Music therapy: 1900 – From a western viewpoint, music therapy in the 20th and 21st centuries (as of 2021), as an evidence-based, allied healthcare profession, grew out of the aftermath of World Wars I and II. Particularly in the United Kingdom and United States, musicians would travel to hospitals and play music for soldiers with war-related emotional and physical trauma. Using music to treat the mental and physical ailments of active duty military and veterans was not new. Its use was recorded during the US Civil War and Florence Nightingale used it a decade earlier in the Crimean War. Despite research data, observations by doctors and nurses, praise from patients, and willing musicians, it was difficult to vastly increase music therapy services or establish lasting music therapy education programs or organizations in the early 20th century. However, many of the music therapy leaders of this time period provided music therapy during WWI or to its veterans. These were pioneers in the field such as Eva Vescelius, musician, author, 1903 founder of the short-lived National Therapeutic Society of New York and the 1913 Music and Health journal, and creator/teacher of a musicotherapy course; Margaret Anderton, pianist, World War I music therapy provider for Canadian soldiers, a strong believer in training for music therapists, and 1919 Columbia University musicotherapy teacher; Isa Maud Ilsen, a nurse and musician who was the American Red Cross Director of Hospital Music in World War I reconstruction hospitals, 1919 Columbia University musicotherapy teacher, 1926 founder of the National Association for Music in Hospitals, and author; and Harriet Ayer Seymour, music therapist to World War I veterans, author, researcher, lecturer/teacher, founder of the National Foundation for Music Therapy in 1941, author of the first music therapy textbook published in the United States. Several physicians also promoted music as a therapeutic agent during this time period. In the United States, the first music therapy bachelor's degree program was established in 1944 at Michigan State College (now Michigan State University). For history from the early 20th century to the present, see continents or individual countries in section. See also References Bibliography American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed., text rev.). Washington, D.C.: Author. Gibson, David (2018). The Complete Guide to Sound Healing (2nd ed.), Sound of Light. Goodman,K.D.(2011) Music therapy education and training: From theory to practice . Charles C . Thomas K.D.Goodman,Ed. (2015) International perspectives in music therapy education and training. Charles C Thomas K.D. Goodman (Ed.) (2023) Developing issues in world music therapy education and training: A plurality of views. Charles C Thomas. Hilliard, R. E. (2001). The effects of music therapy-based bereavement groups on mood and behavior of grieving children: A pilot study. Journal of Music Therapy, 38(4), 291–306. Hilliard, R. E. (2007). The effects of orff-based music therapy and social work groups on childhood grief symptoms and behaviors. Journal of Music Therapy, 44(2), 123–38. Jones, J. D. (2005). A comparison of songwriting and lyric analysis techniques to evoke emotional change in a single session with people who are chemically dependent, journal of Music Therapy, 42, 94–110. Krout, R. E. (2005). Applications of music therapist-composed songs in creating participant connections and facilitating goals and rituals during one-time bereavement support groups and programs. Music Therapy Perspectives, 23(2), 118–128. Lindenfelser, K. J., Grocke, D., & McFerran, K. (2008). Bereaved parents' experiences of music therapy with their terminally ill child. Journal of Music Therapy, 45(3), 330–48. Rosner, R, Kruse, J., & Hagl, M. (2010). A meta‐analysis of interventions for bereaved children and adolescents. Death Studies, 34(2), 99 – 136. Schwantes, M., Wigram, T., McKinney, C., Lipscomb, A., & Richards, C. (2011). The Mexican corrido and its use in a music therapy bereavement group. The Australian Journal of Music Therapy, 22, 2–20. Silverman, M. J. (2008). Quantitative comparison of cognitive behavioral therapy and music therapy research: A methodological best-practices analysis to guide future investigation for adult psychiatric patients. Journal of Music Therapy, 45(4), 457–506. Silverman, M. J. (2009). The use of lyric analysis interventions in contemporary psychiatric music therapy: Descriptive results of songs and objectives for clinical practice. Music Therapy Perspectives, 27(1), 55–61. Silverman, M. J., & Marcionetti, M. J. (2004). Immediate effects of a single music therapy intervention on persons who are severely mentally ill. Arts in Psychotherapy, 31, 291–301. Valentino, R. E. (2006). Attitudes towards cross-cultural empathy in music therapy. Music Therapy Perspectives, 24(2), 108–114. Whitehead-Pleaux, A. M., Baryza, M.J., & Sheridan, R.L. (2007). Exploring the effects of music therapy on pediatric pain: phase 1. The Journal of Music Therapy, 44(3), 217–41. Further reading Aldridge, David ( 2000). Music Therapy in Dementia Care, London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Boynton, Dori, compiler (1991). Lady Boynton's "New Age" Dossiers: a Serendipitous Digest of News and Articles on Trends in Modern Day Mysticism and Decadence. New Port Richey, Flor.: Lady D. Boynton. 2 vol. N.B.: Anthology of reprinted articles, pamphlets, etc. on New Age aspects of speculation in psychology, philosophy, music (especially music therapy), religion, sexuality, etc. Bruscia, Kenneth E. "Frequently Asked Questions About Music Therapy". Boyer College of Music and Dance, Music Therapy Program, Temple University, 1993. Bunt, Leslie; Stige, Brynjulf (2014). Music Therapy: An Art Beyond Words. (Second edition.) London: Routledge. . Davis, William B., Kate E. Gfeller, and Michael H. Thaut (2008). An Introduction to Music Therapy: Theory and Practice. Third ed. Silver Springs, MD: American Music Therapy Association. Erlmann, Veit (ed.) Hearing Cultures. Essays on Sound, Listening, and Modernity, New York: Berg Publishers, 2004. Cf. especially Chapter 5, "Raising Spirits and Restoring Souls". Gibson, David (2018). The Complete Guide to Sound Healing. (2nd ed.) Sound of Light. Gold, C., Heldal, T.O., Dahle, T., Wigram, T. (2006). "Music therapy for schizophrenia or schizophrenia-like illnesses", Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, Issue 4. Harbert, Wilhelmina K., (1947). "Some principles, practices and techniques in musical therapy". University of the Pacific Dissertations. Hart, Hugh. (March 23, 2008) The New York Times "A Season of Song, Dance and Autism". Section: AR; p. 20. La Musicothérapie: thémathèque. Montréal, Bibliothèque du personnel, Hôpital Rivière-des-Prairies, 1978. Levinge, Alison (2015). The Music of Being: Music Therapy, Winnicott and the School of Object Relations. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. . Marcello Sorce Keller, "Some Ethnomusicological Considerations about Magic and the Therapeutic Uses of Music", International Journal of Music Education, 8/2 (1986), 13–16. Pellizzari, Patricia y colaboradores: Flavia Kinisberg, Germán Tuñon, Candela Brusco, Diego Patles, Vanesa Menendez, Julieta Villegas, y Emmanuel Barrenechea (2011). "Crear Salud", aportes de la Musicoterapia preventiva-comunitaria. Patricia Pellizzari Ediciones. Buenos Aires Ruud, Even (2010). Music Therapy: A Perspective from the Humanities. Barcelona Publishers. . Vladimir Simosko. Is Rock Music Harmful? Winnipeg: 1987 Vladimir Simosko. Jung, Music, and Music Therapy: Prepared on the Occasion of the "C.G. Jung and the Humanities" Colloquium, 1987. Winnipeg: The Colloqium Vomberg, Elizabeth. Music for the Physically Disabled Child: a Bibliography. Toronto: 1978. External links Sound Healing: Therapeutic Frequencies for Mind and Body Rehabilitation medicine

Internalization (sociology)

In sociology and other social sciences, internalization (or internalisation) means an individual's acceptance of a set of norms and values (established by others) through socialisation. Discussion John Finley Scott described internalization as a metaphor in which something (i.e. an idea, concept, action) moves from outside the mind or personality to a place inside of it. The structure and the happenings of society shapes one's inner self and it can also be reversed. The process of internalization starts with learning what the norms are, and then the individual goes through a process of understanding why they are of value or why they make sense, until finally they accept the norm as their own viewpoint. Internalised norms are said to be part of an individual's personality and may be exhibited by one's moral actions. However, there can also be a distinction between internal commitment to a norm and what one exhibits externally. George Mead illustrates, through the constructs of mind and self, the manner in which an individual's internalizations are affected by external norms. One thing that may affect what an individual internalises are role models. Role models often speed up the process of socialisation and encourage internalization: if someone an individual respects is seen to endorse a particular set of norms, the individual is more likely to be prepared to accept, and so internalise, those norms. This is called the process of identification. Internalization helps one define who they are and create their own identity and values within a society that has already created a norm set of values and practices for them. To internalise is defined by the Oxford American Dictionary as to "make (attitudes or behavior) part of one's nature by learning or unconscious assimilation: people learn gender stereotypes and internalize them." Through internalization individuals accept a set of norms and values that are established by other individuals, groups, or society as a whole. In psychology, internalization is the outcome of a conscious mind reasoning about a specific subject; the subject is internalized, and the consideration of the subject is internal. Internalization of ideals might take place following religious conversion, or in the process of, more generally, moral conversion. Internalization is directly associated with learning within an organism (or business) and recalling what has been learned. In psychology and sociology, internalization involves the integration of attitudes, values, standards and the opinions of others into one's own identity or sense of self. In psychoanalytic theory, internalization is a process involving the formation of the super ego. Many theorists believe that the internalized values of behavior implemented during early socialization are key factors in predicting a child's future moral character. The self-determination theory proposes a motivational continuum from the extrinsic to intrinsic motivation and autonomous self-regulation. Some research suggests a child's moral self starts to develop around age three. These early years of socialization may be the underpinnings of moral development in later childhood. Proponents of this theory suggest that children whose view of self is "good and moral" tend to have a developmental trajectory toward pro-social behavior and few signs of anti-social behavior. In one child developmental study, researchers examined two key dimensions of early conscience – internalization of rules of conduct and empathic affects to others – as factors that may predict future social, adaptive and competent behavior. Data was collected from a longitudinal study of children, from two parent families, at age 25, 38, 52, 67 and 80 months. Children's internalization of each parent's rules and empathy toward each parent's simulated distress were observed at 25, 38 and 52 months. Parents and teachers rated their adaptive, competent, pro-social behavior and anti-social behavior at 80 months. The researchers found that first, both the history of the child's early internalization of parental rules and the history of their empathy predicted the children's competent and adaptive functioning at 80 months, as rated by parents and teachers. Second, children with stronger histories of internalization of parental rules from 25 to 52 months perceived themselves as more moral at 67 months. Third, the children that showed stronger internalization from 25 to 52 months came to see themselves as more moral and "good". These self-perceptions, in turn, predicted the way parents and teachers would rate their competent and adaptive functioning at 80 months. Lev Vygotsky, a pioneer of psychological studies, introduced the idea of internalization in his extensive studies of child development research. Vygotsky provides an alternate definition for internalization, the internal reconstruction of an external operation. He explains three stages of internalization: An operation that initially represents an external activity is reconstructed and begins to occur internally. An interpersonal process is transformed into an intrapersonal one. The transformation of an interpersonal process into an intrapersonal one is the result of a long series of developmental events. See also Externalization (psychology) Introjection Cultural homogenization Social influence References Conformity Sociological terminology

Sex differences in psychology

Sex differences in psychology are differences in the mental functions and behaviors of the sexes and are due to a complex interplay of biological, developmental, and cultural factors. Differences have been found in a variety of fields such as mental health, cognitive abilities, personality, emotion, sexuality, friendship, and tendency towards aggression. Such variation may be innate, learned, or both. Modern research attempts to distinguish between these causes and to analyze any ethical concerns raised. Since behavior is a result of interactions between nature and nurture, researchers are interested in investigating how biology and environment interact to produce such differences, although this is often not possible. A number of factors combine to influence the development of sex differences, including genetics and epigenetics; differences in brain structure and function; hormones, and socialization. The formation of gender is controversial in many scientific fields, including psychology. Specifically, researchers and theorists take different perspectives on how much of gender is due to biological, neurochemical, and evolutionary factors (nature), or is the result of culture and socialization (nurture). This is known as the nature versus nurture debate. Definition Psychological sex differences refer to emotional, motivational, or cognitive differences between the sexes. Examples include greater male tendencies toward violence, or greater female empathy. The terms "sex differences" and "gender differences" are sometimes used interchangeably; they can refer to differences in male and female behaviors as either biological ("sex differences") or environmental/cultural ("gender differences"). This distinction is often difficult to make, due to challenges in determining whether a difference is biological or environmental/cultural. It's important to note, however, that many individuals will use "sex" to refer to the biological and "gender" as a social construct. Gender is generally conceived as a set of characteristics or traits that are associated with a certain biological sex (male or female). The characteristics that generally define gender are referred to as masculine or feminine. In some cultures, gender is not always conceived as binary, or strictly linked to biological sex. As a result, in some cultures there are third, fourth, or "some" genders. History Beliefs about sex differences have likely existed throughout history. In his 1859 book On the Origin of Species, Charles Darwin proposed that, like physical traits, psychological traits evolve through the process of sexual selection: Two of his later books, The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex (1871) and The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (1872) explore the subject of psychological differences between the sexes. The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex includes 70 pages on sexual selection in human evolution, some of which concerns psychological traits. The study of gender took off in the 1970s. During this time period, academic works were published reflecting the changing views of researchers towards gender studies. Some of these works included textbooks, as they were an important way that information was compiled and made sense of the new field. In 1978 Women and sex roles: A social psychological perspective was published, one of the first textbooks on the psychology behind women and sex roles. Another textbook to be published, Gender and Communication, was the first textbook to discuss the topic of its subject. Other influential academic works focused on the development of gender. In 1966, The Development of Sex Differences was published by Eleanor E Maccoby. This book went into what factors influence a child's gender development, with contributors proposing the effects of hormones, social learning, and cognitive development in respective chapters. Man and Woman, Boy and Girl, by John Money was published in 1972, reporting findings of research done with intersex subjects. The book proposed that the social environment a child grows up in is more important in determining gender than the genetic factors he or she inherits. The majority of Money's theories regarding the importance of socialization in the determination of gender have come under intense criticism, especially in connection with the inaccurate reporting of success in the infant sex reassignment of David Reimer. In 1974, The Psychology of Sex Differences was published. It said that men and women behave more similarly than had been previously supposed. They also proposed that children have much power over what gender role they grow into, whether by choosing which parent to imitate, or doing activities such as playing with action figures or dolls. These works added new knowledge to the field of gender psychology. Psychological traits Personality traits Cross-cultural research has shown population-level gender differences on the tests measuring sociability and emotionality. For example, on the scales measured by the Big Five personality traits women consistently report higher neuroticism, agreeableness, warmth and openness to feelings, and men often report higher assertiveness and openness to ideas. Nevertheless, there is significant overlap in all these traits, so an individual woman may, for example, have lower neuroticism than the majority of men. The size of the differences varied between cultures. Across cultures, gender differences in personality traits are largest in prosperous, healthy, and egalitarian cultures in which women have more opportunities that are equal to those of men. However, variation in the magnitude of sex differences between more or less developed world regions were due to changes between men, not women, in these respective regions. That is, men in highly developed world regions were less neurotic, extroverted, conscientious and agreeable compared to men in less developed world regions. Women, on the other hand, tended not to differ significantly in personality traits across regions. A personality trait directly linked to emotion and empathy where gender differences exist (see below) is scored on the Machiavellianism scale. Individuals who score high on this dimension are emotionally cool; this allows them to detach from others as well as values, and act egoistically rather than driven by affect, empathy or morality. In large samples of US college students, males are on average more Machiavellian than females; in particular, males are over-represented among very high Machiavellians, while females are overrepresented among low Machiavellians. A 2014 meta-analysis by researchers Rebecca Friesdorf and Paul Conway found that men score significantly higher on narcissism than women and this finding is robust across past literature. The meta-analysis included 355 studies measuring narcissism across participants from the US, Germany, China, Netherlands, Italy, UK, Hong Kong, Singapore, Switzerland, Norway, Sweden, Australia and Belgium as well as measuring latent factors from 124 additional studies. The researchers noted that gender differences in narcissism is not just a measurement artifact but also represents true differences in the latent personality traits such as men's heightened sense of entitlement and authority. Males on average are more assertive and have higher self-esteem. Females were on average higher than males in extraversion, anxiety, trust, and, especially, tender-mindedness (e.g., nurturance). When interests were classified by RIASEC type Holland Codes (Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, Conventional), men were found to prefer working with things, while women preferred working with people. Men also showed stronger Realistic and Investigative interests, and women showed stronger Artistic, Social, and Conventional interests. Sex differences favoring men were also found for more specific measures of engineering, science, and mathematics interests. Emotion When measured with an affect intensity measure, women reported greater intensity of both positive and negative affect than men. Women also reported a more intense and more frequent experience of affect, joy, and love but also experienced more embarrassment, guilt, shame, sadness, anger, fear, and distress. Experiencing pride was more frequent and intense for men than for women. In imagined frightening situations, such as being home alone and witnessing a stranger walking towards your house, women reported greater fear. Women also reported more fear in situations that involved "a male's hostile and aggressive behavior". Emotional contagion refers to the phenomenon of a person's emotions becoming similar to those of surrounding people. Women have been reported to be more responsive to this. In fact, it was found in a study that men had stronger emotional experiences while women had stronger emotional expressivity, when it came to anger. It was also reported in a previous study that men had a higher physiological response to stimuli meant to induce anger. Seeing that emotional experience and expressivity are two different things, another study has found that "the emotional responses elicited by emotional videos were inconsistent between emotional experience and emotional expressivity. Men had stronger emotional experiences, whereas women had stronger emotional expressivity" where in this case emotional experience is the physiological arousal one faces due to an external stimulus and emotional expressivity is the "external expression of subjective experience." There are documented differences in socialization that could contribute to sex differences in emotion and to differences in patterns of brain activity. Context also determines a man or woman's emotional behavior. Context-based emotion norms, such as feeling rules or display rules, "prescribe emotional experience and expressions in specific situations like a wedding or a funeral", may be independent of the person's gender. In situations like a wedding or a funeral, the activated emotion norms apply to and constrain every person in the situation. Gender differences are more pronounced when situational demands are very small or non-existent as well as in ambiguous situations. During these situations, gender norms "are the default option that prescribes emotional behavior". Professor of Psychology Ann Kring said, "It is incorrect to make a blanket statement that women are more emotional than men, it is correct to say that women show their emotions more than men." In two studies by Kring, women were found to be more facially expressive than men when it came to both positive and negative emotions. These researchers concluded that women and men experience the same amount of emotion, but that women are more likely to express their emotions. Women are known to have anatomically differently shaped tear glands than men as well as having more of the hormone prolactin, which is present in tear glands, as adults. While girls and boys cry at roughly the same amount at age 12, by age 18, women generally cry four times more than men, which could be explained by higher levels of prolactin. Empathy Current literature find that women demonstrate more empathy across studies. Women perform better than men in tests involving emotional interpretation, such as understanding facial expressions, and empathy. Some studies argue that this is related to the subject's perceived gender identity and gendered expectations influencing the subject's implicit gender stereotypes. Additionally, culture impacts gender differences in the expression of emotions. This may be explained by the different social roles women and men have in different cultures, and by the status and power men and women hold in different societies, as well as the different cultural values various societies hold. Some studies have found no differences in empathy between women and men, and suggest that perceived gender differences are the result of motivational differences. Some researchers argue that because differences in empathy disappear on tests where it is not clear that empathy is being studied, men and women do not differ in ability, but instead in how empathetic they would like to appear to themselves and others. Women are better at recognizing facial effects, expression processing and emotions in general., while men were better at recognizing specific behaviour which includes anger, aggression and threatening cues. Small but statistically significant sex differences favour females in "Reading of the mind" test. "Reading of the mind" test is an ability measure of theory of mind or cognitive empathy. Overall, females have an advantage in non-verbal emotional recognition. There are some sex differences in empathy from birth which remains consistent and stable across lifespan. Females were found to have higher empathy than males while children with higher empathy regardless of gender continue to be higher in empathy throughout development. Further analysis of brain tools such as event related potentials found that females who saw human suffering had higher ERP waveforms than males. Another investigation with similar brain tools such as N400 amplitudes found higher N400 in females in response to social situations which positively correlated with self-reported empathy. Structural fMRI studies found females have larger grey matter volumes in posterior inferior frontal and anterior inferior parietal cortex areas which are correlated with mirror neurons in fMRI literature. Females were also found to have stronger link between emotional and cognitive empathy. The researchers found that the stability of these sex differences in development are unlikely to be explained by any environment influences but rather might have some roots in human evolution and inheritance. An evolutionary explanation for the difference is that understanding and tracking relationships and reading others' emotional states was particularly important for women in prehistoric societies for tasks such as caring for children and social networking. Throughout prehistory, females nurtured and were the primary caretakers of children so this might have led to an evolved neurological adaptation for women to be more aware and responsive to non-verbal expressions. According to the Primary Caretaker Hypothesis, prehistoric males did not have same selective pressure as primary caretakers so therefore this might explain modern day sex differences in emotion recognition and empathy. Aggression Although research on sex differences in aggression show that males are generally more likely to display aggression than females, how much of this is due to social factors and gender expectations is unclear. Aggression is closely linked with cultural definitions of "masculine" and "feminine". In some situations, women show equal or more aggression than men, although less physical; for example, women are more likely to use direct aggression in private, where other people cannot see them and are more likely to use indirect aggression in public. Men are more likely to be the targets of displays of aggression and provocation than females. Studies by Bettencourt and Miller show that when provocation is controlled for, sex differences in aggression are greatly reduced. They argue that this shows that gender-role norms play a large part in the differences in aggressive behavior between men and women. Sex differences in aggression are one of the most robust and oldest findings in psychology. Males regardless of age engaged in more physical and verbal aggression while small effect for females engaging in more indirect aggression such as rumor spreading or gossiping. Males tend to engage in more unprovoked aggression at higher frequency than females. This greater male aggression is also present in childhood and adolescence. The difference is greater in the physical type of aggression, compared to the verbal type. Males are more likely to cyber-bully than females. Difference also showed that females reported more cyberbullying behaviour during mid-adolescence, while males showed more cyber bullying behaviour at late adolescence. In humans, males engage in crime and especially violent crime more than females. The relationship between testosterone and aggression is highly debated in the scientific community, and evidence for a causal link between the two has resulted in conflicting conclusions. Some studies indicate that testosterone levels may be affected by environmental and social influences. while in the biological paradigm, the relationship between testosterone and the brain is primarily studied from two domains, a lumbar puncture which is mostly used to clinically diagnose disorders relevant in the nervous system and are usually not done for research purposes, a majority of research papers however rely on measures such as blood sampling (which is in widespread use across scientific academia ) in order to calculate active testosterone levels in behavior-related brain regions while the androgen is being administered or to observe testosterone increase in (mostly) men during physical activities. Involvement in crime usually rises in the early teens to mid teens, which happen at the same time as testosterone levels rise. Most studies support a link between adult criminality and testosterone, although the relationship is modest if examined separately for each sex. However, nearly all studies of juvenile delinquency and testosterone are not significant. Most studies have also found testosterone to be associated with behaviors or personality traits linked with criminality such as antisocial behavior and alcoholism. In species that have high levels of male physical competition and aggression over females, males tend to be larger and stronger than females. Humans have modest general body sexual dimorphism on characteristics such as height and body mass. However, this may understate the sexual dimorphism regarding characteristics related to aggression since females have large fat stores. The sex differences are greater for muscle mass and especially for upper body muscle mass. Men's skeleton, especially in the vulnerable face, is more robust. Another possible explanation, instead of intra-species aggression, for this sexual dimorphism may be that it is an adaption for a sexual division of labor with males doing the hunting. However, the hunting theory may have difficulty explaining differences regarding features such as stronger protective skeleton, beards (not helpful in hunting, but they increase the perceived size of the jaws and perceived dominance, which may be helpful in intra-species male competition), and greater male ability at interception (greater targeting ability can be explained by hunting). Ethics and morality Sex differences of moral orientation find that women tend towards a more care-based morality while men tend towards a more justice-based morality. This is usually based on the fact that men have slightly more utilitarian reasoning while women have more deontological reasoning which is largely because of greater female affective response and rejection of harm-based behaviours (based on dual process theory). Women tend to have greater moral sensitivity than men. Using the five moral principles of care, fairness, loyalty, authority, and purity (based on moral foundations theory), women consistently score higher on care, fairness, and purity across 67 cultures. On the other hand, sex differences in loyalty and authority were small in size and highly variable across cultural contexts. Country-level sex differences in all moral foundations in relation to cultural, socioeconomic, and gender-related indicators reveal that global sex differences in moral foundations are larger in individualistic, Western, and gender-equal cultures. Cognitive traits Sex-related differences of cognitive functioning is questioned in research done on the areas of perception, attention, reasoning, thinking, problem solving, memory, learning, language and emotion. Cognitive testing on the sexes involves written tests that typically have a time limit, the most common form being a standardized test such as the SAT or ACT. These test basic individual abilities rather than complex combination of abilities needed to solve real life problems. Analysis of the research has found a lack of credibility when relying on published studies about cognition because most contain findings of cognitive differences between the males and females, but they overlook those that do not show any differences, creating a pool of biased information. Those differences found are attributed to both social and biological factors. It was once thought that sex differences in cognitive task and problem solving did not occur until puberty. However, as of 2000, evidence suggested that cognitive and skill differences are present earlier in development. For example, researchers have found that three- and four-year-old boys were better at targeting and at mentally rotating figures within a clock face than girls of the same age. Prepubescent girls, however, excelled at recalling lists of words. These sex differences in cognition correspond to patterns of ability rather than overall intelligence. Laboratory settings are used to systematically study the sexual dimorphism in problem solving task performed by adults. On average, females excel relative to males on tests that measure recollection. They have an advantage on processing speed involving letters, digits and rapid naming tasks. Females tend to have better object location memory and verbal memory. They also perform better at verbal learning. Females have better performance at matching items and precision tasks, such as placing pegs into designated holes. In maze and path completion tasks, males learn the goal route in fewer trials than females, but females remember more of the landmarks presented. This suggests that females use landmarks in everyday situations to orient themselves more than males. Females were better at remembering whether objects had switched places or not. On average, males excel relative to females at certain spatial tasks. Specifically, males have an advantage in tests that require the mental rotation or manipulation of an object. In a computer simulation of a maze task, males completed the task faster and with fewer errors than their female counterparts. Additionally, males have displayed higher accuracy in tests of targeted motor skills, such as guiding projectiles. Males are also faster on reaction time and finger tapping tests. Doreen Kimura, a psychobiologist, has published books and articles specifically on the subject of sex and cognition. Since studying gender differences in cognition, Kimura has further proved generalizations made from research data collected in the field of cognitive psychology. These scientific findings have not been generalized cross culturally. Females have shown to have a higher ability in reading facial and body cues than their male counterparts. Though studies have found females to have more advanced verbal skills, men and women in adulthood do not have varied vocabularies. Women tend to have better spelling capabilities and verbal memory. Intelligence An article published in the Review of Educational Research summarizes the history of the controversy around sex differences in variability of intelligence. Through modern research, the main idea has held that males have a much wider range in test performance in IQ tests. The study also analyzes data concerning differences in central tendencies through environmental and biological theories. Males were found to have much wider variation than females in areas of quantitative reasoning, spatial visualization, spelling, and general knowledge than females. In the studies conclusion, to form an accurate summary, both the variability in sex differences and in the central tendencies must be examined to generalize the cognitive variances of males and females. Empirical studies of g, or general intelligence, in men and women have given inconsistent results, showing either no differences or advantages for either sex. The differences in average IQ between women and men are small in magnitude and inconsistent in direction. There have been many studies where this issue has been looked into. Scientists have found that a mindset of differing intelligence is still prominent in many cultures. Databases like ProQuest Central, PsycINFO, and Web of Science were searched for more information on this topic. This resulted in a total of 71 studies that show a variety of gender inequalities across the world. According to the 1995 report Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns by the American Psychological Association, "Most standard tests of intelligence have been constructed so that there are no overall score differences between females and males." Arthur Jensen in 1998 conducted studies on sex differences in intelligence through tests that were "loaded heavily on g" but were not normalized to eliminate sex differences. He concluded, "No evidence was found for sex differences in the mean level of g. Males, on average, excel on some factors; females on others". Jensen's results that no overall sex differences existed for g has been strengthened by researchers who assessed this issue with a battery of 42 mental ability tests and found no overall sex difference. Although most of the tests showed no difference, there were some that did. For example, some tests found females performed better on verbal abilities while males performed better on visuospatial abilities. One female advantage is in verbal fluency where they have been found to perform better in vocabulary, reading comprehension, speech production and essay writing. Males have been specifically found to perform better on spatial visualization, spatial perception, and mental rotation. Researchers had then recommended that general models such as fluid and crystallized intelligence be divided into verbal, perceptual and visuospatial domains of g, because when this model is applied then females excel at verbal and perceptual tasks while males on visuospatial tasks. There are, however, also differences in the capacity of males and females in performing certain tasks, such as rotation of objects in space, often categorized as spatial ability. These differences are more pronounced when people are exposed to a stereotype threat to their gender, which can be as subtle as being asked for their gender before being tested. Differences in mental rotation have also been seen to correlate with computer experience and video game practice, with as little as 10 hours of video game training reducing the disparity. Other traditionally male advantages, such as in the field of mathematics are less clear; again, differences may be caused by stereotype threats to women, and several recent studies show no difference whatsoever. In some regions, especially in Arab countries, observed sex differences in math ability favor girls and women, and in gender-equal countries the traditional difference is eliminated, highlighting the importance of societal influences. Although females have lesser performance in spatial abilities on average, they have better performance in processing speed involving letters, digits and rapid naming tasks, object location memory, verbal memory, and also verbal learning. Memory The results from research on sex differences in memory are mixed and inconsistent, as some studies show no difference, and others show a female or male advantage. Females tend to perform better in episodic memory tasks and access their memories faster than males and use more emotional terms when describing memories. Females also outperform men in random word recall, semantic memory and autobiographical memory. Men are more likely to get the gist of events rather than be aware of specific details. Men also recall more factual information like childhood memories better than females, and also have increased spatial based memories. Men use strategies where they use mental spatial maps and are better at knowing absolute direction, like north and south. Women use landmarks and directional cues for spatial navigation. Also, estradiol, a hormone found in women, affects learning and memory. Estradiol affects the function related to memory in the brain because it maintains cognitive function by increasing nervous tissue growth in the brain to help maintain memory. Though women experience brain fog when they go through menopause, it has been attributed to stress and processes in frontal neural networks instead. Cognitive control of behavior A 2011 meta-analyses found that women have small, but persistent, advantages in punishment sensitivity and effortful control across cultures. A 2014 review found that in humans, women discount more steeply than men, but sex differences on measures of impulsive action depend on tasks and subject samples. Behavior Childhood play The differences between males and females in the context of childhood play is linked to differences in gender roles. A research on the "acquisition of fundamental movement skills" found that even though the level of mastery for certain skills were about the same for both boys and girls, after a certain age boys have better object control skills than girls do. Some differences in gender roles influence on childhood play are suggested to be biological. A study by Alexander, Wilcox, and Woods led to the conclusion that toy preferences are innate. The reason being that the infants in the study visually discriminated between dolls and trucks. Where as the girls preferred the dolls over the truck, the boys preferred the trucks. Hines and Kaufman hypothesized that girls with Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia who are exposed to high androgen levels during pregnancy might be more physically forceful and rougher like boys are observed to be when they play. The results of Hines and Kaufman's research led them to conclude that androgen didn't cause girls with Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia to be rougher than unaffected girls during play. The study suggested socialization also influenced the type of play children participated in. Sexual behavior Psychological theories exist regarding the development and expression of gender differences in human sexuality. A number of these theories are consistent in predicting that men should be more approving of casual sex (sex happening outside a stable, committed relationship such as marriage) and should also be more promiscuous (have a higher number of sexual partners) than women. A sociobiological approach applies evolutionary biology to human sexuality, emphasizing reproductive success in shaping patterns of sexual behavior. According to sociobiologists, since women's parental investment in reproduction is greater than men's, owing to human sperm being much more plentiful than eggs, and the fact that women must devote considerable energy to gestating their offspring, women will tend to be much more selective in their choice of mates than men. It may not be possible to accurately test sociobiological theories in relation to promiscuity and casual sex in contemporary (U.S.) society, which is quite different from the ancestral human societies in which most natural selection for sexual traits has occurred. Neoanalytic theories are based on the observation that mothers, as opposed to fathers, bear the major responsibility for childcare in most families and cultures; both male and female infants, therefore, form an intense emotional attachment to their mother, a woman. According to feminist psychoanalytic theorist Nancy Chodorow, girls tend to preserve this attachment throughout life and define their identities in relational terms, whereas boys must reject this maternal attachment in order to develop a masculine identity. In addition, this theory predicts that women's economic dependence on men in a male-dominated society will tend to cause women to approve of sex more in committed relationships providing economic security, and less so in casual relationships. The sexual strategies theory by David Buss and David P. Schmitt is an evolutionary psychology theory regarding female and male short-term and long-term mating strategies which they argued are dependent on several different goals and vary depending on the environment. According to social learning theory, sexuality is influenced by people's social environment. This theory suggests that sexual attitudes and behaviors are learned through observation of role models such as parents and media figures, as well as through positive or negative reinforcements for behaviors that match or defy established gender roles. It predicts that gender differences in sexuality can change over time as a function of changing social norms, and also that a societal double standard in punishing women more severely than men (who may in fact be rewarded) for engaging in promiscuous or casual sex will lead to significant gender differences in attitudes and behaviors regarding sexuality. Such a societal double standard also figures in social role theory, which suggests that sexual attitudes and behaviors are shaped by the roles that men and women are expected to fill in society, and script theory, which focuses on the symbolic meaning of behaviors; this theory suggests that social conventions influence the meaning of specific acts, such as male sexuality being tied more to individual pleasure and macho stereotypes (therefore predicting a high number of casual sexual encounters) and female sexuality being tied more to the quality of a committed relationship. The ovulatory shift hypothesis is the contested theory that female behaviour and preferences relating to mate selection changes throughout the ovulation cycle. A meta-analysis of 58 studies concluded that there was no evidence to support this theory. Another meta-analysis found that the hypothesis was only support in regards to short-term attraction. Additionally, a 2016 paper suggested that any possible changes in preferences during ovulation would be moderated by the relationship quality itself, even to the point of inversion in favor of the female's current partner. A recent study sought to test the connection between current fertility status and sociosexual attitudes and desires; the researchers concluded that their hypothesis was not met, meaning they found no connection between women's fertility status and sociosexual desires or attitudes. Mental health Childhood conduct disorder and adult antisocial personality disorder as well as substance use disorders are more common in men. Many mood disorders, anxiety disorders, and eating disorders are more common in women. One explanation is that men tend to externalize stress while women tend to internalize it. Gender differences vary to some degree for different cultures. Men and women do not differ on their overall rates of psychopathology; however, certain disorders are more prevalent in women, and vice versa. Women have higher rates of anxiety and depression (internalizing disorders) and men have higher rates of substance abuse and antisocial disorders (externalizing disorders). It is believed that divisions of power and the responsibilities set upon each sex are critical to this predisposition. Namely, women earn less money than men do, they tend to have jobs with less power and autonomy, and women are more responsive to problems of people in their social networks. These three differences can contribute to women's predisposition to anxiety and depression. It is suggested that socializing practices that encourage high self-regard and mastery would benefit the mental health of both women and men. Anxiety and depression One study interviewed 18,572 respondents, aged 18 and over, about 15 phobic symptoms. These symptoms would yield diagnoses based on criteria for agoraphobia, social phobia, and simple phobia. Women had significantly higher prevalence rates of agoraphobia and simple phobia; however, there were no differences found between men and women in social phobia. The most common phobias for both women and men involved spiders, bugs, mice, snakes, and heights. The biggest differences between men and women in these disorders were found on the agoraphobic symptoms of "going out of the house alone" and "being alone", and on two simple phobic symptoms, involving the fear of "any harmless or dangerous animal" and "storms", with relatively more women having both phobias. There were no differences in the age of onset, reporting a fear on the phobic level, telling a doctor about symptoms, or the recall of past symptoms. Women are more likely than men to have depression. One 1987 study found little empirical support for several proposed explanations, including biological ones, and argued that when depressed women tend to ruminate which may lower the mood further while men tend to distract themselves with activities. This may develop from women and men being raised differently. Suicide Although females have more suicidal thoughts and attempts, and are diagnosed with depression more than men, males are much more likely to die from suicide. Suicide from males happens 4 times more often than among females. Also, though females try to commit suicide more often, men choose more violent methods, like guns. Women are more likely to use different methods like drug overdose or poison. One proposed cause for these disparities is socialization: men are expected to be independent and discouraged from showing weakness or emotion, while women are encouraged to share emotions and rely on support from others. Other suggested factors are societal expectations linking men's worth to their ability to provide and men's higher rate of alcoholism. Schizophrenia Women and men are both equally likely at developing symptoms of schizophrenia, but the onset occurs earlier for men. It has been suggested that sexually dimorphic brain anatomy, the differential effects of estrogens and androgens, and the heavy exposure of male adolescents to alcohol and other toxic substances can lead to this earlier onset in men. Various neurodevelopmental theories suggest the reasoning behind an earlier onset for men. One theory suggests that male fetal brains are more vulnerable to prenatal complications. Another theory argues that the gender differentiation in schizophrenia onset is due to excessive pruning of synaptic nerves during male adolescence. "The estrogen hypothesis" proposes that higher levels of estrogen in women has a protective effect against these prenatal and adolescent complications that may be associated with men having schizophrenia onset earlier. Estrogen can alter post-synaptic signal transduction and inhibit psychotic symptoms. Thus, as women experience lower levels of estrogen during menopause or the menstrual cycle, they can experience greater amounts of psychotic symptoms. In addition, estrogen treatment has yielded beneficial effects in patients with schizophrenia. Autism Spectrum Disorder The epidemiology of autism spectrum disorder varies amongst males and females. Globally, data isn't available for every individual country, but a worldwide review of epidemiological surveys, found a median of 62 out of 10,000 people have ASD. Amongst 8-year-olds in the United States 1 in 44 children have been identified with autism spectrum disorder, but it is "4 times more common among males than females." According to a research looking at the disparity between the actual prevalence of ASD and what actually gets diagnosed, there is a 2:1 ratio of males to females who are undiagnosed. This same statistic suggests that females have a disadvantage when it comes to being diagnosed and are underrepresented. The "extreme male brain" or empathizing–systemizing theory views the autism spectrum as an extreme version of male-female differences regarding systemizing and empathizing abilities. It's used to explain the possible reason why males with ASD score higher on systemizing tests than females with ASD. Symptom presentation in females with ASD is not as noticeable as it is in males. Females are better able to cope with the symptoms and often camouflage to be able to fit in socially and form relationships. Camouflaging has been suggested to be the cause of females with ASD having more emotional distress, while male counterparts usually had more external social problems. The imprinted brain hypothesis argues that autism and psychosis are contrasting disorders on a number of different variables and that this is caused by an unbalanced genomic imprinting favoring paternal genes (autism) or maternal genes (psychosis). According to the Female Protective Effect Hypothesis, for females to develop autism they need to have acquired a wider range of genetic mutations than their male counterpart. Possible causes Both biological and social/environmental factors have been studied for their impact on sex differences. Separating biological from environmental effects is difficult, and advocates for biological influences generally accept that social factors are also important. Biological Biological differentiation is a fundamental part of human reproduction. Generally, males have two different sex chromosomes, an X and a Y; females have two X chromosomes. The Y chromosome, or more precisely the SRY gene located on it, is what generally determines sexual differentiation. If a Y chromosome with an SRY gene is present, growth is along male lines; it results in the production of testes, which in turn produce testosterone. In addition to physical effects, this prenatal testosterone increases the likeliness of certain "male" patterns of behavior after birth, though the exact impact and mechanism are not well understood. Parts of the SRY and specific parts of the Y chromosome may also possibly influence different gender behaviors, but if so, these impacts have not yet been identified. Biological perspectives on psychological differentiation often place parallels to the physical nature of sexual differentiation. These parallels include genetic and hormonal factors that create different individuals, with the main difference being the reproductive function. The brain controls the behavior of individuals, but it is influenced by genes, hormones and evolution. Evidence has shown that the ways that male and female children become adults is different, and that there are variations between the individuals of each sex. Sex linkage Certain psychological traits may be related to the chromosomal sex of the individual. In contrast, there are also "sex-influenced" (or sex-conditioned) traits, in which the same gene may present different phenotypes depending on sex. For example, two siblings might share the same gene of aggressiveness but one might be more docile than the other due to differences in sex. Even in a homozygous dominant or recessive female the condition may not be expressed fully. "Sex-limited" traits are characteristics only expressed in one sex, or only in men or women. They may be caused by genes on either autosomal or sex chromosomes. Evidence exists that there are sex-linked differences between the male and female brain. Epigenetics Epigenetic changes have also been found to cause sex-based differentiation in the brain. The extent and nature of these differences are not fully characterised. Differences in socialization of males and females may decrease or increase the size of sex differences. Neuroscience A 2021 meta-synthesis of existing literature found that sex accounted for 1% of the brain's structure or laterality, finding large group-level differences only in total brain volume. This partially contradicts a review from 2006 and a meta-analysis from 2014 which found that some evidence from brain morphology and function studies indicates that male and female brains cannot always be assumed to be identical from either a structural or functional perspective, and some brain structures are sexually dimorphic. Culture Socialization Differences in socialization of males and females are known to cause, decrease, or increase the magnitude of various sex differences. In most cultures, humans are subject from infancy to gender socialization. For example, infant girls typically wear pink and infant boys typically wear blue. Gender schemas, or gendered cultural ideals which determine a person's preferences, are also installed into our behaviors beginning at infancy. As people get older, gender stereotypes become more applied. The social role theory primarily deals with such stereotypes, more specifically the division of labor and a gender hierarchy. When this theory is applied in social settings, such as the workplace, it can often lead to sexism. This theory also applies to certain personality trails, such as men are more typically more assertive and women more passive. According to this theory, ideally, in most cultures, the woman is to stay and tend to the house and home while the man works to both better the house itself and increase finances. Gender roles vary significantly by culture and time period. Such differences include political rights as well as employment and education opportunities solely available to females. Homosexual people are also subject to various societal expectations. Sexual inversion was one theory of homosexuality, positing that homosexuality was due to an innate reversal of gender traits. Evolutionary product Donald Symons has argued that fundamental sex differences in genetics, hormones and brain structure and function may manifest as distal cultural phenomena (e.g., males as primary combatants in warfare, the primarily female readership of romance novels, etc.). There has been significant feminist critique of these and other evolutionary psychology arguments, from both within and outside of the scientific community. See also Feminization (sociology) Feminine psychology Male warrior hypothesis References Sources External links List of full text books and articles on the topic of psychology of gender Gender psychology Moral psychology

Concept

A concept is an abstract idea that serves as a foundation for more concrete principles, thoughts, and beliefs. Concepts play an important role in all aspects of cognition. As such, concepts are studied within such disciplines as linguistics, psychology, and philosophy, and these disciplines are interested in the logical and psychological structure of concepts, and how they are put together to form thoughts and sentences. The study of concepts has served as an important flagship of an emerging interdisciplinary approach, cognitive science. In contemporary philosophy, three understandings of a concept prevail: mental representations, such that a concept is an entity that exists in the mind (a mental object) abilities peculiar to cognitive agents (mental states) Fregean senses, abstract objects rather than a mental object or a mental state Concepts are classified into a hierarchy, higher levels of which are termed "superordinate" and lower levels termed "subordinate". Additionally, there is the "basic" or "middle" level at which people will most readily categorize a concept. For example, a basic-level concept would be "chair", with its superordinate, "furniture", and its subordinate, "easy chair". Concepts may be exact or inexact. When the mind makes a generalization such as the concept of tree, it extracts similarities from numerous examples; the simplification enables higher-level thinking. A concept is instantiated (reified) by all of its actual or potential instances, whether these are things in the real world or other ideas. Concepts are studied as components of human cognition in the cognitive science disciplines of linguistics, psychology, and philosophy, where an ongoing debate asks whether all cognition must occur through concepts. Concepts are regularly formalized in mathematics, computer science, databases and artificial intelligence. Examples of specific high-level conceptual classes in these fields include classes, schema or categories. In informal use the word concept often just means any idea. Ontology of concepts A central question in the study of concepts is the question of what they are. Philosophers construe this question as one about the ontology of concepts—what kind of things they are. The ontology of concepts determines the answer to other questions, such as how to integrate concepts into a wider theory of the mind, what functions are allowed or disallowed by a concept's ontology, etc. There are two main views of the ontology of concepts: (1) Concepts are abstract objects, and (2) concepts are mental representations. Concepts as mental representations The psychological view of concepts Within the framework of the representational theory of mind, the structural position of concepts can be understood as follows: Concepts serve as the building blocks of what are called mental representations (colloquially understood as ideas in the mind). Mental representations, in turn, are the building blocks of what are called propositional attitudes (colloquially understood as the stances or perspectives we take towards ideas, be it "believing", "doubting", "wondering", "accepting", etc.). And these propositional attitudes, in turn, are the building blocks of our understanding of thoughts that populate everyday life, as well as folk psychology. In this way, we have an analysis that ties our common everyday understanding of thoughts down to the scientific and philosophical understanding of concepts. The physicalist view of concepts In a physicalist theory of mind, a concept is a mental representation, which the brain uses to denote a class of things in the world. This is to say that it is literally a symbol or group of symbols together made from the physical material of the brain. Concepts are mental representations that allow us to draw appropriate inferences about the type of entities we encounter in our everyday lives. Concepts do not encompass all mental representations, but are merely a subset of them. The use of concepts is necessary to cognitive processes such as categorization, memory, decision making, learning, and inference. Concepts are thought to be stored in long term cortical memory, in contrast to episodic memory of the particular objects and events which they abstract, which are stored in hippocampus. Evidence for this separation comes from hippocampal damaged patients such as patient HM. The abstraction from the day's hippocampal events and objects into cortical concepts is often considered to be the computation underlying (some stages of) sleep and dreaming. Many people (beginning with Aristotle) report memories of dreams which appear to mix the day's events with analogous or related historical concepts and memories, and suggest that they were being sorted or organized into more abstract concepts. ("Sort" is itself another word for concept, and "sorting" thus means to organize into concepts.) Concepts as abstract objects The semantic view of concepts suggests that concepts are abstract objects. In this view, concepts are abstract objects of a category out of a human's mind rather than some mental representations. There is debate as to the relationship between concepts and natural language. However, it is necessary at least to begin by understanding that the concept "dog" is philosophically distinct from the things in the world grouped by this concept—or the reference class or extension. Concepts that can be equated to a single word are called "lexical concepts". The study of concepts and conceptual structure falls into the disciplines of linguistics, philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science. In the simplest terms, a concept is a name or label that regards or treats an abstraction as if it had concrete or material existence, such as a person, a place, or a thing. It may represent a natural object that exists in the real world like a tree, an animal, a stone, etc. It may also name an artificial (man-made) object like a chair, computer, house, etc. Abstract ideas and knowledge domains such as freedom, equality, science, happiness, etc., are also symbolized by concepts. A concept is merely a symbol, a representation of the abstraction. The word is not to be mistaken for the thing. For example, the word "moon" (a concept) is not the large, bright, shape-changing object up in the sky, but only represents that celestial object. Concepts are created (named) to describe, explain and capture reality as it is known and understood. A priori concepts Kant maintained the view that human minds possess pure or a priori concepts. Instead of being abstracted from individual perceptions, like empirical concepts, they originate in the mind itself. He called these concepts categories, in the sense of the word that means predicate, attribute, characteristic, or quality. But these pure categories are predicates of things in general, not of a particular thing. According to Kant, there are twelve categories that constitute the understanding of phenomenal objects. Each category is that one predicate which is common to multiple empirical concepts. In order to explain how an a priori concept can relate to individual phenomena, in a manner analogous to an a posteriori concept, Kant employed the technical concept of the schema. He held that the account of the concept as an abstraction of experience is only partly correct. He called those concepts that result from abstraction "a posteriori concepts" (meaning concepts that arise out of experience). An empirical or an a posteriori concept is a general representation (Vorstellung) or non-specific thought of that which is common to several specific perceived objects (Logic, I, 1., §1, Note 1) A concept is a common feature or characteristic. Kant investigated the way that empirical a posteriori concepts are created. Embodied content In cognitive linguistics, abstract concepts are transformations of concrete concepts derived from embodied experience. The mechanism of transformation is structural mapping, in which properties of two or more source domains are selectively mapped onto a blended space (Fauconnier & Turner, 1995; see conceptual blending). A common class of blends are metaphors. This theory contrasts with the rationalist view that concepts are perceptions (or recollections, in Plato's term) of an independently existing world of ideas, in that it denies the existence of any such realm. It also contrasts with the empiricist view that concepts are abstract generalizations of individual experiences, because the contingent and bodily experience is preserved in a concept, and not abstracted away. While the perspective is compatible with Jamesian pragmatism, the notion of the transformation of embodied concepts through structural mapping makes a distinct contribution to the problem of concept formation. Realist universal concepts Platonist views of the mind construe concepts as abstract objects. Plato was the starkest proponent of the realist thesis of universal concepts. By his view, concepts (and ideas in general) are innate ideas that were instantiations of a transcendental world of pure forms that lay behind the veil of the physical world. In this way, universals were explained as transcendent objects. Needless to say, this form of realism was tied deeply with Plato's ontological projects. This remark on Plato is not of merely historical interest. For example, the view that numbers are Platonic objects was revived by Kurt Gödel as a result of certain puzzles that he took to arise from the phenomenological accounts. Sense and reference Gottlob Frege, founder of the analytic tradition in philosophy, famously argued for the analysis of language in terms of sense and reference. For him, the sense of an expression in language describes a certain state of affairs in the world, namely, the way that some object is presented. Since many commentators view the notion of sense as identical to the notion of concept, and Frege regards senses as the linguistic representations of states of affairs in the world, it seems to follow that we may understand concepts as the manner in which we grasp the world. Accordingly, concepts (as senses) have an ontological status. Concepts in calculus According to Carl Benjamin Boyer, in the introduction to his The History of the Calculus and its Conceptual Development, concepts in calculus do not refer to perceptions. As long as the concepts are useful and mutually compatible, they are accepted on their own. For example, the concepts of the derivative and the integral are not considered to refer to spatial or temporal perceptions of the external world of experience. Neither are they related in any way to mysterious limits in which quantities are on the verge of nascence or evanescence, that is, coming into or going out of existence. The abstract concepts are now considered to be totally autonomous, even though they originated from the process of abstracting or taking away qualities from perceptions until only the common, essential attributes remained. Notable theories on the structure of concepts Classical theory The classical theory of concepts, also referred to as the empiricist theory of concepts, is the oldest theory about the structure of concepts (it can be traced back to Aristotle), and was prominently held until the 1970s. The classical theory of concepts says that concepts have a definitional structure. Adequate definitions of the kind required by this theory usually take the form of a list of features. These features must have two important qualities to provide a comprehensive definition. Features entailed by the definition of a concept must be both necessary and sufficient for membership in the class of things covered by a particular concept. A feature is considered necessary if every member of the denoted class has that feature. A feature is considered sufficient if something has all the parts required by the definition. For example, the classic example bachelor is said to be defined by unmarried and man. An entity is a bachelor (by this definition) if and only if it is both unmarried and a man. To check whether something is a member of the class, you compare its qualities to the features in the definition. Another key part of this theory is that it obeys the law of the excluded middle, which means that there are no partial members of a class, you are either in or out. The classical theory persisted for so long unquestioned because it seemed intuitively correct and has great explanatory power. It can explain how concepts would be acquired, how we use them to categorize and how we use the structure of a concept to determine its referent class. In fact, for many years it was one of the major activities in philosophy—concept analysis. Concept analysis is the act of trying to articulate the necessary and sufficient conditions for the membership in the referent class of a concept. For example, Shoemaker's classic "Time Without Change" explored whether the concept of the flow of time can include flows where no changes take place, though change is usually taken as a definition of time. Arguments against the classical theory Given that most later theories of concepts were born out of the rejection of some or all of the classical theory, it seems appropriate to give an account of what might be wrong with this theory. In the 20th century, philosophers such as Wittgenstein and Rosch argued against the classical theory. There are six primary arguments summarized as follows: It seems that there simply are no definitions—especially those based in sensory primitive concepts. It seems as though there can be cases where our ignorance or error about a class means that we either don't know the definition of a concept, or have incorrect notions about what a definition of a particular concept might entail. Quine's argument against analyticity in Two Dogmas of Empiricism also holds as an argument against definitions. Some concepts have fuzzy membership. There are items for which it is vague whether or not they fall into (or out of) a particular referent class. This is not possible in the classical theory as everything has equal and full membership. Experiments and research showed that assumptions of well defined concepts and categories might not be correct. Researcher Hampton asked participants to differentiate whether items were in different categories. Hampton did not conclude that items were either clear and absolute members or non-members. Instead, Hampton found that some items were barely considered category members and others that were barely non-members. For example, participants considered sinks as barely members of kitchen utensil category, while sponges were considered barely non-members, with much disagreement among participants of the study. If concepts and categories were very well defined, such cases should be rare. Since then, many researches have discovered borderline members that are not clearly in or out of a category of concept. Rosch found typicality effects which cannot be explained by the classical theory of concepts, these sparked the prototype theory. See below. Psychological experiments show no evidence for our using concepts as strict definitions. Prototype theory Prototype theory came out of problems with the classical view of conceptual structure. Prototype theory says that concepts specify properties that members of a class tend to possess, rather than must possess. Wittgenstein, Rosch, Mervis, Brent Berlin, Anglin, and Posner are a few of the key proponents and creators of this theory. Wittgenstein describes the relationship between members of a class as family resemblances. There are not necessarily any necessary conditions for membership; a dog can still be a dog with only three legs. This view is particularly supported by psychological experimental evidence for prototypicality effects. Participants willingly and consistently rate objects in categories like 'vegetable' or 'furniture' as more or less typical of that class. It seems that our categories are fuzzy psychologically, and so this structure has explanatory power. We can judge an item's membership of the referent class of a concept by comparing it to the typical member—the most central member of the concept. If it is similar enough in the relevant ways, it will be cognitively admitted as a member of the relevant class of entities. Rosch suggests that every category is represented by a central exemplar which embodies all or the maximum possible number of features of a given category. Lech, Gunturkun, and Suchan explain that categorization involves many areas of the brain. Some of these are: visual association areas, prefrontal cortex, basal ganglia, and temporal lobe. The Prototype perspective is proposed as an alternative view to the Classical approach. While the Classical theory requires an all-or-nothing membership in a group, prototypes allow for more fuzzy boundaries and are characterized by attributes. Lakoff stresses that experience and cognition are critical to the function of language, and Labov's experiment found that the function that an artifact contributed to what people categorized it as. For example, a container holding mashed potatoes versus tea swayed people toward classifying them as a bowl and a cup, respectively. This experiment also illuminated the optimal dimensions of what the prototype for "cup" is. Prototypes also deal with the essence of things and to what extent they belong to a category. There have been a number of experiments dealing with questionnaires asking participants to rate something according to the extent to which it belongs to a category. This question is contradictory to the Classical Theory because something is either a member of a category or is not. This type of problem is paralleled in other areas of linguistics such as phonology, with an illogical question such as "is /i/ or /o/ a better vowel?" The Classical approach and Aristotelian categories may be a better descriptor in some cases. Theory-theory Theory-theory is a reaction to the previous two theories and develops them further. This theory postulates that categorization by concepts is something like scientific theorizing. Concepts are not learned in isolation, but rather are learned as a part of our experiences with the world around us. In this sense, concepts' structure relies on their relationships to other concepts as mandated by a particular mental theory about the state of the world. How this is supposed to work is a little less clear than in the previous two theories, but is still a prominent and notable theory. This is supposed to explain some of the issues of ignorance and error that come up in prototype and classical theories as concepts that are structured around each other seem to account for errors such as whale as a fish (this misconception came from an incorrect theory about what a whale is like, combining with our theory of what a fish is). When we learn that a whale is not a fish, we are recognizing that whales don't in fact fit the theory we had about what makes something a fish. Theory-theory also postulates that people's theories about the world are what inform their conceptual knowledge of the world. Therefore, analysing people's theories can offer insights into their concepts. In this sense, "theory" means an individual's mental explanation rather than scientific fact. This theory criticizes classical and prototype theory as relying too much on similarities and using them as a sufficient constraint. It suggests that theories or mental understandings contribute more to what has membership to a group rather than weighted similarities, and a cohesive category is formed more by what makes sense to the perceiver. Weights assigned to features have shown to fluctuate and vary depending on context and experimental task demonstrated by Tversky. For this reason, similarities between members may be collateral rather than causal. Ideasthesia According to the theory of ideasthesia (or "sensing concepts"), activation of a concept may be the main mechanism responsible for the creation of phenomenal experiences. Therefore, understanding how the brain processes concepts may be central to solving the mystery of how conscious experiences (or qualia) emerge within a physical system e.g., the sourness of the sour taste of lemon. This question is also known as the hard problem of consciousness. Research on ideasthesia emerged from research on synesthesia where it was noted that a synesthetic experience requires first an activation of a concept of the inducer. Later research expanded these results into everyday perception. There is a lot of discussion on the most effective theory in concepts. Another theory is semantic pointers, which use perceptual and motor representations and these representations are like symbols. Etymology The term "concept" is traced back to 1554–60 (Latin conceptum – "something conceived"). See also Abstraction Categorization Class (philosophy) Conceptualism Concept and object Concept map Conceptual blending Conceptual framework Conceptual history Conceptual model Conversation theory Definitionism Formal concept analysis Fuzzy concept General Concept Lattice Hypostatic abstraction Idea Ideasthesia Noesis Notion (philosophy) Object (philosophy) Process of concept formation Schema (Kant) Intuitive statistics References Further reading Armstrong, S. L., Gleitman, L. R., & Gleitman, H. (1999). what some concepts might not be. In E. Margolis, & S. Lawrence, Concepts (pp. 225–261). Massachusetts: MIT press. Carey, S. (1999). knowledge acquisition: enrichment or conceptual change? In E. Margolis, & S. Lawrence, concepts: core readings (pp. 459–489). Massachusetts: MIT press. Fodor, J. A., Garrett, M. F., Walker, E. C., & Parkes, C. H. (1999). against definitions. In E. Margolis, & S. Lawrence, concepts: core readings (pp. 491–513). Massachusetts: MIT press. Hume, D. (1739). book one part one: of the understanding of ideas, their origin, composition, connexion, abstraction etc. In D. Hume, a treatise of human nature. England. Murphy, G. (2004). Chapter 2. In G. Murphy, a big book of concepts (pp. 11 – 41). Massachusetts: MIT press. Murphy, G., & Medin, D. (1999). the role of theories in conceptual coherence. In E. Margolis, & S. Lawrence, concepts: core readings (pp. 425–459). Massachusetts: MIT press. Putnam, H. (1999). is semantics possible? In E. Margolis, & S. Lawrence, concepts: core readings (pp. 177–189). Massachusetts: MIT press. Quine, W. (1999). two dogmas of empiricism. In E. Margolis, & S. Lawrence, concepts: core readings (pp. 153–171). Massachusetts: MIT press. Rey, G. (1999). Concepts and Stereotypes. In E. Margolis, & S. Laurence (Eds.), Concepts: Core Readings (pp. 279–301). Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Rosch, E. (1977). Classification of real-world objects: Origins and representations in cognition. In P. Johnson-Laird, & P. Wason, Thinking: Readings in Cognitive Science (pp. 212–223). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rosch, E. (1999). Principles of Categorization. In E. Margolis, & S. Laurence (Eds.), Concepts: Core Readings (pp. 189–206). Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Wittgenstein, L. (1999). philosophical investigations: sections 65–78. In E. Margolis, & S. Lawrence, concepts: core readings (pp. 171–175). Massachusetts: MIT press. The History of Calculus and its Conceptual Development, Carl Benjamin Boyer, Dover Publications, The Writings of William James, University of Chicago Press, Logic, Immanuel Kant, Dover Publications, A System of Logic, John Stuart Mill, University Press of the Pacific, Parerga and Paralipomena, Arthur Schopenhauer, Volume I, Oxford University Press, Kant's Metaphysic of Experience, H. J. Paton, London: Allen & Unwin, 1936 Conceptual Integration Networks. Gilles Fauconnier and Mark Turner, 1998. Cognitive Science. Volume 22, number 2 (April–June 1998), pp. 133–187. The Portable Nietzsche, Penguin Books, 1982, Stephen Laurence and Eric Margolis "Concepts and Cognitive Science". In Concepts: Core Readings, MIT Press pp. 3–81, 1999. Georgij Yu. Somov (2010). Concepts and Senses in Visual Art: Through the example of analysis of some works by Bruegel the Elder. Semiotica 182 (1/4), 475–506. Daltrozzo J, Vion-Dury J, Schön D. (2010). Music and Concepts. Horizons in Neuroscience Research 4: 157–167. External links Blending and Conceptual Integration Concepts. A Critical Approach, by Andy Blunden Conceptual Science and Mathematical Permutations Concept Mobiles Latest concepts v:Conceptualize: A Wikiversity Learning Project Concept simultaneously translated in several languages and meanings TED-Ed Lesson on ideasthesia (sensing concepts) Abstraction Cognitive science Concepts in metaphysics Main topic articles Mental content Ontology Philosophy of language Concepts in the philosophy of mind Semantics Thought Objects

Psychopharmacology

Psychopharmacology (from Greek ; ; and ) is the scientific study of the effects drugs have on mood, sensation, thinking, behavior, judgment and evaluation, and memory. It is distinguished from neuropsychopharmacology, which emphasizes the correlation between drug-induced changes in the functioning of cells in the nervous system and changes in consciousness and behavior. The field of psychopharmacology studies a wide range of substances with various types of psychoactive properties, focusing primarily on the chemical interactions with the brain. The term "psychopharmacology" was likely first coined by David Macht in 1920. Psychoactive drugs interact with particular target sites or receptors found in the nervous system to induce widespread changes in physiological or psychological functions. The specific interaction between drugs and their receptors is referred to as "drug action", and the widespread changes in physiological or psychological function is referred to as "drug effect". These drugs may originate from natural sources such as plants and animals, or from artificial sources such as chemical synthesis in the laboratory. Historical overview Early psychopharmacology Not often mentioned or included in the field of psychopharmacology today are psychoactive substances not identified as useful in modern mental health settings or references. These substances are naturally occurring, but nonetheless psychoactive, and are compounds identified through the work of ethnobotanists and ethnomycologists (and others who study the native use of naturally occurring psychoactive drugs). However, although these substances have been used throughout history by various cultures, and have a profound effect on mentality and brain function, they have not always attained the degree of scrutinous evaluation that lab-made compounds have. Nevertheless, some, such as psilocybin and mescaline, have provided a basis of study for the compounds that are used and examined in the field today. Hunter-gatherer societies tended to favor hallucinogens, and today their use can still be observed in many surviving tribal cultures. The exact drug used depends on what the particular ecosystem a given tribe lives in can support, and are typically found growing wild. Such drugs include various psychoactive mushrooms containing psilocybin or muscimol and cacti containing mescaline and other chemicals, along with myriad other plants containing psychoactive chemicals. These societies generally attach spiritual significance to such drug use, and often incorporate it into their religious practices. With the dawn of the Neolithic and the proliferation of agriculture, new psychoactives came into use as a natural by-product of farming. Among them were opium, cannabis, and alcohol derived from the fermentation of cereals and fruits. Most societies began developing herblores, lists of herbs which were good for treating various physical and mental ailments. For example, St. John's wort was traditionally prescribed in parts of Europe for depression (in addition to use as a general-purpose tea), and Chinese medicine developed elaborate lists of herbs and preparations. These and various other substances that have an effect on the brain are still used as remedies in many cultures. Modern psychopharmacology The dawn of contemporary psychopharmacology marked the beginning of the use of psychiatric drugs to treat psychological illnesses. It brought with it the use of opiates and barbiturates for the management of acute behavioral issues in patients. In the early stages, psychopharmacology was primarily used for sedation. With the 1950s came the establishment of lithium for mania, chlorpromazine for psychoses, and then in rapid succession, the development of tricyclic antidepressants, monoamine oxidase inhibitors, and benzodiazepines, among other antipsychotics and antidepressants. A defining feature of this era includes an evolution of research methods, with the establishment of placebo-controlled, double-blind studies, and the development of methods for analyzing blood levels with respect to clinical outcome and increased sophistication in clinical trials. The early 1960s revealed a revolutionary model by Julius Axelrod describing nerve signals and synaptic transmission, which was followed by a drastic increase of biochemical brain research into the effects of psychotropic agents on brain chemistry. After the 1960s, the field of psychiatry shifted to incorporate the indications for and efficacy of pharmacological treatments, and began to focus on the use and toxicities of these medications. The 1970s and 1980s were further marked by a better understanding of the synaptic aspects of the action mechanisms of drugs. However, the model has its critics, too – notably Joanna Moncrieff and the Critical Psychiatry Network. Chemical signaling Neurotransmitters Psychoactive drugs exert their sensory and behavioral effects almost entirely by acting on neurotransmitters and by modifying one or more aspects of synaptic transmission. Neurotransmitters can be viewed as chemicals through which neurons primarily communicate; psychoactive drugs affect the mind by altering this communication. Drugs may act by 1) serving as a precursor to a neurotransmitter; 2) inhibiting neurotransmitter synthesis; 3) preventing storage of neurotransmitters in the presynaptic vesicle; 4) stimulating or inhibiting neurotransmitter release; 5) stimulating or blocking post-synaptic receptors; 6) stimulating autoreceptors, inhibiting neurotransmitter release; 7) blocking autoreceptors, increasing neurotransmitter release; 8) inhibiting neurotransmission breakdown; or 9) blocking neurotransmitter reuptake by the presynaptic neuron. Hormones The other central method through which drugs act is by affecting communications between cells through hormones. Neurotransmitters can usually only travel a microscopic distance before reaching their target at the other side of the synaptic cleft, while hormones can travel long distances before reaching target cells anywhere in the body. Thus, the endocrine system is a critical focus of psychopharmacology because 1) drugs can alter the secretion of many hormones; 2) hormones may alter the behavioral responses to drugs; 3) hormones themselves sometimes have psychoactive properties; and 4) the secretion of some hormones, especially those dependent on the pituitary gland, is controlled by neurotransmitter systems in the brain. Psychopharmacological substances Alcohol Alcohol is a depressant, the effects of which may vary according to dosage amount, frequency, and chronicity. As a member of the sedative-hypnotic class, at the lowest doses, the individual feels relaxed and less anxious. In quiet settings, the user may feel drowsy, but in settings with increased sensory stimulation, individuals may feel uninhibited and more confident. High doses of alcohol rapidly consumed may produce amnesia for the events that occur during intoxication. Other effects include reduced coordination, which leads to slurred speech, impaired fine-motor skills, and delayed reaction time. The effects of alcohol on the body's neurochemistry are more difficult to examine than some other drugs. This is because the chemical nature of the substance makes it easy to penetrate into the brain, and it also influences the phospholipid bilayer of neurons. This allows alcohol to have a widespread impact on many normal cell functions and modifies the actions of several neurotransmitter systems. Alcohol inhibits glutamate (a major excitatory neurotransmitter in the nervous system) neurotransmission by reducing the effectiveness at the NMDA receptor, which is related to memory loss associated with intoxication. It also modulates the function of GABA, a major inhibitory amino acid neurotransmitter. Abuse of alcohol has also been correlated with thiamine deficiencies within the brain, leading to lasting neurological conditions that affect primarily the ability of the brain to effectively store memories. One such neurological condition is called Korsakoff's syndrome, for which very few effective treatment modalities have been found. The reinforcing qualities of alcohol leading to repeated use – and thus also the mechanisms of withdrawal from chronic alcohol use – are partially due to the substance's action on the dopamine system. This is also due to alcohol's effect on the opioid systems, or endorphins, that have opiate-like effects, such as modulating pain, mood, feeding, reinforcement, and response to stress. Antidepressants Antidepressants reduce symptoms of mood disorders primarily through the regulation of norepinephrine and serotonin (particularly the 5-HT receptors). After chronic use, neurons adapt to the change in biochemistry, resulting in a change in pre- and postsynaptic receptor density and second messenger function. The Monoamine Theory of Depression and Anxiety, which states that the disruption of the activity of nitrogen containing neurotransmitters (i.e. serotonin, norepinephrine, and dopamine) is strongly correlated with the presence of depressive symptoms. Despite its longstanding prominence in pharmaceutical advertising, the myth that low serotonin levels cause depression is not supported by scientific evidence. Monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs) are the oldest class of antidepressants. They inhibit monoamine oxidase, the enzyme that metabolizes the monoamine neurotransmitters in the presynaptic terminals that are not contained in protective synaptic vesicles. The inhibition of the enzyme increases the amount of neurotransmitter available for release. It increases norepinephrine, dopamine, and 5-HT, thus increasing the action of the transmitters at their receptors. MAOIs have been somewhat disfavored because of their reputation for more serious side effects. Tricyclic antidepressants (TCAs) work through binding to the presynaptic transporter proteins and blocking the reuptake of norepinephrine or 5-HT into the presynaptic terminal, prolonging the duration of transmitter action at the synapse. Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) selectively block the reuptake of serotonin (5-HT) through their inhibiting effects on the sodium/potassium ATP-dependent serotonin transporter in presynaptic neurons. This increases the availability of 5-HT in the synaptic cleft. The main parameters to consider in choosing an antidepressant are side effects and safety. Most SSRIs are available generically and are relatively inexpensive. Older antidepressants such as TCAs and MAOIs usually require more visits and monitoring, which may offset the low expense of the drugs. SSRIs are relatively safe in overdoses and better tolerated than TCAs and MAOIs for most patients. Antipsychotics All proven antipsychotics are postsynaptic dopamine receptor blockers (dopamine antagonists). For an antipsychotic to be effective, it generally requires a dopamine antagonism of 60%–80% of dopamine D2 receptors. First generation (typical) antipsychotics: Traditional neuroleptics modify several neurotransmitter systems, but their clinical effectiveness is most likely due to their ability to antagonize dopamine transmission by competitively blocking the receptors or by inhibiting dopamine release. The most serious and troublesome side effects of these classical antipsychotics are movement disorders that resemble the symptoms of Parkinson's disease, because the neuroleptics antagonize dopamine receptors broadly, also reducing the normal dopamine-mediated inhibition of cholinergic cells in the striatum. Second-generation (atypical) antipsychotics: The concept of "atypicality" is from the finding that second generation antipsychotics (SGAs) have a greater serotonin/dopamine ratio than earlier drugs, and might be associated with improved efficacy (particularly for the negative symptoms of psychosis) and reduced extrapyramidal side effects. Some of the efficacy of atypical antipsychotics may be due to 5-HT2 antagonism or the blockade of other dopamine receptors. Agents that purely block 5-HT2 or dopamine receptors other than D2 have often failed as effective antipsychotics. Benzodiazepines Benzodiazepines are often used to reduce anxiety symptoms, muscle tension, seizure disorders, insomnia, symptoms of alcohol withdrawal, and panic attack symptoms. Their action is primarily on specific benzodiazepine sites on the GABAA receptor. This receptor complex is thought to mediate the anxiolytic, sedative, and anticonvulsant actions of the benzodiazepines. Use of benzodiazepines carries the risk of tolerance (necessitating increased dosage), dependence, and abuse. Taking these drugs for a long period of time can lead to severe withdrawal symptoms upon abrupt discontinuation. Hallucinogens Classical serotonergic psychedelics Psychedelics cause perceptual and cognitive distortions without delirium. The state of intoxication is often called a "trip". Onset is the first stage after an individual ingests (LSD, psilocybin, ayahuasca, and mescaline) or smokes (dimethyltryptamine) the substance. This stage may consist of visual effects, with an intensification of colors and the appearance of geometric patterns that can be seen with one's eyes closed. This is followed by a plateau phase, where the subjective sense of time begins to slow and the visual effects increase in intensity. The user may experience synesthesia, a crossing-over of sensations (for example, one may "see" sounds and "hear" colors). These outward sensory effects have been referred to as the "mystical experience", and current research suggests that this state could be beneficial to the treatment of some mental illnesses, such as depression and possibly addiction. In instances where some patients have seen a lack of improvement from the use of antidepressants, serotonergic hallucinogens have been observed to be rather effective in treatment. In addition to the sensory-perceptual effects, hallucinogenic substances may induce feelings of depersonalization, emotional shifts to a euphoric or anxious/fearful state, and a disruption of logical thought. Hallucinogens are classified chemically as either indolamines (specifically tryptamines), sharing a common structure with serotonin, or as phenethylamines, which share a common structure with norepinephrine. Both classes of these drugs are agonists at the 5-HT2 receptors; this is thought to be the central component of their hallucinogenic properties. Activation of 5-HT2A may be particularly important for hallucinogenic activity. However, repeated exposure to hallucinogens leads to rapid tolerance, likely through down-regulation of these receptors in specific target cells. Research suggests that hallucinogens affect many of these receptor sites around the brain and that through these interactions, hallucinogenic substances may be capable of inducing positive introspective experiences. The current research implies that many of the effects that can be observed occur in the occipital lobe and the frontomedial cortex; however, they also present many secondary global effects in the brain that have not yet been connected to the substance's biochemical mechanism of action. Dissociative hallucinogens Another class of hallucinogens, known as dissociatives, includes drugs such as ketamine, phencyclidine (PCP), and Salvia divinorum. Drugs such as these are thought to interact predominantly with glutamate receptors within the brain. Specifically, ketamine is thought to block NMDA receptors that are responsible for signalling in the glutamate pathways. Ketamine's more tranquilizing effects can be seen in the central nervous system through interactions with parts of the thalamus by inhibition of certain functions. Ketamine has become a major drug of research for the treatment of depression. These antidepressant effects are thought to be related to the drug's action on the glutamate receptor system and the relative spike in glutamate levels, as well as its interaction with mTOR, which is an enzymatic protein involved in catabolic processes in the human body. Phencyclidine's biochemical properties are still mostly unknown; however, its use has been associated with dissociation, hallucinations, and in some cases seizures and death. Salvia divinorum, a plant native to Mexico, has strong dissociative and hallucinogenic properties when the dry leaves are smoked or chewed. The qualitative value of these effects, whether negative or positive, has been observed to vary between individuals with many other factors to consider. Hypnotics Hypnotics are often used to treat the symptoms of insomnia or other sleep disorders. Benzodiazepines are still among the most widely prescribed sedative-hypnotics in the United States today. Certain non-benzodiazepine drugs are used as hypnotics as well. Although they lack the chemical structure of the benzodiazepines, their sedative effect is similarly through action on the GABAA receptor. They also have a reputation of being less addictive than benzodiazepines. Melatonin, a naturally-occurring hormone, is often used over the counter (OTC) to treat insomnia and jet lag. This hormone appears to be excreted by the pineal gland early during the sleep cycle and may contribute to human circadian rhythms. Because OTC melatonin supplements are not subject to careful and consistent manufacturing, more specific melatonin agonists are sometimes preferred. They are used for their action on melatonin receptors in the suprachiasmatic nucleus, responsible for sleep-wake cycles. Many barbiturates have or had an FDA-approved indication for use as sedative-hypnotics, but have become less widely used because of their limited safety margin in overdose, their potential for dependence, and the degree of central nervous system depression they induce. The amino-acid L-tryptophan is also available OTC, and seems to be free of dependence or abuse liability. However, it is not as powerful as the traditional hypnotics. Because of the possible role of serotonin in sleep patterns, a new generation of 5-HT2 antagonists are in current development as hypnotics. Cannabis and the cannabinoids Cannabis consumption produces a dose-dependent state of intoxication in humans. There is commonly increased blood flow to the skin, which leads to an increased heart rate and sensations of warmth or flushing. It also frequently induces increased hunger. Iversen (2000) categorized the subjective and behavioral effects often associated with cannabis into three stages. The first is the "buzz", a brief period of initial responding where the main effects are lightheadedness or slight dizziness, in addition to possible tingling sensations in the extremities or other parts of the body. The "high" is characterized by feelings of euphoria and exhilaration characterized by mild psychedelia as well as a sense of disinhibition. If the individual has taken a sufficiently large dose of cannabis, the level of intoxication progresses to the stage of being "stoned", and the user may feel calm, relaxed, and possibly in a dreamlike state. Sensory reactions may include the feeling of floating, enhanced visual and auditory perception, visual illusions, or the perception of the slowing of time passage, which are somewhat psychedelic in nature. There exist two primary CNS cannabinoid receptors, on which marijuana and the cannabinoids act. Both the CB1 and CB2 receptor are found in the brain. The CB2 receptor is also found in the immune system. CB1 is expressed at high densities in the basal ganglia, cerebellum, hippocampus, and cerebral cortex. Receptor activation can inhibit cAMP formation, inhibit voltage-sensitive calcium ion channels, and activate potassium ion channels. Many CB1 receptors are located on axon terminals, where they act to inhibit the release of various neurotransmitters. In combination, these chemical actions work to alter various functions of the central nervous system, including the motor system, memory, and various cognitive processes. Opioids The opioid category of drugs – including drugs such as heroin, morphine, and oxycodone – belong to the class of narcotic analgesics, which reduce pain without producing unconsciousness but do produce a sense of relaxation and sleep, and at high doses may result in coma and death. The ability of opioids (both endogenous and exogenous) to relieve pain depends on a complex set of neuronal pathways at the spinal cord level, as well as various locations above the spinal cord. Small endorphin neurons in the spinal cord act on receptors to decrease the conduction of pain signals from the spinal cord to higher brain centers. Descending neurons originating in the periaqueductal gray give rise to two pathways that further block pain signals in the spinal cord. The pathways begin in the locus coeruleus (noradrenaline) and the nucleus of raphe (serotonin). Similar to other abused substances, opioid drugs increase dopamine release in the nucleus accumbens. Opioids are more likely to produce physical dependence than any other class of psychoactive drugs, and can lead to painful withdrawal symptoms if discontinued abruptly after regular use. Stimulants Cocaine is one of the more common stimulants and is a complex drug that interacts with various neurotransmitter systems. It commonly causes heightened alertness, increased confidence, feelings of exhilaration, reduced fatigue, and a generalized sense of well-being. The effects of cocaine are similar to those of amphetamines, though cocaine tends to have a shorter duration of effect. In high doses or with prolonged use, cocaine can result in a number of negative effects, including irritability, anxiety, exhaustion, total insomnia, and even psychotic symptomatology. Most of the behavioral and physiological actions of cocaine can be explained by its ability to block the reuptake of the two catecholamines, dopamine and norepinephrine, as well as serotonin. Cocaine binds to transporters that normally clear these transmitters from the synaptic cleft, inhibiting their function. This leads to increased levels of neurotransmitter in the cleft and transmission at the synapses. Based on in-vitro studies using rat brain tissue, cocaine binds most strongly to the serotonin transporter, followed by the dopamine transporter, and then the norepinephrine transporter. Amphetamines tend to cause the same behavioral and subjective effects of cocaine. Various forms of amphetamine are commonly used to treat the symptoms of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and narcolepsy, or are used recreationally. Amphetamine and methamphetamine are indirect agonists of the catecholaminergic systems. They block catecholamine reuptake, in addition to releasing catecholamines from nerve terminals. There is evidence that dopamine receptors play a central role in the behavioral responses of animals to cocaine, amphetamines, and other psychostimulant drugs. One action causes the dopamine molecules to be released from inside the vesicles into the cytoplasm of the nerve terminal, which are then transported outside by the mesolimbic dopamine pathway to the nucleus accumbens. This plays a key role in the rewarding and reinforcing effects of cocaine and amphetamine in animals, and is the primary mechanism for amphetamine dependence. Psychopharmacological research In psychopharmacology, researchers are interested in any substance that crosses the blood–brain barrier and thus has an effect on behavior, mood, or cognition. Drugs are researched for their physiochemical properties, physical side effects, and psychological side effects. Researchers in psychopharmacology study a variety of different psychoactive substances, including alcohol, cannabinoids, club drugs, psychedelics, opiates, nicotine, caffeine, psychomotor stimulants, inhalants, and anabolic–androgenic steroids. They also study drugs used in the treatment of affective and anxiety disorders, as well as schizophrenia. Clinical studies are often very specific, typically beginning with animal testing and ending with human testing. In the human testing phase, there is often a group of subjects: one group is given a placebo, and the other is administered a carefully measured therapeutic dose of the drug in question. After all of the testing is completed, the drug is proposed to the concerned regulatory authority (e.g. the U.S. FDA), and is either commercially introduced to the public via prescription, or deemed safe enough for over-the-counter sale. Though particular drugs are prescribed for specific symptoms or syndromes, they are usually not specific to the treatment of any single mental disorder. A somewhat controversial application of psychopharmacology is "cosmetic psychiatry": persons who do not meet criteria for any psychiatric disorder are nevertheless prescribed psychotropic medication. The antidepressant bupropion is then prescribed to increase perceived energy levels and assertiveness while diminishing the need for sleep. The antihypertensive compound propranolol is sometimes chosen to eliminate the discomfort of day-to-day anxiety. Fluoxetine in nondepressed people can produce a feeling of generalized well-being. Pramipexole, a treatment for restless leg syndrome, can dramatically increase libido in women. These and other off-label lifestyle applications of medications are not uncommon. Although occasionally reported in the medical literature, no guidelines for such usage have been developed. There is also a potential for the misuse of prescription psychoactive drugs by elderly persons, who may have multiple drug prescriptions. See also Pharmacology Neuropharmacology Neuropsychopharmacology Psychiatry History of pharmacy Mental health Recreational drug use Nathan S. Kline Prescriptive authority for psychologists movement References Further reading , an introductory text with detailed examples of treatment protocols and problems. , a general historical analysis. Peer-reviewed journals Experimental and Clinical Psychopharmacology, American Psychological Association Journal of Clinical Psychopharmacology, Lippincott Williams & Wilkins Journal of Psychopharmacology, British Association for Psychopharmacology, SAGE Publications Psychopharmacology, Springer Berlin/Heidelberg External links Psychopharmacology: The Fourth Generation of Progress — American College of Neuropsychopharmacology (ACNP) Bibliographical history of Psychopharmacology and Pharmacopsychology — Advances in the History of Psychology, York University Monograph Psychopharmacology Today British Association for Psychopharmacology (BAP) Psychopharmacology Institute: Video lectures and tutorials on psychotropic medications. Neuropharmacology

Emotional Freedom Techniques

Emotional Freedom Techniques (EFT) is a technique that stimulates acupressure points by pressuring, tapping or rubbing while focusing on situations that represent personal fear or trauma. EFT draws on various theories of alternative medicine – including acupuncture, neuro-linguistic programming, energy medicine, and Thought Field Therapy (TFT). EFT also combines elements of exposure therapy, cognitive behavioral therapy and somatic stimulation. It is best known through Gary Craig's EFT Handbook, published in the late 1990s, and related books and workshops by a variety of teachers. EFT and similar techniques are often discussed under the umbrella term "energy psychology." Advocates claim that the technique may be used to treat a wide variety of physical and psychological disorders, and as a simple form of self-administered therapy. The Skeptical Inquirer describes the foundations of EFT as "a hodgepodge of concepts derived from a variety of sources, [primarily] the ancient Chinese philosophy of chi, which is thought to be the 'life force' that flows throughout the body." The existence of this life force is "not empirically supported." EFT has no benefit as a therapy beyond (1) the placebo effect or (2) any known effective psychological techniques that may be provided in addition to the purported "energy" technique. It is generally characterized as pseudoscience, and it has not garnered significant support in clinical psychology. Process During a typical EFT session, the person will focus on a specific issue while tapping on "end points of the body's energy meridians." EFT tapping exercises combine elements of cognitive restructuring and exposure techniques with acupoint stimulation. The technique instructs individuals to tap on meridian endpoints of the body – such as the top of the head, eye brows, under eyes, side of eyes, chin, collar bone, and under the arms. While tapping, they recite specific phrases that target an emotional component of a physical symptom. According to the EFT Manual, the procedure consists of the participant rating the emotional intensity of their reaction on a Subjective Units of Distress Scale (SUDS) – i.e., a Likert scale for subjective measures of distress, calibrated 0 to 10 – then repeating an orienting affirmation while rubbing or tapping specific points on the body. Some practitioners incorporate eye movements or other tasks. The emotional intensity is then rescored and repeated until no changes are noted in the emotional intensity. Mechanism Proponents of EFT and other similar treatments believe that tapping/stimulating acupuncture points provide the basis for significant improvement in psychological problems. However, the theory and mechanisms underlying the supposed effectiveness of EFT have "no evidentiary support" "in the entire history of the sciences of biology, anatomy, physiology, neurology, physics, or psychology." Researchers have described the theoretical model for EFT as "frankly bizarre" and "pseudoscientific." One review noted that one of the highest quality studies found no evidence that the location of tapping points made any difference, and attributed effects to well-known psychological mechanisms, including distraction and breathing therapy. An article in the Skeptical Inquirer argued that there is no plausible mechanism to explain how the specifics of EFT could add to its effectiveness, and they have been described as unfalsifiable and therefore pseudoscientific. Evidence has not been found for the existence of meridians. Research quality EFT has no useful effect as a therapy beyond the placebo effect or any known-effective psychological techniques that may be used with the purported "energy" technique, but proponents of EFT have published material claiming otherwise. Their work, however, is flawed and hence unreliable: high-quality research has never confirmed that EFT is effective. A 2009 review found "methodological flaws" in research studies that had reported "small successes" for EFT and the related Tapas Acupressure Technique. The review concluded that positive results may be "attributable to well-known cognitive and behavioral techniques that are included with the energy manipulation. Psychologists and researchers should be wary of using such techniques, and make efforts to inform the public about the ill effects of therapies that advertise miraculous claims." A 2016 systematic review found that EFT was effective in reducing anxiety compared to controls, but also called for more research to establish the relative efficacy to that of established treatments. Reception A Delphi poll of an expert panel of psychologists rated EFT on a scale describing how discredited EFT has been in the field of psychology. On average, this panel found EFT had a score of 3.8 on a scale from 1.0 to 5.0, with 3.0 meaning "possibly discredited" and a 4.0 meaning "probably discredited." A book examining pseudoscientific practices in psychology characterized EFT as one of a number of "fringe psychotherapeutic practices," and a psychiatry handbook states EFT has "all the hallmarks of pseudoscience." EFT, along with its predecessor, Thought Field Therapy, has been dismissed with warnings to avoid their use by publications such as The Skeptic's Dictionary and Quackwatch. Proponents of EFT and other energy psychology therapies have been "particularly interested" in seeking "scientific credibility" despite the implausible proposed mechanisms for EFT. A 2008 review by energy psychology proponent David Feinstein concluded that energy psychology was a potential "rapid and potent treatment for a range of psychological conditions." However, this work by Feinstein has been widely criticized. One review criticized Feinstein's methodology, noting he ignored several research papers that did not show positive effects of EFT, and that Feinstein did not disclose his conflict of interest as an owner of a website that sells energy psychology products such as books and seminars, contrary to the best practices of research publication. Another review criticized Feinstein's conclusion, which was based on research of weak quality and instead concluded that any positive effects of EFT are due to the more traditional psychological techniques rather than any putative "energy" manipulation. A book published on the subject of evidence-based treatment of substance abuse called Feinstein's review "incomplete and misleading" and an example of a poorly performed evidence-based review of research. Feinstein published another review in 2012, concluding that energy psychology techniques "consistently demonstrated strong effect sizes and other positive statistical results that far exceed chance after relatively few treatment sessions." This review was also criticized, where again it was noted that Feinstein dismissed higher quality studies which showed no effects of EFT, in favor of methodologically weaker studies which did show a positive effect. In response to a literature review by D. Feinstein on "Manual Stimulation of Acupuncture Points", published in 2023 in the Journal of Psychotherapy Integration, Cassandra L. Bonessa, Rory Pfundb, and David F. Tolin publish, in the same journal, a critical analysis of 3 meta-analyses highlighted by this study. By using the AMSTAR2 analysis criteria, they come to the conclusion that these were poorly carried out and that their quality is “Critically low”. The three researchers call EFT pseudo-science and an “unsinkable rubber duck”. References External links Short BBC video describing EFT Energy therapies Manual therapy Emotion Pseudoscience

Systematics

Systematics is the study of the diversification of living forms, both past and present, and the relationships among living things through time. Relationships are visualized as evolutionary trees (synonyms: phylogenetic trees, phylogenies). Phylogenies have two components: branching order (showing group relationships, graphically represented in cladograms) and branch length (showing amount of evolution). Phylogenetic trees of species and higher taxa are used to study the evolution of traits (e.g., anatomical or molecular characteristics) and the distribution of organisms (biogeography). Systematics, in other words, is used to understand the evolutionary history of life on Earth. The word systematics is derived from the Latin word of Ancient Greek origin systema, which means systematic arrangement of organisms. Carl Linnaeus used 'Systema Naturae' as the title of his book. Branches and applications In the study of biological systematics, researchers use the different branches to further understand the relationships between differing organisms. These branches are used to determine the applications and uses for modern day systematics. Biological systematics classifies species by using three specific branches. Numerical systematics, or biometry, uses biological statistics to identify and classify animals. Biochemical systematics classifies and identifies animals based on the analysis of the material that makes up the living part of a cell—such as the nucleus, organelles, and cytoplasm. Experimental systematics identifies and classifies animals based on the evolutionary units that comprise a species, as well as their importance in evolution itself. Factors such as mutations, genetic divergence, and hybridization all are considered evolutionary units. With the specific branches, researchers are able to determine the applications and uses for modern-day systematics. These applications include: Studying the diversity of organisms and the differentiation between extinct and living creatures. Biologists study the well-understood relationships by making many different diagrams and "trees" (cladograms, phylogenetic trees, phylogenies, etc.). Including the scientific names of organisms, species descriptions and overviews, taxonomic orders, and classifications of evolutionary and organism histories. Explaining the biodiversity of the planet and its organisms. The systematic study is that of conservation. Manipulating and controlling the natural world. This includes the practice of 'biological control', the intentional introduction of natural predators and disease. Definition and relation with taxonomy John Lindley provided an early definition of systematics in 1830, although he wrote of "systematic botany" rather than using the term "systematics". In 1970 Michener et al. defined "systematic biology" and "taxonomy" (terms that are often confused and used interchangeably) in relationship to one another as follows: Systematic biology (hereafter called simply systematics) is the field that (a) provides scientific names for organisms, (b) describes them, (c) preserves collections of them, (d) provides classifications for the organisms, keys for their identification, and data on their distributions, (e) investigates their evolutionary histories, and (f) considers their environmental adaptations. This is a field with a long history that in recent years has experienced a notable renaissance, principally with respect to theoretical content. Part of the theoretical material has to do with evolutionary areas (topics e and f above), the rest relates especially to the problem of classification. Taxonomy is that part of Systematics concerned with topics (a) to (d) above. The term "taxonomy" was coined by Augustin Pyramus de Candolle while the term "systematic" was coined by Carl Linnaeus the father of taxonomy. Taxonomy, systematic biology, systematics, biosystematics, scientific classification, biological classification, phylogenetics: At various times in history, all these words have had overlapping, related meanings. However, in modern usage, they can all be considered synonyms of each other. For example, Webster's 9th New Collegiate Dictionary of 1987 treats "classification", "taxonomy", and "systematics" as synonyms. According to this work, the terms originated in 1790, c. 1828, and in 1888 respectively. Some claim systematics alone deals specifically with relationships through time, and that it can be synonymous with phylogenetics, broadly dealing with the inferred hierarchy of organisms. This means it would be a subset of taxonomy as it is sometimes regarded, but the inverse is claimed by others. Europeans tend to use the terms "systematics" and "biosystematics" for the study of biodiversity as a whole, whereas North Americans tend to use "taxonomy" more frequently. However, taxonomy, and in particular alpha taxonomy, is more specifically the identification, description, and naming (i.e. nomenclature) of organisms, while "classification" focuses on placing organisms within hierarchical groups that show their relationships to other organisms. All of these biological disciplines can deal with both extinct and extant organisms. Systematics uses taxonomy as a primary tool in understanding, as nothing about an organism's relationships with other living things can be understood without it first being properly studied and described in sufficient detail to identify and classify it correctly. Scientific classifications are aids in recording and reporting information to other scientists and to laymen. The systematist, a scientist who specializes in systematics, must, therefore, be able to use existing classification systems, or at least know them well enough to skilfully justify not using them. Phenetics was an attempt to determine the relationships of organisms through a measure of overall similarity, making no distinction between plesiomorphies (shared ancestral traits) and apomorphies (derived traits). From the late-20th century onwards, it was superseded by cladistics, which rejects plesiomorphies in attempting to resolve the phylogeny of Earth's various organisms through time. systematists generally make extensive use of molecular biology and of computer programs to study organisms. Taxonomic characters Taxonomic characters are the taxonomic attributes that can be used to provide the evidence from which relationships (the phylogeny) between taxa are inferred. Kinds of taxonomic characters include: Morphological characters General external morphology Special structures (e.g. genitalia) Internal morphology (anatomy) Embryology Karyology and other cytological factors Physiological characters Metabolic factors Body secretions Genic sterility factors Molecular characters Immunological distance Electrophoretic differences Amino acid sequences of proteins DNA hybridization DNA and RNA sequences Restriction endonuclease analyses Other molecular differences Behavioral characters Courtship and other ethological isolating mechanisms Other behavior patterns Ecological characters Habit and habitats Food Seasonal variations Parasites and hosts Geographic characters General biogeographic distribution patterns Sympatric-allopatric relationship of populations See also Cladistics – a methodology in systematics Evolutionary systematics – a school of systematics Global biodiversity Phenetics – a methodology in systematics that does not infer phylogeny Phylogeny – the historical relationships between lineages of organism 16S ribosomal RNA – an intensively studied nucleic acid that has been useful in phylogenetics Phylogenetic comparative methods – use of evolutionary trees in other studies, such as biodiversity, comparative biology. adaptation, or evolutionary mechanisms References Notes Further reading Brower, Andrew V. Z. and Randall T. Schuh. 2021. Biological Systematics: Principles and Applications, 3rd edn. Simpson, Michael G. 2005. Plant Systematics. Wiley, Edward O. and Bruce S. Lieberman. 2011. "Phylogenetics: Theory and Practice of Phylogenetic Systematics, 2nd edn." External links Society of Australian Systematic Biologists Society of Systematic Biologists The Willi Hennig Society Evolutionary biology Biological classification

Conceptual framework

A conceptual framework is an analytical tool with several variations and contexts. It can be applied in different categories of work where an overall picture is needed. It is used to make conceptual distinctions and organize ideas. Strong conceptual frameworks capture something real and do this in a way that is easy to remember and apply. Examples Isaiah Berlin used the metaphor of a "fox" and a "hedgehog" to make conceptual distinctions in how important philosophers and authors view the world. Berlin describes hedgehogs as those who use a single idea or organizing principle to view the world (such as Dante Alighieri, Blaise Pascal, Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Plato, Henrik Ibsen and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel). Foxes, on the other hand, incorporate a type of pluralism and view the world through multiple, sometimes conflicting, lenses (examples include Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, James Joyce, William Shakespeare, Aristotle, Herodotus, Molière, and Honoré de Balzac). Economists use the conceptual framework of supply and demand to distinguish between the behavior and incentive systems of firms and consumers. Like many other conceptual frameworks, supply and demand can be presented through visual or graphical representations (see demand curve). Both political science and economics use principal agent theory as a conceptual framework. The politics-administration dichotomy is a long-standing conceptual framework used in public administration. All three of these cases are examples of a macro level conceptual framework. Overview The use of the term conceptual framework crosses both scale (large and small theories) and contexts (social science, marketing, applied science, art etc.). The explicit definition of what a conceptual framework is and its application can therefore vary. Conceptual frameworks are beneficial as organizing devices in empirical research. One set of scholars has applied the notion of a conceptual framework to deductive, empirical research at the micro- or individual study level. They employ American football plays as a useful metaphor to clarify the meaning of conceptual framework (used in the context of a deductive empirical study). Likewise, conceptual frameworks are abstract representations, connected to the research project's goal that direct the collection and analysis of data (on the plane of observation – the ground). Critically, a football play is a "plan of action" tied to a particular, timely, purpose, usually summarized as long or short yardage. Shields and Rangarajan (2013) argue that it is this tie to "purpose" that makes American football plays such a good metaphor. They define a conceptual framework as "the way ideas are organized to achieve a research project's purpose". Like football plays, conceptual frameworks are connected to a research purpose or aim. Explanation is the most common type of research purpose employed in empirical research. The formal hypothesis of a scientific investigation is the framework associated with explanation. Explanatory research usually focuses on "why" or "what caused" a phenomenon. Formal hypotheses posit possible explanations (answers to the why question) that are tested by collecting data and assessing the evidence (usually quantitative using statistical tests). For example, Kai Huang wanted to determine what factors contributed to residential fires in U.S. cities. Three factors were posited to influence residential fires. These factors (environment, population, and building characteristics) became the hypotheses or conceptual framework he used to achieve his purpose – explain factors that influenced home fires in U.S. cities. Types Several types of conceptual frameworks have been identified, and line up with a research purpose in the following ways: Working hypothesis – exploration or exploratory research Pillar questions – exploration or exploratory research Descriptive categories – description or descriptive research Practical ideal type – analysis (gauging) Models of operations research – decision making Formal hypothesis – explanation and prediction Note that Shields and Rangarajan (2013) do not claim that the above are the only framework-purpose pairing. Nor do they claim the system is applicable to inductive forms of empirical research. Rather, the conceptual framework-research purpose pairings they propose are useful and provide new scholars a point of departure to develop their own research design. Frameworks have also been used to explain conflict theory and the balance necessary to reach what amounts to resolution. Within these conflict frameworks, visible and invisible variables function under concepts of relevance. Boundaries form and within these boundaries, tensions regarding laws and chaos (or freedom) are mitigated. These frameworks often function like cells, with sub-frameworks, stasis, evolution and revolution. Anomalies may exist without adequate "lenses" or "filters" to see them and may become visible only when the tools exist to define them. See also Analogy Inquiry Conceptual model Theory References Further reading Shields, Patricia and Rangarajan, Nandhini. (2013). A Playbook for Research Methods: Integrating Conceptual Frameworks and Project Management. Stillwater, OK; New Forums Press Research Conceptual modelling

Ecopsychology

Ecopsychology is an interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary field that focuses on the synthesis of ecology and psychology and the promotion of sustainability. It is distinguished from conventional psychology as it focuses on studying the emotional bond between humans and the Earth. Instead of examining personal pain solely in the context of individual or family pathology, it is analyzed in its wider connection to the more than human world. A central premise is that while the mind is shaped by the modern world, its underlying structure was created in a natural non-human environment. Ecopsychology seeks to expand and remedy the emotional connection between humans and nature, treating people psychologically by bringing them spiritually closer to nature. History Origins of ecopsychology Sigmund Freud In his 1929 book Civilization and Its Discontents ("Das Unbehagen in der Kultur"), Sigmund Freud discussed the basic tensions between civilization and the individual. He recognized the interconnection between the internal world of the mind and the external world of the environment, stating: Robert Greenway Influenced by the philosophies of noted ecologists Walles T. Edmondson and Loren Eiseley, Robert Greenway began researching and developing a concept that he described as "a marriage" between psychology and ecology in the early 1960s. He theorized that "the mind is nature, and nature, the mind," and called its study psychoecology. Greenway published his first essay on the topic at Brandeis University in 1963. In 1969, he began teaching the subject at Sonoma State University. One of Greenway's students founded a psychoecology study group at University of California, Berkeley, which was joined by Theodore Roszak in the 1990s. In the 1995 book Ecopsychology: Restoring the Earth, Healing the Mind, Greenway wrote: Theodore Roszak Theodore Roszak is credited with coining the term "ecopsychology" in his 1992 book The Voice of the Earth, although a group of psychologists and environmentalists, including Mary Gomes and Allen Kanner, were independently using the term at the same time. Roszak, Gomes and Kanner later expanded the idea in the 1995 anthology Ecopsychology. Two other books were especially formative, Paul Shepard's 1982 volume, Nature and Madness, which explored the effect that our diminishing engagement with nature had upon psychological development, and David Abram's 1996 The Spell of the Sensuous: Perception and Language in a More-than-Human World. The latter was one of the first books to bring phenomenology fully to bear on ecological issues, looking closely at the cosmo-vision (or the traditional ecological knowledge systems) of diverse indigenous, oral cultures, and analyzing the curious effect that the advent of formal writing systems, like the phonetic alphabet, has had upon the human experience of the more-than-human natural world. Roszak mentions the biophilia hypothesis of biologist E.O. Wilson; that humans have an instinct to emotionally connect with nature. Beliefs Roszak states that an individual's connection to nature can improve their interpersonal relationships and emotional wellbeing. An integral part of this practice is treating patients outdoors. According to ecopsychology, humans are meant to take walks in parks. It considers the psyche of non-humans to be relevant. It examines why people continue environmentally damaging behaviour, and motivates them to adopt sustainability. Fundamental principles According to Roszak, some of the principles of ecopsychology are: "There is a synergistic interplay between planetary and personal well-being." "The core of the mind is the ecological unconscious." "The goal of ecopsychology is to awaken the inherent sense of environmental reciprocity that lies within the ecological unconscious." "The contents of the ecological unconscious represent ... the living record of evolution." "The crucial stage of development is the life of the child." "The ecological ego matures toward a sense of ethical responsibility with the planet." "Whatever contributes to small scale social forms and personal empowerment nourish the ecological ego." See also Conservation psychology Eco-anxiety Ecological grief Ecospirituality Environmental psychology Exercise prescription Nature connectedness References Further reading M. Day. "Ecopsychology and the Restoration of Home". 1998. The Humanistic Psychologist. Vol. 26. Issue 1-3. T. Roszak. The Voice of the Earth: An Exploration of Ecopsychology. 1993 Touchstone, New York. T. Roszak, M.E. Gomes, A.D. Kanner (Eds). Ecopsychology, restoring the earth healing the mind. 1995 Sierra Club Books, San Francisco. Renée G. Soule, "Ecopsychology" in Nigel Young (editor) The Oxford International Encyclopedia of Peace. 2010, Oxford University Press, Oxford. A. Fisher. Radical Ecopsychology: Psychology in the Service of Life. 2013 Suny Press, Albany. J. Phoenix Smith, "Ecopsychology: Toward a New Story of Cultural and Racial Diversity" 2013. Journal of Ecopsychology.Vol. 5. No.4. External links International Community for Ecopsychology Deep ecology Environmental social science Interdisciplinary branches of psychology de:Umweltpsychologie ku:Psîkolojiya devedorê

Psychiatrist

A psychiatrist is a physician who specializes in psychiatry. Psychiatrists are physicians who evaluate patients to determine whether their symptoms are the result of a physical illness, a combination of physical and mental ailments or strictly mental issues. Sometimes a psychiatrist works within a multi-disciplinary team, which may comprise clinical psychologists, social workers, occupational therapists, and nursing staff. Psychiatrists have broad training in a biopsychosocial approach to the assessment and management of mental illness. As part of the clinical assessment process, psychiatrists may employ a mental status examination; a physical examination; brain imaging such as a computerized tomography, magnetic resonance imaging, or positron emission tomography scan; and blood testing. Psychiatrists use pharmacologic, psychotherapeutic, and/or interventional approaches to treat mental disorders. Subspecialties The field of psychiatry has many subspecialties that require additional (fellowship) training, which, in the US, are certified by the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology (ABPN) and require Maintenance of Certification Program to continue. These include the following: Clinical neurophysiology Forensic psychiatry Addiction psychiatry Child and adolescent psychiatry Geriatric psychiatry Palliative care Pain management Consultation-liaison psychiatry Sleep medicine Brain injury medicine Further, other specialties that exist include: Cross-cultural psychiatry Emergency psychiatry Learning disability Neurodevelopmental disorder Cognition diseases, as in various forms of dementia Biological psychiatry Community psychiatry Global mental health Military psychiatry Social psychiatry Sports psychiatry The United Council for Neurologic Subspecialties in the United States offers certification and fellowship program accreditation in the subspecialties of behavioral neurology and neuropsychiatry, which is open to both neurologists and psychiatrists. Some psychiatrists specialize in helping certain age groups. Pediatric psychiatry is the area of the profession working with children in addressing psychological problems. Psychiatrists specializing in geriatric psychiatry work with the elderly and are called geriatric psychiatrists or geropsychiatrists. Those who practice psychiatry in the workplace are called occupational psychiatrists in the United States and occupational psychology is the name used for the most similar discipline in the UK. Psychiatrists working in the courtroom and reporting to the judge and jury, in both criminal and civil court cases, are called forensic psychiatrists, who also treat mentally disordered offenders and other patients whose condition is such that they have to be treated in secure units. Other psychiatrists may also specialize in psychopharmacology, psychotherapy, psychiatric genetics, neuroimaging, dementia-related disorders such as Alzheimer's disease, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, sleep medicine, pain medicine, palliative medicine, eating disorders, sexual disorders, women's health, global mental health, early psychosis intervention, mood disorders and anxiety disorders such as obsessive–compulsive disorder and post-traumatic stress disorder. Psychiatrists work in a wide variety of settings. Some are full-time medical researchers, many see patients in private medical practices, and consult liaison psychiatrists see patients in hospital settings where psychiatric and other medical conditions interact. Professional requirements While requirements to become a psychiatric physician differ from country to country, all require a medical degree. India In India, a Bachelor of Medicine, Bachelor of Surgery (MBBS) degree is the basic qualification needed to do psychiatry. After completing an MBBS (including an internship), they can attend various PG medical entrance exams and get a Doctor of Medicine (M.D.) in psychiatry, which is a 3-year course. Diploma course in psychiatry or DNB psychiatry can also be taken to become a psychiatrist. Netherlands In the Netherlands, one must complete medical school after which one is certified as a medical doctor. After a strict selection program, one can specialize for 4.5-years in psychiatry. During this specialization, the resident has to do a 6-month residency in the field of social psychiatry, a 12-month residency in a field of their own choice (which can be child psychiatry, forensic psychiatry, somatic medicine, or medical research). To become an adolescent psychiatrist, one has to do an extra specialization period of 2 more years. In short, this means that it takes at least 10.5 years of study to become a psychiatrist which can go up to 12.5 years if one becomes a children's and adolescent psychiatrist. Pakistan In Pakistan, one must complete basic medical education, an MBBS, then get registered with the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council (PMDC) as a general practitioner after a one-year mandatory internship, house job. After registration with PMDC, one has to take the FCPS-I exam. After that, they pursue four additional years of training in psychiatry at the College of Physicians and Surgeons Pakistan. Training includes rotations in general medicine, neurology, and clinical psychology for three months each, during the first two years. There is a mid-exam intermediate module and a final exam after four years. Hong Kong In the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), psychiatrists are required to obtain a medical degree, followed by a minimum of six years of specialized training. Then, they must achieve fellowship at the Hong Kong College of Psychiatrists and attain the qualification of 'specialist in psychiatry' from the Medical Council. Certified psychiatrists are included in the registry. The fees charged by specialist psychiatrists vary. In private clinics, the cost of a consultation starts from HK$1,500. Compared to private clinics, the fees for specialist outpatient services of the Hospital Authority are lower, but the waiting time can be as long as two years. For Eligible Persons, the first consultation fee is HK$135, and each subsequent consultation fee is HK$80. Additionally, the cost for each type of medication is HK$15. United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland In the United Kingdom, psychiatrists must hold a medical degree. Following this, the individual will work as a foundation house officer for two additional years in the UK, or one year as an intern in the Republic of Ireland to achieve registration as a basic medical practitioner. Training in psychiatry can then begin and it is taken in two parts: three years of basic specialist training culminating in the MRCPsych exam, followed by three years of higher specialist training referred to as "ST4-6" in the UK and "Senior Registrar Training" in the Republic of Ireland. Candidates with MRCPsych degree and complete basic training must reinterview for higher specialist training. At this stage, the development of special interests such as forensic or child/adolescent takes place. At the end of 3 years of higher specialist training, candidates are awarded a Certificate of Completion of (Specialist) Training (CC(S)T). At this stage, the psychiatrist can register as a specialist, and the qualification of CC(S)T is recognized in all EU/EEA states. As such, training in the UK and Ireland is considerably longer than in the US or Canada and frequently takes around 8–9 years following graduation from medical school. Those with a CC(S)T will be able to apply for consultant posts. Those with training from outside the EU/EEA should consult local/native medical boards to review their qualifications and eligibility for equivalence recognition (for example, those with a US residency and ABPN qualification). United States and Canada In the United States and Canada, one must first attain the degree of M.D. or Doctor of Osteopathic Medicine, followed by practice as a psychiatric resident for another four years (five years in Canada). This extended period involves comprehensive training in psychiatric diagnosis, psychopharmacology, medical care issues, and psychotherapies. All accredited psychiatry residencies in the United States require proficiency in cognitive behavioral, brief, psychodynamic, and supportive psychotherapies. Psychiatry residents are required to complete at least four post-graduate months of internal medicine or pediatrics, plus a minimum of two months of neurology during their first year of residency, referred to as an "internship". After completing their training, psychiatrists are eligible to take a specialty board examination to become board-certified. The total amount of time required to complete educational and training requirements in the field of psychiatry in the United States is twelve years after high school. Subspecialists in child and adolescent psychiatry are required to complete a two-year fellowship program, the first year of which can run concurrently with the fourth year of the general psychiatry residency program. This adds one to two years of training. The average compensation for psychiatrists in the U.S. in 2023 was $309,000. See also References Further reading Mental health occupations

Personal, social, health and economic education

Personal, social, health and economic education (PSHE) is the school curriculum subject in England that teaches young people, through all key stages, knowledge and skills for life during and after education. PSHE education covers education on personal and health related matters — such as Relationship and Sex Education — as well as preparation for post-education life, such as economic sustainability and careers advice. The PSHE education curriculum incorporates statutory relationships, sex and health education (RSHE) content that must be taught. This content is set by the Department for Education, and became compulsory in 2020. Reviews conducted by the Department for Education into PSHE education provision have found a range of positive outcomes, including improved attitudes to health, better abilities to deal with personal difficulties and improved behaviour, though criticism has been directed at its provisions of sex education, such as the treatment of gender identity in schools and a lack of attention in Ofsted inspections. PSHE themes and topics The PSHE education programme of study is organised into three core themes: health and well-being relationships living in the wider world (covering economic well-being and careers) These themes include numerous topics linked to physical and mental health, alcohol and drug culture, sex, and relationships, education, economic well-being, and careers. History The term PSHE was first introduced in the 2000 edition of the national curriculum, as a non-compulsory element that was encouraged to be taught in schools. Whilst this was the first official introduction of the subject to the national curriculum, it had already existed in an informal context since the 1960s. The first formal introduction of a PSHE component was Relationship and Sex Education, then known simply as sex education, as a non-statutory subject. A framework for PSHE was introduced in the 1990s, though its non-statutory status once again meant that it was not taught in some schools. In its earlier forms, the vagueness of the themes to be taught in PSHE was the subject of much criticism, with its "uncertain nature" making it difficult to teach. Until 2020, PSHE education was a non-statutory (and therefore non-compulsory) curriculum subject. However, as Ofsted stated in its 2013 PSHE report "the great majority of schools choose to teach it because it makes a major contribution to their statutory responsibilities to promote children and young people's personal and economic wellbeing; offer sex and relationships education; prepare pupils for adult life and provide a broad and balanced curriculum". Not all content on the curriculum is statutory, and there have been concerns raised about the consistency of provision due to this non-statutory status. The aforementioned 2013 Ofsted PSHE report found that 40% of schools’ PSHE education was "not yet good enough". There has also been more of an expectation on independent schools to provide PSHE education than maintained schools and academies up to now due to greater emphasis on PSHE in the Independent Schools Standards. Concerns over consistency and quality and provision prompted a national campaign to raise the status of PSHE education in all schools. This was supported by over 100 organisations (including the NSPCC, British Heart Foundation, Teenage Cancer Trust and Barnardo's), 85% of business leaders, 88% of teachers, 92% of parents and 92% of young people. In 2017 the government committed to introducing compulsory relationships and sex education (RSE) in all secondary schools, and compulsory 'relationships education' in all primary schools. An additional commitment to the health education (mental and physical) aspect of PSHE education was announced in July 2018. The majority of PSHE education will therefore be compulsory in all schools from September 2020. Though not yet compulsory, schools are still expected to cover the economic wellbeing (and careers) of PSHE education. The PSHE Association and the Sex Education Forum jointly published a 'Roadmap to Statutory RSE education' in November 2018 to support schools in preparing their relationships and sex education for statutory changes. In February 2019, the Department of Education enacted a statutory guidance policy which will assist schools in England with PSHE when it becomes compulsory in 2020. A measure to make PSHE compulsory in primary and secondary schools in England received approval from the House of Lords in April 2019. The Department for Education (DfE) published final statutory guidance for teaching Relationships Education, Relationships and Sex Education (RSE) and Health Education in June 2019. The consultation closed in November 2018. This guidance will replace existing government "Sex and Relationship Education Guidance", which were last updated in 2000. The guidelines, which were also published by the House of Commons, require, among other things, acknowledgement of England's laws concerning gay rights, including the legalization of same-sex marriage and the protection of the "physical and mental wellbeing" of gay children. National body for PSHE education The PSHE Association is the national body for PSHE education in England, providing advice and support to a network of over 50,000 teachers and other professionals working in schools nationwide. The Association is an independent charity and membership organisation, established as the official national PSHE subject association by the Department for Education in 2007. Devolved administrations Scotland PSHE is known as "health and wellbeing", is governed by guidance published by the Scottish Government and covers the following themes: mental, emotional, social and physical wellbeing, PE, food and health, substance misuse. Wales PSHE is known as "Personal and Social Education", is governed by guidance published by the Welsh Government and covers the following themes: Active citizenship Health and emotional well-being Moral and spiritual development Preparing for lifelong learning Sustainable development and global citizenship. Northern Ireland In Northern Ireland, the equivalent of PSHE in primary schools is "Personal Development and Mutual Understanding" (PDMU). It is governed by guidance published by CCEA and covers: Understanding and Health; Mutual Understanding in the Local and Wider Community. In Northern Ireland, the equivalent of PSHE in Key Stage 3 is "Personal Development and Mutual Understanding" (PDMU). It is governed by guidance published by CCEA and covers: Education for Employability; Home Economics; Local and Global Citizenship; Personal Development. The equivalent of PSHE in secondary school is "Learning for Life and Work" (LLW). It is governed by guidance published by CCEA and is designed to help young people develop the fundamental skills, knowledge, qualities and dispositions that are prerequisites for life and work. There are differences in the subjects that make up LLW between key stage 3 and key stage 4. Crown Dependencies' administrations Guernsey In Guernsey, PSHE is known as "personal, social and health education" (PSHCE), is included in the "Healthy Schools" programme of the States of Guernsey, and has the aims of developing healthy behaviours, raising pupil achievement, reducing health inequalities and promoting social inclusion. Jersey In Jersey, PSHE is included in the health education provided by the States of Jersey, and has the aims of developing healthy behaviours, raising pupil achievement, reducing health inequalities and promoting social inclusion. Isle of Man On the Isle of Man, PSHE has the aims of developing healthy behaviours, raising pupil achievement, reducing health inequalities and promoting social inclusion. See also Stand Against Violence Relationship and Sex Education References Notes Sources External links PSHE Association Subject association for professionals working in PSHE education. Coram Life Education PSHE resources for schools. Health education in the United Kingdom Education in England Medical education in the United Kingdom

Individual

An individual is one that exists as a distinct entity. Individuality (or self-hood) is the state or quality of living as an individual; particularly (in the case of humans) as a person unique from other people and possessing one's own needs or goals, rights and responsibilities. The concept of an individual features in many fields, including biology, law, and philosophy. Every individual contributes significantly to the growth of a civilization. Society is a multifaceted concept that is shaped and influenced by a wide range of different things, including human behaviors, attitudes, and ideas. The culture, morals, and beliefs of others as well as the general direction and trajectory of the society can all be influenced and shaped by an individual's activities. Etymology From the 15th century and earlier (and also today within the fields of statistics and metaphysics) individual meant "indivisible", typically describing any numerically singular thing, but sometimes meaning "a person". From the 17th century on, an individual has indicated separateness, as in individualism. Biology In biology, the question of the individual is related to the definition of an organism, which is an important question in biology and the philosophy of biology, despite there having been little work devoted explicitly to this question. An individual organism is not the only kind of individual that is considered as a "unit of selection". Genes, genomes, or groups may function as individual units. Asexual reproduction occurs in some colonial organisms so that the individuals are genetically identical. Such a colony is called a genet, and an individual in such a population is referred to as a ramet. The colony, rather than the individual, functions as a unit of selection. In other colonial organisms, individuals may be closely related to one another but may differ as a result of sexual reproduction. Law Although individuality and individualism are commonly considered to mature with age/time and experience/wealth, a sane adult human being is usually considered by the state as an "individual person" in law, even if the person denies individual culpability ("I followed instructions"). An individual person is accountable for their actions/decisions/instructions, subject to prosecution in both national and international law, from the time that they have reached the age of majority, often though not always more or less coinciding with the granting of voting rights, responsibility for paying tax, military duties, and the individual right to bear arms (protected only under certain constitutions). Philosophy Buddhism In Buddhism, the concept of the individual lies in anatman, or "no-self." According to anatman, the individual is really a series of interconnected processes that, working together, give the appearance of being a single, separated whole. In this way, anatman, together with anicca, resembles a kind of bundle theory. Instead of an atomic, indivisible self distinct from reality, the individual in Buddhism is understood as an interrelated part of an ever-changing, impermanent universe (see Interdependence, Nondualism, Reciprocity). Empiricism Empiricists such as Ibn Tufail in early 12th century Islamic Spain and John Locke in late 17th century England viewed the individual as a tabula rasa ("blank slate"), shaped from birth by experience and education. This ties into the idea of the liberty and rights of the individual, society as a social contract between rational individuals, and the beginnings of individualism as a doctrine. Hegel Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel regarded history as the gradual evolution of the Mind as it tests its own concepts against the external world. Each time the mind applies its concepts to the world, the concept is revealed to be only partly true, within a certain context; thus the mind continually revises these incomplete concepts so as to reflect a fuller reality (commonly known as the process of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis). The individual comes to rise above their own particular viewpoint, and grasps that they are a part of a greater whole insofar as they are bound to family, a social context, and/or a political order. Existentialism With the rise of existentialism, Søren Kierkegaard rejected Hegel's notion of the individual as subordinated to the forces of history. Instead, he elevated the individual's subjectivity and capacity to choose their own fate. Later Existentialists built upon this notion. Friedrich Nietzsche, for example, examines the individual's need to define his/her own self and circumstances in his concept of the will to power and the heroic ideal of the Übermensch. The individual is also central to Sartre's philosophy, which emphasizes individual authenticity, responsibility, and free will. In both Sartre and Nietzsche (and in Nikolai Berdyaev), the individual is called upon to create their own values, rather than rely on external, socially imposed codes of morality. Objectivism Ayn Rand's Objectivism regards every human as an independent, sovereign entity that possesses an inalienable right to their own life, a right derived from their nature as a rational being. Individualism and Objectivism hold that a civilized society, or any form of association, cooperation or peaceful coexistence among humans, can be achieved only on the basis of the recognition of individual rights — and that a group, as such, has no rights other than the individual rights of its members. The principle of individual rights is the only moral base of all groups or associations. Since only an individual man or woman can possess rights, the expression "individual rights" is a redundancy (which one has to use for purposes of clarification in today's intellectual chaos), but the expression "collective rights" is a contradiction in terms. Individual rights are not subject to a public vote; a majority has no right to vote away the rights of a minority; the political function of rights is precisely to protect minorities from oppression by majorities (and the smallest minority on earth is the individual). See also References Further reading Gracie, Jorge J. E. (1988) Individuality: An Essay on the Foundations of Metaphysics. State University of New York Press. Klein, Anne Carolyn (1995) Meeting the Great Bliss Queen: Buddhists, Feminists, and the Art of the Self. . Self Individualism Personhood Concepts in social philosophy Metaphysical properties

Rapport

Rapport is a close and harmonious relationship in which the people or groups concerned are "in sync" with each other, understand each other's feelings or ideas, and communicate smoothly. The word derives from the French verb which means literally to carry something back (in the sense of how people relate to each other: what one person sends out the other sends back). For example, people with rapport may realize that they share similar values, beliefs, knowledge, or behaviors around politics, music, or sports. This may also mean that they engage in reciprocal behaviors such as posture mirroring or increased coordination in their verbal and nonverbal interactions. Rapport has been shown to have benefits for psychotherapy and medicine, negotiation, education, and tourism, among others. In each of these cases, the rapport between members of a dyad (e.g. a teacher and student or doctor and patient) allows the participants to coordinate their actions and establish a mutually beneficial working relationship, or what is often called a "working alliance". In consumer-oriented guided group activities (e.g., a cooking class, a wine tour, and hiking group), rapport is not only dyadic and customer-employee oriented, but also customer-customer and group-oriented as customers consume and interact with each other in a group for an extended period. Building rapport There are a number of techniques that are supposed to be beneficial in building rapport. These include matching body language (i.e., posture, gesture, etc.); indicating attentiveness through maintaining eye contact; and matching tempo, terminology, and breathing rhythm. In conversation, some verbal behaviors associated with increased rapport are the use of positivity (or, positive "face management"), sharing personal information of gradually increasing intimacy (or, "self-disclosure"), and reference to shared interests or experiences. Building rapport can improve community-based research tactics, assist in finding a partner, improve student-teacher relationships, and allow employers to gain trust in employees. Building rapport takes time. Extroverts tend to have an easier time building rapport than introverts. Extraversion accelerates the process due to an increase in confidence and skillfulness in social settings. Methods Coordination Coordination, also called "mirroring" means getting into rhythm with another person, or resembling their verbal or nonverbal behaviors: Emotional mirroring Empathizing with someone's emotional state by being on 'their side'. One listens for key words and problems so one can address and question them to better one's understanding of what the other person is saying and demonstrate empathy towards them. Posture mirroring Matching the tone of a person's body language not through direct imitation (as this can appear as mockery) but through mirroring the general message of their posture and energy. Tone and tempo mirroring Matching the tone, tempo, inflection, and volume of another person's voice. Mutual attentiveness Another way to build rapport is for each partner to indicate their attentiveness to the other. This attentiveness may take the form of nonverbal attentiveness, such as looking at the other person, nodding at appropriate moments, or physical proximity, as seen in work on teachers' "immediacy" behaviors in the classroom. Attentiveness might also be demonstrated through reciprocation of nonverbal behaviors like smiling or nodding, in a similar way to the coordination technique, or in the reciprocal sharing of personal details about the other person that signal one's knowledge and attentiveness to their needs. Commonality Commonality is the technique of deliberately finding something in common with a person in order to build a sense of camaraderie and trust. This is done through references to shared interests, dislikes, and experiences. By sharing personal details or self-disclosing personal preferences or information, interlocutors can build commonality, and thus increase rapport. Face management Another way to build rapport is through "positive face management", (or, more simply: positivity). According to some psychologists, we have a need to be seen in a positive light, known as our "face". By managing each other's "face", boosting it when necessary, or reducing negative impacts to it, we build rapport with others. Benefits A number of benefits from building interpersonal rapport have been proposed, all of which concern smoother interactions, improved collaboration, and improved interpersonal outcomes, though the specifics differ by the domain. These domains include but are not limited to healthcare, education, business, and social relationships. In the health domain, provider-patient rapport is often called the "therapeutic alliance" or "therapeutic relationship"—the collaboration quality between provider and patient—which can predict therapy outcomes or patients' treatment adherence. In education, teacher-student rapport is predictive of students' participation in the course, their course retention, their likelihood to take a course in that domain again, and has sometimes been used to predict course outcomes. Some have argued that teacher-student rapport is an essential element of what makes an effective teacher, or the ability to manage interpersonal relationships and build a positive, pro-social, atmosphere of trust and reduced anxiety. Student-student rapport, on the other hand, while largely out of the teacher's ability to control, is also predictive of reduced anxiety in the course, feelings of a supportive class culture, and improved participation in class discussions. In these relationships, intentionally building rapport through individual meetings has shown an increase in student engagement and level of comfort in the classroom. In negotiation, rapport is beneficial for reaching mutually beneficial outcomes, as partners are more likely to trust each other and be willing to cooperate and reach a positive outcome. However, interpersonal rapport in negotiation can lead to unethical behavior, particularly in impasse situations, where the interpersonal rapport may influence the negotiators to behave unethically. In terms of social relationships such as friendship and romantic relationships, establishing rapport can build trust, increase feelings of closeness, and eliminate certain misunderstandings. Rapport is necessary in establishing satisfaction and understanding acceptable behaviors in an interpersonal relationship. Friendships and romantic relationships can overlap with other domains. The study of rapport To better study how rapport can lead to the above benefits, researchers generally adopt one of three main approaches: self-report surveys given to the participants, third-party observations from a naive observer, and some form of automated computational detection, using computer vision and machine learning. Self-report surveys typically consist of a set of questions given at the end of an interpersonal interaction, asking the participants to reflect on their relationship with another person and rate various aspects of that relationship, typically on a Likert scale. Though this is the most common approach, it suffers from unreliability of self-report data, such as the issue of separating participants' reflection on a single interaction with their relationship with the other person more broadly. A third-party observer can give a rapport rating to a particular segment (often called a "slice") of such an interaction. Other recent work uses techniques from computer vision, machine learning, and artificial intelligence to computationally detect the level of rapport between members of a dyad. Rapport and Technology In the 21st century, online communication has had a huge impact on how business is conducted and how relationships are formed. In the era of Covid-19 and the shift to remote work and schooling, the way in which rapport is built has evolved. Communicating solely through online channels challenges rapport building. Challenges include technical difficulties interrupting video calls and direct messaging, interruptions and distractions from the user's home, a lack of intimacy and the ability to observe one another, lack of eye contact, mundane interactions, and the "pressure of presence". See also References Further reading Chapter 8. Communicating to establish rapport – Patient Practitioner Interaction: An Experiential Manual for Developing the Art of Health Care. Carol M. Davis, Helen L. Masin – Human communication Semiotics Interpersonal relationships Nonverbal communication Social graces

Heredity

Heredity, also called inheritance or biological inheritance, is the passing on of traits from parents to their offspring; either through asexual reproduction or sexual reproduction, the offspring cells or organisms acquire the genetic information of their parents. Through heredity, variations between individuals can accumulate and cause species to evolve by natural selection. The study of heredity in biology is genetics. Overview In humans, eye color is an example of an inherited characteristic: an individual might inherit the "brown-eye trait" from one of the parents. Inherited traits are controlled by genes and the complete set of genes within an organism's genome is called its genotype. The complete set of observable traits of the structure and behavior of an organism is called its phenotype. These traits arise from the interaction of the organism's genotype with the environment. As a result, many aspects of an organism's phenotype are not inherited. For example, suntanned skin derives from the interaction between a person's genotype and sunlight; thus, suntans are not passed on to people's children. However, some people tan more easily than others, due to differences in their genotype: a striking example is people with the inherited trait of albinism, who do not tan at all and are very sensitive to sunburn. Heritable traits are known to be passed from one generation to the next via DNA, a molecule that encodes genetic information. DNA is a long polymer that incorporates four types of bases, which are interchangeable. The Nucleic acid sequence (the sequence of bases along a particular DNA molecule) specifies the genetic information: this is comparable to a sequence of letters spelling out a passage of text. Before a cell divides through mitosis, the DNA is copied, so that each of the resulting two cells will inherit the DNA sequence. A portion of a DNA molecule that specifies a single functional unit is called a gene; different genes have different sequences of bases. Within cells, the long strands of DNA form condensed structures called chromosomes. Organisms inherit genetic material from their parents in the form of homologous chromosomes, containing a unique combination of DNA sequences that code for genes. The specific location of a DNA sequence within a chromosome is known as a locus. If the DNA sequence at a particular locus varies between individuals, the different forms of this sequence are called alleles. DNA sequences can change through mutations, producing new alleles. If a mutation occurs within a gene, the new allele may affect the trait that the gene controls, altering the phenotype of the organism. However, while this simple correspondence between an allele and a trait works in some cases, most traits are more complex and are controlled by multiple interacting genes within and among organisms. Developmental biologists suggest that complex interactions in genetic networks and communication among cells can lead to heritable variations that may underlie some of the mechanics in developmental plasticity and canalization. Recent findings have confirmed important examples of heritable changes that cannot be explained by direct agency of the DNA molecule. These phenomena are classed as epigenetic inheritance systems that are causally or independently evolving over genes. Research into modes and mechanisms of epigenetic inheritance is still in its scientific infancy, but this area of research has attracted much recent activity as it broadens the scope of heritability and evolutionary biology in general. DNA methylation marking chromatin, self-sustaining metabolic loops, gene silencing by RNA interference, and the three dimensional conformation of proteins (such as prions) are areas where epigenetic inheritance systems have been discovered at the organismic level. Heritability may also occur at even larger scales. For example, ecological inheritance through the process of niche construction is defined by the regular and repeated activities of organisms in their environment. This generates a legacy of effect that modifies and feeds back into the selection regime of subsequent generations. Descendants inherit genes plus environmental characteristics generated by the ecological actions of ancestors. Other examples of heritability in evolution that are not under the direct control of genes include the inheritance of cultural traits, group heritability, and symbiogenesis. These examples of heritability that operate above the gene are covered broadly under the title of multilevel or hierarchical selection, which has been a subject of intense debate in the history of evolutionary science. Relation to theory of evolution When Charles Darwin proposed his theory of evolution in 1859, one of its major problems was the lack of an underlying mechanism for heredity. Darwin believed in a mix of blending inheritance and the inheritance of acquired traits (pangenesis). Blending inheritance would lead to uniformity across populations in only a few generations and then would remove variation from a population on which natural selection could act. This led to Darwin adopting some Lamarckian ideas in later editions of On the Origin of Species and his later biological works. Darwin's primary approach to heredity was to outline how it appeared to work (noticing that traits that were not expressed explicitly in the parent at the time of reproduction could be inherited, that certain traits could be sex-linked, etc.) rather than suggesting mechanisms. Darwin's initial model of heredity was adopted by, and then heavily modified by, his cousin Francis Galton, who laid the framework for the biometric school of heredity. Galton found no evidence to support the aspects of Darwin's pangenesis model, which relied on acquired traits. The inheritance of acquired traits was shown to have little basis in the 1880s when August Weismann cut the tails off many generations of mice and found that their offspring continued to develop tails. History Scientists in Antiquity had a variety of ideas about heredity: Theophrastus proposed that male flowers caused female flowers to ripen; Hippocrates speculated that "seeds" were produced by various body parts and transmitted to offspring at the time of conception; and Aristotle thought that male and female fluids mixed at conception. Aeschylus, in 458 BC, proposed the male as the parent, with the female as a "nurse for the young life sown within her". Ancient understandings of heredity transitioned to two debated doctrines in the 18th century. The Doctrine of Epigenesis and the Doctrine of Preformation were two distinct views of the understanding of heredity. The Doctrine of Epigenesis, originated by Aristotle, claimed that an embryo continually develops. The modifications of the parent's traits are passed off to an embryo during its lifetime. The foundation of this doctrine was based on the theory of inheritance of acquired traits. In direct opposition, the Doctrine of Preformation claimed that "like generates like" where the germ would evolve to yield offspring similar to the parents. The Preformationist view believed procreation was an act of revealing what had been created long before. However, this was disputed by the creation of the cell theory in the 19th century, where the fundamental unit of life is the cell, and not some preformed parts of an organism. Various hereditary mechanisms, including blending inheritance were also envisaged without being properly tested or quantified, and were later disputed. Nevertheless, people were able to develop domestic breeds of animals as well as crops through artificial selection. The inheritance of acquired traits also formed a part of early Lamarckian ideas on evolution. During the 18th century, Dutch microscopist Antonie van Leeuwenhoek (1632–1723) discovered "animalcules" in the sperm of humans and other animals. Some scientists speculated they saw a "little man" (homunculus) inside each sperm. These scientists formed a school of thought known as the "spermists". They contended the only contributions of the female to the next generation were the womb in which the homunculus grew, and prenatal influences of the womb. An opposing school of thought, the ovists, believed that the future human was in the egg, and that sperm merely stimulated the growth of the egg. Ovists thought women carried eggs containing boy and girl children, and that the gender of the offspring was determined well before conception. An early research initiative emerged in 1878 when Alpheus Hyatt led an investigation to study the laws of heredity through compiling data on family phenotypes (nose size, ear shape, etc.) and expression of pathological conditions and abnormal characteristics, particularly with respect to the age of appearance. One of the projects aims was to tabulate data to better understand why certain traits are consistently expressed while others are highly irregular. Gregor Mendel: father of genetics The idea of particulate inheritance of genes can be attributed to the Moravian monk Gregor Mendel who published his work on pea plants in 1865. However, his work was not widely known and was rediscovered in 1901. It was initially assumed that Mendelian inheritance only accounted for large (qualitative) differences, such as those seen by Mendel in his pea plants – and the idea of additive effect of (quantitative) genes was not realised until R.A. Fisher's (1918) paper, "The Correlation Between Relatives on the Supposition of Mendelian Inheritance" Mendel's overall contribution gave scientists a useful overview that traits were inheritable. His pea plant demonstration became the foundation of the study of Mendelian Traits. These traits can be traced on a single locus. Modern development of genetics and heredity In the 1930s, work by Fisher and others resulted in a combination of Mendelian and biometric schools into the modern evolutionary synthesis. The modern synthesis bridged the gap between experimental geneticists and naturalists; and between both and palaeontologists, stating that: All evolutionary phenomena can be explained in a way consistent with known genetic mechanisms and the observational evidence of naturalists. Evolution is gradual: small genetic changes, recombination ordered by natural selection. Discontinuities amongst species (or other taxa) are explained as originating gradually through geographical separation and extinction (not saltation). Selection is overwhelmingly the main mechanism of change; even slight advantages are important when continued. The object of selection is the phenotype in its surrounding environment. The role of genetic drift is equivocal; though strongly supported initially by Dobzhansky, it was downgraded later as results from ecological genetics were obtained. The primacy of population thinking: the genetic diversity carried in natural populations is a key factor in evolution. The strength of natural selection in the wild was greater than expected; the effect of ecological factors such as niche occupation and the significance of barriers to gene flow are all important. The idea that speciation occurs after populations are reproductively isolated has been much debated. In plants, polyploidy must be included in any view of speciation. Formulations such as 'evolution consists primarily of changes in the frequencies of alleles between one generation and another' were proposed rather later. The traditional view is that developmental biology ('evo-devo') played little part in the synthesis, but an account of Gavin de Beer's work by Stephen Jay Gould suggests he may be an exception. Almost all aspects of the synthesis have been challenged at times, with varying degrees of success. There is no doubt, however, that the synthesis was a great landmark in evolutionary biology. It cleared up many confusions, and was directly responsible for stimulating a great deal of research in the post-World War II era. Trofim Lysenko however caused a backlash of what is now called Lysenkoism in the Soviet Union when he emphasised Lamarckian ideas on the inheritance of acquired traits. This movement affected agricultural research and led to food shortages in the 1960s and seriously affected the USSR. There is growing evidence that there is transgenerational inheritance of epigenetic changes in humans and other animals. Common genetic disorders Fragile X syndrome Sickle cell disease Phenylketonuria (PKU) Haemophilia Types The description of a mode of biological inheritance consists of three main categories: 1. Number of involved loci Monogenetic (also called "simple") – one locus Oligogenic – few loci Polygenetic – many loci 2. Involved chromosomes Autosomal – loci are not situated on a sex chromosome Gonosomal – loci are situated on a sex chromosome X-chromosomal – loci are situated on the X-chromosome (the more common case) Y-chromosomal – loci are situated on the Y-chromosome Mitochondrial – loci are situated on the mitochondrial DNA 3. Correlation genotype–phenotype Dominant Intermediate (also called "codominant") Recessive Overdominant Underdominant These three categories are part of every exact description of a mode of inheritance in the above order. In addition, more specifications may be added as follows: 4. Coincidental and environmental interactions Penetrance Complete Incomplete (percentual number) Expressivity Invariable Variable Heritability (in polygenetic and sometimes also in oligogenetic modes of inheritance) Maternal or paternal imprinting phenomena (also see epigenetics) 5. Sex-linked interactions Sex-linked inheritance (gonosomal loci) Sex-limited phenotype expression (e.g., cryptorchism) Inheritance through the maternal line (in case of mitochondrial DNA loci) Inheritance through the paternal line (in case of Y-chromosomal loci) 6. Locus–locus interactions Epistasis with other loci (e.g., overdominance) Gene coupling with other loci (also see crossing over) Homozygotous lethal factors Semi-lethal factors Determination and description of a mode of inheritance is also achieved primarily through statistical analysis of pedigree data. In case the involved loci are known, methods of molecular genetics can also be employed. Dominant and recessive alleles An allele is said to be dominant if it is always expressed in the appearance of an organism (phenotype) provided that at least one copy of it is present. For example, in peas the allele for green pods, G, is dominant to that for yellow pods, g. Thus pea plants with the pair of alleles either GG (homozygote) or Gg (heterozygote) will have green pods. The allele for yellow pods is recessive. The effects of this allele are only seen when it is present in both chromosomes, gg (homozygote). This derives from Zygosity, the degree to which both copies of a chromosome or gene have the same genetic sequence, in other words, the degree of similarity of the alleles in an organism. See also References External links Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy entry on Heredity and Heritability ""Experiments in Plant Hybridization" (1866), by Johann Gregor Mendel", by A. Andrei at the Embryo Project Encyclopedia Genetics

Perspective-taking

Perspective-taking is the act of perceiving a situation or understanding a concept from an alternative point of view, such as that of another individual. A vast amount of scientific literature suggests that perspective-taking is crucial to human development and that it may lead to a variety of beneficial outcomes. Perspective-taking may also be possible in some non-human animals. Both theory and research have suggested ages when children begin to perspective-take and how that ability develops over time. Research suggests that certain people who have attention deficit hyperactivity disorder with comorbid conduct problems (such as Oppositional Defiant Disorder) or autism may have reduced ability to engage in perspective-taking. Studies to assess the brain regions involved in perspective-taking suggest that several regions may be involved, including the prefrontal cortex and the precuneus. Perspective-taking is related to other theories and concepts including theory of mind and empathy. Definition Perspective-taking takes place when an individual views a situation from another's point-of-view. Perspective-taking has been defined along two dimensions: perceptual and conceptual. Perceptual perspective-taking is the ability to understand how another person experiences things through their senses (i.e. visually or auditorily). Most of the literature devoted to perceptual perspective-taking focuses on visual perspective-taking: the ability to understand the way another person sees things in physical space. Conceptual perspective-taking is the ability to comprehend and take on the viewpoint of another person's psychological experience (i.e. thoughts, feelings, and attitudes). Related terms Theory of mind Theory of mind is the awareness that people have individual psychological states that differ from one another. Within perspective-taking literature, the term perspective-taking and theory of mind are sometimes used interchangeably; some studies use theory of mind tasks in order to test if someone is engaging in perspective-taking. The two concepts are related but different: theory of mind is the recognition that another person has different thoughts and feelings while perspective-taking is the ability to take on that other person's point of view. Empathy Empathy has been defined as the ability to share the same emotions another person is having. Empathy and perspective-taking have been studied together in a variety of ways. There are not always clear lines of distinction between empathy and perspective-taking; the two concepts are often studied in conjunction with one another and viewed as related and similar. Some research distinguishes the two concepts and points out their differences, while other literature theorizes that perspective-taking is one component of empathy. In development Visual Studies have assessed the age at which humans are capable of visual perspective-taking, and have drawn different conclusions. In 1956, Jean Piaget and Bärbel Inhelder conducted a study to assess the visual perspective-taking abilities of young children. This study has come to be known as the three mountain problem. It found that by the ages of nine to ten, children can successfully complete the three mountain problem and they seem able to understand that when someone is standing in a different location (i.e. on a different mountain top) they have a different view. However, children ages eight and under struggled with this task. Since this classic study, a number of studies have suggested that visual perspective-taking may be possible earlier than the age of nine. For example, a study that used a different method to assess visual perspective-taking suggested that children may be able to successfully visually perspective-take by the age of four and a half years old. In this study, four-and-a-half-year-old children were able to understand that someone sitting closer to a picture would have a better view of that picture. However, these researchers found that children who were three and three-and-a-half years old struggled with this task which led them to conclude that the age range of three to four-and-a-half years old could be crucial in perspective-taking development. Developmental psychologist John H. Flavell suggested that there are two levels of visual perspective-taking that emerge as children develop: Level 1 perspective-taking is defined as the ability to understand that someone else may see things differently and to understand what another person can see in physical space. For example, one could understand that while an object may be obstructing their own view, from where another person is standing they can see a cat in the room. Level 2 perspective-taking is defined as the understanding that another person can see things differently in physical space and to understand how those objects are organized from that other person's point of view. For example, a person can understand that from another person's point of view they can see a dog to the right but from their own point of view the dog is to the left. Studies have examined when children are able to demonstrate level 1 and level 2 perspective-taking. These studies have shown that children at 24 months old and 14 months old may be able to engage in level 1 perspective-taking, and be able to understand various lines of sight depending on the position of a person. Research also suggests that children can engage in level 2 perspective-taking as early as two and a half years old. Studies also suggest that visual perspective-taking ability improves from childhood to adulthood. For example, in comparing six-year-olds, eight-year-olds, ten-year-olds, and adults (averaging 19 years old) researchers found that as people's age increases, visual perspective-taking tasks can be done with more accuracy and speed. Conceptual In Piaget's theory of cognitive development, he suggests that perspective-taking begins in the concrete operational stage (third stage) which ranges from ages seven to twelve. In this stage the idea of decentration is introduced as a cognitive ability (decentration is the ability to take into account the way others perceive various aspects of a given situation). Another developmental perspective-taking theory was created by Robert L. Selman and called social perspective-taking theory (or Role-taking theory). This theory suggests that there are five developmental stages involved in perspective-taking ranging from ages three to six (characterized by egocentrism or an inability to think of things from another's point of view) to teenagers and adults (who can understand another person's point of view and whose understanding is informed by recognizing another person's environment and culture). The theory suggests that as humans mature from childhood to adulthood their ability to perspective-take improves. Studies by Selman and colleagues suggest that children can perspective-take in different ways at different ages. Other studies assess that children can begin to take on the viewpoint of another person, considering their feelings, thoughts, and attitudes, as four-year-olds. In adults Although the distinction between visual and cognitive perspective-taking is important, some authors claim that all forms of perspective-taking rely on the same general ability, and different types of perspective-taking correlate. With respect to visual perspective-taking in adults, Tversky and Hard (2009) have shown that observers tend to use the point of view of another person when describing the spatial relations of objects. Processing other perspectives may be spontaneous, and according to some studies even automatic. There are also cases where we spontaneously evaluate what another person is seeing, but we make systematic mistakes. A striking example is when a person in a scene is looking towards a mirror, we often interpret that as if they are seeing themselves even when the layout makes it impossible. This phenomenon is known as the Venus effect Brain regions Visual Visual perspective-taking studies that focus on brain regions are generally performed by collecting functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) data while participants perform perspective-taking tasks. For example, a participant may be shown a picture of another person with objects around them and asked to take on the viewpoint of that person and indicate the number of objects they see (Level 1 visual perspective-taking) and if the objects are located to the right or left of the other person (level 2 visual perspective-taking). While the participant is completing this task they are also having an fMRI scan. A meta-analysis that looked at fMRI research on visual perspective-taking as of 2013 suggested that several areas of the brain have clustered activation during these perspective-taking tasks. These areas included the left prefrontal cortex, the precuneus, and the left cerebellum. Studies suggest these areas of the brain are involved in decision-making visual imagery, and attention respectively. Conceptual Research also suggests that multiple brain areas are involved in conceptual perspective-taking. Studies have been conducted by administering a positron emission tomography (PET) scan and asking participants to engage in perspective-taking tasks. For example, in one study, participants who were all medical students were asked to consider the knowledge base someone who was not in the medical field would have on a list of medical questions. Studies suggest that regions that are activated during cognitive perspective-taking include the right parietal lobe and the posterior cingulate cortex among others. Some areas seem to be involved both when people imagine themselves and when they imagine the perspective of others. For example, when participants were asked to imagine themselves engaging in an activity versus imagining another person engaging in that activity the precuneus and the supplementary motor area (SMA) were activated, suggesting visual imagery and motor movement thoughts were involved in both tasks. Deficits Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) Research highlights that perspective-taking may be more difficult for some children who have attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) plus co-occurring conduct disorders. ADHD research has shown that children with this diagnosis demonstrate impairments in attention and communication: They have a harder time taking on the viewpoint of others than children who do not. Autism Evidence suggests that children with autism may be able to engage in visual perspective-taking but have difficulty engaging in conceptual perspective-taking. For example, a study that compared perspective-taking scores in children who had been diagnosed with autism as compared to children who did not have this diagnosis found no significant difference in scores on level 1 and level 2 visual perspective-taking. However, the study found it was much harder for autistic children to engage in conceptual perspective-taking tasks. Some studies have explored potential interventions that could help improve perspective-taking abilities in children with autism. They suggest that video may help teach perspective-taking skills in such children. One intervention study with autistic children found that showing the children a video of someone engaging in perspective-taking tasks and explaining their actions led to improved perspective-taking ability. Outcomes An abundance of literature links perspective-taking abilities with other behaviors. Much of this literature focuses on conceptual perspective-taking. Benefit Conceptual perspective-taking gives one the ability to better understand the reason behind another person's actions. This also helps one engage in social conversations in an acceptable and friendly way. Empathy Many studies associate perspective-taking with empathy. Psychologist Mark Davis suggested that empathy consists of multiple dimensions. To assess this, Davis developed the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI). The IRI consists of four subscales: fantasy, empathic concern, personal distress, and perspective-taking. The perspective-taking subscale asks participants to report how likely they are to engage in trying to see things from another person's point of view. Studies using this widely cited measure found that perspective-taking is associated with many prosocial behaviors. One study, which assessed cross-cultural data in 63 countries using the IRI, concluded that perspective-taking and empathic concern was associated with volunteerism and agreeableness as well as self-esteem and life satisfaction. Research suggests that perspective-taking leads to empathic concern. This research distinguishes between two different types of perspective-taking: thinking of how oneself would act, feel, and behave if placed in someone else's situation and thinking of the way that another person thinks, feels, and behaves in their own situation. The results of this research reveals that thinking of how another person behaves and feels in their own situation leads to feelings of empathy. However, thinking of how one would behave in another person's situation leads to feelings of empathy as well as of distress. Research also finds that in negotiations, taking on the perspective of another person and empathizing with them may have . One study found that people who engaged in perspective-taking were more effective in making a deal with another person and in finding innovative agreements that satisfied both parties, as compared to those who empathized with someone else. Sympathy and caring Research reveals that perspective-taking is associated with sympathy toward others and prosocial behavior in children as young as 18 months old. A study of sibling interactions found that toddlers who were older siblings were more likely to help take care of their younger siblings when demonstrated higher perspective-taking abilities. Creativity Perspective-taking is also associated with creativity. It increases the amount of creative ideas generated in team activities. One study suggests that perspective-taking leads to more creative and innovative ideas particularly in participants who are internally driven to complete a task. Bias and stereotype reduction Many studies find potential benefits of perspective-taking on . Studies on perspective-taking and bias and stereotyping are generally done by asking participants to take the perspective of another person who is different from them in certain domains (i.e. asking young adult participants to take on the perspective of an elderly person or asking White participants to take on the perspective of a Black person seen in a photograph or video). Such studies show that perspective-taking can lead to reduced stereotyping of outgroup members, improved attitudes towards others, and increased . Perspective-taking can lead to reduced in-group favoritism. Research on implicit (or unconscious) biases found that perspective-taking can reduce implicit bias scores (as measured by the Implicit-association test) as well as more recognition of subtle discrimination. In disagreements Research into differences between having a conversation with someone whom you agree with versus with someone with whom you disagree finds that participants who disagreed had enhanced perspective-taking ability and could better remember the conversation. Drawbacks Some researchers suggest drawbacks to perspective-taking. For example, studies found that asking people to engage in perspective-taking tasks can lead to increased stereotyping of the target if the target is deemed as having more stereotypic qualities and as adopting stereotypic behaviors of outgroup members. Other animals Studies to assess if nonhuman animals can successfully engage in perspective-taking have not drawn consistent conclusions. Many such studies assess perspective-taking by training animals on specific tasks or by measuring how consistently animals follow the eye gaze of humans. Being able to successfully follow another's eye gaze could indicate that the animal is aware that the human is seeing and paying attention to something that is different from what they see. A study of spider monkeys and capuchin monkeys found that these primates successfully performed eye gazing tasks. This led researchers to conclude that the monkeys demonstrated some ability to consider another person's viewpoint. However, another study found that Rhesus monkeys were unsuccessful at such eye gazing tasks. Studies suggest that dogs have complex social understanding. In one study, researchers told a dog it was not allowed to eat a treat and then placed the treat in a location that the dog could reach. Dogs were more likely to eat the treat after being instructed not to if there was a barrier that hid the dog from the instructor. Dogs were less likely to eat the treat if the barrier was of smaller size or had a window in it. This study also showed that dogs struggled in other tasks that focused on the dog's own visual attention. These researchers suggest that this study provides evidence that dogs may be aware of other's visual perspectives. See also Role reversal Role-taking theory Theory of mind References Cognition Group processes Human communication

Anthropologist

An anthropologist is a person engaged in the practice of anthropology. Anthropology is the study of aspects of humans within past and present societies. Social anthropology, cultural anthropology and philosophical anthropology study the norms, values, and general behavior of societies. Linguistic anthropology studies how language affects social life, while economic anthropology studies human economic behavior. Biological (physical), forensic and medical anthropology study the biological development of humans, the application of biological anthropology in a legal setting and the study of diseases and their impacts on humans over time, respectively. Education Anthropologists usually cover a breadth of topics within anthropology in their undergraduate education and then proceed to specialize in topics of their own choice at the graduate level. In some universities, a qualifying exam serves to test both the breadth and depth of a student's understanding of anthropology; the students who pass are permitted to work on a doctoral dissertation. Anthropologists typically hold graduate degrees, either doctorates or master's degrees. Not holding an advanced degree is rare in the field. Some anthropologists hold undergraduate degrees in other fields than anthropology and graduate degrees in anthropology. Career Research topics of anthropologists include the discovery of human remains and artifacts as well as the exploration of social and cultural issues such as population growth, structural inequality and globalization by making use of a variety of technologies including statistical software and Geographic Information Systems (GIS). Anthropological field work requires a faithful representation of observations and a strict adherence to social and ethical responsibilities, such as the acquisition of consent, transparency in research and methodologies and the right to anonymity. Historically, anthropologists primarily worked in academic settings; however, by 2014, U.S. anthropologists and archaeologists were largely employed in research positions (28%), management and consulting (23%) and government positions (27%). U.S. employment of anthropologists and archaeologists is projected to increase from 7,600 to 7,900 between 2016 and 2026, a growth rate just under half the national median. Anthropologists without doctorates tend to work more in other fields than academia, while the majority of those with doctorates are primarily employed in academia. Many of those without doctorates in academia tend to work exclusively as researchers and do not teach. Those in research-only positions are often not considered faculty. The median salary for anthropologists in 2015 was $62,220. Many anthropologists report an above average level of job satisfaction. Although closely related and often grouped with archaeology, anthropologists and archaeologists perform differing roles, though archeology is considered a sub-discipline of anthropology. While both professions focus on the study of human culture from past to present, archaeologists focus specifically on analyzing material remains such as artifacts and architectural remains. Anthropology encompasses a wider range of professions including the rising fields of forensic anthropology, digital anthropology and cyber anthropology. The role of an anthropologist differs as well from that of a historian. While anthropologists focus their studies on humans and human behavior, historians look at events from a broader perspective. Historians also tend to focus less on culture than anthropologists in their studies. A far greater percentage of historians are employed in academic settings than anthropologists, who have more diverse places of employment. Anthropologists are experiencing a shift in the twenty-first century United States with the rise of forensic anthropology. In the United States, as opposed to many other countries forensic anthropology falls under the domain of the anthropologist and not the Forensic pathologist. In this role, forensic anthropologists help in the identification of skeletal remains by deducing biological characteristics such as sex, age, stature and ancestry from the skeleton. However, forensic anthropologists tend to gravitate more toward working in academic and laboratory settings, while forensic pathologists perform more applied field work. Forensic anthropologists typically hold academic doctorates, while forensic pathologists are medical doctors. The field of forensic anthropology is rapidly evolving with increasingly capable technology and more extensive databases. Forensic anthropology is one of the most specialized and competitive job areas within the field of anthropology and currently has more qualified graduates than positions. The profession of Anthropology has also received an additional sub-field with the rise of Digital anthropology. This new branch of the profession has an increased usage of computers as well as interdisciplinary work with medicine, computer visualization, industrial design, biology and journalism. Anthropologists in this field primarily study the evolution of human reciprocal relations with the computer-generated world. Cyber anthropologists also study digital and cyber ethics along with the global implications of increasing connectivity. With cyber ethical issues such as net neutrality increasingly coming to light, this sub-field is rapidly gaining more recognition. One rapidly emerging branch of interest for cyber anthropologists is artificial intelligence. Cyber anthropologists study the co-evolutionary relationship between humans and artificial intelligence. This includes the examination of computer-generated (CG) environments and how people interact with them through media such as movies, television, and video. Cultural anthropologist Culture anthropology is a sub-field of anthropology specializing in the study of different cultures. They study both small-scale, traditional communities, such as isolated villages, and large-scale, modern societies, such as large cities. They look at different behaviors and patterns within a culture. In order to study these cultures, many anthropologists will live among the culture they are studying. Cultural anthropologists can work as professors, work for corporations, nonprofit organizations, as well government agencies. The field is very large and people can do a lot as a cultural anthropologist. Notable anthropologists and publications Some notable anthropologists include: Molefi Kete Asante, Ruth Benedict, Franz Boas, Ella Deloria, St. Clair Drake, John Hope Franklin, James George Frazer, Clifford Geertz, Edward C. Green, Zora Neale Hurston, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Bronisław Malinowski, Margaret Mead, Elsie Clews Parsons, Pearl Primus, Paul Rabinow, Alfred Radcliffe-Brown, Marshall Sahlins, Nancy Scheper-Hughes (b. 1944), Hortense Spillers, Edward Burnett Tylor (1832–1917) and Frances Cress Welsing. See also Association of Black Anthropologists Biologist List of anthropologists List of fictional anthropologists Psychologist References Social science occupations

Rehabilitation psychology

Rehabilitation psychology is a specialty area of psychology aimed at maximizing the independence, functional status, health, and social participation of individuals with disabilities and chronic health conditions. Assessment and treatment may include the following areas: psychosocial, cognitive, behavioral, and functional status, self-esteem, coping skills, and quality of life. As the conditions experienced by patients vary widely, rehabilitation psychologists offer individualized treatment approaches. The discipline takes a holistic approach, considering individuals within their broader social context and assessing environmental and demographic factors that may facilitate or impede functioning. This approach, integrating both personal (e.g., deficits, impairments, strengths, assets) and environmental factors, is consistent with the World Health Organization's (WHO) International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF). In addition to clinical practice, rehabilitation psychologists engage in consultation, program development, teaching, training, public policy, and advocacy. Rehabilitation psychology shares some technical competencies with the specialties of clinical neuropsychology, counseling psychology, and health psychology; however, Rehabilitation Psychology is distinctive in its focus on working with individuals with all types of disability and chronic health conditions to maintain/gain and advance in vocation; in the context of interdisciplinary health care teams; and as social change agents to improve societal attitudes toward individuals living with disabilities and chronic health conditions. Rehabilitation psychologists work as advocates with persons with disabilities to eliminate attitudinal, policy, and physical barriers, and to emphasize employment, environmental access, and social role and community integration.   Rehabilitation psychologists provide clinical services in varied healthcare settings, including acute care hospitals, inpatient and outpatient rehabilitation centers, assisted living centers, long-term care facilities, specialty clinics, and community agencies. They typically work in interdisciplinary teams, often including a physiatrist, physical therapist, occupational therapist, and speech therapist. A nurse, social worker, prosthetist, chaplain, and case manager also may be included depending on individual needs. Members of the team work together to create a treatment plan, set goals, educate both the patient and their support network, and facilitate discharge planning. In the United States, the specialty of Rehabilitation Psychology is coordinated by the Rehabilitation Psychology Specialty Council (RPSC), which comprises five professional organizations that represent the major constituencies in Rehabilitation Psychology: Division 22 of the American Psychological Association (APA), the American Board of Rehabilitation Psychology (ABRP), the Foundation for Rehabilitation Psychology (FRP), the Council of Rehabilitation Psychology Postdoctoral Training Programs (CRPPTP), and the Academy of Rehabilitation Psychology (ARP). RPSC represents the specialty to the Council of Specialties in Professional Psychology(CoS). Rehabilitation Psychology is its official journal. Rehabilitation Psychology is certified as one of 14 specialty competencies by the American Board of Professional Psychology (ABPP). History The specialty of rehabilitation psychology was established well before psychologists were regularly involved in healthcare settings. In the 1940s and 1950s, psychologists became increasingly involved in caring for persons with disabilities, often the result of combat injuries. Advances in medical care had led to an increased number of people surviving injuries and illnesses that would have been fatal in previous generations. Individuals living with disabilities and chronic health conditions needed help to adjust, and rehabilitation psychology emerged to meet these needs using psychological knowledge to help maximize independence, health, and welfare. In 1954, the Vocational Rehabilitation Act was passed, providing grant funding for research and program development. As a result of this act, many universities opened vocational rehabilitation counseling programs within their graduate schools. In 1958, Rehabilitation Psychology was established as Division 22 of the American Psychological Association, as an organization of psychologists concerned with the psychological and social consequences of disability, and with the development of ways to prevent and resolve problems associated with disability. By the 1960s, rehabilitation psychology was considered a mature specialty and was prominent throughout the United States. However, it was not until 1997 that the American Board of Professional Psychology approved the establishment of the American Board of Rehabilitation Psychology. Key principles and models Theoretical models are important in rehabilitation psychology for understanding and explaining impairments, aiding treatment planning, and facilitating the prediction of outcomes. Models help organize, understand, explain, and predict phenomena. The models used integrate information from a number of disciplines, such as biology, psychology, and sociology. A wide array of models is needed because of the diverse problems and concerns faced by individuals with disabilities and chronic health conditions. Often, more than one model must be applied to properly understand an individual's condition. Biopsychosocial model: The biopsychosocial model examines the interaction of medical conditions, psychological stressors, the environment, and personal factors to understand an individual's adaptation to disability. This interdisciplinary model is an acknowledgement that disability only can be understood within a larger context, and reflects the longstanding belief of rehabilitation psychologists that cultural attitudes and environmental barriers influence an individual's adaptation and accentuate disability. Notably, the tenets of this model are reflected in the World Health Organization's International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF). The framework is holistic and to apply it providers must learn about the disabled person's home life and broader social context. Psychoanalytic model: In the context of rehabilitation psychology, Freud's concept of castration anxiety can be applied to severe losses, such as the loss of a limb. This concept is reflected in Jerome Siller's stage theory of adjustment, designed to increase understanding of acceptance and adjustment following sudden disability. Social psychology: The pioneers in rehabilitation psychology were a diverse group, but many came from the field of social psychology. Kurt Lewin is one example. As a Jew living in Germany during the early years of the Nazi regime, Lewin's experiences shaped his psychological work. This is reflected in his conceptualization of the insider-outsider distinction, as well as his understanding of stigma. Lewin is known for his conceptualization B = f(p,e), where behavior (B) is a function of both the person (p) and their environment (e). Tamara Dembo and Beatrice Wright, two of Lewin's students, are recognized as pioneering figures in the history of rehabilitation psychology. Wright authored two of the field's seminal texts, Physical Disability: A Psychological Approach and the extensively revised second edition, Physical Disability: A Psychosocial Approach. She also proposed the somatopsychological model, which advocates for interpreting disability within its social context. The somatopsychological model is derived from Lewin's field theory and holds that the environment can either aid or hinder an individual's adjustment. Wright's insights and her articulation of the beliefs and principles underlying rehabilitation psychology practice have come to be known as the "foundational principles of rehabilitation psychology" and her work continues to inform contemporary rehabilitation psychology research, theory, and practice. Cognitive-Behavior Theory: Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) approaches such as problem-solving treatment have shown promise in promoting adjustment, well-being, and overall health among individuals with disabilities and chronic health conditions. This model holds that thoughts and coping strategies directly impact feelings and behaviors. By emphasizing, identifying, and changing maladaptive thoughts, CBT works to change an individual's subjective experience and their resulting behavior. A variety of empirical studies have demonstrated CBT's effectiveness in cases of traumatic brain injury, spinal cord injury, and a variety of other conditions common to individuals living with disability and chronic health conditions. Clinical specialty areas In clinical settings, rehabilitation psychologists apply psychological expertise and skills to improve outcomes for individuals living with disabilities or chronic health conditions. Common populations treated include individuals with: AIDS Acquired brain injury Cancer Chronic pain Concussion Limb loss Multiple sclerosis Neuromuscular disorders Spinal cord injury Stroke Traumatic brain injury When addressing these chronic health conditions and disabilities, rehabilitation psychologists offer a variety of services with the goal of increasing an individual's functioning and quality of life. Specific services may include: Assessment To enhance the rehabilitation process, one must not only identify barriers to recovery, but also personal strengths and resiliency factors that foster continued recovery and social reintegration. Rehabilitation psychology's focus on personal strengths and resiliency has been influential in the field of positive psychology. Rehabilitation psychologists take into consideration the medical diagnosis, referral question, background history, pre-morbid functioning (independence with basic and instrumental activities of daily living), current functioning (physical, cognitive, psychological), personality characteristics, and goals (career, academic, personal). Depending upon the referral question and individual patient goals, a structured and focused assessment may include any combination of the following components: cognitive function (decisional capacity, mental status, neurocognitive function); physical function (fatigue, health behavior, pain, sleep); psychological function (emotional adjustment, interpersonal/social functioning, personality, mental health conditions). Aspects of the individual's environment also are assessed, including cultural, community, home, rehabilitation, school, vocational, and social environments. In addition to clinical assessment and interview, standardized measures can be helpful for understanding each of these component areas in greater detail. Specifically, rehabilitation psychologist use data from standardized cognitive assessments to assess both cognitive limitations and positive cognitive abilities such as problem-solving skills. Cognitive rehabilitation Cognitive rehabilitation, also known as cognitive remediation therapy, or neuropsychological rehabilitation, refers to the broad range of evidence-based interventions designed to improve cognitive functioning impaired as a result of changes in the brain due to injury or illness.  Because of their specialized training in the nuances of impaired cognitive abilities, within the context of personality and emotional factors, rehabilitation psychologists are uniquely qualified to provide interventions for cognitive, behavioral, and psychosocial difficulties following brain injury. Cognitive rehabilitation interventions have been used with people who have sustained brain injury, stroke, brain tumor, Parkinson's disease, multiple sclerosis, mild cognitive impairment, ADHD, and a variety of other medical conditions that affect cognitive functioning. Cognitive functions targeted may include processing speed, attention, memory, language, visual-perceptual skills, and executive functioning skills such as problem solving and emotional self-regulation. Cognitive rehabilitation can include computer-based tasks, with the caveat that such tasks are most effective when administered under the guidance of a trained clinician in an individualized setting. Consistent with the foundational principles of rehabilitation psychology, contemporary rehabilitation psychology approaches to cognitive rehabilitation incorporate the subjective experience of the patient while targeting meta-cognition or self regulation. The ultimate goal of all cognitive rehabilitation interventions is to improve the everyday functioning of people in the setting in which they live or work, consistent with their own values and priorities. Ethical and legal considerations Rehabilitation psychologists adhere to the same general principles and ethical codes of conduct as all psychologists, under guidelines set forth by the American Psychological Association (http://www.apa.org/ethics/code/). Rehabilitation psychologists also must follow federal laws relevant to individuals with disability. Rehabilitation psychologists often are faced with ethical and legal considerations when assisting patients with concerns such as end-of-life decision making, ability to return to driving (e.g., following acquired brain injury, stroke, or other medical conditions that may impair driving ability), and the role of faith/religion in the individual's health-care decision making. Relevant federal legislation includes: Rehabilitation Act of 1973: This Act prohibits discrimination of persons based on disability status in programs conducted by Federal agencies, those receiving Federal financial assistance, in Federal employment, and in the employment practices of Federal contractors. Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA): This Act was an extension of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The ADA's five titles prohibit discrimination on the basis of disability in employment, government, public and commercial facilities, transportation, and telecommunications. Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA): This Act was initiated in 1996 in an effort to protect the privacy of patient information. It affects rehabilitation psychologists in a variety of important ways and occasionally contradicts aspects of the APA Ethical Code. For example, under the Act, tests designed to measure psychological and neurocognitive function may not be released to the general public. Instead of releasing the tests themselves, rehabilitation psychologists typically provide summaries of the data, interpretation, and treatment recommendations. Education and training In the United States, rehabilitation psychologists complete doctoral degrees (e.g., PhD or PsyD) in fields such as clinical psychology, counseling psychology, neuropsychology, or school psychology, plus pre-doctoral and post-doctoral clinical training in healthcare settings. Rehabilitation psychologists must be licensed in order to provide services in their state of practice and to receive reimbursement from health insurance payers. In most states, obtaining a license requires a doctoral degree from an approved program, a minimum number of hours of supervised clinical experience, and a passing score on the Examination for Professional Practice in Psychology (EPPP), a standardized knowledge-based examination. Most states also require a prescribed number of continuing education credits per year to renew a license. By the 1960s, the need for standardized guidelines for postdoctoral training in rehabilitation psychology was recognized during the speciality's national conferences. The APA Division of Rehabilitation Psychology (Division 22) and the American Congress of Rehabilitation Medicine spent four years developing guidelines leading up to the 1992 Ann Arbor Conference in Postdoctoral Training in Professional Psychology. Patterson and Hanson outlined the entrance requirements, training length, curriculum requirements, supervision, and evaluations: Trainees are accepted only from doctoral programs approved by the American Psychological Association. Minimum length of training is one year There are a minimum of two supervisors during training Curriculum includes supervised practice, seminars, and coursework Patient populations and didactics are related to disabilities and chronic health conditions There is a minimum of two hours of supervision per week All trainees are funded There are written objectives for the training program Formal trainee evaluations occur at least twice a year Program evaluations occur annually In 1997, the American Board of Professional Psychology approved the establishment of the American Board of Rehabilitation Psychology. Subsequently, the board elaborated on the guidelines from 1995 by requiring a board certification that assesses an individual on the expected competencies. Expected competencies were the capability to assess and treat disability adjustment, cognitive functioning, personality functioning, family functioning, social environment, social functioning, educational functioning, vocational functioning, recreational functioning, sexual functioning, substance abuse, and pain. In addition to displaying these competencies, rehabilitation psychologists are expected to collaborate and consult with other rehabilitation professionals within the interdisciplinary team throughout the treatment process. The ABRP Board Certification process recognizes, certifies, and promotes competence in the specialty. The American Board of Professional Psychology specifies that in order to meet the standards of the speciality, an individual must complete a recognized internship program, have three years of experience within the field, and have supervised experience within the specialty. Notable rehabilitation psychologists Roger Barker Tamara Dembo Beatrice Wright Stephen T. Wegener See also Neurorehabilitation Rehabilitation Psychology (journal) References External links American Board of Rehabilitation Psychology Foundation for Rehabilitation Psychology Council of Rehabilitation Psychology Postdoctoral Training Programs Council of Specialities in Professional Psychology Applied psychology Behavioural sciences Health care occupations

Disordered eating

Disordered eating describes a variety of abnormal eating behaviors that, by themselves, do not warrant diagnosis of an eating disorder. Disordered eating includes behaviors that are common features of eating disorders, such as: Chronic restrained eating. Compulsive eating. Binge eating, with associated loss of control. Self-induced vomiting. Disordered eating also includes behaviors that are not characteristic of a specific eating disorder, such as: Irregular, chaotic eating patterns. Ignoring physical feelings of hunger and satiety (fullness). Use of diet pills. Emotional eating. Night eating. Secretive food concocting: the consumption of embarrassing food combinations, such as mashed potatoes mixed with sandwich cookies. See also Food craving § Pregnancy and Nocturnal sleep-related eating disorder § Symptoms and behaviors. Potential causes of disordered eating Disordered eating can represent a change in eating patterns caused by other mental disorders (e.g. clinical depression), or by factors that are generally considered to be unrelated to mental disorders (e.g. extreme homesickness). Certain factors among adolescents tend to be associated with disordered eating, including perceived pressure from parents and peers, nuclear family dynamic, body mass index, negative affect (mood), self-esteem, perfectionism, drug use, and participation in sports that focus on leanness. These factors are similar among boys and girls alike. However, the reported incidence rates of disordered eating are consistently and significantly higher in female than male participants. 61% of females and 28% of males reported disordered eating behaviors in a study of over 1600 adolescents. Nuclear family environment The nuclear family dynamic of an adolescent plays a large part in the formation of their psychological, and thus behavioral, development. A research article published in the Journal of Adolescence concluded that, “…while families do not appear to play a primary casual role in eating pathology, dysfunctional family environments and unhealthy parenting can affect the genesis and maintenance of disordered eating.” One study explored the connection between the disordered eating patterns of adolescents and the poor socioemotional coping mechanisms of guardians with mental disorders. It was found that in homes of parents with mental health issues (such as depression or anxiety), the children living in these environments self-reported experiencing stressful home environments, parental withdrawal, rejection, unfulfilled emotional needs, or over-involvement from their guardians. It was hypothesized that this was directly related to adolescent study participants also reporting poor emotional awareness, expression, and regulation in relation to internalized/externalized eating disordered habits. Parental anxiety/depression could not be directly linked to disordered eating, but could be linked to the development of poor coping skills that can lead to disordered eating behaviors. Another study specifically investigated whether a parental's eating disorder could predict disordered eating in their children. It was found that rates of eating disorder appearances in children with either parent having a history of an eating disorder were much higher than those with parents without an eating disorder. Reported disordered eating peaked between ages 15 and 17 with the risk of eating disorder occurrences in females 12.7 times greater than of that in males. This is, "of particular interest as it has been shown that maternal ED [eating disorders] predict disordered eating behaviour in their daughters." This suggests that poor eating habits result as a coping mechanism for other direct issues presented by an unstable home environment. Social stresses Additional stress from outside the home environment influence disordered eating characteristics. Social stresses from peer environments, such as feeling out of place or discriminated against, has been shown to increase feelings of body shame and social anxiety in studies of minority groups that lead to a prevalence of disordered eating. A study published in the International Journal of Eating Disorders used data from the Massachusetts Youth Risk Behavior Surveys from 1999 to 2013 to examine how disordered eating has trended in heterosexual versus LGB (lesbian, gay, bisexual) youth. The data from over 26,000 surveys investigated the practices of purging, fasting, and using diet pills. It was found that, "sexual minority youth report disproportionately higher prevalence of disordered eating compared to heterosexual peers: up to 1 in 4 sexual minority youth report…patterns of disordered eating…" In addition, the gap between the number of LGBT females and heterosexual females controlling weight in unhealthy ways has continued to widen. The concept this study proposed to explain this disparity comes from the minority stress theory. This states that unhealthy behaviors are directly related to the distal stress, or social stress, that minorities experience. These stressors could include rejection or pressure by peers, and physical, mental, and emotional harassment. A study published in Psychology of Women Quarterly explored the connection between social anxiety stresses and eating disordered habits more in depth in women in the LGBTQ community who were also racial minorities. Over 450 women ranked their interactions with everyday discrimination, their LGBTQ identity, social anxiety, their objectified body consciousness, and an eating disorder inventory diagnostic scale. The findings of the compilation of survey responses indicated that increased discrimination led to proximal minority stress, leading to feelings of social anxiety and body shame, which could be directly associated with binge eating, bulimia, and other signs of disordered eating. It has also been suggested that being a “double” or “triple” minority who experiences discrimination towards multiple characteristics contributes to more intense psychological distress and maladaptive coping mechanisms. Athletic influences Disordered eating among athletes, particularly female athletes, has been the subject of much research. In one study, women with disordered eating were 3.6 times as likely to have an eating disorder if they were athletes. In addition, female collegiate athletes who compete in heavily body conscious sports like gymnastics, swimming, or diving are shown to be more at risk for developing an eating disorder. This is a result of the engagement in sports where weekly repeated weigh-ins are standard, and usually required by coaches. A study published in Eating Behaviors examined the pressure of mandated weigh-ins on female collegiate athletes and how that pressure was dealt with in terms of weight management. After analyzing over 400 survey responses, it was found that athletes reported increased uses of diet pills/laxatives, consuming less calories than needed for their sport, and following nutrition information from unqualified sources. 75% of the weighed athletes reported using a weight-management method such as restricting food intake, increasing exercise, eating low fat foods, taking laxatives, vomiting, and other. These habits were found to be worse in athletes that were weighed in front of their peers than those weighed in private. In addition, especially in gymnasts, preoccupation and anxiety about gaining weight and being weighed, and viewing food as the enemy were prevalent mindsets. This harmful mindset continued even after the gymnasts were retired from their sport: "Although retired, these gymnasts were still afraid to step onto a scale, were anxious about gaining weight…suggesting that the negative effects of being weighed can linger…[and] suggest[ing] that the weight/ fitness requirements acted as a socio-cultural pressure that would substantially increase the women’s risk of developing an eating disorder in the future." Disordered eating, along with amenorrhea and bone demineralization, form what clinicians refer to as the female athletic triad, or FAT. In contribution to these eating disorders that these female athletes develop, Results in the lack of nutrition. This can lead to the loss of several or more consecutive periods which then leads to calcium and bone loss, putting the athlete at great risk of fracturing bones and damaging tissues. Each of these conditions is a medical concern as they create serious health risks that may be life-threatening to the individual. While any female athlete can develop the triad, adolescent girls are considered most at risk because of the active biological changes and growth spurts that they experience, rapidly changing life circumstances that are observed within the teenage years, and peer and social pressures. Social media Researchers have said the most pervasive and influential factor controlling body image perception is the mass media. One study examined the impact of celebrity and peer Instagram images on women's body image as, “comparisons will be most readily made with individuals who are perceived as being similar” to the target as there is more of a relationship between the two parties. The participants in this study, 138 female undergraduate students ages 18–30, were shown 15 images each of attractive celebrities, attractive unknown peers, and travel destinations. The participant's reactions were observed and visual scales were used to measure mood and dissatisfaction before and after viewing the images. The findings of this experiment determined that negative mood and body dissatisfaction rankings were greater after being exposed to the celebrity and peer images, with no difference between celebrity versus peer images. The media is especially dangerous for females at risk for developing body image issues, and disordered eating, because the sheer number of possible comparisons become larger. See also Night eating syndrome Overeaters Anonymous References Eating disorders Symptoms and signs of mental disorders

Asymptomatic

Asymptomatic (or clinically silent) is an adjective categorising the medical conditions (i.e., injuries or diseases) that patients carry but without experiencing their symptoms, despite an explicit diagnosis (e.g., a positive medical test). Pre-symptomatic is the adjective categorising the time periods during which the medical conditions are asymptomatic. Subclinical and paucisymptomatic are other adjectives categorising either the asymptomatic infections (i.e., subclinical infections), or the psychosomatic illnesses and mental disorders expressing a subset of symptoms but not the entire set an explicit medical diagnosis requires. Examples An example of an asymptomatic disease is cytomegalovirus (CMV) which is a member of the herpes virus family. "It is estimated that 1% of all newborns are infected with CMV, but the majority of infections are asymptomatic." (Knox, 1983; Kumar et al. 1984) In some diseases, the proportion of asymptomatic cases can be important. For example, in multiple sclerosis it is estimated that around 25% of the cases are asymptomatic, with these cases detected postmortem or just by coincidence (as incidental findings) while treating other diseases. Importance Knowing that a condition is asymptomatic is important because: It may be contagious, and the contribution of asymptomatic and pre-symptomatic infections to the transmission level of a disease helps set the required control measures to keep it from spreading. It is not required that a person undergo treatment. It does not cause later medical problems such as high blood pressure and hyperlipidaemia. Be alert to possible problems: asymptomatic hypothyroidism makes a person vulnerable to Wernicke–Korsakoff syndrome or beri-beri following intravenous glucose. For some conditions, treatment during the asymptomatic phase is vital. If one waits until symptoms develop, it is too late for survival or to prevent damage. Mental health Subclinical or subthreshold conditions are those for which the full diagnostic criteria are not met and have not been met in the past, although symptoms are present. This can mean that symptoms are not severe enough to merit a diagnosis, or that symptoms are severe but do not meet the criteria of a condition. List These are conditions for which there is a sufficient number of documented individuals that are asymptomatic that it is clinically noted. For a complete list of asymptomatic infections see subclinical infection. Balanitis xerotica obliterans Benign lymphoepithelial lesion Cardiac shunt Carotid artery dissection Carotid bruit Cavernous hemangioma Chloromas (Myeloid sarcoma) Cholera Chronic myelogenous leukemia Coeliac disease Coronary artery disease Coronavirus disease 2019 Cowpox Diabetic retinopathy Essential fructosuria Flu or Influenza strains Folliculosebaceous cystic hamartoma Glioblastoma multiforme (occasionally) Glucocorticoid remediable aldosteronism Glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase deficiency Hepatitis Hereditary elliptocytosis Herpes Heterophoria Human coronaviruses (common cold germs) Hypertension (high blood pressure) Histidinemia HIV (AIDS) HPV Hyperaldosteronism hyperlipidaemia Hyperprolinemia type I Hypothyroidism Hypoxia (some cases) Idiopathic thrombocytopenic purpura Iridodialysis (when small) Lesch–Nyhan syndrome (female carriers) Levo-Transposition of the great arteries Measles Meckel's diverticulum Microvenular hemangioma Mitral valve prolapse Monkeypox Monoclonal B-cell lymphocytosis Myelolipoma Nonalcoholic fatty liver disease Optic disc pit Osteoporosis Pertussis (whooping cough) Pes cavus Poliomyelitis Polyorchidism Pre-eclampsia Prehypertension Protrusio acetabuli Pulmonary contusion Renal tubular acidosis Rubella Smallpox (extinct since the 1980s) Spermatocele Sphenoid wing meningioma Spider angioma Splenic infarction (though not typically) Subarachnoid hemorrhage Tonsillolith Tuberculosis Type II diabetes Typhus Vaginal intraepithelial neoplasia Varicella (chickenpox) Wilson's disease Millions of women reported lack of symptoms during pregnancy until the point of childbirth or the beginning of labor; they didn't know they were pregnant. This phenomenon is known as cryptic pregnancies. See also Symptomatic Subclinical infection References Medical terminology Symptoms

Suffering

Suffering, or pain in a broad sense, may be an experience of unpleasantness or aversion, possibly associated with the perception of harm or threat of harm in an individual. Suffering is the basic element that makes up the negative valence of affective phenomena. The opposite of suffering is pleasure or happiness. Suffering is often categorized as physical or mental. It may come in all degrees of intensity, from mild to intolerable. Factors of duration and frequency of occurrence usually compound that of intensity. Attitudes toward suffering may vary widely, in the sufferer or other people, according to how much it is regarded as avoidable or unavoidable, useful or useless, deserved or undeserved. Suffering occurs in the lives of sentient beings in numerous manners, often dramatically. As a result, many fields of human activity are concerned with some aspects of suffering. These aspects may include the nature of suffering, its processes, its origin and causes, its meaning and significance, its related personal, social, and cultural behaviors, its remedies, management, and uses. Terminology The word suffering is sometimes used in the narrow sense of physical pain, but more often it refers to psychological pain, or more often yet it refers to pain in the broad sense, i.e. to any unpleasant feeling, emotion or sensation. The word pain usually refers to physical pain, but it is also a common synonym of suffering. The words pain and suffering are often used both together in different ways. For instance, they may be used as interchangeable synonyms. Or they may be used in 'contradistinction' to one another, as in "pain is physical, suffering is mental", or "pain is inevitable, suffering is optional". Or they may be used to define each other, as in "pain is physical suffering", or "suffering is severe physical or mental pain". Qualifiers, such as physical, mental, emotional, and psychological, are often used to refer to certain types of pain or suffering. In particular, mental pain (or suffering) may be used in relationship with physical pain (or suffering) for distinguishing between two wide categories of pain or suffering. A first caveat concerning such a distinction is that it uses physical pain in a sense that normally includes not only the 'typical sensory experience of physical pain' but also other unpleasant bodily experiences including air hunger, hunger, vestibular suffering, nausea, sleep deprivation, and itching. A second caveat is that the terms physical or mental should not be taken too literally: physical pain or suffering, as a matter of fact, happens through conscious minds and involves emotional aspects, while mental pain or suffering happens through physical brains and, being an emotion, involves important physiological aspects. The word unpleasantness, which some people use as a synonym of suffering or pain in the broad sense, may refer to the basic affective dimension of pain (its suffering aspect), usually in contrast with the sensory dimension, as for instance in this sentence: "Pain-unpleasantness is often, though not always, closely linked to both the intensity and unique qualities of the painful sensation." Other current words that have a definition with some similarity to suffering include distress, unhappiness, misery, affliction, woe, ill, discomfort, displeasure, disagreeableness. Philosophy Ancient Greek philosophy Many of the Hellenistic philosophies addressed suffering. In Cynicism suffering is alleviated by achieving mental clarity or lucidity (ἁτυφια: atyphia), developing self-sufficiency (αὐτάρκεια: autarky), equanimity, arete, love of humanity, parrhesia, and indifference to the vicissitudes of life (adiaphora). For Pyrrhonism, suffering comes from dogmas (i.e. beliefs regarding non-evident matters), most particularly beliefs that certain things are either good or bad by nature. Suffering can be removed by developing epoche (suspension of judgment) regarding beliefs, which leads to ataraxia (mental tranquility). Epicurus (contrary to common misperceptions of his doctrine) advocated that we should first seek to avoid suffering (aponia) and that the greatest pleasure lies in ataraxia, free from the worrisome pursuit or the unwelcome consequences of ephemeral pleasures. Epicureanism's version of Hedonism, as an ethical theory, claims that good and bad consist ultimately in pleasure and pain. For Stoicism, the greatest good lies in reason and virtue, but the soul best reaches it through a kind of indifference (apatheia) to pleasure and pain: as a consequence, this doctrine has become identified with stern self-control in regard to suffering. Modern philosophy Jeremy Bentham developed hedonistic utilitarianism, a popular doctrine in ethics, politics, and economics. Bentham argued that the right act or policy was that which would cause "the greatest happiness of the greatest number". He suggested a procedure called hedonic or felicific calculus, for determining how much pleasure and pain would result from any action. John Stuart Mill improved and promoted the doctrine of hedonistic utilitarianism. Karl Popper, in The Open Society and Its Enemies, proposed a negative utilitarianism, which prioritizes the reduction of suffering over the enhancement of happiness when speaking of utility: "I believe that there is, from the ethical point of view, no symmetry between suffering and happiness, or between pain and pleasure. ... human suffering makes a direct moral appeal for help, while there is no similar call to increase the happiness of a man who is doing well anyway." David Pearce, for his part, advocates a utilitarianism that aims straightforwardly at the abolition of suffering through the use of biotechnology (see more details below in section Biology, neurology, psychology). Another aspect worthy of mention here is that many utilitarians since Bentham hold that the moral status of a being comes from its ability to feel pleasure and pain: therefore, moral agents should consider not only the interests of human beings but also those of (other) animals. Richard Ryder came to the same conclusion in his concepts of 'speciesism' and 'painism'. Peter Singer's writings, especially the book Animal Liberation, represent the leading edge of this kind of utilitarianism for animals as well as for people. Another doctrine related to the relief of suffering is humanitarianism (see also humanitarian principles, humanitarian aid, and humane society). "Where humanitarian efforts seek a positive addition to the happiness of sentient beings, it is to make the unhappy happy rather than the happy happier. ... [Humanitarianism] is an ingredient in many social attitudes; in the modern world it has so penetrated into diverse movements ... that it can hardly be said to exist in itself." Pessimists hold this world to be mainly bad, or even the worst possible, plagued with, among other things, unbearable and unstoppable suffering. Some identify suffering as the nature of the world and conclude that it would be better if life did not exist at all. Arthur Schopenhauer recommends us to take refuge in things like art, philosophy, loss of the will to live, and tolerance toward 'fellow-sufferers'. Friedrich Nietzsche, first influenced by Schopenhauer, developed afterward quite another attitude, arguing that the suffering of life is productive, exalting the will to power, despising weak compassion or pity, and recommending us to embrace willfully the 'eternal return' of the greatest sufferings. Philosophy of pain is a philosophical speciality that focuses on physical pain and is, through that, relevant to suffering in general. Religion Suffering plays an important role in a number of religions, regarding matters such as the following: consolation or relief; moral conduct (do no harm, help the afflicted, show compassion); spiritual advancement through life hardships or through self-imposed trials (mortification of the flesh, penance, asceticism); ultimate destiny (salvation, damnation, hell). Theodicy deals with the problem of evil, which is the difficulty of reconciling the existence of an omnipotent and benevolent god with the existence of evil: a quintessential form of evil, for many people, is extreme suffering, especially in innocent children, or in creatures destined to an eternity of torments (see problem of hell). The 'Four Noble Truths' of Buddhism are about dukkha, a term often translated as suffering. They state the nature of suffering, its cause, its cessation, and the way leading to its cessation, the Noble Eightfold Path. Buddhism considers liberation from dukkha and the practice of compassion (karuna) as basic for leading a holy life and attaining nirvana. Hinduism holds that suffering follows naturally from personal negative behaviors in one's current life or in a past life (see karma in Hinduism). One must accept suffering as a just consequence and as an opportunity for spiritual progress. Thus the soul or true self, which is eternally free of any suffering, may come to manifest itself in the person, who then achieves liberation (moksha). Abstinence from causing pain or harm to other beings, called ahimsa, is a central tenet of Hinduism, and even more so of another Indian religion, Jainism (see ahimsa in Jainism). In Judaism, suffering is often seen as a punishment for sins and a test of a person's faith, like the Book of Job illustrates. For Christianity, redemptive suffering is the belief that human suffering, when accepted and offered up in union with the "passion" (flogging and crucifixion) of Jesus, can remit the just punishment for sins, and allow oneself to grow in the love of The Trinity, other people, and oneself. In Islam, the faithful must endure suffering with hope and faith, not resist or ask why, accept it as Allah's will and submit to it as a test of faith. Allah never asks more than can be endured. One must also work to alleviate the suffering of others, as well as one's own. Suffering is also seen as a blessing. Through that gift, the sufferer remembers Allah and connects with him. Suffering expunges the sins of human beings and cleanses their soul for the immense reward of the afterlife, and the avoidance of hell. According to the Bahá'í Faith, all suffering is a brief and temporary manifestation of physical life, whose source is the material aspects of physical existence, and often attachment to them, whereas only joy exists in the spiritual worlds. Arts and literature Artistic and literary works often engage with suffering, sometimes at great cost to their creators or performers. Be it in the tragic, comic or other genres, art and literature offer means to alleviate (and perhaps also exacerbate) suffering, as argued for instance in Harold Schweizer's Suffering and the remedy of art. This Bruegel painting is among those that inspired W. H. Auden's poem Musée des Beaux Arts: About suffering they were never wrong, The Old Masters; how well, they understood Its human position; how it takes place While someone else is eating or opening a window or just walking dully along; (...) In Breughel's Icarus, for instance: how everything turns away Quite leisurely from the disaster; (...) Social sciences Social suffering, according to Arthur Kleinman and others, describes "collective and individual human suffering associated with life conditions shaped by powerful social forces". Such suffering is an increasing concern in medical anthropology, ethnography, mass media analysis, and Holocaust studies, says Iain Wilkinson, who is developing a sociology of suffering. The Encyclopedia of World Problems and Human Potential is a work by the Union of International Associations. Its main databases are about world problems (56,564 profiles), global strategies and solutions (32,547 profiles), human values (3,257 profiles), and human development (4,817 profiles). It states that "the most fundamental entry common to the core parts is that of pain (or suffering)" and "common to the core parts is the learning dimension of new understanding or insight in response to suffering". Ralph Siu, an American author, urged in 1988 the "creation of a new and vigorous academic discipline, called panetics, to be devoted to the study of the infliction of suffering", The International Society for Panetics was founded in 1991 to study and develop ways to reduce the infliction of human suffering by individuals acting through professions, corporations, governments, and other social groups. In economics, the following notions relate not only to the matters suggested by their positive appellations, but to the matter of suffering as well: Well-being or Quality of life, Welfare economics, Happiness economics, Gross National Happiness, genuine progress indicator. In law, "Pain and suffering" is a legal term that refers to the mental distress or physical pain endured by a plaintiff as a result of injury for which the plaintiff seeks redress. Assessments of pain and suffering are required to be made for attributing legal awards. In the Western world these are typically made by juries in a discretionary fashion and are regarded as subjective, variable, and difficult to predict, for instance in the US, UK, Australia and New Zealand. See also, in US law, Negligent infliction of emotional distress and Intentional infliction of emotional distress. In management and organization studies, drawing on the work of Eric Cassell, suffering has been defined as the distress a person experiences when they perceive a threat to any aspect of their continued existence, whether physical, psychological, or social. Other researchers have noted that suffering results from an inability to control actions that usually define one's view of one's self and that the characteristics of suffering include the loss of autonomy, or the loss of valued relationships or sense of self. Suffering is therefore determined not by the threat itself but, rather, by its meaning to the individual and the threat to their personhood. Biology, neurology, psychology Suffering and pleasure are respectively the negative and positive affects, or hedonic tones, or valences that psychologists often identify as basic in our emotional lives. The evolutionary role of physical and mental suffering, through natural selection, is primordial: it warns of threats, motivates coping (fight or flight, escapism), and reinforces negatively certain behaviors (see punishment, aversives). Despite its initial disrupting nature, suffering contributes to the organization of meaning in an individual's world and psyche. In turn, meaning determines how individuals or societies experience and deal with suffering. Many brain structures and physiological processes are involved in suffering (particularly the anterior insula and cingulate cortex, both implicated in nociceptive and empathic pain). Various hypotheses try to account for the experience of suffering. One of these, the pain overlap theory takes note, thanks to neuroimaging studies, that the cingulate cortex fires up when the brain feels suffering from experimentally induced social distress, as well as physical pain. The theory proposes therefore that physical pain and social pain (i.e. two radically differing kinds of suffering) share a common phenomenological and neurological basis. According to David Pearce's online manifesto "The Hedonistic Imperative", suffering is the avoidable result of Darwinian evolution. Pearce promotes replacing the biology of suffering with a robot-like response to noxious stimuli or with information-sensitive gradients of bliss, through genetic engineering and other technical scientific advances. Different theories of psychology view suffering differently. Sigmund Freud viewed suffering as something humans are hardwired to avoid, while they are always in the pursuit of pleasure, also known as the hedonic theory of motivation or the pleasure principle. This dogma also ties in with certain concepts of Behaviorism, most notably Operant Conditioning theory. In operant conditioning, a negative stimulus is removed thereby increasing a desired behavior, alternatively an aversive stimulus can be introduced as a punishing factor. In both methods, unfavorable circumstances are used in order to motivate an individual or an animal towards a certain goal. However, other theories of psychology present contradicting ideas such as the idea that humans sometimes seek out suffering. Many existentialists believe suffering is necessary in order to find meaning in our lives. Existential Positive Psychology is a theory dedicated to exploring the relationship between suffering and happiness and the belief that true authentic happiness can only come from experiencing pain and hardships. Hedonistic psychology, affective science, and affective neuroscience are some of the emerging scientific fields that could in the coming years focus their attention on the phenomenon of suffering. Health care Disease and injury may contribute to suffering in humans and animals. For example, suffering may be a feature of mental or physical illness such as borderline personality disorder and occasionally in advanced cancer. Health care addresses this suffering in many ways, in subfields such as medicine, clinical psychology, psychotherapy, alternative medicine, hygiene, public health, and through various health care providers. Health care approaches to suffering, however, remain problematic. Physician and author Eric Cassell, widely cited on the subject of attending to the suffering person as a primary goal of medicine, has defined suffering as "the state of severe distress associated with events that threaten the intactness of the person". Cassell writes: "The obligation of physicians to relieve human suffering stretches back to antiquity. Despite this fact, little attention is explicitly given to the problem of suffering in medical education, research or practice." Mirroring the traditional body and mind dichotomy that underlies its teaching and practice, medicine strongly distinguishes pain from suffering, and most attention goes to the treatment of pain. Nevertheless, physical pain itself still lacks adequate attention from the medical community, according to numerous reports. Besides, some medical fields like palliative care, pain management (or pain medicine), oncology, or psychiatry, do somewhat address suffering 'as such'. In palliative care, for instance, pioneer Cicely Saunders created the concept of 'total pain' ('total suffering' say now the textbooks), which encompasses the whole set of physical and mental distress, discomfort, symptoms, problems, or needs that a patient may experience hurtfully. Mental illness Gary Greenberg, in The Book of Woe, writes that mental illness might best be viewed as medicalization or labeling/naming suffering (i.e. that all mental illnesses might not necessarily be of dysfunction or biological-etiology, but might be social or cultural/societal). Relief and prevention in society Since suffering is such a universal motivating experience, people, when asked, can relate their activities to its relief and prevention. Farmers, for instance, may claim that they prevent famine, artists may say that they take our minds off our worries, and teachers may hold that they hand down tools for coping with life hazards. In certain aspects of collective life, however, suffering is more readily an explicit concern by itself. Such aspects may include public health, human rights, humanitarian aid, disaster relief, philanthropy, economic aid, social services, insurance, and animal welfare. To these can be added the aspects of security and safety, which relate to precautionary measures taken by individuals or families, to interventions by the military, the police, the firefighters, and to notions or fields like social security, environmental security, and human security. The nongovernmental research organization Center on Long-Term Risk, formerly known as the Foundational Research Institute, focuses on reducing risks of astronomical suffering (s-risks) from emerging technologies. Another organization also focused on research, the Center on Reducing Suffering, has a similar focus, with a stress on clarifying what priorities there should be at a practical level to attain the goal of reducing intense suffering in the future. Uses Philosopher Leonard Katz wrote: "But Nature, as we now know, regards ultimately only fitness and not our happiness ... and does not scruple to use hate, fear, punishment and even war alongside affection in ordering social groups and selecting among them, just as she uses pain as well as pleasure to get us to feed, water and protect our bodies and also in forging our social bonds." People make use of suffering for specific social or personal purposes in many areas of human life, as can be seen in the following instances: In arts, literature, or entertainment, people may use suffering for creation, for performance, or for enjoyment. Entertainment particularly makes use of suffering in blood sports and violence in the media, including violent video games depiction of suffering. A more or less great amount of suffering is involved in body art. The most common forms of body art include tattooing, body piercing, scarification, human branding. Another form of body art is a sub-category of performance art, in which for instance the body is mutilated or pushed to its physical limits. In business and various organizations, suffering may be used for constraining humans or animals into required behaviors. In a criminal context, people may use suffering for coercion, revenge, or pleasure. In interpersonal relationships, especially in places like families, schools, or workplaces, suffering is used for various motives, particularly under the form of abuse and punishment. In another fashion related to interpersonal relationships, the sick, or victims, or malingerers, may use suffering more or less voluntarily to get primary, secondary, or tertiary gain. In law, suffering is used for punishment (see penal law); victims may refer to what legal texts call "pain and suffering" to get compensation; lawyers may use a victim's suffering as an argument against the accused; an accused's or defendant's suffering may be an argument in their favor; authorities at times use light or heavy torture in order to get information or a confession. In the news media, suffering is often the raw material. In personal conduct, people may use suffering for themselves, in a positive way. Personal suffering may lead, if bitterness, depression, or spitefulness is avoided, to character-building, spiritual growth, or moral achievement; realizing the extent or gravity of suffering in the world may motivate one to relieve it and may give an inspiring direction to one's life. Alternatively, people may make self-detrimental use of suffering. Some may be caught in compulsive reenactment of painful feelings in order to protect them from seeing that those feelings have their origin in unmentionable past experiences; some may addictively indulge in disagreeable emotions like fear, anger, or jealousy, in order to enjoy pleasant feelings of arousal or release that often accompany these emotions; some may engage in acts of self-harm aimed at relieving otherwise unbearable states of mind. In politics, there is purposeful infliction of suffering in war, torture, and terrorism; people may use nonphysical suffering against competitors in nonviolent power struggles; people who argue for a policy may put forward the need to relieve, prevent or avenge suffering; individuals or groups may use past suffering as a political lever in their favor. In religion, suffering is used especially to grow spiritually, to expiate, to inspire compassion and help, to frighten, to punish. In rites of passage (see also hazing, ragging), rituals that make use of suffering are frequent. In science, humans and animals are subjected on purpose to aversive experiences for the study of suffering or other phenomena. In sex, especially in a context of sadism and masochism or BDSM, individuals may use a certain amount of physical or mental suffering (e.g. pain, humiliation). In sports, suffering may be used to outperform competitors or oneself; see sports injury, and no pain, no gain; see also blood sport and violence in sport as instances of pain-based entertainment. See also Selected bibliography Joseph A. Amato. Victims and Values: A History and a Theory of Suffering. New York: Praeger, 1990. James Davies. The Importance of Suffering: the value and meaning of emotional discontent. London: Routledge Cynthia Halpern. Suffering, Politics, Power: a Genealogy in Modern Political Theory. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002. Jamie Mayerfeld. Suffering and Moral Responsibility. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. Thomas Metzinger. Suffering.In Kurt Almqvist & Anders Haag (2017)[eds.], The Return of Consciousness. Stockholm: Axel and Margaret Ax:son Johnson Foundation. David B. Morris. The Culture of Pain. Berkeley: University of California, 2002. Elaine Scarry. The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Ronald Anderson. World Suffering and Quality of Life, Social Indicators Research Series, Volume 56, 2015. ; Also: Human Suffering and Quality of Life, SpringerBriefs in Well-Being and Quality of Life Research, 2014. References Feeling Pain Social issues ml:വേദന ckb:ئازار

Genetic predisposition

A genetic predisposition is a genetic characteristic which influences the possible phenotypic development of an individual organism within a species or population under the influence of environmental conditions. In medicine, genetic susceptibility to a disease refers to a genetic predisposition to a health problem, which may eventually be triggered by particular environmental or lifestyle factors, such as tobacco smoking or diet. Genetic testing is able to identify individuals who are genetically predisposed to certain diseases. Behavior Predisposition is the capacity humans are born with to learn things such as language and concept of self. Negative environmental influences may block the predisposition (ability) one has to do some things. Behaviors displayed by animals can be influenced by genetic predispositions. Genetic predisposition towards certain human behaviors is scientifically investigated by attempts to identify patterns of human behavior that seem to be invariant over long periods of time and in very different cultures. For example, philosopher Daniel Dennett has proposed that humans are genetically predisposed to have a theory of mind because there has been evolutionary selection for the human ability to adopt the intentional stance. The intentional stance is a useful behavioral strategy by which humans assume that others have minds like their own. This assumption allows one to predict the behavior of others based on personal knowledge. In 1951, Hans Eysenck and Donald Prell published an experiment in which identical (monozygotic) and fraternal (dizygotic) twins, ages 11 and 12, were tested for neuroticism. It is described in detail in an article published in the Journal of Mental Science. in which Eysenck and Prell concluded that, "The factor of neuroticism is not a statistical artifact, but constitutes a biological unit which is inherited as a whole....neurotic Genetic predisposition is to a large extent hereditarily determined." E. O. Wilson's book on sociobiology and his book Consilience discuss the idea of genetic predisposition of behaviors. The field of evolutionary psychology explores the idea that certain behaviors have been selected for during the course of evolution. Genetic discrimination in health insurance in US In US, the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act, which was signed into law by President George W. Bush on May 21, 2008, prohibits discrimination in employment and health insurance based on genetic information. See also Human nature Nature versus nurture Behavioral genetics Predispositioning Theory Psychiatric genetics Gene-environment correlation Eugenics Eggshell skull MODY Allergy Oncogene Quantitative trait locus Genetic privacy References The results of this survey are discussed here (January 20, 1998). A summary of U.S.A. executive orders and proposed legislation is compiled by the National Center for Genome Resources. The Intentional Stance (MIT Press; Reprint edition 1989) External links Genetic discrimination fact sheet from the National Human Genome Research Institute. Genetics Behavioural sciences

Somatic psychology

Somatic psychology or, more precisely, "somatic clinical psychotherapy" is a form of psychotherapy that focuses on somatic experience, including therapeutic and holistic approaches to the body. It seeks to explore and heal mental and physical injury and trauma through body awareness and movement. Wilhelm Reich was first to try to develop a clear psychodynamic approach that included the body. Several types of body-oriented psychotherapies trace their origins back to Reich, though there have been many subsequent developments and other influences on body psychotherapy, and somatic psychology is of particular interest in trauma work. Trauma describes a long-lasting distressing experience that can be subconsciously stored and bear upon bodily health. Somatic psychology seeks to describe, explain and understand the nature of embodied consciousness and bridge the Cartesian mind-body dichotomy. The term somatopsychic was introduced by the German psychiatrist Maximilian Jacobi (1775–1858). Origins The body and the mind have always been seen either connected, one thing or two separate things. This has become one of the main problems in philosophy. Many philosophers can be cited writing about it, such as Descartes with his dualism. Freud, who is usually seen as one of the most influential figures in the evolution of psychology, also saw the body as central within his theory. For him, the ego was first of all a "body ego". Somatic psychology was first studied by Wilhelm Reich, an Austrian physician that initially was Freud’s student. His approach has been influenced by Salvador Ferenczi, a Hungarian neurologist who also studied with Freud and gave insight to Reich to write his book Character Analysis. Reich was also interested in the origin of psychosomatic illness where George Groddeck, a friend of Ferenczi, influenced him a lot. He was the pioneer of somatic psychology from a medical point of view. Reich used vegetotherapy to name somatic psychology as it was touching upon the nervous system. Reich's approach goes beyond traditional therapies, it emphasizes the significance of the body on therapeutic processes, by exploring the connections between the body, brain and mind to avoid certain tensions. His discovery continues to influence contemporary therapy processes and is still relevant in today’s practice. Trauma storing in the body Since somatic clinical psychotherapy tries to heal mental and physical injury and trauma through body awareness, it is important to know what happens in the body when trauma is experienced to be able to help the patients. Trauma can manifest in the body and lead to mental and physical health issues. Whenever someone experiences trauma, it can manifest in the body and lead to mental and physical health issues. The way trauma can lead to those health issues is closely connected to the effect it has on the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, since experiencing trauma leads to the HPA getting sensitized. The HPA describes the interaction between the hypothalamus, pituitary gland, and adrenal glands and is responsible for controlling body functions such as breathing, heartbeat and blood pressure as well as the endocrine stress response. In every person that feels distressed, the amygdala sends a distress signal to the hypothalamus which activates the sympathetic nervous system and the hormone epinephrine gets released which triggers the fight-or-flight response. As long as the brain perceives the situation as dangerous, the hypothalamus releases corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH) which leads to the release of adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH) which then leads to the release of cortisol. In a healthy person the HPA axis ensures that if the threat passes, the cortisol release is stopped which dilutes the stress response. If a person experienced trauma, due to the HPA axis being sensitized the HPA axis stays activated and the stress response can become chronic. The constant release of the stress hormones can lead to physiological problems, like heart damage, diabetes and digestive issues through the excessive release of epinephrine and cortisol. Psychological effects such as anxiety, depression and disorders such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can be triggered as well by the constant stress response of the body. To help patients with those mental and physical health issues there are different somatic therapy techniques. Techniques Somatic therapy techniques are commonly used to treat cases like Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and complex post-traumatic stress disorder. Failed prior therapy techniques enforced the need for more sophisticated ways of caring for the condition, through which Cognitive Behavioural Somatic Therapy was introduced. Somatic Experiencing (SE) is used as such a treatment for PTSD. It focuses on interoceptive, kinesthetic, and proprioceptive experiences, which can resolve symptoms of chronic and traumatic stress. This bottom-up process focuses on the psycho-physiological consequences of the traumatic event and aims to recalibrate the dysregulation of the bodily responses in an indirect way. This technique aims to help regulate cognition and body, and is therefore powerful in addressing clinical dissociative disorders. Such sensorimotor techniques are often versatile and highly individual, created and adjusted for the patient, ranging in differing physical movements targeting the patient's weak point in an effort to build self-awareness and self-regulation. Such bottom-up movements stimulate self-awareness and self-regulation, like dance, breathing, and even a full-body workout depending on the individual's condition and need. Combining somatic psychology with group therapy can be effective for attachment disorders, transference impasse, and trauma. Incorporating somatic components through sensory awareness and movement of the body, is most effective for patients who experienced physiological trauma. Teaching body awareness through monitoring physiological responses or behaviors, achieves or improves self-regulation, stabilization and a close connection to themselves or others. Efficiency/positivism The effectiveness of somatic psychology and experiencing is still unclear. There are studies that show beneficial data points of somatic experiencing on PTSD-associated symptoms and depression. Somatic experiencing also showed positive impacts on affective and somatic symptoms, and general well-being outside of PTSD-treatment. Different limitations are encountered within studies that show positive results, such as small samples and not following rigorous methodological criteria. Insufficient research has been done to evaluate and compare the differential impacts of various modalities, despite the results of those modalities being relatively similar. The data is encouraging, but more objective studies are required to completely comprehend the efficacy of somatic psychology and experiencing, and improving the method-specific factors. East Asian examples of somatic psychology Criticism Few studies have shown the beneficial effects of implementing somatic psychology into PTSD treatment, but the conclusion on the effectiveness of somatic therapy has yet to be established. Assessing the efficacy of that method, requires a broader examination of scientific research on body-oriented psychotherapy. Another problem regarding the subject is an increased potential for re-traumatization of a patient. While somatic experiencing can be healing, it is also accessing trauma stored deeply in the body. Being such a fickle matter, if treated by an inefficiently trained practitioner, may lead to resurgence of traumatic symptoms. References Further reading External links Somatic psychology Body psychotherapy Pseudoscience

Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality

Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, sometimes titled Three Contributions to the Theory of Sex, is a 1905 work by Sigmund Freud, the founder of psychoanalysis, in which the author advances his theory of sexuality, in particular its relation to childhood. Synopsis Freud's book covered three main areas: sexual perversions; childhood sexuality; and puberty. The Sexual Aberrations Freud began his first essay, on "The Sexual Aberrations", by distinguishing between the sexual object and the sexual aim—noting that deviations from the norm could occur with respect to both. The sexual object is therein defined as a desired object, and the sexual aim as what acts are desired with said object. Discussing the choice of children and animals as sex objects—pedophilia and bestiality—he notes that most people would prefer to limit these perversions to the insane "on aesthetic grounds" but that they exist in normal people also. He also explores deviations of sexual aims, as in the tendency to linger over preparatory sexual aspects such as looking and touching. Turning to neurotics, Freud emphasised that "in them tendencies to every kind of perversion can be shown to exist as unconscious forces...neurosis is, as it were, the negative of perversion". Freud also makes the point that people who are behaviorally abnormal are always sexually abnormal in his experience but that many people who are normal behaviorally otherwise are sexually abnormal also. Freud concluded that "a disposition to perversions is an original and universal disposition of the human sexual instinct and that...this postulated constitution, containing the germs of all the perversions, will only be demonstrable in children“. Infantile Sexuality His second essay, on "Infantile Sexuality", argues that children have sexual urges, from which adult sexuality only gradually emerges via psychosexual development. Looking at children, Freud identified many forms of infantile sexual emotions, including thumb sucking, autoeroticism, and sibling rivalry. The Transformations of Puberty In his third essay, "The Transformations of Puberty", Freud formalised the distinction between the 'fore-pleasures' of infantile sexuality and the 'end-pleasure' of sexual intercourse. He also demonstrated how the adolescent years consolidate sexual identity under the dominance of the genitals. Summary Freud sought to link to his theory of the unconscious put forward in The Interpretation of Dreams (1899) and his work on hysteria by positing sexuality as the driving force of both neuroses (through repression) and perversion. In its final version, the "Three Essays" also included the concepts of penis envy, castration anxiety, and the Oedipus complex. Textual history In German language The Three Essays underwent a series of rewritings and additions over a twenty-year succession of editions—changes which expanded its size by one half, from 80 to 120 pages. The sections on the sexual theories of children and on pregenitality only appeared in 1915, for example, while such central terms as castration complex or penis envy were also later additions. As Freud himself conceded in 1923, the result was that "it may often have happened that what was old and what was more recent did not admit of being merged into an entirely uncontradictory whole", so that, whereas at first "the accent was on a portrayal of the fundamental difference between the sexual life of children and of adults", subsequently "we were able to recognize the far-reaching approximation of the final outcome of sexuality in children (in about the fifth year) to the definitive form taken by it in adults". Jacques Lacan considered such a process of change as evidence of the way that "Freud's thought is the most perennially open to revision...a thought in motion". Translations There are three English translations, one by A. A. Brill in 1910, another by James Strachey in 1949 published by Imago Publishing. Strachey's translation is generally considered superior, including by Freud himself. The third translation, by Ulrike Kistner, was published by Verso Books in 2017. Kistner's translation is at the time of its publishing the only English translation available of the earlier 1905 edition of the Essays. The 1905 edition theorizes an autoerotic theory of sexual development, without recourse to the Oedipal complex. See also Phallic monism Polymorphous perversity Womb envy Notes References Freud, Sigmund (1962). Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, trans. James Strachey. New York: Basic Books. (1996). Drei Abhandlungen zur Sexualtheorie. Fischer: Frankfurt am Main. [Reprint of the 1905 edition.] External links Three Contributions to the Theory of Sex (1920 translation by A.A. Brill, whose translations were often criticized as very imperfect) Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality (1905) by Freud translation by Dr Brill 1905 books 1905 essays Essays by Sigmund Freud Non-fiction books about sexuality

Play therapy

Play therapy refers to a range of methods of capitalising on children's natural urge to explore and harnessing it to meet and respond to the developmental and later also their mental health needs. It is also used for forensic or psychological assessment purposes where the individual is too young or too traumatised to give a verbal account of adverse, abusive or potentially criminal circumstances in their life. Play therapy is extensively acknowledged by specialists as an effective intervention in complementing children's personal and inter-personal development. Play and play therapy are generally employed with children aged six months through late adolescence and young adulthood. They provide a contained way for them to express their experiences and feelings through an imaginative self-expressive process in the context of a trusted relationship with the care giver or therapist. As children's and young people's experiences and knowledge are typically communicated through play, it is an essential vehicle for personality and social development. In recent years, play therapists in the western hemisphere, as a body of health professionals, are usually members or affiliates of professional training institutions and tend to be subject to codes of ethical practice. Play as therapy Jean Piaget emphasized play as an essential expression of children's feelings, especially because they do not know how to communicate their feelings with words. Play helps a child develop a sense of true self and a mastery over their innate abilities resulting in a sense of worth and aptitude. During play, children are driven to meet the essential need of exploring and affecting their environment. Play also contributes in the advancement of creative thinking. Play likewise provides a way for children to release strong emotions. During play, children may play out challenging life experiences by re-engineering them, thereby discharging emotional states, with the potential of integrating every experience back into stability and gaining a greater sense of mastery. General Play therapy is a form of psychotherapy which uses play as the main mode of communication especially with children, and people whose speech capacity may be compromised, to determine and overcome psychosocial challenges. It is aimed at helping patients towards better growth and development, social integration, decreased aggression, emotional modulation, social skill development, empathy, and trauma resolution. Play therapy also assists with sensorimotor development and coping skills. Play therapy is an effective technique for therapy, regardless of age, gender, or nature of the problem. When children do not know how to communicate their problems, they act out. This may look like misbehavior in school, with friends or at home. Play therapy seeks to provide a way children can cope with difficult emotions and helps them find healthier solutions and coping mechanisms. Diagnostic tool Play therapy can also be used as a tool for diagnosis. A play therapist observes a client playing with toys (play-houses, soft toys, dolls, etc.) to determine the cause of the disturbed behaviour. The objects and patterns of play, as well as the willingness to interact with the therapist, can be used to understand the underlying rationale for behaviour both inside and outside of therapy session. Caution, however, should be taken when using play therapy for assessment and/or diagnostic purposes. According to the psychodynamic view, people (especially children) will engage in play behaviour to work through their interior anxieties. According to this viewpoint, play therapy can be used as a self-regulating mechanism, as long as children are allowed time for free play or unstructured play. However, some forms of therapy depart from non-directiveness in fantasy play, and introduce varying amounts of direction, during the therapy session. An example of a more directive approach to play therapy, for example, can entail the use of a type of desensitisation or relearning therapy, to change troubling behaviours, either systematically or through a less structured approach. The hope is that through the language of symbolic play, such desensitisation may take place, as a natural part of the therapeutic experience, and lead to positive treatment outcomes. Origins Children's play has been recorded in artefacts at least since antiquity. In eighteenth-century Europe, Rousseau (1712–1778) wrote, in his book Emile, about the importance of observing play as a way to learn about and understand children. From Education to Therapeutics During the 19th century, European educationalists began to address play as an integral part of childhood education. They include Friedrich Fröbel, Rudolf Steiner, Maria Montessori, L. S. Vygotsky, Margaret Lowenfeld, and Hans Zulliger. Hermine Hug-Hellmuth formalised play as therapy by providing children with toys to express themselves and observed play to analyse the child. In 1919, Melanie Klein began to use play as a means of analyzing children under the age of six. She believed that child's play was essentially the same as free association used with adults, and that as such, it was provide access to the child's unconscious. Anna Freud (1946, 1965) used play as a means to facilitate an attachment to the therapist and supposedly gain access to the child's psyche. Arguably, the first documented case, describing a proto-therapeutic use of play, was in 1909 when Sigmund Freud published his work with "Little Hans", a five-year-old child suffering from a horse phobia. Freud saw him once briefly and recommended his father take note of Hans' play to provide observations which might assist the child. The case of "Little Hans" was the first case where a child's difficulty was adduced to emotional factors. Models Play therapy can be divided into two basic types: non-directive and directive. Non-directive play therapy is a non-intrusive method in which children are encouraged to play in the expectation that this will alleviate their problems as perceived by their care-givers and other adults. It is often classified as a psychodynamic therapy. In contrast, directed play therapy is a method that includes more structure and guidance by the therapist as children work through emotional and behavioural difficulties through play. It often contains a behavioural component and the process includes more prompting by the therapist. Both types of play therapy have received at least some empirical support. On average, play therapy treatment groups, when compared to control groups, improve by .8 standard deviations. Jessie Taft (1933), (Otto Rank's American translator), and Frederick H. Allen (1934) developed an approach they entitled relationship therapy. The primary emphasis is placed on the emotional relationship between the therapist and the child. The focus is placed on the child's freedom and strength to choose. Virginia Axline, a child therapist from the 1950s applied Carl Rogers' work to children. Rogers had explored the work of the therapist relationship and developed non-directive therapy, later called Client-Centred Therapy. Axline summarized her concept of play therapy in her article, 'Entering the child's world via play experiences'. She described play as a therapeutic experience that allows the child to express themselves in their own way and time. That type of freedom allows adults and children to develop a secure relationship.(Progressive Education, 27, p. 68). Axline also wrote Dibs in Search of Self, which describes a series of play therapy sessions over a period of a year. Nondirective play therapy Non-directive play therapy, may encompass child psychotherapy and unstructured play therapy. It is guided by the notion that if given the chance to speak and play freely in appropriate therapeutic conditions, troubled children and young people will be helped towards resolving their difficulties. Non-directive play therapy is generally regarded as mainly non-intrusive. The hallmark of non-directive play therapy is that it has minimal constraints apart from the frame and thus can be used at any age. These approaches to therapy may originate from Margaret Lowenfeld, Anna Freud, Donald Winnicott, Michael Fordham, Dora Kalff, all of them child specialists or even from the adult therapist, Carl Rogers' non-directive psychotherapy and in his characterisation of "the optimal therapeutic conditions". Virginia Axline adapted Carl Rogers's theories to child therapy in 1946 and is widely considered the founder of this therapy. Different techniques have since been established that fall under the realm of non-directive play therapy, including traditional sandplay therapy, play therapy using provided toys and Winnicott's Squiggle and Spatula games. Each of these forms is covered briefly below. Using toys in non-directive play therapy with children is a method used by child psychotherapists and play therapists. These approaches are derived from the way toys were used in Anna Freud's theoretical orientation. The idea behind this method is that children will be better able to express their feelings toward themselves and their environment through play with toys than through verbalisation of their feelings. Through this experience children may be able to achieve catharsis, gain more stability and enjoyment in their emotions, and test their own reality. Popular toys used during therapy are animals, dolls, hand puppets, soft toys, crayons, and cars. Therapists have deemed such objects as more likely to open imaginative play or creative associations, both of which are important in expression. Sandplay Jungian analytical method of psychotherapy using a tray of sand and miniature, symbolic figures is attributed to Dr. Margaret Lowenfeld, a paediatrician interested in child psychology who pioneered her "World Technique" in 1929, drawn from the writer H. G. Wells and his Floor Games published in 1911. Dora Kalff, who studied with her, combined Lowenfeld's World Technique with Carl Jung's idea of the collective unconscious and received Lowenfeld's permission to name her version of the work "sandplay". As in traditional non-directive play therapy, research has shown that allowing an individual to freely play with the sand and accompanying objects in the contained space of the sandtray (22.5" x 28.5") can facilitate a healing process as the unconscious expresses itself in the sand and influences the sand player. When a client creates "scenes" in the sandtray, little instruction is provided and the therapist offers little or no talk during the process. This protocol emphasises the importance of holding what Kalff referred to as the "free and protected space" to allow the unconscious to express itself in symbolic, non-verbal play. Upon completion of a tray, the client may or may not choose to talk about his or her creation, and the therapist, without the use of directives and without touching the sandtray, may offer supportive response that does not include interpretation. The rationale is that the therapist trusts and respects the process by allowing the images in the tray to exert their influence without interference. Sandplay Therapy can be used during individual sessions. The limitations presented by the boundaries of the sandtray can serve as physical and symbolic limitations to unconscious, symbolic matherial that can be further reflected in analytical dialogue. The ISST, International Society for Sandplay Therapy, defines guidelines for training in Sandplay Therapy as well as guidelines for becoming a teaching therapist. Winnicott's Squiggle and Spatula games Donald Winnicott probably first came upon the central notion of play from his collaboration in wartime with the psychiatric social worker, Clare Britton, (later a psychoanalyst and his second wife), who in 1945 published an article on the importance of play for children. By "playing", he meant not only the ways that children of all ages play, but also the way adults "play" through making art, or engaging in sports, hobbies, humour, meaningful conversation, etc. Winnicott believed that it was only in playing that people are entirely their true selves, so it followed that for psychoanalysis to be effective, it needed to serve as a mode of playing. Two of the playing techniques Winnicott used in his work with children were the squiggle game and the spatula game. The first involved Winnicott drawing a shape for the child to play with and extend (or vice versa) a practice extended by his followers into that of using partial interpretations as a 'squiggle' for a patient to make use of. The second involved Winnicott placing a spatula (medical tongue depressor) within the child's reach for her/him to play with. Winnicott considered that babies will be automatically attracted to an object, reach for it, and then discover what they intend to do with it after a while. p. 75–6. From the child's initial hesitation in making use of the spatula, Winnicott derived his idea of the necessary 'period of hesitation' in childhood (or analysis), which makes possible a true connection to the toy, interpretation or object presented for transference. p. 12. Efficacy Winnicott came to consider that "Playing takes place in the potential space between the baby and the mother-figure....[T]he initiation of playing is associated with the life experience of the baby who has come to trust the mother figure". "Potential space" was Winnicott's term for a sense of an inviting and safe interpersonal field in which one can be spontaneously playful while at the same time connected to others. p. 162. Playing can also be seen in the use of a transitional object, a term Winnicott coined for an object, such as a teddy bear, which may have a quality for a small child of being both real and made-up at the same time. Winnicott pointed out that no one demands that a toddler explain whether his Binky is a "real bear" or a creation of the child's own imagination, and went on to argue that it was very important that the child be allowed to experience the Binky as being in an undefined, "transitional" status between the child's imagination and the real world outside the child. p. 169. For Winnicott, one of the most important and precarious stages of development was in the first three years of life, when an infant grows into a child with an increasingly separate sense of self in relation to a larger world of other people. In health, the child learns to bring his or her spontaneous, real self into play with others; whereas in a False self disorder, the child may find it unsafe or impossible to do so, and instead may feel compelled to hide the true self from other people, and pretend to be whatever they want instead. Playing with a transitional object can be an important early bridge "between self and other", which helps a child develop the capacity to be creative and genuine in relationships. p. 170-2. Research Play therapy has been considered to be an established and popular mode of therapy for children for over sixty years. Critics of play therapy have questioned the effectiveness of the technique for use with children and have suggested using other interventions with greater empirical support such as Cognitive behavioral therapy. They also argue that therapists focus more on the institution of play rather than the empirical literature when conducting therapy. Classically, Lebo argued against the efficacy of play therapy in 1953, and Phillips reiterated his argument again in 1985. Both claimed that play therapy lacks in several areas of hard research. Many studies included small sample sizes, which limits the generalisability, and many studies also only compared the effects of play therapy to a control group. Without a comparison to other therapies, it is difficult to determine if play therapy really is the most effective treatment. Recent play therapy researchers have worked to conduct more experimental studies with larger sample sizes, specific definitions and measures of treatment, and more direct comparisons. Outside of the psychoanalytic child psychotherapy field, which is well annotated, research is comparatively lacking in other, or random applications, on the overall effectiveness of using toys in non-directive play therapy. Dell Lebo found that out of a sample of over 4,000 children, those who played with recommended toys vs. non-recommended or no toys during non-directive play therapy were no more likely to verbally express themselves to the therapist. Examples of recommended toys would be dolls or crayons, while example of non-recommended toys would be marbles or a checkers board game. There is also ongoing controversy in choosing toys for use in non-directive play therapy, with choices being largely made through intuition rather than through research. However, other research shows that following specific criteria when choosing toys in non-directive play therapy can make treatment more efficacious. Criteria for a desirable treatment toy include a toy that facilitates contact with the child, encourages catharsis, and lead to play that can be easily interpreted by a therapist. Several meta analyses have shown promising results about the efficacy of non-directive play therapy. Meta analysis by authors LeBlanc and Ritchie, 2001, found an effect size of 0.66 for non-directive play therapy. This finding is comparable to the effect size of 0.71 found for psychotherapy used with children, indicating that both non-directive play and non-play therapies are almost equally effective in treating children with emotional difficulties. Meta analysis by authors Ray, Bratton, Rhine and Jones, 2001, found an even larger effect size for nondirective play therapy, with children performing at 0.93 standard deviations better than non-treatment groups. These results are stronger than previous meta-analytic results, which reported effect sizes of 0.71, 0.71, and 0.66. Meta analysis by authors Bratton, Ray, Rhine, and Jones, 2005, also found a large effect size of 0.92 for children being treated with non-directive play therapy. Results from all meta-analyses indicate that non-directive play therapy has been shown to be just as effective as psychotherapy used with children and even generates higher effect sizes in some studies. Predictors of effectiveness There are several predictors that may also influence how effectiveness play therapy is with children. The number of sessions is a significant predictor in post-test outcomes, with more sessions being indicative of higher effect sizes. Positive effects can be seen with 16 sessions, however, there is a peak effect when a child can complete 35–40 sessions. An exception is children that undergo play therapy in critical-incident settings, such as hospitals and domestic violence shelters. Results from studies that looked at these children indicated a large positive effect size after only 7 sessions, which shows that children in crisis may respond more readily to treatment. Parental involvement is also a significant predictor of positive play therapy results. This involvement generally entails participation in each session with the therapist and the child. Parental involvement in play therapy sessions has also been shown to diminish stress in the parent-child relationship when kids are exhibiting both internal and external behaviour problems. Despite these predictors which have been shown to increase effect sizes, play therapy has been shown to be equally effective across age, gender, and individual vs. group settings. Play Therapist Training Frequently counselors in the play therapy field address a number of obstacles when it comes to helping children. The vast majority of counselors starting off lack the basic knowledge needed to be an effective play therapist. Training for these counselors is done through many different techniques such as university counselor education programs, workshops in hopes to meet the various needs of the children. Different studies are also performed to further assess the progress of the counselor's skill set based on which type of training they pursued. Studies have shown that those that studied play therapy through the university level have displayed higher levels of skills, attitudes and knowledge. The children that need play therapy deal with many different disorders and behaviors and it is imperative that the therapist have these main skills in order for play therapy to be effective. Understanding the stages of child development and how play can help assist them with it is an important step to their learning process. Play therapist requirements may differ from state to state, but generally, play therapists need a Master's degree or higher degree in a mental health related subject. They must also have demonstrated skills in the field of Child Development. After obtaining a degree, additional classes and work is needed to obtain a certification as a Registered Play Therapist (RPT). Additional work includes: 150 documented hours of instruction, specific to play therapy, a minimum of 350 direct client contact hours (under Supervision of someone who is a Registered Play Therapist Supervisor RPT-S), and 35 hours of direct supervision with 5 session observations. Directive play therapy In the 1930s David Levy developed a technique he called release therapy. His technique emphasized a structured approach. A child, who had experienced a specific stressful situation, would be allowed to engage in free play. Subsequently, the therapist would introduce play materials related to the stress-evoking situation allowing the child to reenact the traumatic event and release the associated emotions. In 1955, Gove Hambidge expanded on Levy's work emphasizing a "structured play therapy" model, which was more direct in introducing situations. The format of the approach was to establish rapport, recreate the stress-evoking situation, play out the situation and then free play to recover. Directive play therapy is guided by the notion that using directives to guide the child through play will cause a faster change than is generated by nondirective play therapy. The therapist plays a much bigger role in directive play therapy. Therapists may use several techniques to engage the child, such as engaging in play with the child themselves or suggesting new topics instead of letting the child direct the conversation himself. Stories read by directive therapists are more likely to have an underlying purpose, and therapists are more likely to create interpretations of stories that children tell. In directive therapy games are generally chosen for the child, and children are given themes and character profiles when engaging in doll or puppet activities. This therapy still leaves room for free expression by the child, but it is more structured than nondirective play therapy. There are also different established techniques that are used in directive play therapy, including directed sandtray therapy and cognitive behavioral play therapy. Directed sandtray therapy is more commonly used with trauma victims and involves the "talk" therapy to a much greater extent. Because trauma is often debilitating, directed sandplay therapy works to create change in the present, without the lengthy healing process often required in traditional sandplay therapy. This is why the role of the therapist is important in this approach. Therapists may ask clients questions about their sandtray, suggest them to change the sandtray, ask them to elaborate on why they chose particular objects to put in the tray, and on rare occasions, change the sandtray themselves. Use of directives by the therapist is very common. While traditional sandplay therapy is thought to work best in helping clients access troubling memories, directed sandtray therapy is used to help people manage their memories and the impact it has had on their lives. Filial therapy, developed by Bernard and Louise Guerney, was an innovation in play therapy during the 1960s. The filial approach emphasizes a structured training program for parents in which they learn how to employ child-centered play sessions in the home. In the 1960s, with the advent of school counselors, school-based play therapy began a major shift from the private sector. Counselor-educators such as Alexander (1964); Landreth; Muro (1968); Myrick and Holdin (1971); Nelson (1966); and Waterland (1970) began to contribute significantly, especially in terms of using play therapy as both an educational and preventive tool in dealing with children's issues. Roger Phillips, in the early 1980s, was one of the first to suggest that combining aspects of cognitive behavioral therapy with play interventions would be a good theory to investigate. Cognitive behavioral play therapy was then developed to be used with very young children between two and six years of age. It incorporates aspects of Aaron Beck's cognitive therapy with play therapy because children may not have the developed cognitive abilities necessary for participation in straight cognitive therapy. In this therapy, specific toys such as dolls and stuffed animals may be used to model particular cognitive strategies, such as effective coping mechanisms and problem-solving skills. Little emphasis is placed on the children's verbalizations in these interactions but rather on their actions and their play. Creating stories with the dolls and stuffed animals is a common method used by cognitive behavioral play therapists to change children's maladaptive thinking. Efficacy The efficacy of directive play therapy has been less established than that of nondirective play therapy, yet the numbers still indicate that this mode of play therapy is also effective. In 2001 meta analysis by authors Ray, Bratton, Rhine, and Jones, direct play therapy was found to have an effect size of .73 compared to the .93 effect size that nondirective play therapy was found to have. Similarly in 2005 meta analysis by authors Bratton, Ray, Rhine, and Jones, directive therapy had an effect size of 0.71, while nondirective play therapy had an effect size of 0.92. Although the effect sizes of directive therapy are statistically significantly lower than those of nondirective play therapy, they are still comparable to the effect sizes for psychotherapy used with children, demonstrated by Casey, Weisz, and LeBlanc. A potential reason for the difference in the effect size may be due to the number of studies that have been done on nondirective vs. directive play therapy. Approximately 73 studies in each meta analysis examined nondirective play therapy, while there were only 12 studies that looked at directive play therapy. Once more research is done on directive play therapy, there is potential that effect sizes between nondirective and directive play therapy will be more comparable. Application of electronic games The prevalence and popularity of video games in recent years has created a wealth of psychological studies centred around them. While the bulk of those studies have covered video game violence and addiction, some mental health practitioners in the West, are becoming interested in including such games as therapeutic tools. These are by definition "directive" tools since they are internally governed by algorithms. Since the introduction of electronic media into popular Western culture, the nature of games has become more diverse, complex, realistic and social. The commonalities between electronic and traditional play (such as providing a safe space to work through strong emotions) infer similar benefits. Video games have been broken into two categories: "serious" games, or games developed specifically for health or learning reasons, and "off-the-shelf" games, or games without a clinical focus that may be re-purposed for a clinical setting. Use of electronic games by clinicians is a new practice, and unknown risks as well as benefits may arise as the practice becomes more mainstream. Research Most of the current research relating to electronic games in therapeutic settings is focused on alleviating the symptoms of depression, primarily in adolescents. However, some games have been developed specifically for children with anxiety and Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), The same company behind the latter intends to create electronic treatments for children on the autism spectrum, and those living with Major depressive disorder, among other disorders. The favoured approach for mental health treatment is through Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT). While this method is effective, it is not without its limitations: for example, boredom with the material, patients forgetting or not practicing techniques outside of a session, or the accessibility of care. It is these areas that therapists hope to address through the use of electronic games. Preliminary research has been done with small groups, and the conclusions drawn warrant studying the issue in greater depth. Role-playing games (RPGs) are the most common type of electronic game used as part of therapeutic interventions. These are games where players assume roles, and outcomes depend on the actions taken by the player in a virtual world. Psychologists are able to gain insights into the elements of the capability of the patient to create or experiment with an alternate identity. There are also those who underscore the ease in the treatment process since playing an RPG as a treatment situation is often experienced as an invitation to play, which makes the process safe and without risk of exposure or embarrassment. The most well-known and well-documented RPG-style game used in treatment is SPARX. Taking place in a fantasy world, SPARX users play through seven levels, each lasting about half an hour, and each level teaching a technique to overcome depressive thoughts and behaviours. Reviews of the study have found the game treatment comparable to CBT-only therapy. However one review noted that SPARX alone is not more effective than standard CBT treatment. There are also studies that found role-playing games, when combined with the Adlerian Play Therapy (AdPT) techniques, lead to increased psychosocial development. ReachOutCentral is geared toward youth and teens, providing gamified information on the intersection of thoughts, feelings, and behavior. An edition developed specifically to aid clinicians, ReachOutPro, offers more tools to increase patients' engagement. Other applications Biofeedback (sometimes known as applied psychophysiological feedback) media is more suited to treating a range of anxiety disorders. Biofeedback tools are able to measure heart rate, skin moisture, blood flow, and brain activity to ascertain stress levels, with a goal of teaching stress management and relaxation techniques. The development of electronic games using this equipment is still in its infancy, and thus few games are on the market. The Journey to Wild Divine's developers have asserted that their products are a tool, not a game, though the three instalments contain many game elements. Conversely, Freeze Framer's design is reminiscent of an Atari system. Three simplistic games are included in Freeze Framer's 2.0 model, using psychophysiological feedback as a controller. The effectiveness of both pieces of software saw significant changes in participants' depression levels. A biofeedback game initially designed to assist with anxiety symptoms, Relax to Win, was similarly found to have broader treatment applications. Extended Attention Span Training (EAST), developed by NASA to gauge the attention of pilots, was remodeled as an ADHD aid. Brain waves of participants were monitored during play of commercial video games available on PlayStation, and the difficulty of the games increased as participants' attention waned. The efficacy of this treatment is comparable to traditional ADHD intervention. Several online-only or mobile games (Re-Mission, Personal Investigator, Treasure Hunt, and Play Attention) have been specifically noted for use in alleviating disorders other than those for anxiety and mood. Re-Mission 2 especially targets children, the game having been designed with the knowledge that today's western youth are immersed in digital media. Mobile applications for anxiety, depression, relaxation, and other areas of mental health are readily available in the Android Play Store and the Apple App Store. The proliferation of laptops, mobile phones, and tablets means one can access these apps at any time, in any place. Many of them are low-cost or even free, and the games do not need to be complex to be of benefit. Playing a three-minute game of Tetris has the potential to curb a number of cravings, a longer play time could reduce flashback symptoms from posttraumatic stress disorder, and an initial study found that a visual-spatial game such as Tetris or Candy Crush, when played closely following a traumatic event, could be used as a "'therapeutic vaccine" to prevent future flashbacks. Efficacy While the field of allowing electronic media a place in a therapist's office is new, the equipment is not necessarily so. Most western children are familiar with modern PCs, consoles, and handheld devices even if the practitioner is not. An even more recent addition to interacting with a game environment is virtual reality equipment, which both adolescent and clinician might need to learn to use properly. The umbrella term for the preliminary studies done with VR is Virtual reality exposure therapy (VRET). This research is based on traditional exposure therapy and has been found to be more effective for participants than for those placed in a wait list control group, though not as effective as in-person treatments. One study tracked two groups – one group receiving a typical, lengthier treatment while the other was treated via shorter VRET sessions – and found that the effectiveness for VRET patients was significantly less at the six-month mark. In the future, clinicians may look forward to using electronic media as a way to assess patients, as a motivational tool, and facilitate social in-person and virtual interactions. Current data, though limited, points toward combining traditional therapy methods with electronic media for the most effective treatment. Play therapy in literature In 1953 Clark Moustakas wrote his first book, Children in Play Therapy. In 1956 he compiled Publication of The Self, the result of the dialogues between Moustakas, Abraham Maslow, Carl Rogers, and others, forging the humanistic psychology movement. In 1973 Moustakas continued his journey into play therapy and published his novel The child's discovery of himself. Moustakas' work as being concerned with the kind of relationship needed to make therapy a growth experience. His stages start with the child's feelings being generally negative and as they are expressed, they become less intense, the end results tend to be the emergence of more positive feelings and more balanced relationships. Now, there are several published books outlining play therapy and specific techniques within play therapy. The Association for Play Therapy has a comprehensive list of play therapy books on their website. These books include 101 Play Therapy Techniques by Jason Aronson, A Handbook of Play Therapy with Aggressive Children by David E. Crenshaw, ADAPT: A Developmental Attachment-based, Play Therapy, by Jennifer Lefebre, and many others that outline Play Therapy and its use in specific circumstances. Parent/child play therapy Play therapy is an evidence based approach for children that allows them to find ways to learn, process their emotions, and make meaning of the world around them. Play therapy can be used for several reasons including trauma, autism, behavior, attachment, and language. Training in nondirective play for parents has been shown to significantly reduce mental health problems in at-risk preschool children. One of the first parent/child play therapy approaches developed was Filial Therapy (in the 1960s - see History section above), in which parents are trained to facilitate nondirective play therapy sessions with their own children. Filial therapy has been shown to help children work through trauma and also resolve behavior problems. Allowing children who struggle with trauma to use play therapy allows for them to work through their trauma and begin to trust beyond it. Adults that respond differently to the child's closed off and defensive behaviors will help children start to develop trust beyond their trauma. (Parker, Hergenrather, Smelser, & Kelly, 2021). When parents respond to children defensively, the child doesn't trust them due to their past trauma. Working with a child-centered play therapist allows for the therapist to engage with the child, convey messages, and is open with the child may express regarding their previous or current trauma. The therapist responds in an empathetic and understanding way to allow the child to become openminded and respond in an enjoyable way rather than a self-protective, defensive way. Another approach to play therapy that involves parents is Theraplay, which was developed in the 1970s. At first, trained therapists worked with children, but Theraplay later evolved into an approach in which parents are trained to play with their children in specific ways at home. Theraplay is based on the idea that parents can improve their children's behavior and help them overcome emotional problems by engaging their children in forms of play that replicate the playful, attuned, and empathic interactions of a parent with an infant. Studies have shown that Theraplay is effective in changing children's behavior, especially for children suffering from attachment disorders. In the 1980s, Stanley Greenspan developed Floortime, a comprehensive, play-based approach for parents and therapists to use with autistic children. There is evidence for the success of this program with children diagnosed with autistic spectrum disorders. Lawrence J. Cohen has created an approach called Playful Parenting, in which he encourages parents to play with their children to help resolve emotional and behavioral issues. Parents are encouraged to connect playfully with their children through silliness, laughter, and roughhousing. In 2006, Garry Landreth and Sue Bratton developed a highly researched and structured way of teaching parents to engage in therapeutic play with their children. It is based on a supervised entry-level training in child centred play therapy. They named it Child Parent Relationship Therapy. These 10 sessions focus on parenting issues in a group environment and utilises video and audio recordings to help the parents receive feedback on their 30-minute 'special play times' with their children. More recently, Aletha Solter has developed a comprehensive approach for parents called Attachment Play, which describes evidence-based forms of play therapy, including non-directive play, more directive symbolic play, contingency play, and several laughter-producing activities. Parents are encouraged to use these playful activities to strengthen their connection with their children, resolve discipline issues, and also help the children work through traumatic experiences such as hospitalization or parental divorce. The emotional bond formed between a caregiver and their child is called attachment. (Lin, 2003). A child having attachment issues is significant because a child can have either a good or bad attachment to their primary caregiver. Which can lead to development and behavioral issues as the age depending on the type of attachment. When using play therapy for attachment issues it is essential to ease into it because the child could have emotional isolating and the therapy benefits both the parent and child due to being connected on a deeper level. It allows the parent and the child to build their relationship and the child to feel more secure with the parent. See also Art therapy Drama therapy Eurythmy Music therapy Froebel gifts Eva Frommer Montessori education Charles E. Schaefer International Journal of Play Therapy The P.L.A.Y. Project Waldorf education References Further reading Axline, V. (1947). Nondirective therapy for poor readers" Journal of Consulting Psychology 11, 61–69. Axline, V. (1969, revised ed.). Play Therapy. New York: Ballantine Books. Barrett, C. Hampe, T.E. & Miller, L. (1978). Research on child psychotherapy. In Garfield, S. & Bergin, A. (Eds.). Handbook of Psychotherapy and Behavior Change. New York: Wiley. Freud, A. (1946). The psycho-analytic treatment of children. London: Imago. Freud, A. (1965). The psycho-analytical treatment of children. New York: International Universities Press. Freud, S. (1909). The case of "Little Hans" and the "Rat Man." London: Hogarth Press. Froebel (1903). The education of man. New York: D. Appleton. Guerney, B., Guerney, L., & Andronico, M. (1976). The therapeutic use of children's play. New York: Jason Aronson. Grant, Robert, Jason. (Ed.) with Stone, Jessica and Mellenthin, Clair. (2020). Play Therapy Theories and Perspectives: A Collection of Thoughts in the Field. London: Routledge. Klein, M. The Collected Writings of Melanie Klein in four volumes, London: Hogarth Press. Landreth, G. L. (2002). Play therapy: The art of the relationship. (2nd ed.). New York: (Second Edition 2002). . Brunner-Routledge. Lanyado, Monica and Horne, Ann. (Eds.) (1999). The Handbook of Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy: Psychoanalytic Approaches. London: Routledge. . DOI https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203135341 Schaefer, C. (1993). The therapeutic powers of play. New Jersey: Jason Aronson. Schaefer, Charles, E. Kaduson, Heidi. (2006). Contemporary Play Therapy: Theory, Research, and Practice. United Kingdom: Guilford Publications. Winnicott, D. W. (1971) The Piggle: An Account of the Psychoanalytic Treatment of a Little Girl. London: Hogarth Press, External links Association of Child Psychotherapists (ACP) the professional body for Psychoanalytic Child and Adolescent Psychotherapists in the UK Arquetipo Ludi (Spanish) Canadian Association of Play Therapy Association of Play Therapy British Association of Play Therapists Play Therapy International Play Therapy United Kingdom The Play Therapy Institute Play Therapy Courses Play Therapy Australia British Association of Clinical Play Therapists Sandtray Therapy The Squiggle Foundation, London Child development Play (activity)

Human physical appearance

Human physical appearance is the outward phenotype or look of human beings. There are functionally infinite variations in human phenotypes, though society reduces the variability to distinct categories. The physical appearance of humans, in particular those attributes which are regarded as important for physical attractiveness, are believed by anthropologists to affect the development of personality significantly and social relations. Many humans are acutely sensitive to their physical appearance. Some differences in human appearance are genetic, others are the result of age, lifestyle or disease, and many are the result of personal adornment. Some people have linked some differences with ethnicity, such as skeletal shape, prognathism or elongated stride. Different cultures place different degrees of emphasis on physical appearance and its importance to social status and other phenomena. Aspects Various aspects are considered relevant to the physical appearance of humans. Physiological differences Humans are distributed across the globe except for Antarctica and form a variable species. In adults, the average weight varies from around 40 kg (88 pounds) for the smallest and most lightly built tropical people to around 80 kg (176 pounds) for the heavier northern peoples. Size also varies between the sexes, with the sexual dimorphism in humans being more pronounced than that of chimpanzees, but less than the dimorphism found in gorillas. The colouration of skin, hair and eyes also varies considerably, with darker pigmentation dominating in tropical climates and lighter in polar regions. Genetic, ethnic affiliation, geographical ancestry. Height, body weight, skin tone, body hair, sexual organs, hair color, hair texture, eye color, eye shape (see epicanthic fold and eyelid variations), nose shape (see nasal bridge), ear shape (see earlobes), body shape Body and skin variations such as amputations, scars, burns and wounds. Long-term physiological changes Aging Hair loss Short-term physiological changes Blushing, crying, fainting, hiccup, yawning, laughing, stuttering, sexual arousal, sweating, shivering, skin color changes due to sunshine or frost. Clothing, personal effects, and intentional body modifications Clothing, including headgear and footwear; some clothes alter or mold the shape of the body (e.g. corset, support pantyhose, bra). As for footwear, high heels make a person look taller. Style and colour of haircut (see also mohawk, dreadlocks, braids, ponytail, wig, hairpin, facial hair, beard and moustache) Cosmetics, stage makeup, body paintings, permanent makeup Body modifications, such as body piercings, tattoos, scarification, subdermal implants Plastic surgery Decorative objects (jewelry) such as necklaces, bracelets, rings, earrings Medical or body shape altering devices (e.g., tooth braces, bandages, casts, hearing aids, cervical collar, crutches, contact lenses of different colours, glasses, gold teeth). For example, the same person's appearance can be quite different, depending on whether they use any of the aforementioned modifications. Exercises, for example, bodybuilding Other functional objects, temporarily attached to the body Capes Goggles Hair ornaments Hats and caps Headdresses Headphones/handsfree phone headset Jewelry Masks Prosthetic limbs Sunglasses Watches See also Beauty Biometrics Body image Deformity Dress code Eigenface Face perception Facial symmetry Fashion Female body shape Hairstyle Human variability Human body Hair coloring Nudity Sexual attraction Sexual capital Sexual selection Somatotype Vanity References physical Human body Fashion Aesthetics

Structuralism

Structuralism is an intellectual current and methodological approach, primarily in the social sciences, that interprets elements of human culture by way of their relationship to a broader system. It works to uncover the structural patterns that underlie all the things that humans do, think, perceive, and feel. Alternatively, as summarized by philosopher Simon Blackburn, structuralism is:"The belief that phenomena of human life are not intelligible except through their interrelations. These relations constitute a structure, and behind local variations in the surface phenomena there are constant laws of abstract structure."The structuralist mode of reasoning has since been applied in a range of fields, including anthropology, sociology, psychology, literary criticism, economics, and architecture. Along with Claude Lévi-Strauss, the most prominent thinkers associated with structuralism include linguist Roman Jakobson and psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan. History and background The term structuralism is ambiguous, referring to different schools of thought in different contexts. As such, the movement in humanities and social sciences called structuralism relates to sociology. Emile Durkheim based his sociological concept on 'structure' and 'function', and from his work emerged the sociological approach of structural functionalism. Apart from Durkheim's use of the term structure, the semiological concept of Ferdinand de Saussure became fundamental for structuralism. Saussure conceived language and society as a system of relations. His linguistic approach was also a refutation of evolutionary linguistics. Structuralism in Europe developed in the early 20th century, mainly in France and the Russian Empire, in the structural linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure and the subsequent Prague, Moscow, and Copenhagen schools of linguistics. As an intellectual movement, structuralism became the heir to existentialism. After World War II, an array of scholars in the humanities borrowed Saussure's concepts for use in their respective fields. French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss was arguably the first such scholar, sparking a widespread interest in structuralism. Throughout the 1940s and 1950s, existentialism, such as that propounded by Jean-Paul Sartre, was the dominant European intellectual movement. Structuralism rose to prominence in France in the wake of existentialism, particularly in the 1960s. The initial popularity of structuralism in France led to its spread across the globe. By the early 1960s, structuralism as a movement was coming into its own and some believed that it offered a single unified approach to human life that would embrace all disciplines. By the late 1960s, many of structuralism's basic tenets came under attack from a new wave of predominantly French intellectuals/philosophers such as historian Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser, and literary critic Roland Barthes. Though elements of their work necessarily relate to structuralism and are informed by it, these theorists eventually came to be referred to as post-structuralists. Many proponents of structuralism, such as Lacan, continue to influence continental philosophy and many of the fundamental assumptions of some of structuralism's post-structuralist critics are a continuation of structuralist thinking. Russian functional linguist Roman Jakobson was a pivotal figure in the adaptation of structural analysis to disciplines beyond linguistics, including philosophy, anthropology, and literary theory. Jakobson was a decisive influence on anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss, by whose work the term structuralism first appeared in reference to social sciences. Lévi-Strauss' work in turn gave rise to the structuralist movement in France, also called French structuralism, influencing the thinking of other writers, most of whom disavowed themselves as being a part of this movement. This included such writers as Louis Althusser and psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan, as well as the structural Marxism of Nicos Poulantzas. Roland Barthes and Jacques Derrida focused on how structuralism could be applied to literature. Accordingly, the so-called "Gang of Four" of structuralism is considered to be Lévi-Strauss, Lacan, Barthes, and Michel Foucault.[dubious – discuss] Ferdinand de Saussure The origins of structuralism are connected with the work of Ferdinand de Saussure on linguistics along with the linguistics of the Prague and Moscow schools. In brief, Saussure's structural linguistics propounded three related concepts. Saussure argued for a distinction between langue (an idealized abstraction of language) and parole (language as actually used in daily life). He argued that a "sign" is composed of a "signified" (signifié, i.e. an abstract concept or idea) and a "signifier" (signifiant, i.e. the perceived sound/visual image). Because different languages have different words to refer to the same objects or concepts, there is no intrinsic reason why a specific signifier is used to express a given concept or idea. It is thus "arbitrary." Signs gain their meaning from their relationships and contrasts with other signs. As he wrote, "in language, there are only differences 'without positive terms. Lévi-Strauss Structuralism rejected the concept of human freedom and choice, focusing instead on the way that human experience and behaviour is determined by various structures. The most important initial work on this score was Lévi-Strauss's 1949 volume The Elementary Structures of Kinship. Lévi-Strauss had known Roman Jakobson during their time together at the New School in New York during WWII and was influenced by both Jakobson's structuralism, as well as the American anthropological tradition. In Elementary Structures, he examined kinship systems from a structural point of view and demonstrated how apparently different social organizations were different permutations of a few basic kinship structures. In the late 1958, he published Structural Anthropology, a collection of essays outlining his program for structuralism. Lacan and Piaget Blending Freud and Saussure, French (post)structuralist Jacques Lacan applied structuralism to psychoanalysis. Similarly, Jean Piaget applied structuralism to the study of psychology, though in a different way. Piaget, who would better define himself as constructivist, considered structuralism as "a method and not a doctrine," because, for him, "there exists no structure without a construction, abstract or genetic." 'Third order' Proponents of structuralism argue that a specific domain of culture may be understood by means of a structure that is modelled on language and is distinct both from the organizations of reality and those of ideas, or the imagination—the "third order." In Lacan's psychoanalytic theory, for example, the structural order of "the Symbolic" is distinguished both from "the Real" and "the Imaginary;" similarly, in Althusser's Marxist theory, the structural order of the capitalist mode of production is distinct both from the actual, real agents involved in its relations and from the ideological forms in which those relations are understood. Althusser Although French theorist Louis Althusser is often associated with structural social analysis, which helped give rise to "structural Marxism," such association was contested by Althusser himself in the Italian foreword to the second edition of Reading Capital. In this foreword Althusser states the following: Despite the precautions we took to distinguish ourselves from the 'structuralist' ideology…, despite the decisive intervention of categories foreign to 'structuralism'…, the terminology we employed was too close in many respects to the 'structuralist' terminology not to give rise to an ambiguity. With a very few exceptions…our interpretation of Marx has generally been recognized and judged, in homage to the current fashion, as 'structuralist'.… We believe that despite the terminological ambiguity, the profound tendency of our texts was not attached to the 'structuralist' ideology. Assiter In a later development, feminist theorist Alison Assiter enumerated four ideas common to the various forms of structuralism: a structure determines the position of each element of a whole; every system has a structure; structural laws deal with co-existence rather than change; and structures are the "real things" that lie beneath the surface or the appearance of meaning. In linguistics In Ferdinand de Saussure's Course in General Linguistics, the analysis focuses not on the use of language (parole, 'speech'), but rather on the underlying system of language (langue). This approach examines how the elements of language relate to each other in the present, synchronically rather than diachronically. Saussure argued that linguistic signs were composed of two parts: a signifiant ('signifier'): the "sound pattern" of a word, either in mental projection—e.g., as when one silently recites lines from signage, a poem to one's self—or in actual, any kind of text, physical realization as part of a speech act. a signifié '(signified'): the concept or meaning of the word. This differed from previous approaches that focused on the relationship between words and the things in the world that they designate. Although not fully developed by Saussure, other key notions in structural linguistics can be found in structural "idealism." A structural idealism is a class of linguistic units (lexemes, morphemes, or even constructions) that are possible in a certain position in a given syntagm, or linguistic environment (such as a given sentence). The different functional role of each of these members of the paradigm is called 'value' (French: ). Prague School In France, Antoine Meillet and Émile Benveniste continued Saussure's project, and members of the Prague school of linguistics such as Roman Jakobson and Nikolai Trubetzkoy conducted influential research. The clearest and most important example of Prague school structuralism lies in phonemics. Rather than simply compiling a list of which sounds occur in a language, the Prague school examined how they were related. They determined that the inventory of sounds in a language could be analysed as a series of contrasts. Thus, in English, the sounds /p/ and /b/ represent distinct phonemes because there are cases (minimal pairs) where the contrast between the two is the only difference between two distinct words (e.g. 'pat' and 'bat'). Analyzing sounds in terms of contrastive features also opens up comparative scope—for instance, it makes clear the difficulty Japanese speakers have differentiating /r/ and /l/ in English and other languages is because these sounds are not contrastive in Japanese. Phonology would become the paradigmatic basis for structuralism in a number of different fields. Based on the Prague school concept, André Martinet in France, J. R. Firth in the UK and Louis Hjelmslev in Denmark developed their own versions of structural and functional linguistics. In anthropology According to structural theory in anthropology and social anthropology, meaning is produced and reproduced within a culture through various practices, phenomena, and activities that serve as systems of signification. A structuralist approach may study activities as diverse as food-preparation and serving rituals, religious rites, games, literary and non-literary texts, and other forms of entertainment to discover the deep structures by which meaning is produced and reproduced within the culture. For example, Lévi-Strauss analysed in the 1950s cultural phenomena including mythology, kinship (the alliance theory and the incest taboo), and food preparation. In addition to these studies, he produced more linguistically-focused writings in which he applied Saussure's distinction between langue and parole in his search for the fundamental structures of the human mind, arguing that the structures that form the "deep grammar" of society originate in the mind and operate in people unconsciously. Lévi-Strauss took inspiration from mathematics. Another concept used in structural anthropology came from the Prague school of linguistics, where Roman Jakobson and others analysed sounds based on the presence or absence of certain features (e.g., voiceless vs. voiced). Lévi-Strauss included this in his conceptualization of the universal structures of the mind, which he held to operate based on pairs of binary oppositions such as hot-cold, male-female, culture-nature, cooked-raw, or marriageable vs. tabooed women. A third influence came from Marcel Mauss (1872–1950), who had written on gift-exchange systems. Based on Mauss, for instance, Lévi-Strauss argued an alliance theory—that kinship systems are based on the exchange of women between groups—as opposed to the 'descent'-based theory described by Edward Evans-Pritchard and Meyer Fortes. While replacing Mauss at his Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes chair, the writings of Lévi-Strauss became widely popular in the 1960s and 1970s and gave rise to the term "structuralism" itself. In Britain, authors such as Rodney Needham and Edmund Leach were highly influenced by structuralism. Authors such as Maurice Godelier and Emmanuel Terray combined Marxism with structural anthropology in France. In the United States, authors such as Marshall Sahlins and James Boon built on structuralism to provide their own analysis of human society. Structural anthropology fell out of favour in the early 1980s for a number of reasons. D'Andrade suggests that this was because it made unverifiable assumptions about the universal structures of the human mind. Authors such as Eric Wolf argued that political economy and colonialism should be at the forefront of anthropology. More generally, criticisms of structuralism by Pierre Bourdieu led to a concern with how cultural and social structures were changed by human agency and practice, a trend which Sherry Ortner has referred to as 'practice theory'. One example is Douglas E. Foley's Learning Capitalist Culture (2010), in which he applied a mixture of structural and Marxist theories to his ethnographic fieldwork among high school students in Texas. Foley analyzed how they reach a shared goal through the lens of social solidarity when he observed "Mexicanos" and "Anglo-Americans" come together on the same football team to defeat the school's rivals. However, he also continually applies a marxist lens and states that he," wanted to wow peers with a new cultural marxist theory of schooling." Some anthropological theorists, however, while finding considerable fault with Lévi-Strauss's version of structuralism, did not turn away from a fundamental structural basis for human culture. The Biogenetic Structuralism group for instance argued that some kind of structural foundation for culture must exist because all humans inherit the same system of brain structures. They proposed a kind of neuroanthropology which would lay the foundations for a more complete scientific account of cultural similarity and variation by requiring an integration of cultural anthropology and neuroscience—a program that theorists such as Victor Turner also embraced. In literary criticism and theory In literary theory, structuralist criticism relates literary texts to a larger structure, which may be a particular genre, a range of intertextual connections, a model of a universal narrative structure, or a system of recurrent patterns or motifs. The field of structuralist semiotics argues that there must be a structure in every text, which explains why it is easier for experienced readers than for non-experienced readers to interpret a text. Everything that is written seems to be governed by rules, or "grammar of literature", that one learns in educational institutions and that are to be unmasked. A potential problem for a structuralist interpretation is that it can be highly reductive; as scholar Catherine Belsey puts it: "the structuralist danger of collapsing all difference." An example of such a reading might be if a student concludes the authors of West Side Story did not write anything "really" new, because their work has the same structure as Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet. In both texts a girl and a boy fall in love (a "formula" with a symbolic operator between them would be "Boy + Girl") despite the fact that they belong to two groups that hate each other ("Boy's Group - Girl's Group" or "Opposing forces") and conflict is resolved by their deaths. Structuralist readings focus on how the structures of the single text resolve inherent narrative tensions. If a structuralist reading focuses on multiple texts, there must be some way in which those texts unify themselves into a coherent system. The versatility of structuralism is such that a literary critic could make the same claim about a story of two friendly families ("Boy's Family + Girl's Family") that arrange a marriage between their children despite the fact that the children hate each other ("Boy - Girl") and then the children commit suicide to escape the arranged marriage; the justification is that the second story's structure is an 'inversion' of the first story's structure: the relationship between the values of love and the two pairs of parties involved have been reversed. Structuralist literary criticism argues that the "literary banter of a text" can lie only in new structure, rather than in the specifics of character development and voice in which that structure is expressed. Literary structuralism often follows the lead of Vladimir Propp, Algirdas Julien Greimas, and Claude Lévi-Strauss in seeking out basic deep elements in stories, myths, and more recently, anecdotes, which are combined in various ways to produce the many versions of the ur-story or ur-myth. There is considerable similarity between structural literary theory and Northrop Frye's archetypal criticism, which is also indebted to the anthropological study of myths. Some critics have also tried to apply the theory to individual works, but the effort to find unique structures in individual literary works runs counter to the structuralist program and has an affinity with New Criticism. In economics Yifu Lin criticizes early structural economic systems and theories, discussing the failures of it. He writes:"The structuralism believes that the failure to develop advanced capital-intensive industries spontaneously in a developing country is due to market failures caused by various structural rigidities..." "According to neoliberalism, the main reason for the failure of developing countries to catch up with developed countries was too much state intervention in the market, causing misallocation of resources, rent seeking and so forth."Rather these failures are more so centered around the unlikelihood of such quick development of these advanced industries within developing countries. New Structural Economics (NSE) New structural economics is an economic development strategy developed by World Bank Chief Economist Justin Yifu Lin. The strategy combines ideas from both neoclassical economics and structural economics. NSE studies two parts: the base and the superstructure. A base is a combination of forces and relations of production, consisting of, but not limited to, industry and technology, while the superstructure consists of hard infrastructure and institutions. This results in an explanation of how the base impacts the superstructure which then determines transaction costs. Interpretations and general criticisms Structuralism is less popular today than other approaches, such as post-structuralism and deconstruction. Structuralism has often been criticized for being ahistorical and for favouring deterministic structural forces over the ability of people to act. As the political turbulence of the 1960s and 1970s (particularly the student uprisings of May 1968) began affecting academia, issues of power and political struggle moved to the center of public attention. In the 1980s, deconstruction—and its emphasis on the fundamental ambiguity of language rather than its logical structure—became popular. By the end of the century, structuralism was seen as a historically important school of thought, but the movements that it spawned, rather than structuralism itself, commanded attention. Several social theorists and academics have strongly criticized structuralism or even dismissed it. French hermeneutic philosopher Paul Ricœur (1969) criticized Lévi-Strauss for overstepping the limits of validity of the structuralist approach, ending up in what Ricœur described as "a Kantianism without a transcendental subject." Anthropologist Adam Kuper (1973) argued that:'Structuralism' came to have something of the momentum of a millennial movement and some of its adherents felt that they formed a secret society of the seeing in a world of the blind. Conversion was not just a matter of accepting a new paradigm. It was, almost, a question of salvation. Philip Noel Pettit (1975) called for an abandoning of "the positivist dream which Lévi-Strauss dreamed for semiology," arguing that semiology is not to be placed among the natural sciences. Cornelius Castoriadis (1975) criticized structuralism as failing to explain symbolic mediation in the social world; he viewed structuralism as a variation on the "logicist" theme, arguing that, contrary to what structuralists advocate, language—and symbolic systems in general—cannot be reduced to logical organizations on the basis of the binary logic of oppositions. Critical theorist Jürgen Habermas (1985) accused structuralists like Foucault of being positivists; Foucault, while not an ordinary positivist per se, paradoxically uses the tools of science to criticize science, according to Habermas. (See Performative contradiction and Foucault–Habermas debate.) Sociologist Anthony Giddens (1993) is another notable critic; while Giddens draws on a range of structuralist themes in his theorizing, he dismisses the structuralist view that the reproduction of social systems is merely "a mechanical outcome." See also Antihumanism Engaged theory Genetic structuralism Holism Isomorphism Post-structuralism Russian formalism Structuralist film theory Structuration theory Émile Durkheim Structural functionalism Structuralism (philosophy of science) Structuralism (philosophy of mathematics) Structuralism (psychology) Structural change Structuralist economics References Further reading Angermuller, Johannes. 2015. Why There Is No Poststructuralism in France: The Making of an Intellectual Generation. London: Bloomsbury. Roudinesco, Élisabeth. 2008. Philosophy in Turbulent Times: Canguilhem, Sartre, Foucault, Althusser, Deleuze, Derrida. New York: Columbia University Press. Primary sources Althusser, Louis. Reading Capital. Barthes, Roland. S/Z. Deleuze, Gilles. 1973. "À quoi reconnaît-on le structuralisme?" Pp. 299–335 in Histoire de la philosophie, Idées, Doctrines. Vol. 8: Le XXe siècle, edited by F. Châtelet. Paris: Hachette de Saussure, Ferdinand. 1916. Course in General Linguistics. Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things. Jakobson, Roman. Essais de linguistique générale. Lacan, Jacques. The Seminars of Jacques Lacan. Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Elementary Structures of Kinship. —— 1958. Structural Anthropology [Anthropologie structurale] —— 1964–1971. Mythologiques Wilcken, Patrick, ed. Claude Levi-Strauss: The Father of Modern Anthropology. Linguistic theories and hypotheses Literary criticism Philosophical anthropology Psychoanalytic theory Sociological theories Theories of language

Applied ontology

Applied ontology is the application of Ontology for practical purposes. This can involve employing ontological methods or resources to specific domains, such as management, relationships, biomedicine, information science or geography. Alternatively, applied ontology can aim more generally at developing improved methodologies for recording and organizing knowledge. Much work in applied ontology is carried out within the framework of the Semantic Web. Ontologies can structure data and add useful semantic content to it, such as definitions of classes and relations between entities, including subclass relations. The semantic web makes use of languages designed to allow for ontological content, including the Resource Description Framework (RDF) and the Web Ontology Language (OWL). Applying ontology to relationships The challenge of applying ontology is ontology's emphasis on a world view orthogonal to epistemology. The emphasis is on being rather than on doing (as implied by "applied") or on knowing. This is explored by philosophers and pragmatists like Fernando Flores and Martin Heidegger. One way in which that emphasis plays out is in the concept of "speech acts": acts of promising, ordering, apologizing, requesting, inviting or sharing. The study of these acts from an ontological perspective is one of the driving forces behind relationship-oriented applied ontology. This can involve concepts championed by ordinary language philosophers like Ludwig Wittgenstein. Applying ontology can also involve looking at the relationship between a person's world and that person's actions. The context or clearing is highly influenced by the being of the subject or the field of being itself. This view is highly influenced by the philosophy of phenomenology, the works of Heidegger, and others. Ontological perspectives Social scientists adopt a number of approaches to ontology. Some of these are: Realism - the idea that facts are "out there" just waiting to be discovered; Empiricism - the idea that we can observe the world and evaluate those observations in relation to facts; Positivism - which focuses on the observations themselves, attending more to claims about facts than to facts themselves; Grounded theory - which seeks to derive theories from facts; Engaged theory - which moves across different levels of interpretation, linking different empirical questions to ontological understandings; Postmodernism - which regards facts as fluid and elusive, and recommends focusing only on observational claims. Data ontology Ontologies can be used for structuring data in a machine-readable manner. In this context, an ontology is a controlled vocabulary of classes that can be placed in hierarchical relations with each other. These classes can represent entities in the real world which data is about. Data can then be linked to the formal structure of these ontologies to aid dataset interoperability, along with retrieval and discovery of information. The classes in an ontology can be limited to a relatively narrow domain (such as an ontology of occupations), or expansively cover all of reality with highly general classes (such as in Basic Formal Ontology). Applied ontology is a quickly growing field. It has found major applications in areas such as biological research, artificial intelligence, banking, healthcare, and defense. See also Foundation ontology Applied philosophy John Searle Bertrand Russell Barry Smith, ontologist with a focus on biomedicine Nicola Guarino, researcher in the formal ontology of information systems References External links Applied philosophy Applied ontology

Altruism

Altruism is the principle and practice of concern for the well-being and/or happiness of other humans or animals above oneself. While objects of altruistic concern vary, it is an important moral value in many cultures and religions. It may be considered a synonym of selflessness, the opposite of selfishness. The word altruism was popularized (and possibly coined) by the French philosopher Auguste Comte in French, as , for an antonym of egoism. He derived it from the Italian , which in turn was derived from Latin , meaning "other people" or "somebody else". Altruism, as observed in populations of organisms, is when an individual performs an action at a cost to itself (in terms of e.g. pleasure and quality of life, time, probability of survival or reproduction) that benefits, directly or indirectly, another individual, without the expectation of reciprocity or compensation for that action. Altruism can be distinguished from feelings of loyalty or concern for the common good. The latter are predicated upon social relationships, whilst altruism does not consider relationships. Whether "true" altruism is possible in human psychology is a subject of debate. The theory of psychological egoism suggests that no act of sharing, helping, or sacrificing can be truly altruistic, as the actor may receive an intrinsic reward in the form of personal gratification. The validity of this argument depends on whether such intrinsic rewards qualify as "benefits". The term altruism may also refer to an ethical doctrine that claims that individuals are morally obliged to benefit others. Used in this sense, it is usually contrasted with egoism, which claims individuals are morally obligated to serve themselves first. Effective altruism is the use of evidence and reason to determine the most effective ways to benefit others. The notion of altruism The concept of altruism has a history in philosophical and ethical thought. The term was coined in the 19th century by the founding sociologist and philosopher of science Auguste Comte, and has become a major topic for psychologists (especially evolutionary psychology researchers), evolutionary biologists, and ethologists. Whilst ideas about altruism from one field can affect the other fields, the different methods and focuses of these fields always lead to different perspectives on altruism. In simple terms, altruism is caring about the welfare of other people and acting to help them, above oneself. Scientific viewpoints Anthropology Marcel Mauss's essay The Gift contains a passage called "Note on alms". This note describes the evolution of the notion of alms (and by extension of altruism) from the notion of sacrifice. In it, he writes: Evolutionary explanations In the Science of ethology (the study of animal behaviour), and more generally in the study of social evolution, altruism refers to behavior by an individual that increases the fitness of another individual while decreasing the fitness of the actor. In evolutionary psychology this term may be applied to a wide range of human behaviors such as charity, emergency aid, help to coalition partners, tipping, courtship gifts, production of public goods, and environmentalism. Theories of apparently altruistic behavior were by the need to produce ideas compatible with evolutionary origins. Two related strands of research on altruism have emerged from traditional evolutionary analyses and evolutionary game theory: a mathematical model and analysis of behavioral strategies. Some of the proposed mechanisms are: Kin selection. That animals and humans are more altruistic towards close kin than to distant kin and non-kin has been confirmed in numerous studies across many different cultures. Even subtle cues indicating kinship may unconsciously increase altruistic behavior. One kinship cue is facial resemblance. One study found that slightly altering photographs to resemble the faces of study participants more closely increased the trust the participants expressed regarding depicted persons. Another cue is having the same family name, especially if rare, which has been found to increase helpful behavior. Another study found more cooperative behavior, the greater the number of perceived kin in a group. Using kinship terms in political speeches increased audience agreement with the speaker in one study. This effect was powerful for firstborns, who are typically close to their families. Vested interests. People are likely to suffer if their friends, allies and those from similar social ingroups suffer or disappear. Helping such group members may, therefore, also benefit the altruist. Making ingroup membership more noticeable increases cooperativeness. Extreme self-sacrifice towards the ingroup may be adaptive if a hostile outgroup threatens the entire ingroup. Reciprocal altruism. See also Reciprocity (evolution). Direct reciprocity. Research shows that it can be beneficial to help others if there is a chance that they will reciprocate the help. The effective tit for tat strategy is one game theoretic example. Many people seem to be following a similar strategy by cooperating if and only if others cooperate in return. One consequence is that people are more cooperative with one another if they are more likely to interact again in the future. People tend to be less cooperative if they perceive that the frequency of helpers in the population is lower. They tend to help less if they see non-cooperativeness by others, and this effect tends to be stronger than the opposite effect of seeing cooperative behaviors. Simply changing the cooperative framing of a proposal may increase cooperativeness, such as calling it a "Community Game" instead of a "Wall Street Game". A tendency towards reciprocity implies that people feel obligated to respond if someone helps them. This has been used by charities that give small gifts to potential donors hoping to induce reciprocity. Another method is to announce publicly that someone has given a large donation. The tendency to reciprocate can even generalize, so people become more helpful toward others after being helped. On the other hand, people will avoid or even retaliate against those perceived not to be cooperating. People sometimes mistakenly fail to help when they intended to, or their helping may not be noticed, which may cause unintended conflicts. As such, it may be an optimal strategy to be slightly forgiving of and have a slightly generous interpretation of non-cooperation. People are more likely to cooperate on a task if they can communicate with one another first. This may be due to better cooperativeness assessments or promises exchange. They are more cooperative if they can gradually build trust instead of being asked to give extensive help immediately. Direct reciprocity and cooperation in a group can be increased by changing the focus and incentives from intra-group competition to larger-scale competitions, such as between groups or against the general population. Thus, giving grades and promotions based only on an individual's performance relative to a small local group, as is common, may reduce cooperative behaviors in the group. Indirect reciprocity. Because people avoid poor reciprocators and cheaters, a person's reputation is important. A person esteemed for their reciprocity is more likely to receive assistance, even from individuals they have not directly interacted with before. Strong reciprocity. This form of reciprocity is expressed by people who invest more resources in cooperation and punishment than what is deemed optimal based on established theories of altruism. Pseudo-reciprocity. An organism behaves altruistically and the recipient does not reciprocate but has an increased chance of acting in a way that is selfish but also as a byproduct benefits the altruist. Costly signaling and the handicap principle. Altruism, by diverting resources from the altruist, can act as an "honest signal" of available resources and the skills to acquire them. This may signal to others that the altruist is a valuable potential partner. It may also signal interactive and cooperative intentions, since someone who does not expect to interact further in the future gains nothing from such costly signaling. While it's uncertain if costly signaling can predict long-term cooperative traits, people tend to trust helpers more. Costly signaling loses its value when everyone shares identical traits, resources, and cooperative intentions, but it gains significance as population variability in these aspects increases. Hunters who share meat display a costly signal of ability. The research found that good hunters have higher reproductive success and more adulterous relations even if they receive no more of the hunted meat than anyone else. Similarly, holding large feasts and giving large donations are ways of demonstrating one's resources. Heroic risk-taking has also been interpreted as a costly signal of ability. Both indirect reciprocity and costly signaling depend on reputation value and tend to make similar predictions. One is that people will be more helpful when they know that their helping behavior will be communicated to people they will interact with later, publicly announced, discussed, or observed by someone else. This has been documented in many studies. The effect is sensitive to subtle cues, such as people being more helpful when there were stylized eyespots instead of a logo on a computer screen. Weak reputational cues such as eyespots may become unimportant if there are stronger cues present and may lose their effect with continued exposure unless reinforced with real reputational effects. Public displays such as public weeping for dead celebrities and participation in demonstrations may be influenced by a desire to be seen as generous. People who know that they are publicly monitored sometimes even wastefully donate the money they know is not needed by the recipient because of reputational concerns. Typically, women find altruistic men to be attractive partners. When women look for a long-term partner, altruism may be a trait they prefer as it may indicate that the prospective partner is also willing to share resources with her and her children. Men perform charitable acts in the early stages of a romantic relationship or simply when in the presence of an attractive woman. While both sexes state that kindness is the most preferable trait in a partner, there is some evidence that men place less value on this than women and that women may not be more altruistic in the presence of an attractive man. Men may even avoid altruistic women in short-term relationships, which may be because they expect less success. People may compete for the social benefit of a burnished reputation, which may cause competitive altruism. On the other hand, in some experiments, a proportion of people do not seem to care about reputation and do not help more, even if this is conspicuous. This may be due to reasons such as psychopathy or that they are so attractive that they need not be seen as altruistic. The reputational benefits of altruism occur in the future compared to the immediate costs of altruism. While humans and other organisms generally place less value on future costs/benefits as compared to those in the present, some have shorter time horizons than others, and these people tend to be less cooperative. Explicit extrinsic rewards and punishments have sometimes been found to have a counterintuitively inverse effect on behaviors when compared to intrinsic rewards. This may be because such extrinsic incentives may replace (partially or in whole) intrinsic and reputational incentives, motivating the person to focus on obtaining the extrinsic rewards, which may make the thus-incentivized behaviors less desirable. People prefer altruism in others when it appears to be due to a personality characteristic rather than overt reputational concerns; simply pointing out that there are reputational benefits of action may reduce them. This may be used as a derogatory tactic against altruists ("you're just virtue signalling"), especially by those who are non-cooperators. A counterargument is that doing good due to reputational concerns is better than doing no good. Group selection. It has controversially been argued by some evolutionary scientists such as David Sloan Wilson that natural selection can act at the level of non-kin groups to produce adaptations that benefit a non-kin group, even if these adaptations are detrimental at the individual level. Thus, while altruistic persons may under some circumstances be outcompeted by less altruistic persons at the individual level, according to group selection theory, the opposite may occur at the group level where groups consisting of the more altruistic persons may outcompete groups consisting of the less altruistic persons. Such altruism may only extend to ingroup members while directing prejudice and antagonism against outgroup members (see also in-group favoritism). Many other evolutionary scientists have criticized group selection theory. Such explanations do not imply that humans consciously calculate how to increase their inclusive fitness when doing altruistic acts. Instead, evolution has shaped psychological mechanisms, such as emotions, that promote certain altruistic behaviors. The benefits for the altruist may be increased, and the costs reduced by being more altruistic towards certain groups. Research has found that people are more altruistic to kin than to no-kin, to friends than strangers, to those attractive than to those unattractive, to non-competitors than competitors, and to members in-groups than to members of out-groups. The study of altruism was the initial impetus behind George R. Price's development of the Price equation, a mathematical equation used to study genetic evolution. An interesting example of altruism is found in the cellular slime moulds, such as Dictyostelium mucoroides. These protists live as individual amoebae until starved, at which point they aggregate and form a multicellular fruiting body in which some cells sacrifice themselves to promote the survival of other cells in the fruiting body. Selective investment theory proposes that close social bonds, and associated emotional, cognitive, and neurohormonal mechanisms, evolved to facilitate long-term, high-cost altruism between those closely depending on one another for survival and reproductive success. Such cooperative behaviors have sometimes been seen as arguments for left-wing politics, for example, by the Russian zoologist and anarchist Peter Kropotkin in his 1902 book Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution and Moral Philosopher Peter Singer in his book A Darwinian Left. Neurobiology Jorge Moll and Jordan Grafman, neuroscientists at the National Institutes of Health and LABS-D'Or Hospital Network, provided the first evidence for the neural bases of altruistic giving in normal healthy volunteers, using functional magnetic resonance imaging. In their research, they showed that both pure monetary rewards and charitable donations activated the mesolimbic reward pathway, a primitive part of the brain that usually responds to food and sex. However, when volunteers generously placed the interests of others before their own by making charitable donations, another brain circuit was selectively activated: the subgenual cortex/septal region. These structures social attachment and bonding in other species. The experiment suggested that altruism is not a higher moral faculty overpowering innate selfish desires, but a fundamental, ingrained, and enjoyable trait in the brain. One brain region, the subgenual anterior cingulate cortex/basal forebrain, contributes to learning altruistic behavior, especially in people with empathy. The same study identified giving to charity and of social bonding. Bill Harbaugh, a University of Oregon economist, in an fMRI scanner test conducted with his psychologist colleague Dr. Ulrich Mayr, reached the same conclusions as Jorge Moll and Jordan Grafman about giving to charity, although they were able to divide the study group into two groups: "egoists" and "altruists". One of their discoveries was that, though rarely, even some of the considered "egoists" sometimes gave more than expected because that would help others, leading to the conclusion that there are other factors in charity, such as a person's environment and values. A recent meta-analysis of fMRI studies conducted by Shawn Rhoads, Jo Cutler, and Abigail Marsh analyzed the results of prior studies of generosity in which participants could freely choose to give or not give resources to someone else. The results of this study confirmed that altruism is supported by distinct mechanisms from giving motivated by reciprocity or by fairness. This study also confirmed that the right ventral striatum is recruited during altruistic giving, as well as the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, bilateral anterior cingulate cortex, and bilateral anterior insula, which are regions previously implicated in empathy. Abigail Marsh has conducted studies of real-world altruists that have also identified an important role for the amygdala in human altruism. In real-world altruists, such as people who have donated kidneys to strangers, the amygdala is larger than in typical adults. Altruists' amygdalas are also more responsive than those of typical adults to the sight of others' distress, which is thought to reflect an empathic response to distress. This structure may also be involved in altruistic choices due to its role in encoding the value of outcomes for others. This is consistent with the findings of research in non-human animals, which has identified neurons within the amygdala that specifically encode the value of others' outcomes, activity in which appears to drive altruistic choices in monkeys. Psychology The International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences defines psychological altruism as "a motivational state to increase another's welfare". Psychological altruism is contrasted with psychological egoism, which refers to the motivation to increase one's welfare. In keeping with this, research in real-world altruists, including altruistic kidney donors, bone marrow donors, humanitarian aid workers, and heroic rescuers findings that these altruists are primarily distinguished from other adults by unselfish traits and decision-making patterns. This suggests that human altruism reflects genuinely high valuation of others' outcomes. There has been some debate on whether humans are capable of psychological altruism. Some definitions specify a self-sacrificial nature to altruism and a lack of external rewards for altruistic behaviors. However, because altruism ultimately benefits the self in many cases, the selflessness of altruistic acts is difficult to prove. The social exchange theory postulates that altruism only exists when the benefits outweigh the costs to the self. Daniel Batson, a psychologist, examined this question and argued against the social exchange theory. He identified four significant motives: to ultimately benefit the self (egoism), to ultimately benefit the other person (altruism), to benefit a group (collectivism), or to uphold a moral principle (principlism). Altruism that ultimately serves selfish gains is thus differentiated from selfless altruism, but the general conclusion has been that empathy-induced altruism can be genuinely selfless. The empathy-altruism hypothesis states that psychological altruism exists and is evoked by the empathic desire to help someone suffering. Feelings of empathic concern are contrasted with personal distress, which compels people to reduce their unpleasant emotions and increase their positive ones by helping someone in need. Empathy is thus not selfless since altruism works either as a way to avoid those negative, unpleasant feelings and have positive, pleasant feelings when triggered by others' need for help or as a way to gain social reward or avoid social punishment by helping. People with empathic concern help others in distress even when exposure to the situation could be easily avoided, whereas those lacking in empathic concern avoid allowing it unless it is difficult or impossible to avoid exposure to another's suffering. Helping behavior is seen in humans from about two years old when a toddler can understand subtle emotional cues. In psychological research on altruism, studies often observe altruism as demonstrated through prosocial behaviors such as helping, comforting, sharing, cooperation, philanthropy, and community service. People are most likely to help if they recognize that a person is in need and feel personal responsibility for reducing the person's distress. The number of bystanders witnessing pain or suffering affects the likelihood of helping (the Bystander effect). More significant numbers of bystanders decrease individual feelings of responsibility. However, a witness with a high level of empathic concern is likely to assume personal responsibility entirely regardless of the number of bystanders. Many studies have observed the effects of volunteerism (as a form of altruism) on happiness and health and have consistently found that those who exhibit volunteerism also have better current and future health and well-being. In a study of older adults, those who volunteered had higher life satisfaction and will to live, and less depression, anxiety, and somatization. Volunteerism and helping behavior have not only been shown to improve mental health but physical health and longevity as well, attributable to the activity and social integration it encourages. One study examined the physical health of mothers who volunteered over 30 years and found that 52% of those who did not belong to a volunteer organization experienced a major illness while only 36% of those who did volunteer experienced one. A study on adults aged 55 and older found that during the four-year study period, people who volunteered for two or more organizations had a 63% lower likelihood of dying. After controlling for prior health status, it was determined that volunteerism accounted for a 44% reduction in mortality. Merely being aware of kindness in oneself and others is also associated with greater well-being. A study that asked participants to count each act of kindness they performed for one week significantly enhanced their subjective happiness. Happier people are kinder and more grateful, kinder people are happier and more grateful and more grateful people are happier and kinder, the study suggests. While research supports the idea that altruistic acts bring about happiness, it has also been found to work in the opposite direction—that happier people are also kinder. The relationship between altruistic behavior and happiness is bidirectional. Studies found that generosity increases linearly from sad to happy affective states. Feeling over-taxed by the needs of others has negative effects on health and happiness. For example, one study on volunteerism found that feeling overwhelmed by others' demands had an even stronger negative effect on mental health than helping had a positive one (although positive effects were still significant). Genetics and environment Both genetics and environment have been implicated in influencing pro-social or altruistic behavior. Candidate genes include OXTR (polymorphisms in the oxytocin receptor), CD38, COMT, DRD4, DRD5, IGF2, AVPR1A and GABRB2. It is theorized that some of these genes influence altruistic behavior by modulating levels of neurotransmitters such as serotonin and dopamine. Sociology "Sociologists have long been concerned with how to build the good society". The structure of our societies and how individuals come to exhibit charitable, philanthropic, and other pro-social, altruistic actions for the common good is a commonly researched topic within the field. The American Sociology Association (ASA) acknowledges public sociology saying, "The intrinsic scientific, policy, and public relevance of this field of investigation in helping to construct 'good societies' is unquestionable". This type of sociology seeks contributions that aid popular and theoretical understandings of what motivates altruism and how it is organized, and promotes an altruistic focus in order to benefit the world and people it studies. How altruism is framed, organized, carried out, and what motivates it at the group level is an area of focus that sociologists investigate in order to contribute back to the groups it studies and "build the good society". The motivation of altruism is also the focus of study; for example, one study links the occurrence of moral outrage to altruistic compensation of victims. Studies show that generosity in laboratory and in online experiments is contagious – people imitate the generosity they observe in others. Religious viewpoints Most, if not all, of the world's religions promote altruism as a very important moral value. Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Jainism, Judaism, and Sikhism, etc., place particular emphasis on altruistic morality. Buddhism Altruism figures prominently in Buddhism. Love and compassion are components of all forms of Buddhism, and are focused on all beings equally: love is the wish that all beings be happy, and compassion is the wish that all beings be free from suffering. "Many illnesses can be cured by the one medicine of love and compassion. These qualities are the ultimate source of human happiness, and the need for them lies at the very core of our being" (Dalai Lama). The notion of altruism is modified in such a world-view, since the belief is that such a practice promotes the practitioner's own happiness: "The more we care for the happiness of others, the greater our own sense of well-being becomes" (Dalai Lama). In Buddhism, a person's actions cause karma, which consists of consequences proportional to the moral implications of their actions. Deeds considered to be bad are punished, while those considered to be good are rewarded. Jainism The fundamental principles of Jainism revolve around altruism, not only for humans but for all sentient beings. Jainism preaches – to live and let live, not harming sentient beings, i.e. uncompromising reverence for all life. It also considers all living things to be equal. The first , Rishabhdev, introduced the concept of altruism for all living beings, from extending knowledge and experience to others to donation, giving oneself up for others, non-violence, and compassion for all living things. The principle of nonviolence seeks to minimize karmas which limit the capabilities of the soul. Jainism views every soul as worthy of respect because it has the potential to become (God in Jainism). Because all living beings possess a soul, great care and awareness is essential in one's actions. Jainism emphasizes the equality of all life, advocating harmlessness towards all, whether the creatures are great or small. This policy extends even to microscopic organisms. Jainism acknowledges that every person has different capabilities and capacities to practice and therefore accepts different levels of compliance for ascetics and householders. Christianity Thomas Aquinas interprets "You should love your neighbour as yourself" as meaning that love for ourselves is the exemplar of love for others. Considering that "the love with which a man loves himself is the form and root of friendship" he quotes Aristotle that "the origin of friendly relations with others lies in our relations to ourselves",. Aquinas concluded that though we are not bound to love others more than ourselves, we naturally seek the common good, the good of the whole, more than any private good, the good of a part. However, he thought we should love God more than ourselves and our neighbours, and more than our bodily life—since the ultimate purpose of loving our neighbour is to share in eternal beatitude: a more desirable thing than bodily well-being. In coining the word "altruism", as stated above, Comte was probably opposing this Thomistic doctrine, which is present in some theological schools within Catholicism. The aim and focus of Christian life is a life that glorifies God, with obeying Christ's command to treat others equally, caring for them and understanding eternity in heaven is what Jesus' Resurrection at Calvary was all about. Many biblical authors draw a strong connection between love of others and love of God. 1 John 4 states that for one to love God one must love his fellowman, and that hatred of one's fellowman is the same as hatred of God. Thomas Jay Oord has argued in several books that altruism is but one possible form of love. An altruistic action is not always a loving action. Oord defines altruism as acting for the other's good, and he agrees with feminists who note that sometimes love requires acting for one's own good when the other's demands undermine overall well-being. German philosopher Max Scheler distinguishes two ways in which the strong can help the weak. One way is a sincere expression of Christian love, "motivated by a powerful feeling of security, strength, and inner salvation, of the invincible fullness of one's own life and existence". Another way is merely "one of the many modern substitutes for love,... nothing but the urge to turn away from oneself and to lose oneself in other people's business". At its worst, Scheler says, "love for the small, the poor, the weak, and the oppressed is really disguised hatred, repressed envy, an impulse to detract, etc., directed against the opposite phenomena: wealth, strength, power, largesse." Islam In the Arabic language, "" (إيثار) means "preferring others to oneself". On the topic of donating blood to non-Muslims (a controversial topic within the faith), the Shia religious professor, Fadhil al-Milani has provided theological evidence that makes it positively justifiable. In fact, he considers it a form of religious sacrifice and ithar (altruism). For Sufis, 'iythar means devotion to others through complete forgetfulness of one's own concerns, where concern for others is deemed as a demand made by God on the human body, considered to be property of God alone. The importance of 'iythar (aka ) lies in sacrifice for the sake of the greater good; Islam considers those practicing as abiding by the highest degree of nobility. This is similar to the notion of chivalry. A constant concern for God results in a careful attitude towards people, animals, and other things in this world. Judaism Judaism defines altruism as the desired goal of creation. Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook stated that love is the most important attribute in humanity. Love is defined as bestowal, or giving, which is the intention of altruism. This can be altruism towards humanity that leads to altruism towards the creator or God. Kabbalah defines God as the force of giving in existence. Rabbi Moshe Chaim Luzzatto focused on the "purpose of creation" and how the will of God was to bring creation into perfection and adhesion with this force of giving. Modern Kabbalah developed by Rabbi Yehuda Ashlag, in his writings about the future generation, focuses on how society could achieve an altruistic social framework. Ashlag proposed that such a framework is the purpose of creation, and everything that happens is to raise humanity to the level of altruism, love for one another. Ashlag focused on society and its relation to divinity. Sikhism Altruism is essential to the Sikh religion. The central faith in Sikhism is that the greatest deed anyone can do is to imbibe and live the godly qualities like love, affection, sacrifice, patience, harmony, and truthfulness. , or selfless service to the community for its own sake, is an important concept in Sikhism. The fifth Guru, Arjun Dev, sacrificed his life to uphold "22 carats of pure truth, the greatest gift to humanity", the Guru Granth. The ninth Guru, Tegh Bahadur, sacrificed his head to protect weak and defenseless people against atrocity. In the late seventeenth century, Guru Gobind Singh (the tenth Guru in Sikhism), was at war with the Mughal rulers to protect the people of different faiths when a fellow Sikh, Bhai Kanhaiya, attended the troops of the enemy. He gave water to both friends and foes who were wounded on the battlefield. Some of the enemy began to fight again and some Sikh warriors were annoyed by Bhai Kanhaiya as he was helping their enemy. Sikh soldiers brought Bhai Kanhaiya before Guru Gobind Singh, and complained of his action that they considered counterproductive to their struggle on the battlefield. "What were you doing, and why?" asked the Guru. "I was giving water to the wounded because I saw your face in all of them", replied Bhai Kanhaiya. The Guru responded, "Then you should also give them ointment to heal their wounds. You were practicing what you were coached in the house of the Guru." Under the tutelage of the Guru, Bhai Kanhaiya subsequently founded a volunteer corps for altruism, which is still engaged today in doing good to others and in training new recruits for this service. Hinduism In Hinduism Selflessness, Love, Kindness, and Forgiveness are considered as the highest acts of humanity or "". Giving alms to the beggars or poor people is considered as a divine act or "" and Hindus believe it will free their souls from guilt or "" and will led them to heaven or "" in afterlife. Altruism is also the central act of various Hindu mythology and religious poems and songs. Mass donation of clothes to poor people, or blood donation camp or mass food donation for poor people is common in various Hindu religious ceremonies. The Bhagavad Gita supports the doctrine of karma yoga (achieving oneness with God through action) & "Nishkam Karma" or action without expectation / desire for personal gain which can be said to encompass altruism. Altruistic acts are generally celebrated and very well received in Hindu literature and are central to Hindu morality. Philosophy There is a wide range of philosophical views on humans' obligations or motivations to act altruistically. Proponents of ethical altruism maintain that individuals are morally obligated to act altruistically. The opposing view is ethical egoism, which maintains that moral agents should always act in their own self-interest. Both ethical altruism and ethical egoism contrast with utilitarianism, which maintains that each agent should act in order to maximise the efficacy of their function and the benefit to both themselves and their co-inhabitants. A related concept in descriptive ethics is psychological egoism, the thesis that humans always act in their own self-interest and that true altruism is impossible. Rational egoism is the view that rationality consists in acting in one's self-interest (without specifying how this affects one's moral obligations). Effective altruism Effective altruism is a philosophy and social movement that uses evidence and reasoning to determine the most effective ways to benefit others. Effective altruism encourages individuals to consider all causes and actions and to act in the way that brings about the greatest positive impact, based upon their values. It is the broad, evidence-based, and cause-neutral approach that distinguishes effective altruism from traditional altruism or charity. Effective altruism is part of the larger movement towards evidence-based practices. While a substantial proportion of effective altruists have focused on the nonprofit sector, the philosophy of effective altruism applies more broadly to prioritizing the scientific projects, companies, and policy initiatives which can be estimated to save lives, help people, or otherwise have the biggest benefit. People associated with the movement include philosopher Peter Singer, Facebook co founder Dustin Moskovitz, Cari Tuna, Oxford-based researchers William MacAskill and Toby Ord, and professional poker player Liv Boeree. Extreme altruism Pathological altruism Pathological altruism is altruism taken to an unhealthy extreme, such that it either harms the altruistic person or the person's well-intentioned actions cause more harm than good. The term "pathological altruism" was popularised by the book Pathological Altruism. Examples include depression and burnout seen in healthcare professionals, an unhealthy focus on others to the detriment of one's own needs, animal hoarding, and ineffective philanthropic and social programs that ultimately worsen the situations they are meant to aid. Extreme altruism also known as costly altruism, extraordinary altruism, or heroic behaviours (shall be distinguished from heroism), refers to selfless acts directed to a stranger which significantly exceed the normal altruistic behaviours, often involving risks or great cost to the altruists themselves. Since acts of extreme altruism are often directed towards strangers, many commonly accepted models of simple altruism appear inadequate in explaining this phenomenon. One of the initial concepts was introduced by Wilson in 1976, which he referred to as "hard-core" altruism. This form is characterised by impulsive actions directed towards others, typically a stranger and lacking incentives for reward. Since then, several papers have mentioned the possibility of such altruism. The current slow progress in the field is due to general ethical guidelines that restrict exposing research participants to costly or risky decisions. Consequently, much research has based their studies on living organ donations and the actions of Carnegie Hero medal Recipients, actions which involve high risk, high cost, and are of infrequent occurrences. A typical example of extreme altruism would be non-directed kidney donation—a living person donating one of their kidneys to a stranger without any benefits or knowing the recipient. However, current research can only be carried out on a small population that meets the requirements of extreme altruism. Most of the time the research is also via the form of self-report which could lead to self-report biases. Due to the limitations, the current gap between high stakes and normal altruism remains unknown. Characteristics of Extreme Altruists Norms In 1970, Schwartz hypothesised that extreme altruism is positively related to a person's moral norms and is not influenced by the cost associated with the action. This hypothesis was supported in the same study examining bone marrow donors. Schwartz discovered that individuals with strong personal norms and those who attribute more responsibility to themselves are more inclined to participate in bone marrow donation. Similar findings were observed in a 1986 study by Piliavin and Libby focusing on blood donors. These studies suggest that personal norms lead to the activation of moral norms, leading individuals to feel compelled to help others. Enhanced Fear Recognition Abigail Marsh has described psychopaths as the "opposite" group of people to extreme altruists and has conducted a few research, comparing these two groups of individuals. Utilising techniques such as brain imaging and behavioural experiments, Marsh's team observed that kidney donors tend to have larger amygdala sizes and exhibit better abilities in recognizing fearful expressions compared to psychopathic individuals. Furthermore, an improved ability to recognize fear has been associated with an increase in prosocial behaviours, including greater charity contribution. Fast Decisions when Perform Acts of Extreme Altruism Rand and Epstein explored the behaviours of 51 Carnegie Hero Medal Recipients, demonstrating how extreme altruistic behaviours often stem from system I of the Dual Process Theory, which leads to rapid and intuitive behaviours. Additionally, a separate by Carlson et al. indicated that such prosocial behaviours are prevalent in emergencies where immediate actions are required. This discovery has led to ethical debates, particularly in the context of living organ donation, where laws regarding this issue differ by country. As observed in extreme altruists, these decisions are made intuitively, which may reflect insufficient consideration. Critics are concerned about whether this rapid decision encompasses a thorough cost-benefit analysis and question the appropriateness of exposing donors to such risk. Social Discounting One finding suggests how extreme altruists exhibit lower levels of social discounting as compared to others. With that meaning extreme altruists place a higher value on the welfare of strangers than a typical person does. Low Social-Economic Status Analysis of 676 Carnegie Hero Award Recipients and another study on 243 rescuing acts reveal that a significant proportion of rescuers come from lower socio-economic backgrounds. Johnson attributes the distribution to the high-risk occupations that are more prevalent between lower socioeconomic groups. Another hypothesis proposed by Lyons is that individuals from these groups may perceive they have less to lose when engaging in high-risk extreme altruistic behaviours. Possible Explanations Evolutionary theories such as the kin-selection, reciprocity, vested interest and punishment either contradict or do not fully explain the concept of extreme altruism. As a result, considerable research has attempted for a separate explanation for this behaviour. Costly Signalling Theory for Extreme Behaviours Research suggests that males are more likely to engage in heroic and risk-taking behaviours due to a preference among females for such traits. These extreme altruistic behaviours could serve to act as an unconscious "signal" to showcase superior power and ability compared to ordinary individuals. When an extreme altruist survives a high-risk situation, they send an "honest signal" of quality. Three qualities hypothesized to be exhibited by extreme altruists, which could be interpreted as "signals", are: (1) traits that are difficult to fake, (2) a willingness to help, and (3) generous behaviours. Empathy-Altruism Hypothesis The empathy altruism hypothesis appears to align with the concept of extreme altruism without contradiction. The hypothesis was supported with further brain scanning research, which indicates how this group of people demonstrate a higher level of empathy concern. The level of empathy concern then triggers activation in specific brain regions, urging the individual to engage in heroic behaviours. Mistakes and Outliers While most altruistic behaviours offer some form of benefit, extreme altruism may sometimes result from a mistake where the victim does not reciprocate. Considering the impulsive characteristic of extreme altruists, some researchers suggest that these individuals have made a wrong judgement during the cost-benefit analysis. Furthermore, extreme altruism might be a rare variation of altruism where they lie towards to ends of a normal distribution. In the US, the annual prevalence rate per capita is less than 0.00005%, this shows the rarity of such behaviours. Digital altruism Digital altruism is the notion that some are willing to freely share information based on the principle of reciprocity and in the belief that in the end, everyone benefits from sharing information via the Internet. There are three types of digital altruism: (1) "everyday digital altruism", involving expedience, ease, moral engagement, and conformity; (2) "creative digital altruism", involving creativity, heightened moral engagement, and cooperation; and (3) "co-creative digital altruism" involving creativity, moral engagement, and meta cooperative efforts. See also Notes References External links Auguste Comte Defence mechanisms Morality Moral psychology Philanthropy Social philosophy Interpersonal relationships Virtue

Cram school

A cram school (colloquially: crammer, test prep, tuition center, or exam factory) is a specialized school that trains its students to achieve particular goals, most commonly to pass the entrance examinations of high schools or universities. The English name is derived from the slang term cramming, meaning to study a large amount of material in a short period of time. The word "crammer" may be used to refer to the school or to an individual teacher who assists a student in cramming. Education Cram schools may specialize in a particular subject or subjects, or may be aligned with particular schools. Special cram schools that prepare students to re-take failed entrance examinations are also common. As the name suggests, the aim of a cram school is generally to impart as much information to its students as possible in the shortest period of time. The goal is to enable the students to obtain a required grade in particular examinations, or to satisfy other entrance requirements such as language skill (e.g.: IELTS). Cram schools are sometimes criticized, along with the countries in which they are prevalent, for a focus on rote learning and a lack of training in critical thinking and analysis. By region Australia Cram schools are referred to largely as "coaching colleges", they are used primarily to achieve the necessary results for the entrance exam for selective schools in New South Wales. They are also used extensively in English, mathematics and science courses for the Higher School Certificate, Victorian Certificate of Education, and other high school leavers exams. Bangladesh In Bangladesh, cram schools are known as "coaching centers" and in some cases, "tutorials". Most cram schools provide help for admission tests of public universities and medical colleges like BUET, CUET, RUET, KUET, Universities of Dhaka, Chittagong, Rajshahi and Jahangirnagar, medical colleges etc., and public examinations like PSC, JSC, SSC, and HSC. There are also some variants which have entered the market of ever-increasing help seekers. For example, cram schools now also prepare students for language tests like IELTS and TOEFL, aptitude tests like GRE, GMAT, SAT, and so on. In recent years, cram schools have also been extended to the tests for government civil services like BCS Examination. Brazil Cram schools are called "Cursinhos" (lit. Little Courses) in Brazil and are attended by students who will be taking a vestibular exam to be admitted into a university. Chile Cram schools are called "Preuniversitarios" in Chile, and are attended by students before taking PTU (University Transition Test) in order to get onto undergraduate studies. China Buxiban are cram schools located in China. They are related to the phenomenon of buke, which is extra study for the improvement of students’ academic performance in National Higher Education Entrance Examination (commonly known as Gaokao). They exist due to the importance of standardized exams, such as: High school entrance exam (after junior high, at 9th year of school). The National Higher Education Entrance Examination, or Gaokao, mandatory for college admission. English language exams. Passing the College English Test (CET) band 4 and 6 is sometimes a prerequisite for bachelor's degree, and the certificates are often important to finding employment. The TOEFL and GRE tests from ETS are required for studying abroad in English-speaking countries. Entrance exams to domestic graduate program. Over recent years the competition has intensified, partially because many new college graduates fail to find satisfactory jobs and seek post-graduate education instead. China has a test-driven system. Education departments give entrance examinations to sort students into schools of different levels. Examinations like the National Higher Education Entrance Examination (Gaokao) are vital, deciding the academic future of the participants. This education system cultivated the cramming style of teaching. Schools and teachers usually regard grades to be the primary goal. This sometimes leads to teachers imparting exam skills instead of knowledge and inspiration. But as the population of students decreases each year and admission to domestic universities expands, the pressure of the Entrance Exam has been reducing. France The national exam (baccalauréat) ending high-school is easy to obtain (the success rate is about 90%), and the grades obtained matter relatively little (most higher education school choose their students before the baccalauréat results, based on grades during high school). Thus, baccalauréat cram schools are rare. Individual tutoring is more common. After the baccalauréat, about 5% of the French students attend the selective Classes Préparatoires aux Grandes Écoles (prep school) or CPGE. These two-year programs are meant to prepare undergrad students to the entrance exams of high-profile graduate schools (Grandes écoles) in science, engineering and business — including École Normale Supérieure, HEC Paris, EDHEC, ESCP, EM Lyon, ESSEC, École polytechnique, Arts et Métiers ParisTech, Télécom Paris, École des Ponts, CentraleSupélec, École des Mines, and ISAE-SUPAERO. A large proportion of CPGE are public schools, with very small tuition fees. There are about 400 CPGE schools for 869 classes, including about 58 private schools. They have produced most of France's scientists, intellectuals, and executives during the last two centuries. French prep schools are characterized by heavy workload and very high demands, varying however between schools. Programs are heavier than the first two years in public universities, covering several majors (for example Maths and Physics). Students in CPGE have between 36 and 40 hours of class a week, as well as one or more weekly 2-to-4 hours written test on each major (often also on Saturday). Students are expected to work on their own at least 2 hours a day, while the most ambitious students can work more than 5 hours every evening after classes, as well as during the weekend and holidays. Moreover, students have to take what is called "colles" (or "khôlles") mainly 2 times a week, which are oral interrogations. For science topics, it consists of an hour-long session where a group of typically 3 students, each on a board, and dealing with a question related to a specific lesson (e.g. a demonstration of a theorem) and/or exercises. The teacher listens to, assists and corrects the students, then grades them. Khôlles on languages (e.g. English) consists in a 30 minutes test: first listening to an audio or studying a newspaper article and summarizing it, and then writing a short essay on the theme. Everything is then presented orally to the teacher. Literacy khôlles often consist in preparing and presenting an essay. Entrance competitive exams to the "Grandes Ecoles" consist in written and oral exams. For scientific branches, a project involving research-oriented works has to be prepared. Written exams are typically 4h-long sets of exercises and problems built around a specific topic (which often can't be fully treated in the given amount of time), and require both reasoning and raw knowledge. Oral exams are often similar to khôlles. This is a two-year track. In most schools, only the second year is explicitly focused on entrance exams preparation. If a student could not obtain the school(s) they wanted, they can repeat the second year. There are three main branches : Scientific branch study mainly math, physics and chemistry, IT, industrial sciences, biology and earth sciences. Sub-branches are : math-physics, physics-chemistry, physics-industrial sciences, and biology-earth sciences. Many French research scientists went through scientific CPGE. Economics/business branch (often called "Prépa HEC") study mainly social sciences, economy, math and languages. Many important French public figures and politicians went through this way. Sub-branches specialize in math/economics, economics/social sciences, or management. Humanities branch (called Khâgne) study mainly philosophy, literature, foreign and ancient languages, history. Sub-branches specialize in social sciences or literature. The tracks and schools are known for their folklore (slang terms, songs and hymns, anecdotes), and often inherited from early 19th-century generations of students. Greece Φροντιστήρια (from φροντίζω, to take care of) have been a permanent fixture of the Greek educational system for several decades. They are considered the norm for learning foreign languages (English language learning usually starts during the elementary school years) and for having a chance to pass the university entrance examinations. The preparation for the country-wide university entrance examinations practically takes up the two last years of upper high school, and the general view is that the amount of relevant school hours is insufficient for the hard competition, regardless of the teachers' abilities. This leads to students taking state school lessons from 08.15 to 14.00 at school, going home for lunch, continue for two or three hours in the cramming school and returning to prepare the homework both for state school and "frontistirio". In the weekend, the students usually have lessons in the cramming school on Saturday morning and on Sunday morning revision tests. Unhired teachers by the state find a way to employment through these private businesses. These two popular views pave the ground for the abundant number of cram schools, also attended by numerous high school students for general support of their performance. Hong Kong Cram schools in Hong Kong are called tutorial schools. These cram schools put focus on the major public examinations in Hong Kong, namely HKDSE, and teach students on techniques on answering questions in the examinations. They also provide students tips on which topics may appear on the coming examination (called "question tipping"), and provide students some sample questions that are similar to those that appear in the examinations. Some cram school teachers in Hong Kong have become idolized and attract many students to take their lessons. These teachers are called "King of tutors (補習天王)". English and math are the most common subjects taught in Hong Kong cram schools. Cram schools in Hong Kong are famous because of the stresses from Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education (HKDSE). These cram school teaching includes practicing exam questions and grammar drills. Moreover, they provide model essays for English language exam. However, some schools are not licensed, and few educators have teaching qualifications. Their education is fun and appealing to the students but may be of little use in actually passing exams. India Numerous cram schools—referred to as coaching centers/institutes, tutorials/tuitions, dummy schools or classes in India—have sprung up all over the nation. These tutorials have become a parallel education system and it is very common and almost mandatory for the students to go to cram schools. They aim to tutor students to pass schools and college exams and getting their clients through various competitive exams to enter prestigious institutions such as the Indian Institutes of Technology for engineering courses the All India Institutes of Medical Sciences for medical courses at the undergraduate & postgraduate levels and the National Law Universities for legal and judicial courses. Many such schools prepare students to crack prestigious national entrance/scholarship exams at the high school level such as JEE (Joint Entrance Examination) Main & Advanced to enter prestigious engineering colleges like the IITs, NEET-UG (National Eligibility cum Entrance Test – Undergraduate level) for entrance into major medical science undergraduate programs and Common Law Admission Test (CLAT) for entering into premier law schools of the country. Various such exams are held for entering fields such as scientific research, engineering, medicine, management, accountancy, law and also into India's premier central and state government services organized by UPSC, SSC etc. Indonesia Cram schools in Indonesia are called bimbingan belajar (learning assistance), often shortened into bimbel, and accepts students preparing for National Examinations before passing elementary school, junior high school, high school and college entrance exams. These cram schools teach students with exam simulations and problem-solving tutorials. Usually, these cram schools teach students by past exam questions. Bimbels in Indonesia offer lessons after school hours, weekends or public holidays. Ireland "Grind schools", as they are known in the Republic of Ireland, prepare students for the Leaving Certificate examination. Competition for university places (the "points race") has intensified with recent years: students wishing to study medicine, law or veterinary science in particular aim to achieve high points (up to 625) to be accepted. Some grind schools, such as The Institute of Education, Ashfield College, Leinster Senior College, The Dublin Academy of Education and Bruce College, teach full-time. Many others offer weekend or evening classes for students in subjects in which they struggle. Japan It is a large industry in Japan and caters to all types of school tests preparations, from kindergarten to high school graduation; it began growing rapidly in the 1970s. At that time, the number of universities was small, but college competition was intensive because almost 95% of students graduated from high school. In addition, Japan had the highest achievement test scores in the world from the 1980s to 2000, causing the cram school industry to grow. The cram schools, called juku, are privately owned, and offer lessons conducted after regular school hours, on weekends, and during summer and winter breaks. Malaysia In Malaysia, it is considered a norm for parents, especially those from the middle and upper class, to send schoolchildren for private tuition. Such services are often provided by tuition centers and/or private tutors. These tutors may be full-time tutors, schoolteachers, retirees, or even senior students. Many concerned parents choose to send their children to different tuition classes or schedules based on the child's entrance examination subjects. Some students may go to tuition for their weaker subjects, while many schoolchildren are increasingly known to attend at least 10 hours of private tuition every week. Correspondingly, the reputation and business of a tuition center often depends on venue, schedule, number of top-scoring clients, and advertizing by word of mouth. It is not uncommon for private tutors to offer exclusive pre-examination seminars, to the extent where some tutors entice schoolchildren to attend such seminars with the promise of examination tips, or even supposedly leaked examination questions. Pakistan In Pakistan, it has become very common for parents to send their children to such institutions, popularly known as "academies", after school for further private coaching. It has become prevalent in almost all levels of education, from junior classes to colleges and, to a lesser extent, universities. Due to the near-universality of this system, it has become very difficult to compete successfully in almost any level of exams without them, despite the added burden on the students. Peru In Peru, cram schools, known as "Academias", are institutions which intensively prepare, in about a year, high school graduates to gain admission to either University ("Academia Pre Universitaria"), or Military Schools ("Academia Pre-Militar"). Cram Schools in Peru are not an admission requirement to enter any tertiary institution; however, due to fierce competition, preparation in a cram school allows the candidate to achieve the highest grade possible in the entry exam and so gain entry to their desired Tertiary Institution. Cram Schools are independent of universities, however, of recent a post-high-school, pre-university school has started at some public and private universities in Peru. Under the name of CEntro PREuniversitario (name or acronym of university, for instance CEPREUNI or CEPREPUCP, after Universidad Nacional de Ingenieria or Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru, commonly referred to as "the CEPRE" or "the PRE"). Some of these CEPREs offer automatic admission to their university to their students who reach a set level of achievement Philippines In the Philippines, cram schools are usually called "review centers" or "review schools". They are often attended by students in order to study for and pass college and university entrance examinations, or to pass licensure examinations such as the Philippine Bar Examination, the Philippine Physician Licensure Examination, or the Philippine Nurse Licensure Examination. Singapore In Singapore, it is very common for students in the local education system to be enrolled in cram schools, better known locally as tuition centers. Enrollment in these after-school tuition centers is extremely high, especially for students bound for national exams, such as the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE), GCE O Levels, or the GCE A Levels. Students attending tuition centers on a daily basis is not unheard of in Singapore. South Korea Although the South Korean educational system has been criticized internationally for its stress and competitiveness, it remains common for South Korean students to attend one or more cram schools ("hagwons") after their school-day is finished, most students studying there until 10 P.M. Some types of cram schools include math, science, art, and English. English language institutes along with math are particularly popular. Certain places, such as Gangnam in Seoul, are well known for having a lot of hagwons. Because of hagwons, many Koreans have voiced complaints about how public education is falling behind in terms of quality compared to private education, creating a gap between students who can afford the expensive hagwon tuition fee and those who cannot. Today, it is almost mandatory for Korean students to attend one or more hagwons in order to achieve high results on a test. South Korean students have two big tests per semester: midterms and finals. They just have written tests in those subjects. A distinct feature of the cramming teaching method in Korea is extra preparation for these tests, ranging from tests from previous years and other schools to various prep books made by different education companies. These test preparation periods normally start a month before the test date. After school, generally, most students go to hagwons to supplement what they learned from the teachers who provide knowledge to the students. Students memorize for tests, and go to hagwons for high grades. The Korean College Scholastic Ability Test, the standardized college entrance examination commonly referred to as the suneung, also plays a large part in why so many students attend hagwons. However, unlike midterms and finals, many high school students also prepare for the suneung through online video lessons on websites that specialize in suneung preparation. Taiwan Cram schools in Taiwan are called supplementary classes (補習班), and are not necessarily cram schools in the traditional sense. Almost any kind of extracurricular academic lesson such as music, art, math, and physics can be termed as such, even if students do not attend these classes specifically in order to pass an examination. It's a traditional belief that parents should send their children to all kinds of cram schools in order to compete against other talented children. Therefore, most children in Taiwan have a schedule packed with all sorts of cram school lessons. But when they study English, often with a "Native Speaker Teacher", they are actually studying at a private language school. Furthermore, since this study is ongoing, they are not "cramming" in the traditional sense of the word, and therefore, these language schools are not cram schools by strict definition. Taiwan is well known for its cram schools. Nearly all students attend some kind of cram school to improve their skills. The meritocratic culture, which requires some skills testing for passports to college, graduate school, and even government service, is dominant on Taiwan's policy. Thailand Cram schooling in Thailand has become almost mandatory to succeed in high school or in the entrance examinations of universities. Cram schools in Thailand, which are called tutoring institutes, tutoring schools, special tutoring, or special classes for example, are widespread throughout the country. Some of them do not have instructors in class rooms in a traditional sense; students receive their tuition via television network, which can either relay a live session from another branch or replay a pre-recorded session. Parents generally encourage their children to attend these schools and they sometimes can be perceived as pushy. The system of cram school is currently blamed for discouraging pupils from independent studies. The main reason given by attending students is to increase understanding in their lessons. The secondary reason of junior high school students is to want to know faster techniques whereas the reason of senior ones is to prepare for exam. The most attended subjects are mathematics for juniors and English language for seniors. Average expense per course is about 2,001–3,000 baht. Most of the students in the top universities of Thailand have attended at least one cram class, especially in science-based faculties such as science, engineering, medicine, and pharmacy. Dek siw, those who failed in their first year, spend the whole following year studying at home or at a cram school for a better chance of going to a top university like Chulalongkorn University, Thammasart University, Kasetsart University, Mahidol University, or King Mongkut's University of Technology Thonburi. Turkey The dershane (plural, dershaneler) system is the Turkish counterpart of cram schools. The Turkish dershane system resembles Indian and Japanese systems. Students, typically after school and on weekends (especially during the last year), are drilled on various aspects of the (YKS). This is cheaper than private tutoring. United Kingdom Crammers first appeared in Britain after 1855 when the Civil Service Commission created the Administrative class of government employees, selected by examination and interview rather than patronage. Crammers offered to prepare men of 18 to 25 years old for these examinations, mainly in classics, economics and foreign languages, which would provide entry to civil service or diplomatic careers. The opening scenes of Benjamin Britten's 1971 television opera Owen Wingrave, and the 1892 novella by Henry James on which it is based, are set in a military crammer; its master plays an important role in both. Terence Rattigan's 1936 play French Without Tears is set in a language crammer typical of the period. These civil service crammers did not survive the Second World War. Tutorial colleges in the United Kingdom are also called "crammers", and are attended by some who want to attend the most prestigious universities. They have been around since the early 20th century. United States A number of businesses, called "tutoring services" or "test preparation centers", are colloquially known as cram schools. They are used by some GED candidates, and by many third and fourth year students in high schools to prepare for the SAT, ACT, and/or Advanced Placement exams for college admission. Their curriculum is geared more towards vocabulary drills, problem sets, practicing essay composition, and learning effective test-taking strategies. College graduates and undergraduates near graduation will sometimes attend such classes to prepare for entrance exams necessary for graduate level education (i.e. LSAT, DAT, MCAT, GRE). Review courses for the CPA examination (e.g., Becker Conviser, part of Devry University) and the bar examination (e.g., Barbri) are often taken by undergraduate and graduate students in accountancy and law. See also Storefront school References External links "School Daze", Time Asia School types fr:Liste des classes préparatoires aux grandes écoles

Biophysics

Biophysics is an interdisciplinary science that applies approaches and methods traditionally used in physics to study biological phenomena. Biophysics covers all scales of biological organization, from molecular to organismic and populations. Biophysical research shares significant overlap with biochemistry, molecular biology, physical chemistry, physiology, nanotechnology, bioengineering, computational biology, biomechanics, developmental biology and systems biology. The term biophysics was originally introduced by Karl Pearson in 1892. The term biophysics is also regularly used in academia to indicate the study of the physical quantities (e.g. electric current, temperature, stress, entropy) in biological systems. Other biological sciences also perform research on the biophysical properties of living organisms including molecular biology, cell biology, chemical biology, and biochemistry. Overview Molecular biophysics typically addresses biological questions similar to those in biochemistry and molecular biology, seeking to find the physical underpinnings of biomolecular phenomena. Scientists in this field conduct research concerned with understanding the interactions between the various systems of a cell, including the interactions between DNA, RNA and protein biosynthesis, as well as how these interactions are regulated. A great variety of techniques are used to answer these questions. Fluorescent imaging techniques, as well as electron microscopy, x-ray crystallography, NMR spectroscopy, atomic force microscopy (AFM) and small-angle scattering (SAS) both with X-rays and neutrons (SAXS/SANS) are often used to visualize structures of biological significance. Protein dynamics can be observed by neutron spin echo spectroscopy. Conformational change in structure can be measured using techniques such as dual polarisation interferometry, circular dichroism, SAXS and SANS. Direct manipulation of molecules using optical tweezers or AFM, can also be used to monitor biological events where forces and distances are at the nanoscale. Molecular biophysicists often consider complex biological events as systems of interacting entities which can be understood e.g. through statistical mechanics, thermodynamics and chemical kinetics. By drawing knowledge and experimental techniques from a wide variety of disciplines, biophysicists are often able to directly observe, model or even manipulate the structures and interactions of individual molecules or complexes of molecules. In addition to traditional (i.e. molecular and cellular) biophysical topics like structural biology or enzyme kinetics, modern biophysics encompasses an extraordinarily broad range of research, from bioelectronics to quantum biology involving both experimental and theoretical tools. It is becoming increasingly common for biophysicists to apply the models and experimental techniques derived from physics, as well as mathematics and statistics, to larger systems such as tissues, organs, populations and ecosystems. Biophysical models are used extensively in the study of electrical conduction in single neurons, as well as neural circuit analysis in both tissue and whole brain. Medical physics, a branch of biophysics, is any application of physics to medicine or healthcare, ranging from radiology to microscopy and nanomedicine. For example, physicist Richard Feynman theorized about the future of nanomedicine. He wrote about the idea of a medical use for biological machines (see nanomachines). Feynman and Albert Hibbs suggested that certain repair machines might one day be reduced in size to the point that it would be possible to (as Feynman put it) "swallow the doctor". The idea was discussed in Feynman's 1959 essay There's Plenty of Room at the Bottom. History The studies of Luigi Galvani (1737–1798) laid groundwork for the later field of biophysics. Some of the earlier studies in biophysics were conducted in the 1840s by a group known as the Berlin school of physiologists. Among its members were pioneers such as Hermann von Helmholtz, Ernst Heinrich Weber, Carl F. W. Ludwig, and Johannes Peter Müller. William T. Bovie (1882–1958) is credited as a leader of the field's further development in the mid-20th century. He was a leader in developing electrosurgery. The popularity of the field rose when the book What Is Life?'' by Erwin Schrödinger was published. Since 1957, biophysicists have organized themselves into the Biophysical Society which now has about 9,000 members over the world. Some authors such as Robert Rosen criticize biophysics on the ground that the biophysical method does not take into account the specificity of biological phenomena. Focus as a subfield While some colleges and universities have dedicated departments of biophysics, usually at the graduate level, many do not have university-level biophysics departments, instead having groups in related departments such as biochemistry, cell biology, chemistry, computer science, engineering, mathematics, medicine, molecular biology, neuroscience, pharmacology, physics, and physiology. Depending on the strengths of a department at a university differing emphasis will be given to fields of biophysics. What follows is a list of examples of how each department applies its efforts toward the study of biophysics. This list is hardly all inclusive. Nor does each subject of study belong exclusively to any particular department. Each academic institution makes its own rules and there is much overlap between departments. Biology and molecular biology – Gene regulation, single protein dynamics, bioenergetics, patch clamping, biomechanics, virophysics. Structural biology – Ångstrom-resolution structures of proteins, nucleic acids, lipids, carbohydrates, and complexes thereof. Biochemistry and chemistry – biomolecular structure, siRNA, nucleic acid structure, structure-activity relationships. Computer science – Neural networks, biomolecular and drug databases. Computational chemistry – molecular dynamics simulation, molecular docking, quantum chemistry Bioinformatics – sequence alignment, structural alignment, protein structure prediction Mathematics – graph/network theory, population modeling, dynamical systems, phylogenetics. Medicine – biophysical research that emphasizes medicine. Medical biophysics is a field closely related to physiology. It explains various aspects and systems of the body from a physical and mathematical perspective. Examples are fluid dynamics of blood flow, gas physics of respiration, radiation in diagnostics/treatment and much more. Biophysics is taught as a preclinical subject in many medical schools, mainly in Europe. Neuroscience – studying neural networks experimentally (brain slicing) as well as theoretically (computer models), membrane permittivity. Pharmacology and physiology – channelomics, electrophysiology, biomolecular interactions, cellular membranes, polyketides. Physics – negentropy, stochastic processes, and the development of new physical techniques and instrumentation as well as their application. Quantum biology – The field of quantum biology applies quantum mechanics to biological objects and problems. Decohered isomers to yield time-dependent base substitutions. These studies imply applications in quantum computing. Agronomy and agriculture Many biophysical techniques are unique to this field. Research efforts in biophysics are often initiated by scientists who were biologists, chemists or physicists by training. See also Biophysical Society Index of biophysics articles List of publications in biology – Biophysics List of publications in physics – Biophysics List of biophysicists Outline of biophysics Biophysical chemistry European Biophysical Societies' Association Mathematical and theoretical biology Medical biophysics Membrane biophysics Molecular biophysics Neurophysics Physiomics Virophysics Single-particle trajectory References Sources External links Biophysical Society Journal of Physiology: 2012 virtual issue Biophysics and Beyond bio-physics-wiki Link archive of learning resources for students: biophysika.de (60% English, 40% German) Applied and interdisciplinary physics

Premorbidity

Premorbidity refers to the state of functionality prior to the onset of a disease or illness. It is most often used in relation to psychological function (e.g. premorbid personality or premorbid intelligence), but can also be used in relation to other medical conditions (e.g. premorbid lung function or premorbid heart rate). Psychology In psychology, premorbidity is most often used in relation to changes in personality, intelligence or cognitive function. Changes in personality are common in cases of traumatic brain injury involving the frontal lobes, the most famous example of this is the case of Phineas Gage who survived having a tamping iron shot through his head in a railway construction accident. Declines from premorbid levels of intelligence and other cognitive functions are observed in stroke, traumatic brain injury, and dementia as well as in mental illnesses such as depression and schizophrenia. Other usage in psychology include premorbid adjustment which has important implications for the prognosis of mental illness such as schizophrenia. Efforts are also being made to identify premorbid personality profiles for certain illness, such as schizophrenia to determine at risk populations. Clinical and diagnostic usage In the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR), paranoid, schizoid, and schizotypal personality disorders may be diagnosed as conditions premorbid to the onset of schizophrenia. See also Prodrome References Symptoms

Biological system

A biological system is a complex network which connects several biologically relevant entities. Biological organization spans several scales and are determined based different structures depending on what the system is. Examples of biological systems at the macro scale are populations of organisms. On the organ and tissue scale in mammals and other animals, examples include the circulatory system, the respiratory system, and the nervous system. On the micro to the nanoscopic scale, examples of biological systems are cells, organelles, macromolecular complexes and regulatory pathways. A biological system is not to be confused with a living system, such as a living organism. Organ and tissue systems These specific systems are widely studied in human anatomy and are also present in many other animals. Respiratory system: the organs used for breathing, the pharynx, larynx, bronchi, lungs and diaphragm. Digestive system: digestion and processing food with salivary glands, oesophagus, stomach, liver, gallbladder, pancreas, intestines, rectum and anus. Cardiovascular system (heart and circulatory system): pumping and channeling blood to and from the body and lungs with heart, blood and blood vessels. Urinary system: kidneys, ureters, bladder and urethra involved in fluid balance, electrolyte balance and excretion of urine. Integumentary system: skin, hair, fat, and nails. Skeletal system: structural support and protection with bones, cartilage, ligaments and tendons. Endocrine system: communication within the body using hormones made by endocrine glands such as the hypothalamus, pituitary gland, pineal body or pineal gland, thyroid, parathyroid and adrenals, i.e., adrenal glands. Exocrine system: various functions including lubrication and protection by exocrine glands such sweat glands, mucous glands, lacrimal glands and mammary glands Lymphatic system: structures involved in the transfer of lymph between tissues and the blood stream; includes the lymph and the nodes and vessels. The lymphatic system includes functions including immune responses and development of antibodies. Immune system: protects the organism from foreign bodies. Nervous system: collecting, transferring and processing information with brain, spinal cord, peripheral nervous system and sense organs. Sensory systems: visual system, auditory system, olfactory system, gustatory system, somatosensory system, vestibular system. Muscular system: allows for manipulation of the environment, provides locomotion, maintains posture, and produces heat. Includes skeletal muscles, smooth muscles and cardiac muscle. Reproductive system: the sex organs, such as ovaries, fallopian tubes, uterus, vagina, mammary glands, testes, vas deferens, seminal vesicles and prostate. History The notion of system (or apparatus) relies upon the concept of vital or organic function: a system is a set of organs with a definite function. This idea was already present in Antiquity (Galen, Aristotle), but the application of the term "system" is more recent. For example, the nervous system was named by Monro (1783), but Rufus of Ephesus (c. 90–120), clearly viewed for the first time the brain, spinal cord, and craniospinal nerves as an anatomical unit, although he wrote little about its function, nor gave a name to this unit. The enumeration of the principal functions - and consequently of the systems - remained almost the same since Antiquity, but the classification of them has been very various, e.g., compare Aristotle, Bichat, Cuvier. The notion of physiological division of labor, introduced in the 1820s by the French physiologist Henri Milne-Edwards, allowed to "compare and study living things as if they were machines created by the industry of man." Inspired in the work of Adam Smith, Milne-Edwards wrote that the "body of all living beings, whether animal or plant, resembles a factory ... where the organs, comparable to workers, work incessantly to produce the phenomena that constitute the life of the individual." In more differentiated organisms, the functional labor could be apportioned between different instruments or systems (called by him as appareils). Cellular organelle systems The exact components of a cell are determined by whether the cell is a eukaryote or prokaryote. Nucleus (eukaryotic only): storage of genetic material; control center of the cell. Cytosol: component of the cytoplasm consisting of jelly-like fluid in which organelles are suspended within Cell membrane (plasma membrane): Endoplasmic reticulum: outer part of the nuclear envelope forming a continuous channel used for transportation; consists of the rough endoplasmic reticulum and the smooth endoplasmic reticulum Rough endoplasmic reticulum (RER): considered "rough" due to the ribosomes attached to the channeling; made up of cisternae that allow for protein production Smooth endoplasmic reticulum (SER): storage and synthesis of lipids and steroid hormones as well as detoxification Ribosome: site of biological protein synthesis essential for internal activity and cannot be reproduced in other organs Mitochondrion (mitochondria): powerhouse of the cell; site of cellular respiration producing ATP (adenosine triphosphate) Lysosome: center of breakdown for unwanted/unneeded material within the cell Peroxisome: breaks down toxic materials from the contained digestive enzymes such as H2O2(hydrogen peroxide) Golgi apparatus (eukaryotic only): folded network involved in modification, transport, and secretion Chloroplast: site of photosynthesis; storage of chlorophyllyourmom.com.in.us.33.11.44.55.66.77.88.99.1010.1111.1212.1313.1414.1515.1616.1717.1818.1919.2020 See also Biological network Artificial life Biological systems engineering Evolutionary systems Organ system Systems biology Systems ecology Systems theory External links Systems Biology: An Overview by Mario Jardon: A review from the Science Creative Quarterly, 2005. Synthesis and Analysis of a Biological System, by Hiroyuki Kurata, 1999. It from bit and fit from bit. On the origin and impact of information in the average evolution. Includes how life forms and biological systems originate and from there evolve to become more and more complex, including evolution of genes and memes, into the complex memetics from organisations and multinational corporations and a "global brain", (Yves Decadt, 2000). Book published in Dutch with English paper summary in The Information Philosopher, http://www.informationphilosopher.com/solutions/scientists/decadt/ Schmidt-Rhaesa, A. 2007. The Evolution of Organ Systems. Oxford University Press, Oxford, . References Biological systems

Situationism (psychology)

Under the controversy of person–situation debate, situationism is the theory that changes in human behavior are factors of the situation rather than the traits a person possesses. Behavior is believed to be influenced by external, situational factors rather than internal traits or motivations. Situationism therefore challenges the positions of trait theorists, such as Hans Eysenck or Raymond B. Cattell. This is an ongoing debate that has truth to both sides; psychologists are able to prove each of the view points through human experimentation. History and conceptions Situationists believe that thoughts, feelings, dispositions, and past experiences and behaviors do not determine what someone will do in a given situation, rather, the situation itself does. Situationists tend to assume that character traits are distinctive, meaning that they do not completely disregard the idea of traits, but suggest that situations have a greater impact on behavior than those traits. Situationism is also influenced by culture, in that the extent to which people believe that situations impact behaviors varies between cultures. Situationism has been perceived as arising in response to trait theories, and correcting the notion that everything we do is because of our traits. However, situationism has also been criticized for ignoring individuals' inherent influences on behavior. There are many experiments and evidence supporting this topic, and shown in the sources below but also in the article itself. But these experiments do not test what people would do in situations that are forced or rushed, most mistakes are made from rushing and or forgetting something due to lack of concentration. Situationism can be looked at in many different ways, this means that situationism needs to be tested and experimented in many different ways. Experimental evidence Evidence for Many studies have found series of evidence supporting situationism. One notable situationist study is [Philip Zimbardo|Zimbardo]'s [Stanford prison experiment]. This study was considered one of the most unethical because the participants were deceived and were physically and psychologically abused. The goal of the study was that Zimbardo wanted to discover two things. If prison guards abused prisoners because of their nature, or because of the power and authority they were given in the situation. They also wanted to figure out if prisoners acted violent and savage because of their nature or because of being in a secluded and violent environment. To carry out this experiment, Zimbardo gathered 24 college men and paid them 15 dollars each an hour to live two weeks in a mock prison. The participants were told that they were chosen to be guard or prisoner because of their personality traits, but they were randomly selected. The prisoners were booked and given prison clothes and no possessions. They were also assigned a number to be referred to with the intent of farther dehumanizing them. Within the first night, the prisoner and guard dynamics began to take place. The guards started waking up the prisoners in the middle of the night for count, and they would yell and ridicule them. The prisoners also started developing hostile traits against the guards and having prison related conversations. By the second day, the guards started abusing the prisoners by forcing them to do push ups, and the prisoners started rebelling by removing their caps and numbers, and hiding in their cells with their mattresses blocking the door. As the days passed the relationship between the guards and prisoners became extremely hostile- the prisoners fought for their independence, and the guards fought to strip them of it. There were many cases where the prisoners began breaking down psychologically, and it all started with prisoner 8612. After one day after the experiment started, prisoner number 8612 has anxiety attacks and asked to leave. He was then told "You can't leave. You can't quit.” He then went back to the prison and “began to act ‘crazy,’ to scream, to curse, to go into a rage that seemed out of control.” After this, he was sent home. The other prisoner that broke down was 819. 819 had broken down and was told to rest in a room. When Dr.Zimbardo went to check on him he said " what I found was a boy crying hysterically while in the background his fellow prisoners were yelling and chanting that he was a bad prisoner, that they were being punished because of him." Zimbardo then allowed him to leave but he said he couldn't because he was labeled as a bad prisoner, to which Zimbardo responded "Listen, you are not 819. My name is Dr. Zimbardo, I am a psychologist, and this is not a prison. This is just an experiment and those are students, just like you. Let's go." He stopped crying suddenly and looked up at me just like a small child awakened from a nightmare and said, "OK, let's go." The guards also began to have extremely abusive relations with the prisoners. Zimbardo claimed there were three types of guards. The first were the guards that followed all the rules but got the job done, the second felt bad for the prisoners, and the third were extremely hostile and treated them like animals. This last type showed behaviors of actual guards and seemed to have forgotten they were college students, they got into their roles faster, and seemed to enjoy tormenting the prisoners. On Thursday night, 6 days into the experiment, Zimbardo described the guards as having "sadistic" behavior, and then decided to close down the study early. This study showed how regular people can completely disassociate with who they are when their environment changes. Regular college boys turned into broken down prisoners and sadistic guards. Studies investigating bystander effects also support situationism. For example, in 1973, Darley and Batson conducted a study where they asked students at a seminary school to give a presentation in a separate building. They gave each individual participant a topic, and would then tell a participant that they were supposed to be there immediately, or in a few minutes, and sent them on their way to the building. On the way, each participant encountered a confederate who was on the ground, clearly in need of medical attention. Darley and Batson observed that more participants who had extra time stopped to help the confederate than those who were in a hurry. Helping was not predicted by religious personality measures, and the results therefore indicate that the situation influenced their behavior. A third well-known study supporting situationism is an obedience study, the Milgram experiment. Stanley Milgram made his obedience study to explain the obedience phenomenon, specifically the holocaust. He wanted to explain how people follow orders, and how people are likely to do unmoral things when ordered to by people of authority. The way the experiment was devised was that Milgram picked 40 men from a newspaper add to take part in a study at Yale University. The men were between 20 and 50 years old, and were paid $4.50 for showing up. In this study, a participant was assigned to be a "teacher" and a confederate was assigned to be a "learner". The teachers were told the learners had to memorize word pairs, and every time they got it wrong they were shocked with increasing voltages. The voltages ranged from 15 to 450, and in order for the participants to believe the shock was real, the experimenters administered to them a real 45v shock, The participant was unaware that the learner was a confederate. The participant would test the learner, and for each incorrect answer the learner gave, the participant would have to shock the learner with increasing voltages. The shocks were not actually administered, but the participant believed they were. When the shocks reached 300v, the learner began to protest and show discomfort. Milgram expected participants to stop the procedure, but 65% of them continued to completion, administering shocks that could have been fatal, even if they were uncomfortable or upset. Even though most of the participants continued administering the shocks, they had distressed reactions when administering the shocks, such as laughing hysterically. Participants felt compelled to listen to the experimenter, who was the authority figure present in the room and continued to encourage the participant throughout the study. Out of 40 participants, 26 went all the way to the end. Evidence against Personality traits have a very weak relationship to behavior. In contrast, situational factors usually have a stronger impact on behavior; this is the core evidence for situationism. In addition, people are also able to describe character traits of close to such as friends and family, which goes to show that there are opposing reasons showing why people can recall these traits. In addition, there are other studies that show these same trends. For example, twin studies have shown that identical twins share more traits than fraternal twins. This also implies that there is a genetic basis for behavior, which directly contradicts situationist views that behavior is determined by the situation. When observing one instance of extroverted or honest behavior, it shows how in different situations a person would behave in a similarly honest or extroverted way. It shows that when many people are observed in a range of situations the trait-related reactions to behavior is about .20 or less. People think the correlation is around .80. This shows that the situation itself is more dependent on characteristics and circumstances in contrast to what is taking place at that point in time. These recent challenges to the Traditional View have not gone unnoticed. Some have attempted to modify the Traditional View to insulate it from these challenges, while others have tried to show how these challenges fail to undermine the Traditional View at all. For example, Dana Nelkin (2005), Christian Miller (2003), Gopal Sreenivasan (2002), and John Sabini and Maury Silver (2005), among others, have argued that the empirical evidence cited by the Situationists does not show that individuals lack robust character traits. Current views: interactionism In addition to the debate between trait influences and situational influences on behavior, a psychological model of "interactionism" exists, which is a view that both internal dispositions and external situational factors affect a person's behavior in a given situation. This model emphasizes both sides of the person-situation debate, and says that internal and external factors interact with each other to produce a behavior. Interactionism is currently an accepted personality theory, and there has been sufficient empirical evidence to support interactionism. However, it is also important to note that both situationists and trait theorists contributed to explaining facets of human behavior. See also Trait activation theory Philip Zimbardo Notes Further reading Krahe, B. (1993) Personality and Social Psychology: Towards a Synthesis. London: Sage. Personality theories

Work (human activity)

Work or labor (or labour in British English) is the intentional activity people perform to support the needs and wants of themselves, others, or a wider community. In the context of economics, work can be viewed as the human activity that contributes (along with other factors of production) towards the goods and services within an economy. Work is fundamental to all societies but can vary widely within and between them, from gathering natural resources by hand to operating complex technologies that substitute for physical or even mental effort by many human beings. All but the simplest tasks also require specific skills, equipment or tools, and other resources, such as material for manufacturing goods. Cultures and individuals across history have expressed a wide range of attitudes towards work. Outside of any specific process or industry, humanity has developed a variety of institutions for situating work in society. As humans are diurnal, they work mainly during the day. Besides objective differences, one culture may organize or attach social status to work roles differently from another. Throughout history, work has been intimately connected with other aspects of society and politics, such as power, class, tradition, rights, and privileges. Accordingly, the division of labour is a prominent topic across the social sciences as both an abstract concept and a characteristic of individual cultures. Some people have also engaged in critique of work and expressed a wish to abolish it, e.g. Paul Lafargue in his book The Right to Be Lazy. Related terms include occupation and job; related concepts are job title and profession. Description Work can take many different forms, as varied as the environments, tools, skills, goals, and institutions around a worker. This term refers to the general activity of performing tasks, whether they are paid or unpaid, formal or informal. Work encompasses all types of productive activities, including employment, household chores, volunteering, and creative pursuits. It is a broad term that encompasses any effort or activity directed towards achieving a particular goal. Because sustained effort is a necessary part of many human activities, what qualifies as work is often a matter of context. Specialization is one common feature that distinguishes work from other activities. For example, a sport is a job for a professional athlete who earns their livelihood from it, but a hobby for someone playing for fun in their community. An element of advance planning or expectation is also common, such as when a paramedic provides medical care while on duty and fully equipped rather than performing first aid off-duty as a bystander in an emergency. Self-care and basic habits like personal grooming are also not typically considered work. While a later gift, trade, or payment may retroactively affirm an activity as productive, this can exclude work like volunteering or activities within a family setting, like parenting or housekeeping. In some cases, the distinction between work and other activities is simply a matter of common sense within a community. However, an alternative view is that labeling any activity as work is somewhat subjective, as Mark Twain expressed in the "whitewashed fence" scene of The Adventures of Tom Sawyer. History Humans have varied their work habits and attitudes over time. Hunter-gatherer societies vary their "work" intensity according to the seasonal availability of plants and the periodic migration of prey animals. The development of agriculture led to more sustained work practices, but work still changed with the seasons, with intense sustained effort during harvests (for example) alternating with less focused periods such as winters. In the early modern era, Protestantism and proto-capitalism emphasized the moral and personal advantages of hard work. The periodic re-invention of slavery encouraged more consistent work activity in the working class, and capitalist industrialization intensified demands on workers to keep up with the pace of machines. Restrictions on the hours of work and the ages of workers followed, with worker demands for time off increasing, but modern office work retains traces of expectations of sustained, concentrated work, even in affluent societies. Kinds of work There are several ways to categorize and compare different kinds of work. In economics, one popular approach is the three-sector model or variations of it. In this view, an economy can be separated into three broad categories: Primary sector, which extracts food, raw materials, and other resources from the environment Secondary sector, which manufactures physical products, refines materials, and provides utilities Tertiary sector, which provides services and helps administer the economy In complex economies with high specialization, these categories are further subdivided into industries that produce a focused subset of products or services. Some economists also propose additional sectors such as a "knowledge-based" quaternary sector, but this division is neither standardized nor universally accepted. Another common way of contrasting work roles is ranking them according to a criterion, such as the amount of skill, experience, or seniority associated with a role. The progression from apprentice through journeyman to master craftsman in the skilled trades is one example with a long history and analogs in many cultures. Societies also commonly rank different work roles by perceived status, but this is more subjective and goes beyond clear progressions within a single industry. Some industries may be seen as more prestigious than others overall, even if they include roles with similar functions. At the same time, a wide swathe of roles across all industries may be afforded more status (e.g. managerial roles) or less (like manual labor) based on characteristics such as a job being low-paid or dirty, dangerous and demeaning. Other social dynamics, like how labor is compensated, can even exclude meaningful tasks from a society's conception of work. For example, in modern market-economies where wage labor or piece work predominates, unpaid work may be omitted from economic analysis or even cultural ideas of what qualifies as work. At a political level, different roles can fall under separate institutions where workers have qualitatively different power or rights. In the extreme, the least powerful members of society may be stigmatized (as in untouchability) or even violently forced (via slavery) into performing the least desirable work. Complementary to this, elites may have exclusive access to the most prestigious work, largely symbolic sinecures, or even a "life of leisure". Unusual Occupations In the diverse world of work, there exist some truly bizarre and unusual occupations that often defy conventional expectations. These unique jobs showcase the creativity and adaptability of humans in their pursuit of livelihood. Workers Individual workers require sufficient health and resources to succeed in their tasks. Physiology As living beings, humans require a baseline of good health, nutrition, rest, and other physical needs in order to reliably exert themselves. This is particularly true of physical labor that places direct demands on the body, but even largely mental work can cause stress from problems like long hours, excessive demands, or a hostile workplace. Particularly intense forms of manual labor often lead workers to develop physical strength necessary for their job. However, this activity does not necessarily improve a worker's overall physical fitness like exercise, due to problems like overwork or a small set of repetitive motions. In these physical jobs, maintaining good posture or movements with proper technique is also a crucial skill for avoiding injury. Ironically, white-collar workers who are sedentary throughout the workday may also suffer from long-term health problems due to a lack of physical activity. Training Learning the necessary skills for work is often a complex process in its own right, requiring intentional training. In traditional societies, know-how for different tasks can be passed to each new generation through oral tradition and working under adult guidance. For work that is more specialized and technically complex, however, a more formal system of education is usually necessary. A complete curriculum ensures that a worker in training has some exposure to all major aspects of their specialty, in both theory and practice. Equipment and technology Tool use has been a central aspect of human evolution and is also an essential feature of work. Even in technologically advanced societies, many workers' toolsets still include a number of smaller hand-tools, designed to be held and operated by a single person, often without supplementary power. This is especially true when tasks can be handled by one or a few workers, do not require significant physical power, and are somewhat self-paced, like in many services or handicraft manufacturing. For other tasks needing large amounts of power, such as in the construction industry, or involving a highly-repetitive set of simple actions, like in mass manufacturing, complex machines can carry out much of the effort. The workers present will focus on more complex tasks, operating controls, or performing maintenance. Over several millennia, invention, scientific discovery, and engineering principles have allowed humans to proceed from creating simple machines that merely redirect or amplify force, through engines for harnessing supplementary power sources, to today's complex, regulated systems that automate many steps within a work process. In the 20th century, the development of electronics and new mathematical insights led to the creation and widespread adoption of fast, general-purpose computers. Just as mechanization can substitute for the physical labor of many human beings, computers allow for the partial automation of mental work previously carried out by human workers, such as calculations, document transcription, and basic customer service requests. Research and development of related technologies like machine learning and robotics continues into the 21st century. Beyond tools and machines used to actively perform tasks, workers benefit when other passive elements of their work and environment are designed properly. This includes everything from personal items like workwear and safety gear to features of the workspace itself like furniture, lighting, air quality, and even the underlying architecture. In society Organizations Even if workers are personally ready to perform their jobs, coordination is required for any effort outside of individual subsistence to succeed. At the level of a small team working on a single task, only cooperation and good communication may be necessary. As the complexity of a work process increases though, requiring more planning or more workers focused on specific tasks, a reliable organization becomes more critical. Economic organizations often reflect social thought common to their time and place, such as ideas about human nature or hierarchy. These unique organizations can also be historically significant, even forming major pillars of an economic system. In European history, for instance, the decline of guilds and rise of joint-stock companies goes hand-in-hand with other changes, like the growth of centralized states and capitalism. In industrialized economies, labor unions are another significant organization. In isolation, a worker that is easily replaceable in the labor market has little power to demand better wages or conditions. By banding together and interacting with business owners as a corporate entity, the same workers can claim a larger share of the value created by their labor. While a union does require workers to sacrifice some autonomy in relation to their coworkers, it can grant workers more control over the work process itself in addition to material benefits. Institutions The need for planning and coordination extends beyond individual organizations to society as a whole too. Every successful work project requires effective resource allocation to provide necessities, materials, and investment (such as equipment and facilities). In smaller, traditional societies, these aspects can be mostly regulated through custom, though as societies grow, more extensive methods become necessary. These complex institutions, however, still have roots in common human activities. Even the free markets of modern capitalist societies rely fundamentally on trade, while command economies, such as in many communist states during the 20th century, rely on a highly bureaucratic and hierarchical form of redistribution. Other institutions can affect workers even more directly by delimiting practical day-to-day life or basic legal rights. For example, a caste system may restrict families to a narrow range of jobs, inherited from parent to child. In serfdom, a peasant has more rights than a slave but is attached to a specific piece of land and largely under the power of the landholder, even requiring permission to physically travel outside the land-holding. How institutions play out in individual workers' lives can be complex too; in most societies where wage-labor predominates, workers possess equal rights by law and mobility in theory. Without social support or other resources, however, the necessity of earning a livelihood may force a worker to cede some rights and freedoms in fact. Values Societies and subcultures may value work in general, or specific kinds of it, very differently. When social status or virtue is strongly associated with leisure and opposed to tedium, then work itself can become indicative of low social rank and be devalued. In the opposite case, a society may hold strongly to a work ethic where work itself is seen as virtuous. For example, German sociologist Max Weber hypothesized that European capitalism originated in a Protestant work ethic, which emerged with the Reformation. Many Christian theologians appeal to the Old Testament's Book of Genesis in regards to work. According to Genesis 1, human beings were created in the image of God, and according to Genesis 2, Adam was placed in the Garden of Eden to "work it and keep it". Dorothy L. Sayers has argued that "work is the natural exercise and function of man – the creature who is made in the image of his Creator." Likewise, John Paul II said in that by his work, man shares in the image of his creator. Christian theologians see the fall of man as profoundly affecting human work. In Genesis 3:17, God said to Adam, "cursed is the ground because of you; in pain you shall eat of it all the days of your life". Leland Ryken said out that, because of the fall, "many of the tasks we perform in a fallen world are inherently distasteful and wearisome." Christian theologians interpret that through the fall, work has become toil, but John Paul II says that work is a good thing for man in spite of this toil, and that "perhaps, in a sense, because of it", because work is something that corresponds to man's dignity and through it, he achieves fulfilment as a human being. The fall also means that a work ethic is needed. As a result of the fall, work has become subject to the abuses of idleness on the one hand, and overwork on the other. Drawing on Aristotle, Ryken suggests that the moral ideal is the golden mean between the two extremes of being lazy and being a workaholic. Some Christian theologians also draw on the doctrine of redemption to discuss the concept of work. Oliver O'Donovan said that although work is a gift of creation, it is "ennobled into mutual service in the fellowship of Christ." Pope Francis is critical of the hope that technological progress might eliminate or diminish the need for work: "the goal should not be that technological progress increasingly replace human work, for this would be detrimental to humanity", and McKinsey consultants suggest that work will change, but not end, as a result of automation and the increasing adoption of artificial intelligence. For some, work may hold a spiritual value in addition to any secular notions. Especially in some monastic or mystical strands of several religions, simple manual labor may be held in high regard as a way to maintain the body, cultivate self-discipline and humility, and focus the mind. Current issues The contemporary world economy has brought many changes, overturning some previously widespread labor issues. At the same time, some longstanding issues remain relevant, and other new ones have emerged. One issue that continues despite many improvements is slave labor and human trafficking. Though ideas about universal rights and the economic benefits of free labor have significantly diminished the prevalence of outright slavery, it continues in lawless areas, or in attenuated forms on the margins of many economies. Another difficulty, which has emerged in most societies as a result of urbanization and industrialization, is unemployment. While the shift from a subsistence economy usually increases the overall productivity of society and lifts many out of poverty, it removes a baseline of material security from those who cannot find employment or other support. Governments have tried a range of strategies to mitigate the problem, such as improving the efficiency of job matching, conditionally providing welfare benefits or unemployment insurance, or even directly overriding the labor market through work-relief programs or a job guarantee. Since a job forms a major part of many workers' self-identity, unemployment can have severe psychological and social consequences beyond the financial insecurity it causes. One more issue, which may not directly interfere with the functioning of an economy but can have significant indirect effects, is when governments fail to account for work occurring out-of-view from the public sphere. This may be important, uncompensated work occurring everyday in private life; or it may be criminal activity that involves clear but furtive economic exchanges. By ignoring or failing to understand these activities, economic policies can have counter-intuitive effects and cause strains on the community and society. Child labour Due to various reasons such as the cheap labour, the poor economic situation of the deprived classes, the weakness of laws and legal supervision, the migration existence of child labour is very much observed in different parts of the world. According to the World Bank Globally rate of child labour have decreased from 25% to 10% between 60s to the early years of the 21st century. Nevertheless, giving the population of the world also increased the total number of child labourers remains high, with UNICEF and ILO acknowledging an estimated 168 million children aged 5–17 worldwide were involved in some sort of child labour in 2013. Some scholars like Jean-Marie Baland and James A. Robinson suggests any labour by children aged 18 years or less is wrong since this encourages illiteracy, inhumane work and lower investment in human capital. In other words, there are moral and economic reasons that justify a blanket ban on labour from children aged 18 years or less, everywhere in the world. On the other hand, some scholars like Christiaan Grootaert and Kameel Ahmady believe that child labour is the symptom of poverty. If laws ban most lawful work that enables the poor to survive, informal economy, illicit operations and underground businesses will thrive. Workplace See also In modern market-economies: Career Employment Job guarantee Labour economics Profession Trade union Volunteering Wage slavery Workaholic Labor issues: Annual leave Informal economy Job strain Karoshi Labor rights Leave of absence Minimum wage Occupational safety and health Paid time off Sick leave Unemployment Unfree labor Unpaid work Working poor Workplace safety standards Related concepts: Critique of work Effects of overtime Ergonomics Flow (psychology) Helping behavior Occupational burnout Occupational stress Post-work society Problem solving Refusal of work References Employment Labour economics Sociological terminology

History of mental disorders

Historically, mental disorders have had three major explanations, namely, the supernatural, biological and psychological models. For much of recorded history, deviant behavior has been considered supernatural and a reflection of the battle between good and evil. When confronted with unexplainable, irrational behavior and by suffering and upheaval, people have perceived evil. In fact, in the Persian Empire from 550 to 330 B.C.E., all physical and mental disorders were considered the work of the devil. Physical causes of mental disorders have been sought in history. Hippocrates was important in this tradition as he identified syphilis as a disease and was, therefore, an early proponent of the idea that psychological disorders are biologically caused. This was a precursor to modern psycho-social treatment approaches to the causation of psychopathology, with the focus on psychological, social and cultural factors. Well known philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, etc., wrote about the importance of fantasies, dreams, and thus anticipated, to some extent, the fields of psychoanalytic thought and cognitive science that were later developed. They were also some of the first to advocate for humane and responsible care for individuals with psychological disturbances. Ancient period There is archaeological evidence for the use of trepanation in around 6500 BC. Mesopotamia Mental illnesses were well known in ancient Mesopotamia, where diseases and mental disorders were believed to be caused by specific deities. Because hands symbolized control over a person, mental illnesses were known as "hands" of certain deities. One psychological illness was known as Qāt Ištar, meaning "Hand of Ishtar". Others were known as "Hand of Shamash", "Hand of the Ghost", and "Hand of the God". Descriptions of these illnesses, however, are so vague that it is usually impossible to determine which illnesses they correspond to in modern terminology. Mesopotamian doctors kept detailed record of their patients' hallucinations and assigned spiritual meanings to them. A patient who hallucinated that he was seeing a dog was predicted to die; whereas, if he saw a gazelle, he would recover. The royal family of Elam was notorious for its members frequently being insane. Erectile dysfunction was recognized as being rooted in psychological problems. Egypt Limited notes in an ancient Egyptian document known as the Ebers papyrus appear to describe the affected states of concentration, attention, and emotional distress in the heart or mind. Some of these were interpreted later, and renamed as hysteria and melancholy. Somatic treatments included applying bodily fluids while reciting magical spells. Hallucinogens may have been used as a part of the healing rituals. Religious temples may have been used as therapeutic retreats, possibly for the induction of receptive states to facilitate sleep and the interpretation of dreams. India Ancient Hindu scriptures-Ramayana and Mahabharata-contain fictional descriptions of depression and anxiety. Mental disorders were generally thought to reflect abstract metaphysical entities, supernatural agents, sorcery and witchcraft. The Charaka Samhita which is a part of the Hindu Ayurveda ("knowledge of life"), saw ill health as resulting from an imbalance among the three body fluids or forces called Tri-Dosha. These also affected the personality types among people. Suggested causes included inappropriate diet, disrespect towards the gods, teachers or others, mental shock due to excessive fear or joy, and faulty bodily activity. Treatments included the use of herbs and ointments, charms and prayers, and moral or emotional persuasion. In the Hindu epic Ramayana, the Dasharatha died from despondency, which Shiv Gautam states illustrates major depressive disorder. China The earliest known record of mental illness in ancient China dates back to 1100 B.C. Mental disorders were treated mainly under Traditional Chinese medicine using herbs, acupuncture or "emotional therapy". The Inner Canon of the Yellow Emperor described symptoms, mechanisms and therapies for mental illness, emphasizing connections between bodily organs and emotions. The ancient Chinese believed that demonic possession played a role in mental illness during this time period. They felt that areas of emotional outbursts, such as funeral homes, could open up the Wei Chi and allow entities to possess an individual. Trauma was also considered to be something that caused high levels of emotion. Thus, trauma is a possible catalyst for mental illness due to its ability to allow the Wei Chi open to possession. This explains why the ancient Chinese believed that a mental illness was, in reality, a demonic possession. According to Chinese thought, five stages or elements comprised the conditions of imbalance between yin and yang. Mental illness, according to the Chinese perspective, is thus considered an imbalance of the yin and yang because optimum health arises from balance with nature. China was one of the earliest developed civilizations in which medicine and attention to mental disorders were introduced (Soong, 2006). As in the West, Chinese views of mental disorders regressed to a belief in supernatural forces as causal agents. From the later part of the second century through the early part of the ninth century, ghosts and devils were implicated in "ghostevil" insanity, which presumably resulted from possession by evil spirits. The "Dark Ages" in China, however, were neither so severe (in terms of the treatment of mental patients) nor as long-lasting as in the West. A return to biological, somatic (bodily) views and an emphasis on psychosocial factors occurred in the centuries that followed. In recent history, China has been experiencing a broadening of ideas in mental health services and has been incorporating many ideas from Western psychiatry (Zhang & Lu, 2006). Greece and Rome In ancient Greece and Rome, madness was associated stereotypically with aimless wandering and violence. However, Socrates considered positive aspects including prophesying (a 'manic art'); mystical initiations and rituals; poetic inspiration; and the madness of lovers. Now often seen as the very epitome of rational thought and as the founder of philosophy, Socrates freely admitted to experiencing what are now called "command hallucinations" (then called his 'daemon'). Pythagoras also heard voices. Hippocrates (470–) classified mental disorders, including paranoia, epilepsy, mania and melancholia. Hippocrates mentions the practice of bloodletting in the fifth century BC. Through long contact with Greek culture, and their eventual conquest of Greece, the Romans absorbed many Greek (and other) ideas on medicine. The humoral theory fell out of favor in some quarters. The Greek physician Asclepiades (–40 BC), who practiced in Rome, discarded it and advocated humane treatments, and had insane persons freed from confinement and treated them with natural therapy, such as diet and massages. Arateus (–90 AD) argued that it is hard to pinpoint from where a mental illness comes. However, Galen (129–), practicing in Greece and Rome, revived humoral theory. Galen, however, adopted a single symptom approach rather than broad diagnostic categories, for example studying separate states of sadness, excitement, confusion and memory loss. Playwrights such as Homer, Sophocles and Euripides described madmen driven insane by the gods, imbalanced humors or circumstances. As well as the triad (of which mania was often used as an overarching term for insanity) there were a variable and overlapping range of terms for such things as delusion, eccentricity, frenzy, and lunacy. Roman encyclopedist Celsus argued that insanity is really present when a continuous dementia begins due to the mind being at the mercy of imaginings. He suggested that people must heal their own souls through philosophy and personal strength. He described common practices of dietetics, bloodletting, drugs, talking therapy, incubation in temples, exorcism, incantations and amulets, as well as restraints and "tortures" to restore rationality, including starvation, being terrified suddenly, agitation of the spirit, and stoning and beating. Most, however, did not receive medical treatment but stayed with family or wandered the streets, vulnerable to assault and derision. Accounts of delusions from the time included people who thought themselves to be famous actors or speakers, animals, inanimate objects, or one of the gods. Some were arrested for political reasons, such as Jesus ben Ananias who was eventually released as a madman after showing no concern for his own fate during torture. Israel and the Hebrew diaspora Passages of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament have been interpreted as describing mood disorders in figures such as Job, King Saul and in the Psalms of David. In the Book of Daniel, King Nebuchadnezzar is described as temporarily losing his sanity. Mental disorder was not a problem like any other, caused by one of the gods, but rather caused by problems in the relationship between the individual and God. They believed that abnormal behavior was the result of possessions that represented the wrath and punishment from God. This punishment was seen as a withdrawal of God's protection and the abandonment of the individual to evil forces. From the beginning of the twentieth century, the mental health of Jesus is also discussed. Middle Ages Middle East Persian and Arabic scholars were heavily involved in translating, analyzing and synthesizing Greek texts and concepts. As the Muslim world expanded, Greek concepts were integrated with religious thought and over time, new ideas and concepts were developed. Arab texts from this period contain discussions of melancholia, mania, hallucinations, delusions, and other mental disorders. Mental disorder was generally connected to loss of reason, and writings covered links between the brain and disorders, and spiritual/mystical meaning of disorders. wrote about fear and anxiety, anger and aggression, sadness and depression, and obsessions. Authors who wrote on mental disorders and/or proposed treatments during this period include Al-Balkhi, Al-Razi, Al-Farabi, Ibn-Sina, Al-Majusi Abu al-Qasim al-Zahrawi, Averroes, and Najab ud-din Unhammad. Some thought mental disorder could be caused by possession by a djinn (devil), which could be either good or demon-like. There were sometimes beatings to exorcise the djin, or alternatively over-zealous attempts at cures. Islamic views often merged with local traditions. In Morocco the traditional Berber people were animists and the concept of sorcery was integral to the understanding of mental disorder; it was mixed with the Islamic concepts of djin and often treated by religious scholars combining the roles of holy man, sage, seer and sorcerer. The first bimaristan was founded in Baghdad in the 9th century, and several others of increasing complexity were created throughout the Arab world in the following centuries. Some of them contained wards dedicated to the care of mentally ill patients, most of whom had debilitating illnesses or exhibited violence. In the centuries to come, the Muslim world would eventually serve as a critical way station of knowledge for Renaissance Europe, through the Latin translations of many scientific Islamic texts. Ibn-Sina's (Avicenna's) Canon of Medicine became the standard of medical science in Europe for centuries, together with works of Hippocrates and Galen. Europe Conceptions of madness in the Middle Ages in Europe were a mixture of the divine, diabolical, magical and transcendental. Theories of the four humors (black bile, yellow bile, phlegm, and blood) were applied, sometimes separately (a matter of "physic") and sometimes combined with theories of evil spirits (a matter of "faith"). Arnaldus de Villanova (1235–1313) combined "evil spirit" and Galen-oriented "four humours" theories and promoted trephining as a cure to let demons and excess humours escape. Other bodily remedies in general use included purges, bloodletting and whipping. Madness was often seen as a moral issue, either a punishment for sin or a test of faith and character. Christian theology endorsed various therapies, including fasting and prayer for those estranged from God and exorcism of those possessed by the devil. Thus, although mental disorder was often thought to be due to sin, other more mundane causes were also explored, including intemperate diet and alcohol, overwork, and grief. The Franciscan friar Bartholomeus Anglicus ( – 1272) described a condition which resembles depression in his encyclopedia, De Proprietatibis Rerum, and he suggested that music would help. A semi-official tract called the Praerogativa regis distinguished between the "natural born idiot" and the "lunatic". The latter term was applied to those with periods of mental disorder; deriving from either Roman mythology describing people "moonstruck" by the goddess Luna or theories of an influence of the moon. Episodes of mass dancing mania are reported from the Middle Ages, "which gave to the individuals affected all the appearance of insanity". This was one kind of mass delusion or mass hysteria/panic that has occurred around the world through the millennia. The care of lunatics was primarily the responsibility of the family. In England, if the family were unable or unwilling, an assessment was made by crown representatives in consultation with a local jury and all interested parties, including the subject himself or herself. The process was confined to those with real estate or personal estate, but it encompassed poor as well as rich and took into account psychological and social issues. Those considered lunatics at the time probably had more support from their communities and families than those diagnosed with mental disorders today, since the focus now is primarily on providing professional medical support. As in other eras, visions were generally interpreted as meaningful spiritual and visionary insights; some may have been causally related to mental disorders, but since hallucinations were culturally supported they may not have had the same connections as today. Modern period Europe and the Americas 16th to 18th centuries Some mentally ill people may have been victims of the witch-hunts that spread in waves in early modern Europe. However, those judged insane were increasingly admitted to local workhouses, poorhouses and jails (particularly the "pauper insane") or sometimes to the new private madhouses. Restraints and forcible confinement were used for those thought dangerously disturbed or potentially violent to themselves, others or property. The latter likely grew out of lodging arrangements for single individuals (who, in workhouses, were considered disruptive or ungovernable) then there were a few catering each for only a handful of people, then they gradually expanded (e.g. 16 in London in 1774, and 40 by 1819). By the mid-19th century there would be 100 to 500 inmates in each. The development of this network of madhouses has been linked to new capitalist social relations and a service economy, that meant families were no longer able or willing to look after disturbed relatives. Madness was commonly depicted in literary works, such as the plays of Shakespeare. By the end of the 17th century and into the Enlightenment, madness was increasingly seen as an organic physical phenomenon, no longer involving the soul or moral responsibility. The mentally ill were typically viewed as insensitive wild animals. Harsh treatment and restraint in chains was seen as therapeutic, helping suppress the animal passions. There was sometimes a focus on the management of the environment of madhouses, from diet to exercise regimes to number of visitors. Severe somatic treatments were used, similar to those in medieval times. Madhouse owners sometimes boasted of their ability with the whip. Treatment in the few public asylums was also barbaric, often secondary to prisons. The most notorious was Bedlam where at one time spectators could pay a penny to watch the inmates as a form of entertainment. Concepts based in humoral theory gradually gave way to metaphors and terminology from mechanics and other developing physical sciences. Complex new schemes were developed for the classification of mental disorders, influenced by emerging systems for the biological classification of organisms and medical classification of diseases. The term "crazy" (from Middle English meaning cracked) and insane (from Latin insanus meaning unhealthy) came to mean mental disorder in this period. The term "lunacy", long used to refer to periodic disturbance or epilepsy, came to be synonymous with insanity. "Madness", long in use in root form since at least the early centuries AD, and originally meaning crippled, hurt or foolish, came to mean loss of reason or self-restraint. "Psychosis", from Greek "principle of life/animation", had varied usage referring to a condition of the mind/soul. "Nervous", from an Indo-European root meaning to wind or twist, meant muscle or vigor, was adopted by physiologists to refer to the body's electrochemical signaling process (thus called the nervous system), and was then used to refer to nervous disorders and neurosis. "Obsession", from a Latin root meaning to sit on or sit against, originally meant to besiege or be possessed by an evil spirit, came to mean a fixed idea that could decompose the mind. With the rise of madhouses and the professionalization and specialization of medicine, there was a considerable incentive for medical doctors to become involved. In the 18th century, they began to stake a claim to a monopoly over madhouses and treatments. Madhouses could be a lucrative business, and many made a fortune from them. There were some bourgeois ex-patient reformers who opposed the often brutal regimes, blaming both the madhouse owners and the medics, who in turn resisted the reforms. Towards the end of the 18th century, a moral treatment movement developed, that implemented more humane, psychosocial, and personalized approaches. Notable figures included the medic Vincenzo Chiarugi in Italy under Enlightenment leadership; the ex-patient superintendent Pussin and the psychologically inclined medic Philippe Pinel in revolutionary France; the Quakers in England, led by businessman William Tuke; and later, in the United States, campaigner Dorothea Dix. 19th century The 19th century, in the context of industrialization and population growth, saw a massive expansion of the number and size of insane asylums in every Western country, a process called "the great confinement" or the "asylum era". Laws were introduced to compel authorities to deal with those judged insane by family members and hospital superintendents. Although originally based on the concepts and structures of moral treatment, they became large impersonal institutions overburdened with large numbers of people with a complex mix of mental and social-economic problems. The success of moral treatment had cast doubt on the approach of medics, and many had opposed it, but by the mid-19th century many became advocates of it but argued that the mad also often had physical/organic problems so that both approaches were necessary. This argument has been described as an important step in the profession's eventual success in securing a monopoly on the treatment of lunacy. However, it is well documented that very little therapeutic activity occurred in the new asylum system, that medics were little more than administrators who seldom attended to patients, and then mainly for other physical problems. The "oldest forensic secure hospital in Europe" was opened in 1850 after Sir Thomas Freemantle introduced the bill that was to establish a Central Criminal Lunatic Asylum in Ireland on 19 May 1845. Clear descriptions of some syndromes, such as the condition that would later be termed schizophrenia, have been identified as relatively rare prior to the 19th century, although interpretations of the evidence and its implications are inconsistent. Numerous different classification schemes and diagnostic terms were developed by different authorities, taking an increasingly anatomical-clinical descriptive approach. The term "psychiatry" was coined as the medical specialty became more academically established. Asylum superintendents, later to be psychiatrists, were generally called "alienists" because they were thought to deal with people alienated from society; they adopted largely isolated and managerial roles in the asylums while milder "neurotic" conditions were dealt with by neurologists and general physicians, although there was overlap for conditions such as neurasthenia. In the United States it was proposed that black slaves who tried to escape had a mental disorder termed drapetomania. It was then argued in scientific journals that mental disorders were rare under conditions of slavery but became more common following emancipation, and later that mental illness in African Americans was due to evolutionary factors or various negative characteristics, and that they were not suitable for therapeutic intervention. By the 1870s in North America, officials who ran Lunatic Asylums renamed them Insane Asylums. By the late century, the term "asylum" had lost its original meaning as a place of refuge, retreat or safety, and was associated with abuses that had been widely publicized in the media, including by ex-patient organization the Alleged Lunatics' Friend Society and ex-patients like Elizabeth Packard. The relative proportion of the public officially diagnosed with mental disorders was increasing, however. This has been linked to various factors, including possibly humanitarian concern; incentives for professional status/money; a lowered tolerance of communities for unusual behavior due to the existence of asylums to place them in (this affected the poor the most); and the strain placed on families by industrialization. 20th century The turn of the 20th century saw the development of psychoanalysis, which came to the fore later. Kraepelin's classification gained popularity, including the separation of mood disorders from what would later be termed schizophrenia. Asylum superintendents sought to improve the image and medical status of their profession. Asylum "inmates" were increasingly referred to as "patients" and asylums renamed as hospitals. Referring to people as having a "mental illness" dates from this period in the early 20th century. In the United States, a "mental hygiene" movement, originally defined in the 19th century, gained momentum and aimed to "prevent the disease of insanity" through public health methods and clinics. The term mental health became more popular, however. Clinical psychology and social work developed as professions alongside psychiatry. Theories of eugenics led to compulsory sterilization movements in many countries around the world for several decades, often encompassing patients in public mental institutions. World War I saw a massive increase of conditions that came to be termed "shell shock". In Nazi Germany, the institutionalized mentally ill were among the earliest targets of sterilization campaigns and covert "euthanasia" programs. It has been estimated that over 200,000 individuals with mental disorders of all kinds were put to death, although their mass murder has received relatively little historical attention. Despite not being formally ordered to take part, psychiatrists and psychiatric institutions were at the center of justifying, planning and carrying out the atrocities at every stage, and "constituted the connection" to the later annihilation of Jews and other "undesirables" such as homosexuals in The Holocaust. In other areas of the world, funding was often cut for asylums, especially during periods of economic decline, and during wartime in particular many patients starved to death. Soldiers received increased psychiatric attention, and World War II saw the development in the US of a new psychiatric manual for categorizing mental disorders, which along with existing systems for collecting census and hospital statistics led to the first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). The International Classification of Diseases (ICD) followed suit with a section on mental disorders. Previously restricted to the treatment of severely disturbed people in asylums, psychiatrists cultivated clients with a broader range of problems, and between 1917 and 1970 the number practicing outside institutions swelled from 8 percent to 66 percent. The term stress, having emerged from endocrinology work in the 1930s, was popularized with an increasingly broad biopsychosocial meaning, and was increasingly linked to mental disorders. "Outpatient commitment" laws were gradually expanded or introduced in some countries. Lobotomies, Insulin shock therapy, Electro convulsive therapy, and the "neuroleptic" chlorpromazine came into use mid-century. An antipsychiatry movement came to the fore in the 1960s. Deinstitutionalization gradually occurred in the West, with isolated psychiatric hospitals being closed down in favor of community mental health services. However, inadequate services and continued social exclusion often led to many being homeless or in prison. A consumer/survivor movement gained momentum. Other kinds of psychiatric medication gradually came into use, such as "psychic energizers" and lithium. Benzodiazepines gained widespread use in the 1970s for anxiety and depression, until dependency problems curtailed their popularity. Advances in neuroscience and genetics led to new research agendas. Cognitive behavioral therapy was developed. Through the 1990s, new SSRI antidepressants became some of the most widely prescribed drugs in the world. The DSM and then ICD adopted new criteria-based classification, representing a return to a Kraepelin-like descriptive system. The number of "official" diagnoses saw a large expansion, although homosexuality was gradually downgraded and dropped in the face of human rights protests. Different regions sometimes developed alternatives such as the Chinese Classification of Mental Disorders or Latin American Guide for Psychiatric Diagnosis. In early 20th century, lobotomy was introduced until the mid-1950s. In 1927 insulin coma therapy was introduced and used until 1960. Physicians deliberately put the patient into a low blood sugar coma because they thought that large fluctuations in insulin levels could alter the function of the brain. Risks included prolonged coma. Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT) was later adopted as a substitution to this treatment. 21st century DSM-IV and previous versions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders presented extremely high comorbidity, diagnostic heterogeneity of the categories, unclear boundaries, that have been interpreted as intrinsic anomalies of the criterial, neopositivistic approach leading the system to a state of scientific crisis. Accordingly, a radical rethinking of the concept of mental disorder and the need of a radical scientific revolution in psychiatric taxonomy was proposed. In 2013, the American Psychiatric Association published the DSM–5 after more than 10 years of research. See also Notes and references Further reading Mental disorders Medical sociology

Microeconomics

Microeconomics is a branch of economics that studies the behavior of individuals and firms in making decisions regarding the allocation of scarce resources and the interactions among these individuals and firms. Microeconomics focuses on the study of individual markets, sectors, or industries as opposed to the economy as a whole, which is studied in macroeconomics. One goal of microeconomics is to analyze the market mechanisms that establish relative prices among goods and services and allocate limited resources among alternative uses. Microeconomics shows conditions under which free markets lead to desirable allocations. It also analyzes market failure, where markets fail to produce efficient results. While microeconomics focuses on firms and individuals, macroeconomics focuses on the total of economic activity, dealing with the issues of growth, inflation, and unemployment—and with national policies relating to these issues. Microeconomics also deals with the effects of economic policies (such as changing taxation levels) on microeconomic behavior and thus on the aforementioned aspects of the economy. Particularly in the wake of the Lucas critique, much of modern macroeconomic theories has been built upon microfoundations—i.e., based upon basic assumptions about micro-level behavior. Assumptions and definitions Microeconomic study historically has been performed according to general equilibrium theory, developed by Léon Walras in Elements of Pure Economics (1874) and partial equilibrium theory, introduced by Alfred Marshall in Principles of Economics (1890). Microeconomic theory typically begins with the study of a single rational and utility maximizing individual. To economists, rationality means an individual possesses stable preferences that are both complete and transitive. The technical assumption that preference relations are continuous is needed to ensure the existence of a utility function. Although microeconomic theory can continue without this assumption, it would make comparative statics impossible since there is no guarantee that the resulting utility function would be differentiable. Microeconomic theory progresses by defining a competitive budget set which is a subset of the consumption set. It is at this point that economists make the technical assumption that preferences are locally non-satiated. Without the assumption of LNS (local non-satiation) there is no 100% guarantee but there would be a rational rise in individual utility. With the necessary tools and assumptions in place the utility maximization problem (UMP) is developed. The utility maximization problem is the heart of consumer theory. The utility maximization problem attempts to explain the action axiom by imposing rationality axioms on consumer preferences and then mathematically modeling and analyzing the consequences. The utility maximization problem serves not only as the mathematical foundation of consumer theory but as a metaphysical explanation of it as well. That is, the utility maximization problem is used by economists to not only explain what or how individuals make choices but why individuals make choices as well. The utility maximization problem is a constrained optimization problem in which an individual seeks to maximize utility subject to a budget constraint. Economists use the extreme value theorem to guarantee that a solution to the utility maximization problem exists. That is, since the budget constraint is both bounded and closed, a solution to the utility maximization problem exists. Economists call the solution to the utility maximization problem a Walrasian demand function or correspondence. The utility maximization problem has so far been developed by taking consumer tastes (i.e. consumer utility) as primitive. However, an alternative way to develop microeconomic theory is by taking consumer choice as primitive. This model of microeconomic theory is referred to as revealed preference theory. The theory of supply and demand usually assumes that markets are perfectly competitive. This implies that there are many buyers and sellers in the market and none of them have the capacity to significantly influence prices of goods and services. In many real-life transactions, the assumption fails because some individual buyers or sellers have the ability to influence prices. Quite often, a sophisticated analysis is required to understand the demand-supply equation of a good model. However, the theory works well in situations meeting these assumptions. Mainstream economics does not assume a priori that markets are preferable to other forms of social organization. In fact, much analysis is devoted to cases where market failures lead to resource allocation that is suboptimal and creates deadweight loss. A classic example of suboptimal resource allocation is that of a public good. In such cases, economists may attempt to find policies that avoid waste, either directly by government control, indirectly by regulation that induces market participants to act in a manner consistent with optimal welfare, or by creating "missing markets" to enable efficient trading where none had previously existed. This is studied in the field of collective action and public choice theory. "Optimal welfare" usually takes on a Paretian norm, which is a mathematical application of the Kaldor–Hicks method. This can diverge from the Utilitarian goal of maximizing utility because it does not consider the distribution of goods between people. Market failure in positive economics (microeconomics) is limited in implications without mixing the belief of the economist and their theory. The demand for various commodities by individuals is generally thought of as the outcome of a utility-maximizing process, with each individual trying to maximize their own utility under a budget constraint and a given consumption set. Allocation of scarce resources Individuals and firms need to allocate limited resources to ensure all agents in the economy are well off. Firms decide which goods and services to produce considering low costs involving labor, materials and capital as well as potential profit margins. Consumers choose the good and services they want that will maximize their happiness taking into account their limited wealth. The government can make these allocation decisions or they can be independently made by the consumers and firms. For example, in the former Soviet Union, the government played a part in informing car manufacturers which cars to produce and which consumers will gain access to a car. History Economists commonly consider themselves microeconomists or macroeconomists. The difference between microeconomics and macroeconomics likely was introduced in 1933 by the Norwegian economist Ragnar Frisch, the co-recipient of the first Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1969. However, Frisch did not actually use the word "microeconomics", instead drawing distinctions between "micro-dynamic" and "macro-dynamic" analysis in a way similar to how the words "microeconomics" and "macroeconomics" are used today. The first known use of the term "microeconomics" in a published article was from Pieter de Wolff in 1941, who broadened the term "micro-dynamics" into "microeconomics". Microeconomic theory Consumer demand theory Consumer demand theory relates preferences for the consumption of both goods and services to the consumption expenditures; ultimately, this relationship between preferences and consumption expenditures is used to relate preferences to consumer demand curves. The link between personal preferences, consumption and the demand curve is one of the most closely studied relations in economics. It is a way of analyzing how consumers may achieve equilibrium between preferences and expenditures by maximizing utility subject to consumer budget constraints. Production theory Production theory is the study of production, or the economic process of converting inputs into outputs. Production uses resources to create a good or service that is suitable for use, gift-giving in a gift economy, or exchange in a market economy. This can include manufacturing, storing, shipping, and packaging. Some economists define production broadly as all economic activity other than consumption. They see every commercial activity other than the final purchase as some form of production. Cost-of-production theory of value The cost-of-production theory of value states that the price of an object or condition is determined by the sum of the cost of the resources that went into making it. The cost can comprise any of the factors of production (including labor, capital, or land) and taxation. Technology can be viewed either as a form of fixed capital (e.g. an industrial plant) or circulating capital (e.g. intermediate goods). In the mathematical model for the cost of production, the short-run total cost is equal to fixed cost plus total variable cost. The fixed cost refers to the cost that is incurred regardless of how much the firm produces. The variable cost is a function of the quantity of an object being produced. The cost function can be used to characterize production through the duality theory in economics, developed mainly by Ronald Shephard (1953, 1970) and other scholars (Sickles & Zelenyuk, 2019, ch. 2). Fixed and variable costs Fixed cost (FC) – This cost does not change with output. It includes business expenses such as rent, salaries and utility bills. Variable cost (VC) – This cost changes as output changes. This includes raw materials, delivery costs and production supplies. Over a short time period (few months), most costs are fixed costs as the firm will have to pay for salaries, contracted shipment and materials used to produce various goods. Over a longer time period (2-3 years), costs can become variable. Firms can decide to reduce output, purchase fewer materials and even sell some machinery. Over 10 years, most costs become variable as workers can be laid off or new machinery can be bought to replace the old machinery Sunk Costs – This is a fixed cost that has already been incurred and cannot be recovered. An example of this can be in R&D development like in the pharmaceutical industry. Hundreds of millions of dollars are spent to achieve new drug breakthroughs but this is challenging as its increasingly harder to find new breakthroughs and meet tighter regulation standards. Thus many projects are written off leading to losses of millions of dollars Opportunity cost Opportunity cost is closely related to the idea of time constraints. One can do only one thing at a time, which means that, inevitably, one is always giving up other things. The opportunity cost of any activity is the value of the next-best alternative thing one may have done instead. Opportunity cost depends only on the value of the next-best alternative. It does not matter whether one has five alternatives or 5,000. Opportunity costs can tell when not to do something as well as when to do something. For example, one may like waffles, but like chocolate even more. If someone offers only waffles, one would take it. But if offered waffles or chocolate, one would take the chocolate. The opportunity cost of eating waffles is sacrificing the chance to eat chocolate. Because the cost of not eating the chocolate is higher than the benefits of eating the waffles, it makes no sense to choose waffles. Of course, if one chooses chocolate, they are still faced with the opportunity cost of giving up having waffles. But one is willing to do that because the waffle's opportunity cost is lower than the benefits of the chocolate. Opportunity costs are unavoidable constraints on behavior because one has to decide what's best and give up the next-best alternative. Price theory Microeconomics is also known as price theory to highlight the significance of prices in relation to buyer and sellers as these agents determine prices due to their individual actions. Price theory is a field of economics that uses the supply and demand framework to explain and predict human behavior. It is associated with the Chicago School of Economics. Price theory studies competitive equilibrium in markets to yield testable hypotheses that can be rejected. Price theory is not the same as microeconomics. Strategic behavior, such as the interactions among sellers in a market where they are few, is a significant part of microeconomics but is not emphasized in price theory. Price theorists focus on competition believing it to be a reasonable description of most markets that leaves room to study additional aspects of tastes and technology. As a result, price theory tends to use less game theory than microeconomics does. Price theory focuses on how agents respond to prices, but its framework can be applied to a wide variety of socioeconomic issues that might not seem to involve prices at first glance. Price theorists have influenced several other fields including developing public choice theory and law and economics. Price theory has been applied to issues previously thought of as outside the purview of economics such as criminal justice, marriage, and addiction. Microeconomic models Supply and demand Supply and demand is an economic model of price determination in a perfectly competitive market. It concludes that in a perfectly competitive market with no externalities, per unit taxes, or price controls, the unit price for a particular good is the price at which the quantity demanded by consumers equals the quantity supplied by producers. This price results in a stable economic equilibrium. Prices and quantities have been described as the most directly observable attributes of goods produced and exchanged in a market economy. The theory of supply and demand is an organizing principle for explaining how prices coordinate the amounts produced and consumed. In microeconomics, it applies to price and output determination for a market with perfect competition, which includes the condition of no buyers or sellers large enough to have price-setting power. For a given market of a commodity, demand is the relation of the quantity that all buyers would be prepared to purchase at each unit price of the good. Demand is often represented by a table or a graph showing price and quantity demanded (as in the figure). Demand theory describes individual consumers as rationally choosing the most preferred quantity of each good, given income, prices, tastes, etc. A term for this is "constrained utility maximization" (with income and wealth as the constraints on demand). Here, utility refers to the hypothesized relation of each individual consumer for ranking different commodity bundles as more or less preferred. The law of demand states that, in general, price and quantity demanded in a given market are inversely related. That is, the higher the price of a product, the less of it people would be prepared to buy (other things unchanged). As the price of a commodity falls, consumers move toward it from relatively more expensive goods (the substitution effect). In addition, purchasing power from the price decline increases ability to buy (the income effect). Other factors can change demand; for example an increase in income will shift the demand curve for a normal good outward relative to the origin, as in the figure. All determinants are predominantly taken as constant factors of demand and supply. Supply is the relation between the price of a good and the quantity available for sale at that price. It may be represented as a table or graph relating price and quantity supplied. Producers, for example business firms, are hypothesized to be profit maximizers, meaning that they attempt to produce and supply the amount of goods that will bring them the highest profit. Supply is typically represented as a function relating price and quantity, if other factors are unchanged. That is, the higher the price at which the good can be sold, the more of it producers will supply, as in the figure. The higher price makes it profitable to increase production. Just as on the demand side, the position of the supply can shift, say from a change in the price of a productive input or a technical improvement. The "Law of Supply" states that, in general, a rise in price leads to an expansion in supply and a fall in price leads to a contraction in supply. Here as well, the determinants of supply, such as price of substitutes, cost of production, technology applied and various factors of inputs of production are all taken to be constant for a specific time period of evaluation of supply. Market equilibrium occurs where quantity supplied equals quantity demanded, the intersection of the supply and demand curves in the figure above. At a price below equilibrium, there is a shortage of quantity supplied compared to quantity demanded. This is posited to bid the price up. At a price above equilibrium, there is a surplus of quantity supplied compared to quantity demanded. This pushes the price down. The model of supply and demand predicts that for given supply and demand curves, price and quantity will stabilize at the price that makes quantity supplied equal to quantity demanded. Similarly, demand-and-supply theory predicts a new price-quantity combination from a shift in demand (as to the figure), or in supply. For a given quantity of a consumer good, the point on the demand curve indicates the value, or marginal utility, to consumers for that unit. It measures what the consumer would be prepared to pay for that unit. The corresponding point on the supply curve measures marginal cost, the increase in total cost to the supplier for the corresponding unit of the good. The price in equilibrium is determined by supply and demand. In a perfectly competitive market, supply and demand equate marginal cost and marginal utility at equilibrium. On the supply side of the market, some factors of production are described as (relatively) variable in the short run, which affects the cost of changing output levels. Their usage rates can be changed easily, such as electrical power, raw-material inputs, and over-time and temp work. Other inputs are relatively fixed, such as plant and equipment and key personnel. In the long run, all inputs may be adjusted by management. These distinctions translate to differences in the elasticity (responsiveness) of the supply curve in the short and long runs and corresponding differences in the price-quantity change from a shift on the supply or demand side of the market. Marginalist theory, such as above, describes the consumers as attempting to reach most-preferred positions, subject to income and wealth constraints while producers attempt to maximize profits subject to their own constraints, including demand for goods produced, technology, and the price of inputs. For the consumer, that point comes where marginal utility of a good, net of price, reaches zero, leaving no net gain from further consumption increases. Analogously, the producer compares marginal revenue (identical to price for the perfect competitor) against the marginal cost of a good, with marginal profit the difference. At the point where marginal profit reaches zero, further increases in production of the good stop. For movement to market equilibrium and for changes in equilibrium, price and quantity also change "at the margin": more-or-less of something, rather than necessarily all-or-nothing. Other applications of demand and supply include the distribution of income among the factors of production, including labor and capital, through factor markets. In a competitive labor market for example the quantity of labor employed and the price of labor (the wage rate) depends on the demand for labor (from employers for production) and supply of labor (from potential workers). Labor economics examines the interaction of workers and employers through such markets to explain patterns and changes of wages and other labor income, labor mobility, and (un)employment, productivity through human capital, and related public-policy issues. Demand-and-supply analysis is used to explain the behavior of perfectly competitive markets, but as a standard of comparison it can be extended to any type of market. It can also be generalized to explain variables across the economy, for example, total output (estimated as real GDP) and the general price level, as studied in macroeconomics. Tracing the qualitative and quantitative effects of variables that change supply and demand, whether in the short or long run, is a standard exercise in applied economics. Economic theory may also specify conditions such that supply and demand through the market is an efficient mechanism for allocating resources. Market structure Market structure refers to features of a market, including the number of firms in the market, the distribution of market shares between them, product uniformity across firms, how easy it is for firms to enter and exit the market, and forms of competition in the market. A market structure can have several types of interacting market systems. Different forms of markets are a feature of capitalism and market socialism, with advocates of state socialism often criticizing markets and aiming to substitute or replace markets with varying degrees of government-directed economic planning. Competition acts as a regulatory mechanism for market systems, with government providing regulations where the market cannot be expected to regulate itself. Regulations help to mitigate negative externalities of goods and services when the private equilibrium of the market does not match the social equilibrium. One example of this is with regards to building codes, which if absent in a purely competition regulated market system, might result in several horrific injuries or deaths to be required before companies would begin improving structural safety, as consumers may at first not be as concerned or aware of safety issues to begin putting pressure on companies to provide them, and companies would be motivated not to provide proper safety features due to how it would cut into their profits. The concept of "market type" is different from the concept of "market structure". Nevertheless, there are a variety of types of markets. The different market structures produce cost curves based on the type of structure present. The different curves are developed based on the costs of production, specifically the graph contains marginal cost, average total cost, average variable cost, average fixed cost, and marginal revenue, which is sometimes equal to the demand, average revenue, and price in a price-taking firm. Perfect competition Perfect competition is a situation in which numerous small firms producing identical products compete against each other in a given industry. Perfect competition leads to firms producing the socially optimal output level at the minimum possible cost per unit. Firms in perfect competition are "price takers" (they do not have enough market power to profitably increase the price of their goods or services). A good example would be that of digital marketplaces, such as eBay, on which many different sellers sell similar products to many different buyers. Consumers in a perfect competitive market have perfect knowledge about the products that are being sold in this market. Imperfect competition Imperfect competition is a type of market structure showing some but not all features of competitive markets. In perfect competition, market power is not achievable due to a high level of producers causing high levels of competition. Therefore, prices are brought down to a marginal cost level. In a monopoly, market power is achieved by one firm leading to prices being higher than the marginal cost level. Between these two types of markets are firms that are neither perfectly competitive or monopolistic. Firms such as Pepsi and Coke and Sony, Nintendo and Microsoft dominate the cola and video game industry respectively. These firms are in imperfect competition Monopolistic competition Monopolistic competition is a situation in which many firms with slightly different products compete. Production costs are above what may be achieved by perfectly competitive firms, but society benefits from the product differentiation. Examples of industries with market structures similar to monopolistic competition include restaurants, cereal, clothing, shoes, and service industries in large cities. Monopoly A monopoly is a market structure in which a market or industry is dominated by a single supplier of a particular good or service. Because monopolies have no competition, they tend to sell goods and services at a higher price and produce below the socially optimal output level. However, not all monopolies are a bad thing, especially in industries where multiple firms would result in more costs than benefits (i.e. natural monopolies). Natural monopoly: A monopoly in an industry where one producer can produce output at a lower cost than many small producers. Oligopoly An oligopoly is a market structure in which a market or industry is dominated by a small number of firms (oligopolists). Oligopolies can create the incentive for firms to engage in collusion and form cartels that reduce competition leading to higher prices for consumers and less overall market output. Alternatively, oligopolies can be fiercely competitive and engage in flamboyant advertising campaigns. Duopoly: A special case of an oligopoly, with only two firms. Game theory can elucidate behavior in duopolies and oligopolies. Monopsony A monopsony is a market where there is only one buyer and many sellers. Bilateral monopoly A bilateral monopoly is a market consisting of both a monopoly (a single seller) and a monopsony (a single buyer). Oligopsony An oligopsony is a market where there are a few buyers and many sellers. Game theory Game theory is a major method used in mathematical economics and business for modeling competing behaviors of interacting agents. The term "game" here implies the study of any strategic interaction between people. Applications include a wide array of economic phenomena and approaches, such as auctions, bargaining, mergers & acquisitions pricing, fair division, duopolies, oligopolies, social network formation, agent-based computational economics, general equilibrium, mechanism design, and voting systems, and across such broad areas as experimental economics, behavioral economics, information economics, industrial organization, and political economy. Information economics Information economics is a branch of microeconomic theory that studies how information and information systems affect an economy and economic decisions. Information has special characteristics. It is easy to create but hard to trust. It is easy to spread but hard to control. It influences many decisions. These special characteristics (as compared with other types of goods) complicate many standard economic theories. The economics of information has recently become of great interest to many - possibly due to the rise of information-based companies inside the technology industry. From a game theory approach, the usual constraints that agents have complete information can be loosened to further examine the consequences of having incomplete information. This gives rise to many results which are applicable to real life situations. For example, if one does loosen this assumption, then it is possible to scrutinize the actions of agents in situations of uncertainty. It is also possible to more fully understand the impacts – both positive and negative – of agents seeking out or acquiring information. Applied Applied microeconomics includes a range of specialized areas of study, many of which draw on methods from other fields. Economic history examines the evolution of the economy and economic institutions, using methods and techniques from the fields of economics, history, geography, sociology, psychology, and political science. Education economics examines the organization of education provision and its implication for efficiency and equity, including the effects of education on productivity. Financial economics examines topics such as the structure of optimal portfolios, the rate of return to capital, econometric analysis of security returns, and corporate financial behavior. Health economics examines the organization of health care systems, including the role of the health care workforce and health insurance programs. Industrial organization examines topics such as the entry and exit of firms, innovation, and the role of trademarks. Law and economics applies microeconomic principles to the selection and enforcement of competing legal regimes and their relative efficiencies. Political economy examines the role of political institutions in determining policy outcomes. Public economics examines the design of government tax and expenditure policies and economic effects of these policies (e.g., social insurance programs). Urban economics, which examines the challenges faced by cities, such as sprawl, air and water pollution, traffic congestion, and poverty, draws on the fields of urban geography and sociology. Labor economics examines primarily labor markets, but comprises a large range of public policy issues such as immigration, minimum wages, or inequality. See also Macroeconomics First-order approach Critique of political economy References Further reading * Bouman, John: Principles of Microeconomics – free fully comprehensive Principles of Microeconomics and Macroeconomics texts. Columbia, Maryland, 2011 Colander, David. Microeconomics. McGraw-Hill Paperback, 7th ed.: 2008. Eaton, B. Curtis; Eaton, Diane F.; and Douglas W. Allen. Microeconomics. Prentice Hall, 5th ed.: 2002. Frank, Robert H.; Microeconomics and Behavior. McGraw-Hill/Irwin, 6th ed.: 2006. Friedman, Milton. Price Theory. Aldine Transaction: 1976 Hagendorf, Klaus: Labour Values and the Theory of the Firm. Part I: The Competitive Firm. Paris: EURODOS; 2009. Hicks, John R. Value and Capital. Clarendon Press. [1939] 1946, 2nd ed. Hirshleifer, Jack., Glazer, Amihai, and Hirshleifer, David, Price theory and applications: Decisions, markets, and information. Cambridge University Press, 7th ed.: 2005. Jaffe, Sonia; Minton, Robert; Mulligan, Casey B.; and Murphy, Kevin M.: Chicago Price Theory. Princeton University Press, 2019 Jehle, Geoffrey A.; and Philip J. Reny. Advanced Microeconomic Theory. Addison Wesley Paperback, 2nd ed.: 2000. Katz, Michael L.; and Harvey S. Rosen. Microeconomics. McGraw-Hill/Irwin, 3rd ed.: 1997. Kreps, David M. A Course in Microeconomic Theory. Princeton University Press: 1990 Landsburg, Steven. Price Theory and Applications. South-Western College Pub, 5th ed.: 2001. Mankiw, N. Gregory. Principles of Microeconomics. South-Western Pub, 2nd ed.: 2000. Mas-Colell, Andreu; Whinston, Michael D.; and Jerry R. Green. Microeconomic Theory. Oxford University Press, US: 1995. McGuigan, James R.; Moyer, R. Charles; and Frederick H. Harris. Managerial Economics: Applications, Strategy and Tactics. South-Western Educational Publishing, 9th ed.: 2001. Nicholson, Walter. Microeconomic Theory: Basic Principles and Extensions. South-Western College Pub, 8th ed.: 2001. Perloff, Jeffrey M. Microeconomics. Pearson – Addison Wesley, 4th ed.: 2007. Perloff, Jeffrey M. Microeconomics: Theory and Applications with Calculus. Pearson – Addison Wesley, 1st ed.: 2007 Pindyck, Robert S.; and Daniel L. Rubinfeld. Microeconomics. Prentice Hall, 7th ed.: 2008. Ruffin, Roy J.; and Paul R. Gregory. Principles of Microeconomics. Addison Wesley, 7th ed.: 2000. Varian, Hal R. (1987). "microeconomics," The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics, v. 3, pp. 461–463. Varian, Hal R. Intermediate Microeconomics: A Modern Approach. W. W. Norton & Company, 8th ed.: 2009. Varian, Hal R. Microeconomic Analysis. W.W. Norton & Company, 3rd ed.: 1992. The economic times (2023). What is Microeconomics. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/definition/microeconomics. External links X-Lab: A Collaborative Micro-Economics and Social Sciences Research Laboratory Simulations in Microeconomics A brief history of microeconomics Money

Intellectualization

In psychology, intellectualization (intellectualisation) is a defense mechanism by which reasoning is used to block confrontation with an unconscious conflict and its associated emotional stress – where thinking is used to avoid feeling. It involves emotionally removing one's self from a stressful event. Intellectualization may accompany, but is different from, rationalization, the pseudo-rational justification of irrational acts. Intellectualization is one of Sigmund Freud's original defense mechanisms. Freud believed that memories have both conscious and unconscious aspects, and that intellectualization allows for the conscious analysis of an event in a way that does not provoke anxiety. Description Intellectualization is a transition to reason, where the person avoids uncomfortable emotions by focusing on facts and logic. The situation is treated as an interesting problem that engages the person on a rational basis, whilst the emotional aspects are completely ignored as being irrelevant. While Freud did not himself use the term "intellectualization", in On Negation he described clinical instances in which "the intellectual function is separated from the affective process....The outcome of this is a kind of intellectual acceptance of the repressed, while at the same time what is essential to the repression persists". Elsewhere he described an (unsuccessful) analysis with "the patient participating actively with her intellect, though absolutely tranquil emotionally...completely indifferent", while he also noted how in the obsessional the thinking processes themselves become sexually charged. Anna Freud devoted a chapter of her book The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense [1937] to "Intellectualization at Puberty", seeing the growing intellectual and philosophical approach of that period as relatively normal attempts to master adolescent drives. She considered that only "if the process of intellectualization overruns the whole field of mental life" should it be considered pathological. Jargon is often used as a device of intellectualization. By using complex terminology, the focus becomes on the words and finer definitions rather than the human effects. Intellectualization protects against anxiety by repressing the emotions connected with an event. A comparison sometimes made is that between isolation (also known as isolation of affect) and intellectualization. The former is a dissociative response that allows one to dispassionately experience an unpleasant thought or event. The latter is a cognitive style that seeks to conceptualize an unpleasant thought or event in an intellectually comprehensible manner. The DSM-IV-TR thus mentions them as separate entities. It allows one to rationally deal with a situation, but may cause suppression of feelings that need to be acknowledged to move on. In the defense hierarchy George Vaillant divided defense mechanisms into a hierarchy of defenses ranging from immature through neurotic to healthy defenses, and placed intellectualization – imagining an act of violence without feeling the accompanying emotions, for example – in the mid-range, neurotic defenses. Like rationalisation, intellectualization can thus provide a bridge between immature and mature mechanisms both in the process of growing up and in adult life. Donald Winnicott, however, considered that erratic childhood care could lead to over-dependence on intellectuality as a substitute for mothering; and saw over-preoccupation with knowledge as an emotional impoverishment aimed at self-mothering via the mind. Julia Kristeva similarly described a process whereby "symbolicity itself is cathected...Since it is not sex-oriented, it denies the question of sexual difference". One answer to such over-intellectualization may be the sense of humour, what Richard Hofstadter called the necessary quality of playfulness – Freud himself saying that "Humour can be regarded as the highest of these defensive processes"! During therapy Among the intellectual defenses against analysis are a refusal to accept the logic of emotions, attempts to refute the theory of psychoanalysis, or speculating about one's own problems rather than experiencing them and attempting to change. Such intellectualizations of therapy may form part of wider manic defenses against emotional reality. A further difficulty may be that of assimilating new and unfamiliar feelings once the defense of intellectualization begins to crack open. Alternatively the therapist may unwittingly deflect the patient away from feeling to mere talking of feelings, producing not emotional but merely intellectual insight<ref>Patrick Casement, On Learning from the Patient' (London 1990) p. 178-9</ref> an obsessional attempt to control through thinking the lost feelings parts of the self. As Jung put it, "the intellectual still suffers from a neurosis if feeling is undeveloped". Psychoanalytic controversy Freud's theory of psychoanalysis may be a formidable intellectual construct, but it has certainly been criticised for revealing intellectual grandiosity. Jacques Lacan however would defend it on the very ground of its intellectuality, arguing that you could "recognize bad psychoanalysts...by the word they use to deprecate all technical or theoretical research...intellectualization''". Lacan himself was of course exposed to exactly the same criticism: "My own conception of the dynamics of the unconscious has been called an intellectualization – on the grounds that I based the function of the signifier in the forefront". Freud himself accepted that he had a vast desire for knowledge and knew well how theorising can become a compulsive activity. He might not have disagreed too strongly with Didier Anzieu's assessment of the extent to which "his elaboration of psychoanalytic theory...corresponded to a setting up of obsessional defenses against depressive anxiety" – of Freud's need "to defend himself against [anxiety] through such a degree of intellectualisation". Examples Suppose John has been brought up by a strict father, feels hurt, and is angry as a result. Although John may have deep feelings of hatred towards his father, when he talks about his childhood, John may say: "Yes, my father was a rather firm person, I suppose I do feel some antipathy towards him even now". John intellectualizes; he chooses rational and emotionally cool words to describe experiences which are usually emotional and very painful. A woman in therapy continues to theorise her experience to her therapist – 'It seems to me that being psycho-analysed is essentially a process where one is forced back into infantilism... intellectual primitivism' – despite knowing that she 'would get no answer to it, or at least, not on the level I wanted, since I knew that what I was saying was the "intellectualising" to which she attributed my emotional troubles'. References Psychoanalytic terminology Defence mechanisms Intellectualism sv:Intellektualisering

Compassion

Compassion is a social feeling that motivates people to go out of their way to relieve the physical, mental, or emotional pains of others and themselves. Compassion is sensitivity to the emotional aspects of the suffering of others. When based on notions such as fairness, justice, and interdependence, it may be considered partially rational in nature. Compassion involves "feeling for another" and is a precursor to empathy, the "feeling as another" capacity (as opposed to sympathy, the "feeling towards another"). In common parlance, active compassion is the desire to alleviate another's suffering. Compassion involves allowing ourselves to be moved by suffering to help alleviate and prevent it. An act of compassion is one that is intended to be helpful. Other virtues that harmonize with compassion include patience, wisdom, kindness, perseverance, warmth, and resolve. It is often, though not inevitably, the key component in altruism. The difference between sympathy and compassion is that the former responds to others' suffering with sorrow and concern whereas the latter responds with warmth and care. An article in Clinical Psychology Review suggests that "compassion consists of three facets: noticing, feeling, and responding". Etymology The English noun compassion, meaning "to suffer together with", comes from Latin. Its prefix com- comes directly from , an archaic version of the Latin preposition and affix (= with); the -passion segment is derived from , past participle of the deponent verb . Compassion is thus related in origin, form and meaning to the English noun patient (= one who suffers), from , present participle of the same , and is akin to the Greek verb (, to suffer) and to its cognate noun (= ). Ranked a great virtue in numerous philosophies, compassion is considered in almost all the major religious traditions as among the greatest of virtues. Theories on conceptualizing compassion Theoretical perspectives show contrasts in their approaches to compassion. Compassion is simply a variation of love or sadness, not a distinct emotion. From the perspective of evolutionary psychology, compassion can be viewed as a distinct emotional state, which can be differentiated from distress, sadness, and love. Compassion is, however, a synonym of empathic distress, which is characterized by the feeling of distress in connection with another person's suffering. This perspective of compassion is based on the finding that people sometimes emulate and feel the emotions of people around them. According to Thupten Jinpa, compassion is a sense of concern that arises in us in the face of someone who is in need or someone who is in pain. It is accompanied by a kind of a wishing (i.e. desire) to see the relief or end of that situation, along with wanting (i.e. motivation) to do something about it. Compassion is, however, not pity, neither an attachment, nor the same as empathetic feeling, nor even just simply wishful thinking. Compassion is basically a variation of love. To further this variation of love, Skalski and Aanstoos, in their article The Phenomenology of Change Beyond Tolerating, describe compassion with the definition of alleviate in mind. In the definition for alleviate there is no mention of taking, stopping, or fixing someone's suffering. It is simply trying to make it less severe. This has a connotation of desperation of sorts. Desiring so little from such a dire situation can be described as inspiring feelings to help with another's suffering in any way. Emma Seppala distinguishes compassion from empathy and altruism as follows: "... The definition of compassion is often confused with that of empathy. Empathy, as defined by researchers, is the visceral or emotional experience of another person's feelings. It is, in a sense, an automatic mirroring of another's emotion, like tearing up at a friend's sadness. Altruism is an action that benefits someone else. It may or may not be accompanied by empathy or compassion, for example, in the case of making a donation for tax purposes. Although these terms are related to compassion, they are not identical. Compassion often involves an empathic response and altruistic behavior; however, compassion is defined as the emotional response when perceiving suffering which involves an authentic desire to help." In addition, the more a person knows about the human condition and human experiences, the more vivid the route to identification with suffering becomes. Identifying with another person is an essential process for human beings, something that is even illustrated by infants who begin to mirror the facial expressions and body movements of their mother as early as the first days of their lives. Compassion is recognized through identifying with other people (i.e. perspective-taking), the knowledge of human behavior, the perception of suffering, transfer of feelings, knowledge of goal and purpose-changes in sufferers which leads to . Personality psychology agrees that human suffering is always individual and unique. Suffering can result from psychological, social, and physical trauma which happens in acute and chronic forms. Suffering has been defined as the perception of a person's impending destruction or loss of integrity, which continues until the threat is vanquished or the person's integrity can be restored. Compassion therefore has three major requirements: The compassionate person must feel that the troubles that evoke their feelings are serious; the belief that the sufferers' troubles are not self-inflicted; and the ability to picture oneself with the same problems in a non-blaming, non-shaming manner. Because the compassion process is highly related to identifying with another person and is possible among people from other countries, cultures, locations, etc., compassion is characteristic of democratic societies. The role of compassion as a factor contributing to individual or societal behavior has been the topic of continuous debate. In contrast to the process of identifying with other people, a complete absence of compassion may require ignoring or disapproving identification with other people or groups. Earlier studies established the links between interpersonal violence and cruelty which leads to indifference. Compassion may induce feelings of kindness and forgiveness, which could give people the ability to stop situations that have the potential to be distressing and occasionally lead to violence. This concept has been illustrated throughout history: The Holocaust, genocide, European colonization of the Americas, etc. The seemingly essential step in these atrocities could be the definition of the victims as "not human" or "not us". The atrocities committed throughout human history are thus claimed to have only been relieved, minimized, or overcome in their damaging effects through the presence of compassion, although recently, drawing on empirical research in evolutionary theory, developmental psychology, social neuroscience, and psychopathy, it has been counterargued that compassion or empathy and morality are neither systematically opposed to one another, nor inevitably complementary, since over the course of history, mankind has created social structures for upholding universal moral principles, such as Human Rights and the International Criminal Court. On one hand, Thomas Nagel, for instance, critiques Joshua Greene by suggesting that he is too quick to conclude utilitarianism specifically from the general goal of constructing an impartial morality; for example, he says, Immanuel Kant and John Rawls offer other impartial approaches to ethical questions. In his defense against the possible destructive nature of passions, Plato compared the human soul to a chariot: the intellect is the driver and the emotions are the horses, and life is a continual struggle to keep the emotions under control. In his defense of a solid universal morality, Immanuel Kant saw compassion as a weak and misguided sentiment. "Such benevolence is called soft-heartedness and should not occur at all among human beings", he said of it. Psychology Compassion has become associated with and researched in the fields of positive psychology and social psychology. Compassion is a process of connecting by identifying with another person. This identification with others through compassion can lead to increased motivation to do something in an effort to relieve the suffering of others. Compassion is an evolved function from the harmony of a three grid internal system: contentment-and-peace system, goals-and-drives system, and threat-and-safety system. Paul Gilbert defines these collectively as necessary regulated systems for compassion. Paul Ekman describes a "taxonomy of compassion" including: emotional recognition (knowing how another person feels), emotional resonance (feeling emotions another person feels), familial connection (care-giver-offspring), global compassion (extending compassion to everyone in the world), sentient compassion (extended compassion to other species), and heroic compassion (compassion that comes with a risk). Ekman also distinguishes proximal (i.e. in the moment) from distal compassion (i.e. predicting the future; affective forecasting): "...it has implications in terms of how we go about encouraging compassion. We are all familiar with proximal compassion: Someone falls down in the street, and we help him get up. That's proximal compassion: where we see someone in need, and we help them. But, when I used to tell my kids, 'Wear a helmet,' that's distal compassion: trying to prevent harm before it occurs. And that requires a different set of skills: It requires social forecasting, anticipating harm before it occurs, and trying to prevent it. Distal compassion is much more amenable to educational influences, I think, and it's our real hope." Distal compassion also requires perspective-taking. Compassion is associated with psychological outcomes including increases in mindfulness and emotion regulation. While empathy plays an important role in motivating caring for others and in guiding moral behavior, Jean Decety's research demonstrates that this is far from being systematic or irrespective to the social identity of the targets, interpersonal relationships, and social context. He proposes that empathic concern (compassion) has evolved to favor kin and members of one own social group, can bias social decision-making by valuing one single individual over a group of others, and this can frontally conflict with principles of fairness and justice. Compassion fatigue People with a higher capacity or responsibility to empathize with others may be at risk for "compassion fatigue", also called "secondary traumatic stress". Examples of people at risk for compassion fatigue are those who spend significant time responding to information related to suffering. However, newer research by Singer and Ricard suggests that it is lack of suitable distress tolerance that gets people fatigued from compassion activities. Individuals at risk for compassion fatigue usually display these four key attributes: diminished endurance and/or energy, declined empathic ability, helplessness and/or hopelessness, and emotional exhaustion. Negative coping skills can also increase the risk of developing compassion fatigue. People can alleviate sorrow and distress by doing self-care activities on a regular basis. helps to guide people to recognize the impact and circumstances of past events. After people , they are able to find the causes of compassion fatigue in their daily life. Practice of nonjudgmental compassion can prevent fatigue and burnout. Some methods that can help people to heal compassion fatigue include physical activity, eating healthy food with every meal, good relations with others, enjoying interacting with others in the community, writing a journal frequently, and sleeping enough every day. The practice of mindfulness and self-awareness also helps with compassion fatigue. Conditions that influence compassion Psychologist Paul Gilbert provides factors that can reduce the likelihood of someone being willing to be compassionate to another. These include (less): likability, competence, deservedness, empathic-capacity; (more) self-focused competitiveness, anxiety-depression, overwhelmed; and inhibitors in social structures and systems. Compassion fade Compassion fade is the tendency of people to experience a decrease in empathy as the number of people in need of aid increases. The term was coined by psychologist Paul Slovic. It is a type of cognitive bias that people use to justify their decision to help or not to help, and to ignore certain information. To turn compassion into compassionate behavior requires . In an examination of the motivated regulation of compassion in the context of large-scale crises, such as natural disasters and genocides, research established that people tend to feel more compassion for single identifiable victims than single anonymous victims or large masses of victims (the Identifiable victim effect). People only show less compassion for many victims than for single victims of disasters when they expect to incur a financial cost upon helping. This collapse of compassion depends on having the motivation and ability to regulate emotions. People are more apt to offer help to a certain number of needy people if that number is closer to the whole number of people in need. People feel more compassionate towards members of another species the more recently our species and theirs had a common ancestor. In laboratory research, psychologists are exploring how concerns about becoming emotionally exhausted may motivate people to curb their compassion for—and dehumanize—members of stigmatized social groups, such as homeless individuals and drug addicts. Neurobiology Olga Klimecki (et al.), found differential (non-overlapping) fMRI brain activation areas in respect to compassion and empathy: compassion was associated with the mOFC, pregenual ACC, and ventral striatum. Empathy, in contrast, was associated with the anterior insula and the anterior midcingulate cortex (aMCC). In one study conducted by James Rilling and Gregory Berns, neuroscientists at Emory University, subjects' brain activities were recorded while they helped someone in need. It was found that while the subjects were performing compassionate acts, the caudate nucleus and anterior cingulate regions of the brain were activated, the same areas of the brain associated with pleasure and reward. One brain region, the subgenual anterior cingulate cortex/basal forebrain, contributes to learning altruistic behavior, especially in those with trait empathy. The same study showed a connection between giving to charity and the promotion of social bonding and personal reputation. True compassion, if it exists at all, is thus inherently motivated (at least to some degree) by self-interest. In a 2009 small fMRI experiment, researchers at the Brain and Creativity Institute studied strong feelings of compassion for and physical pain in others. Both feelings involved an expected change in activity in the anterior insula, anterior cingulate, hypothalamus, and midbrain, but they also found a previously undescribed pattern of cortical activity on the posterior medial surface of each brain hemisphere, a region involved in the default mode of brain function, and implicated in . Compassion for social pain in others was associated with strong activation in the interoceptive, inferior/posterior portion of this region, while compassion for physical pain in others involved heightened activity in the exteroceptive, superior/anterior portion. Compassion for social pain activated this superior/anterior section, to a lesser extent. Activity in the anterior insula related to compassion for social pain peaked later and endured longer than that associated with compassion for physical pain. Compassionate emotions toward others affect the prefrontal cortex, inferior frontal cortex, and the midbrain. Feelings and acts of compassion stimulate areas known to regulate homeostasis, such as the anterior insula, the anterior cingulate, the mesencephalon, the insular cortex and the hypothalamus, supporting the hypothesis that social emotions use some of the same basic devices involved in other, primary emotions. Compassion in practice Medicine Compassion is one of the most important attributes for physicians practicing medical services. Compassion brings about the desire to do something to help the sufferer. That desire to be helpful is not compassion, but it does suggest that compassion is similar to other emotions in that it motivates behaviors to reduce the tension brought on by the emotion. Physicians generally identify their central duties as the responsibility to put the patient's interests first, including the duty not to harm, to deliver proper care, and to maintain confidentiality. Compassion is seen in each of those duties because of its direct relation to the recognition and treatment of suffering. Physicians who use compassion understand the effects of sickness and suffering on human behavior. Compassion may be closely related to love and the emotions evoked in sickness and suffering. This is illustrated by the relationship between patients and physicians in medical institutions. The relationship between suffering patients and their caregivers provides evidence that compassion is a social emotion that is the closeness and cooperation between individuals. Psychotherapy Compassion-focused therapy, created by clinical psychologist Professor Paul Gilbert, focuses on the evolutionary psychology behind compassion: balancing of affect regulation systems (e.g. using affiliative emotions from the care-and-contentment system to soothe and reduce painful emotions from the threat-detection system). Self-compassion and accepting suffering as a quality of being human. It has positive effects on subjective happiness, optimism, wisdom, curiosity, agreeableness, and extroversion. Kristin Neff and Christopher Germer identified three levels of activities that thwart self-compassion: self-criticism, self-isolation, and self-absorption; they equate this to fight, flight, and freeze responses. Parenting practices contribute to the development of self-compassion in children. Maternal support, secure attachment, and harmonious family functioning all create an environment where self-compassion can develop. On the other hand, certain developmental factors (i.e., personal fable) can hinder the development of self-compassion in children. Authentic leadership centered on humanism and on nourishing quality interconnectedness increase compassion in the workplace to self and others. Judith Jordan's concept of self-empathy is similar to self-compassion, it implies the capacity to notice, care, and respond towards one's own felt needs. Strategies of self-care involve valuing oneself, thinking about one's compassionately, and connecting with others in order renewal, support, and validation. Research indicates that self-compassionate individuals experience greater psychological health than those who lack self-compassion. Religion and philosophy Abrahamic religions Christianity The Christian Bible's Second Epistle to the Corinthians is but one place where God is spoken of as the "Father of mercies" (or "compassion") and the "God of all comfort." Jesus embodies the essence of compassion and relational care. Christ challenges Christians to forsake their own desires and to act compassionately towards others, particularly those in need or distress. One of his most well-known teachings about compassion is the Parable of the Good Samaritan, in which a Samaritan traveler "was moved with compassion" at the sight of a man who was beaten. Jesus also demonstrated compassion to those his society had condemned—tax collectors, prostitutes, and criminals—by saying "just because you received a loaf of bread, does not mean you were more conscientious about it, or more caring about your fellow man". An interpretation of the incarnation and crucifixion of Jesus is that it was undertaken from a compassionate desire to feel the suffering of and effect the salvation of mankind; this was also a compassionate sacrifice by God of his own son ("For God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten Son..."). A 2012 study of the historical Jesus claimed that he sought to elevate Judaic compassion as the supreme human virtue, capable of reducing suffering and fulfilling our God-ordained purpose of transforming the world into something more worthy of its creator. Islam In the Muslim tradition, foremost among God's attributes are mercy and compassion, or, in the canonical language of Arabic, and . Each of the 114 chapters of the Quran, with one exception, begins with the verse, "In the name of Allah the Compassionate, the Merciful." The Arabic word for compassion is . Its roots abound in the Quran. A good Muslim is to commence each day, each prayer, and each significant action by invoking Allah the Merciful and Compassionate, i.e., by reciting . The womb and family ties are characterized by compassion and named after the exalted attribute of Allah "" (The Compassionate). Judaism In the Jewish tradition, God is the Compassionate and is invoked as the Father of Compassion: hence or Compassionate becomes the usual designation for His revealed word. (Compare, above, the frequent use of in the Quran). Sorrow and pity for one in distress, creating a desire to relieve it, is a feeling ascribed alike to man and God: in Biblical Hebrew, (, from , the mother, womb), "to pity" or "to show mercy" in view of the sufferer's helplessness, hence also "to forgive", "to forbear" (; ; ). The Rabbis speak of the "thirteen attributes of compassion". The Biblical conception of compassion is the feeling of the parent for the child. Hence the prophet's appeal in confirmation of his trust in God invokes the feeling of a mother for her offspring. A classic articulation of the Golden Rule came from the first century Rabbi Hillel the Elder. Renowned in the Jewish tradition as a sage and a scholar, he is associated with the development of the Mishnah and the Talmud and, as such, is one of the most important figures in Jewish history. Asked for a summary of the Jewish religion "while standing on one leg" (meaning in the most concise terms) Hillel stated: "That which is hateful to you, do not do to your fellow. That is the whole Torah. The rest is the explanation; go and learn." Post 9/11, the words of Rabbi Hillel are frequently quoted in public lectures and interviews around the world by the prominent writer on comparative religion Karen Armstrong. Many Jewish sources speak of the importance of compassion for and prohibitions on causing needless pain to animals. Significant rabbis who have done so include Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch Rabbi Simhah Zissel Ziv, and Rabbi Moshe Cordovero. Ancient Greek philosophy In ancient Greek philosophy motivations based on (feeling, passion) were typically distrusted. Reason was generally considered to be the proper guide to conduct. Compassion was considered ; hence, is depicted as blindfolded, because her virtue is dispassion — not compassion. Aristotle compared compassion with indignation and thought they were both worthy feelings: Compassion means being pained by another person's unearned misfortune; indignation means being pained by another's unearned good fortune. Both are an unhappy awareness of an unjust imbalance. Stoicism had a doctrine of rational compassion known as . In Roman society, compassion was often seen as a vice when it was expressed as pity rather than mercy. In other words, showing empathy toward someone who was seen as deserving was considered virtuous, whereas showing empathy to someone deemed unworthy was considered immoral and weak. Confucianism Mencius maintained that everyone possesses the germ or root of compassion, illustrating his case with the famous example of the child at an open well: "Suppose a man were, all of a sudden, to see a young child on the verge of falling into a well. He would certainly be moved to compassion, not because he wanted to get into the good graces of the parents, nor because he wished to win the praise of his fellow-villagers or friends, nor yet because he disliked the cry of the child". Mencius saw the task of moral cultivation as that of developing the initial impulse of compassion into an enduring quality of benevolence. Indian religions Buddhism The first of the Four Noble Truths is the truth of suffering or (unsatisfactoriness or stress). is one of the three distinguishing characteristics of all conditioned existence. It arises as a consequence of not understanding the nature of impermanence (the second characteristic) as well as a lack of understanding that all phenomena are empty of self (the third characteristic). When one has an understanding of suffering and its origins and understands that liberation from suffering is possible, renunciation arises. Renunciation then lays the foundation for the development of compassion for others who also suffer. This is developed in stages: Ordinary compassion The compassion we have for those close to us such as friends and family and a wish to free them from the 'suffering of suffering' Immeasurable compassion This is the compassion that wishes to benefit all beings without exception. It is associated with both the Hinayana and Mahayana paths. Great Compassion This is practiced exclusively in the Mahayana tradition and is associated with the development of Bodhicitta. The Bodhisattva Vow begins (in one version): "Suffering beings are numberless, I vow to liberate them all." The 14th Dalai Lama has said, "If you want others to be happy, practice compassion. If you want to be happy, practice compassion." But he also warned that compassion is difficult to develop: Hinduism In classical literature of Hinduism, compassion is a virtue with many shades, each shade explained by different terms. Three most common terms are , , and . Other words related to compassion in Hinduism include , , and . Some of these words are used interchangeably among the schools of Hinduism to explain the concept of compassion, its sources, its consequences, and its nature. The virtue of compassion to all living beings, claims Gandhi and others, is a central concept in Hindu philosophy. is defined by Padma Purana as the virtuous desire to mitigate the sorrow and difficulties of others by putting forth whatever effort necessary. Matsya Purana describes as the value that treats all living beings (including human beings) as one's own self, wanting the welfare and good of the other living being. Such compassion, claims Matsya Purana, is one of necessary paths to being happy. Ekadashi Tattvam explains is treating a stranger, a relative, a friend, and a foe as one's own self; and argues that compassion is that state when one sees all living beings as part of one's own self, and when everyone's suffering is seen as one's own suffering. Compassion to all living beings, including to those who are strangers and those who are foes, is seen as a noble virtue. , another word for compassion in Hindu philosophy, means placing one's mind in other's favor, thereby seeking to understand the best way to help alleviate their suffering through an act of (compassion). , yet another word for compassion, refers to one's state after one has observed and understood the pain and suffering in others. In Mahabharata, Indra praises Yudhishthira for his – compassion, sympathy – for all creatures. Tulsidas contrasts (compassion) with (arrogance, contempt of others), claiming compassion is a source of dharmic life, while arrogance a source of sin. (compassion) is not (pity) in Hinduism, or feeling sorry for the sufferer, because that is marred with condescension; compassion is recognizing one's own and another's suffering in order to actively alleviate that suffering. Compassion is the basis for , a core virtue in Hindu philosophy and an article of everyday faith and practice. , or non-injury, is compassion-in-action that helps actively prevent suffering in all living things as well as helping beings overcome suffering and move closer to liberation. Compassion in Hinduism is discussed as an absolute and a relative concept. There are two forms of compassion: one for those who suffer even though they have done nothing wrong and one for those who suffer because they did something wrong. Absolute compassion applies to both, while relative compassion addresses the difference between the former and the latter. An example of the latter include those who plead guilty or are convicted of a crime such as murder; in these cases, the virtue of compassion must be balanced with the virtue of justice. The classical literature of Hinduism exists in many Indian languages. For example, Tirukkuṛaḷ, written between and , and sometimes called the Tamil Veda, is a cherished classic on Hinduism written in a South Indian language. It dedicates Chapter 25 of Book 1 to compassion, further dedicating separate chapters each for the resulting values of compassion, chiefly, vegetarianism or veganism (Chapter 26), doing no harm (Chapter 32), non-killing (Chapter 33), possession of kindness (Chapter 8), dreading evil deeds (Chapter 21), benignity (Chapter 58), the right scepter (Chapter 55), and absence of terrorism (Chapter 57), to name a few. Jainism Compassion for all life, human and non-human, is central to the Jain tradition. Though all life is considered sacred, human life is deemed the highest form of earthly existence. To kill any person, no matter their crime, is considered unimaginably abhorrent. It is the only substantial religious tradition that requires both monks and laity to be vegetarian. It is suggested that certain strains of the Hindu tradition became vegetarian due to strong Jain influences. The Jain tradition's stance on nonviolence, however, goes far beyond vegetarianism. Jains refuse food obtained with unnecessary cruelty. Many practice veganism. Jains run animal shelters all over India. The Lal Mandir, a prominent Jain temple in Delhi, is known for the Jain Birds Hospital in a second building behind the main temple. See also References External links Skalski, J. E., & Aanstoos, C. (2023). The Phenomenology of change beyond tolerating. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 63(5), 660–681. Mirrored emotion Jean Decety, University of Chicago Daniel Goleman, psychologist & author of Emotional Intelligence, video lecture on compassion Concepts in ethics Emotions Giving Kindness Moral psychology Relational ethics Religious ethics Social emotions Suffering Virtue Love

Andragogy

Andragogy refers to methods and principles used in adult education. The word comes from the Greek ἀνδρ- (andr-), meaning "adult male", and ἀγωγός (agogos), meaning "leader of". Therefore, andragogy literally means "leading men (adult males)", whereas "pedagogy" literally means "leading children". Definitions There are many different theories in the areas of learning, teaching and training. Andragogy commonly is defined as the art or science of teaching adults or helping adults learn. In contrast to pedagogy, or the teaching of children, andragogy is based on a humanistic conception of self-directed and autonomous learners where teachers are defined as facilitators of learning. Although Malcolm Knowles proposed andragogy as a theory, others posit that there is no single theory of adult learning or andragogy. In the literature where adult learning theory is often identified as a principle or an assumption, there are a variety of different approaches and theories that are also evolving in view of evolving higher education instruction, workplace training, new technology and online learning (Omoregie, 2021). Malcolm Knowles identified these adult learner characteristics related to the motivation of adult learning.   Need to know: Adults need to know the reason for learning something. Foundation: Experience (including error) provides the basis for learning activities. Self-concept: Adults need to be responsible for their decisions on education; involvement in the planning and evaluation of their instruction. Readiness: Adults are most interested in learning subjects having immediate relevance to their work and/or personal lives. Orientation: Adult learning is problem-centered rather than content-oriented. Motivation: Adults respond better to internal versus external motivators. Blaschke (2012) described Malcolm Knowles' 1973 theory as "self-directed" learning. The goals include helping learners develop the capacity for self-direction, supporting transformational learning and promoting "emancipatory learning and social action" (Blaschke, 2019, p. 76). Although Knowles' andragogy is a well-known theory in the English-speaking world, his theory has an ancillary role internationally. This is especially true in European countries where andragogy is a term used to refer to a field of systematic reflection. The acceptance of andragogy in European countries, according to St. Clair and Käpplinger (2021) is to accept andragogy as the "scientific study of learning in adults and the concomitant teaching approaches" (p. 485). Further, the definition of andragogy and its application to adult learning is more variable currently due to both the impact of globalization and the rapid expansion of adult online learning. History The term was originally coined by German educator Alexander Kapp in 1833. Andragogy was developed into a theory of adult education by Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy. It later became very popular in the US by the American educator Malcolm Knowles. Knowles asserted that andragogy (Greek: "man-leading") should be distinguished from the more commonly used term pedagogy (Greek: "child-leading"). Knowles collected ideas about a theory of adult education from the end of World War II until he was introduced to the term "androgogy". In 1966, Knowles met Dušan Savićević in Boston. Savićević was the one who shared the term andragogy with Knowles and explained how it was used in the European context. In 1967, Knowles made use of the term "andragogy" to explain his theory of adult education. Then after consulting with Merriam-Webster, he corrected the spelling of the term to "andragogy" and continued to make use of the term to explain his multiple ideas about adult learning. Knowles' theory can be stated with six assumptions related to the motivation of adult learning: Need to know: Adults need to know the reason for learning something. Foundation: Experience (including error) provides the basis for learning activities. Self-concept: Adults need to be responsible for their decisions on education; involvement in the planning and evaluation of their instruction. Readiness: Adults are most interested in learning subjects having immediate relevance to their work and/or personal lives. Orientation: Adult learning is problem-centered rather than content-oriented. Motivation: Adults respond better to internal versus external motivators. In most European countries, the Knowles discussion played at best, a marginal role. "Andragogy" was, from 1970 on, connected with emerging academic and professional institutions, publications, or programs, triggered by a similar growth of adult education in practice and theory as in the United States. "Andragogy" functioned here as a header for (places of) systematic reflections, parallel to other academic headers like "biology", "medicine", and "physics". Early examples of this use of andragogy are the Yugoslavian (scholarly) journal for adult education, named Andragogija in 1969, and the Yugoslavian Society for Andragogy; at Palacky University in Olomouc (Czech Republic) the Katedra sociologie a andragogiky (Sociology and Andragogy Department) was established in 1990. Also, Prague University has a Katedra Andragogiky (Andragogical Department); in 1993, Slovenia's Andragoski Center Republike Slovenije (Slovenian Republic Andragogy Center) was founded with the journal Andragoska Spoznanja; in 1995, Bamberg University (Germany) named a Lehrstuhl Andragogik (Androgogy Chair). On this formal level "above practice" and specific approaches, the term "andragogy" could be used relating to all types of theories, for reflection, analysis, training, in person-oriented programs, or human resource development. Principles Adult learning is based upon comprehension, organization and synthesis of knowledge rather than rote memory. Some scholars have proposed seven principles of adult learning: Adults must want to learn: They learn effectively only when they are free to direct their own learning and have a strong inner motivation to develop a new skill or acquire a particular type of knowledge, this sustains learning. Adults will learn only what they feel they need to learn – Adults are practical in their approach to learning; they want to know, "How is this going to help me right now? Is it relevant (content, connection, and application) and does it meet my targeted goals?" Adults learn by doing: Adolescents learn by doing, but adults learn through active practice and participation. This helps in integrating component skills into a coherent whole. Adult learning focuses on problem solving: Adolescents tend to learn skills sequentially. Adults tend to start with a problem and then work to find a solution. A meaningful engagement, such as posing and answering realistic questions and problems is necessary for deeper learning. This leads to more elaborate, longer lasting, and stronger representations of the knowledge (Craik & Lockhart, 1972). Experience affects adult learning: Adults have more experience than adolescents. This can be an asset and a liability, if prior knowledge is inaccurate, incomplete, or immature, it can interfere with or distort the integration of incoming information (Clement, 1982; National Research Council, 2000). Adults learn best in an informal situation: Adolescents have to follow a curriculum. Often, adults learn by taking responsibility for the value and need of content they have to understand and the particular goals it will achieve. Being in an inviting, collaborative and networking environment as an active participant in the learning process makes it efficient. Adults want guidance and consideration as equal partners in the process: Adults want information that will help them improve their situation. They do not want to be told what to do and they evaluate what helps and what doesn't. They want to choose options based on their individual needs and the meaningful impact a learning engagement could provide. Socialization is more important among adults. Academic discipline In the field of adult education during recent decades, a process of growth and differentiation emerged as a scholarly and scientific approach, andragogy. It refers to the academic discipline(s) within university programs that focus on the education of adults; andragogy exists today worldwide. The term refers to a new type of education which was not qualified by missions and visions, but by academic learning including: reflection, critique, and historical analyses. Dušan Savićević, who provided Knowles with the term andragogy, explicitly claims andragogy as a discipline, the subject of which is the study of education and learning of adults in all its forms of expression' (Savicevic, 1999, p. 97, similarly Henschke, 2003,), Reischmann, 2003. Recent research and the COVID 19 pandemic have expanded andragogy into the online world internationally, as evidenced by country and international organizations that foster the development of adult learning, research and collaboration in educating adults. New and expanding online instruction is fostered by national organizations, literacy organizations, academic journals and higher education institutions that are helping adults to achieve learning and skills that will contribute to individual economic improvement. New learning resources and approaches are identified, such as finding that using collaborative tools like a wiki can encourage learners to become more self-directed, thereby enriching the classroom environment. Andragogy gives scope to self-directed learners and helps in designing and delivering the focused instructions. The methods used by andragogy can be used in different educational environments (e.g. adolescent education). Internationally there are many academic journals, adult education organizations (including government agencies) and centers for adult learning housed in a plethora of international colleges and universities that are working to promote the field of adult learning, as well as adult learning opportunities in training, traditional classes and in online learning. In academic fields, andrologists are those who practice and specialize in the field of andragogy. Andragologists have received a doctoral degree from an accredited university in Education (EdD) or a Philosophy (PhD) and focused their dissertation utilizing andragogy as a main component of their theoretical framework. Differences in learning: The Pedagogy, andragogy and heutagogy continuum In the 20th century, adult educators began to challenge the application of pedagogical theory and teacher-centered approaches to the teaching of adults. Unlike children, adult learners are not transmitted knowledge. Rather, the adult learner is an active participant in their learning. Adult students also are asked to actively plan their learning process to include identifying learning objectives and how they will be achieved. Knowles (1980) summarized the key characteristics of andragogy in this model: 1) independency or self-directedness 2) using past experiences to construct learning, 3) association with readiness to learn, and 4) changing education perspectives from subject-centered one to performance centered perspectives. A new educational strategy has evolved in response to globalization that identifies learners as self-determined, especially in higher education and work-place settings: heutagogy, a process where students learn on their own with some guidance from the teacher. The motivation to learn comes from the students' interest in not only performing, but being recognized for their accomplishment (Akiyildiz, 2019). In addition, in heutagogy, learning is learner-centric - where the decisions relating to the learning process are managed by the student. Further, the student determines whether or not the learning objectives are met. Differences between pedagogy, andragogy, and heutagogy include: Critique There is no consensus internationally on whether andragogy is a learning theory or a set of principles, characteristics or assumptions of adult learning. Knowles himself changed his position on whether andragogy applied only to adults and came to believe that "pedagogy-andragogy represents a continuum ranging from teacher-directed to student-directed learning and that both approaches are appropriate with children and adults, depending on the situation." Hanson (1996) argues that the difference in learning is not related to the age and stage of one's life, but instead related to individual characteristics and the differences in "context, culture and power" within different educational settings. In another critique of Knowles' work, Knowles was not able to use one of his principles (Self-concept) with adult learners to the extent that he describes in his practices. In one course, Knowles appears to allow "near total freedom in learner determination of objectives" but still "intended" the students to choose from a list of 18 objectives on the syllabus. Self-concept can be critiqued not just from the instructor's point of view, but also from the student's point of view. Not all adult learners will know exactly what they want to learn in a course and may seek a more structured outline from an instructor. An instructor cannot assume that an adult will desire self-directed learning in every situation. Kidd (1978) goes further by claiming that principles of learning have to be applied to lifelong development. He suggested that building a theory on adult learning would be meaningless, as there is no real basis for it. Jarvis even implies that andragogy would be more the result of an ideology than a scientific contribution to the comprehension of the learning processes. Knowles himself mentions that andragogy is a "model of assumptions about learning or a conceptual framework that serves as a basis for an emergent theory." There appears to be a lack of research on whether this framework of teaching and learning principles is more relevant to adult learners or if it is just a set of good practices that could be used for both children and adult learners. The way adults learn is different from the pedagogical approach used to foster learning in K-12 settings. These learning differences are key and can be used to show that the six characteristics/principles of andragogy remain applicable when designing teaching and learning materials, in English as a Foreign Language (EFL), for example. See also References Further reading Loeng, S. (2012). Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy – an andragogical pioneer. Studies in Continuing Education, Reischmann, Jost (2005): Andragogy. In: English, Leona (ed): International Encyclopedia of Adult Education. London: Palgrave Macmillan. S. 58–63. (.pdf-download) Smith, M. K. (1996; 1999) 'Andragogy', in the Encyclopedia of Informal Education. Andragogy and other Learning Theories Philosophy of education

Abandonment (emotional)

Emotional abandonment is a subjective emotional state in which people feel undesired, left behind, insecure, or discarded. People experiencing emotional abandonment may feel at a loss. They may feel like they have been cut off from a crucial source of sustenance or feel withdrawn, either suddenly or through a process of erosion. Emotional abandonment can manifest through loss or separation from a loved one. Feeling rejected, which is a significant component of emotional abandonment, has a biological impact in that it activates the physical pain centers of the brain and can leave an emotional imprint in the brain's warning system. Emotional abandonment has been a staple of poetry and literature since ancient times. Impairment and treatment considerations Feelings of emotional abandonment can stem from numerous situations. According to Makino et al: Our perception of rejection or of being rejected can have a lasting effect on how an individual acts. One's perception may impair one's ability to establish and maintain close and meaningful relationships with others. Individuals who experience feelings of emotional abandonment are likely to also experience maladaptive thoughts ("irrational beliefs") and behaviors such as depressive symptoms and relationship avoidance and/or dependence. This may cause abundant difficulty in daily life with interpersonal relationships and social settings. While such maladaptive thoughts and behaviors are sometimes present in the context of certain psychological disorders (e.g., borderline personality disorder, antisocial personality disorder, depression, anxiety disorders), not all individuals who experience feelings of emotional abandonment will meet criteria for such a psychological disorder. These individuals may function within normal limits in spite of the presence of these emotional difficulties. Such feelings should only be considered by a mental health professional in conjunction with all available information and diagnostic criterion prior to drawing conclusions about the state of someone's mental health. When treatment is deemed appropriate by a mental health professional, there are several treatment plans that are helpful in improving maladaptive thoughts and behaviors commonly manifested in those who feel emotionally abandoned. For example, cognitive processing therapy (CPT) is effective in treating depression, anxiety disorders, and PTSD. Emotion focused therapy (EFT) is effective in treating depression. Dialectical behavior therapy (DBT) is effective in treating negative emotionality and impulsive behaviors commonly seen in those diagnosed with borderline personality disorder. Another form of therapy that is suited to this population is acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT). ACT focuses on an individual's avoidance of painful emotions and memories. ACT techniques are designed to cultivate thought processes that are focused on being present in the moment and accepting uncomfortable or painful thoughts and feelings. Reframing maladaptive perceptions of one's thoughts to adaptive perceptions of thoughts and committing to aligning one's behaviors with one's goals and values is fundamental to ACT treatment. Just like the process of arriving at diagnostic conclusions, all modes of therapy and treatment plans should be based on individual presentation and should be evaluated by a mental health professional before beginning treatment. Separation anxiety Separation anxiety, a substrate of emotional abandonment, is recognized as a primary source of human distress and dysfunction. When we experience a threat or disconnect within a primary attachment, it triggers a fear response referred to as separation stress or separation anxiety. Separation stress has been the subject of extensive research in psychological and neurobiological fields, and has been shown to be a universal response to separation in the animal world. When conducting experiments on rat pups, researchers separate the pups from their mothers for a period of time. They then measure their distress vocalizations and stress hormones to determine varying conditions of the separation response. As the rats mature, their subsequent reactive behaviors and stress hormones are reexamined and are shown to bear a striking resemblance to the depression, anxiety, avoidance behaviors, and self defeated posturing displayed by human beings known to have suffered earlier separation traumas. Owing to the neocortical component of human functioning, when human beings lose a primary relationship, they are slow to grasp its potential repercussions (i.e. they may feel uncertain about the future or fear being unable to climb out of an abyss). There are additional factors that add to these fears such as "Unusual distress about being separated from a person or a pet, excessive worry that another person will be harmed if they leave them alone, heightened fear of being alone, physical symptoms when they know they will be separated from another person soon, excessive worry surrounding being alone, and needing to know where a spouse or loved one is at all times." All the aforementioned factors add an additional layer of separation stress. To abandon is "to withdraw one's support or help from, especially in spite of duty, allegiance, or responsibility; desert: abandon a friend in trouble." When the loss is due to the object's voluntary withdrawal, a common response is to feel unworthy of love. This indicates the tendency for people to blame the rejection on themselves. "Am I unworthy of love, destined to grow old and die all alone, bereft of human connection or caring?" Questioning one's desirability as a mate and fearing eternal isolation are among the additional anxieties incurred in abandonment scenarios. The concurrence of self devaluation and primal fear distinguish abandonment grief from most other types of bereavement. Psychological trauma The depression that might accompany abandonment can create a sustained type of stress that constitutes an emotional trauma which can be severe enough to leave an emotional imprint on an individual's psychobiological functioning. This can affect future choices and responses to rejection, loss, or even disconnection. One after-effect of abandonment is that of experiencing triggers. These triggers are linked to our primal fear of being separated. This type of fear is referred to as primal abandonment fear. We fear being left alone and having no one to take care of our needs. People usually first experience anxiety as a fear of being separated from their mother This sensation is stored in the amygdala – a structure set deep into the brain's emotional memory system responsible for conditioning the fight/freeze/flight response to fear. Primal fear may have been initiated by birth trauma and even have some prenatal antecedents. The emotional memory system is fairly intact at or before birth and lays down traces of the sensations and feelings of the infant's separation experiences. These primitive feelings are reawakened by later events, especially those reminiscent of unwanted or abrupt separations from a source of sustenance. In adulthood, being left arouses primal fear along with other primitive sensations which contribute to feelings of terror and outright panic. Infantile needs and urgencies re-emerge and can precipitate a symbiotic regression in which individuals feel, at least momentarily, unable to survive without the lost object. People may also experience the intense stress of helplessness. When they make repeated attempts to compel their loved one to return and are unsuccessful, they feel helpless and inadequate to the task. This helplessness causes people to feel possessed of what Michael Balint calls “a limited capacity to perform the work of conquest – the work necessary to transform an indifferent object into a participating partner.” According to Balint, feeling one's ‘limited capacity’ is traumatic in that it produces a fault line in the psyche which renders the person vulnerable to heightened emotional responses within primary relationships. Another factor contributing to the traumatic conditions is the stress of losing one's background object. A background object is someone on whom individuals have come to rely in ways they did not realize until the object is no longer present. For instance, the relationship served as a mutual regulatory system. Multiple psychobiological systems helped to maintain individuals’ equilibrium. As members of a couple, they became external regulators for one another. They were attuned on many levels: their pupils dilated in synchrony, they echoed one another's speech patterns, movements, and even cardiac and EEG rhythms. As a couple, they functioned like a mutual bio-feedback system, stimulating and modulating each other's bio rhythms, responding to one another's pheromones, and addicting to the steady trickle of endogenous opiates induced by the relationship. When the relationship ends, the many processes it helped to regulate go into disarray. As the emotional and bio-physiological effects mount, the stressful process is heightened by the knowledge that it was not the person, but their loved one who chose to withdraw from the bond. This knowledge may cause people to interpret their intense emotional responses to the disconnection as evidence of their putative weakness and ‘limited capacity to perform the work of conquest’. Post-traumatic stress disorder Some people who experience the traumatic stress of abandonment go on to develop post traumatic symptoms. Post-traumatic symptoms associated with abandonment include a sequela of heightened emotional reactions (ranging from mild to severe) and habituated defense mechanisms (many of which have become maladaptive) to perceived threats or disruptions to one's sense of self or to one's connections. Such symptoms are all very common, regardless of how traumatic the event. They include "recurrent intrusive memories, traumatic nightmares, and flashbacks. Avoiding trauma-related thoughts and feelings and/or objects, people, or places associated with the trauma. Distorted beliefs about oneself or the world, persistent shame or guilt, emotional numbing, feelings of alienation, inability to recall key details of the trauma, etc." These symptoms all stem from devastating events that can have lasting effects on the brain through adulthood. There are various predisposing psycho-biological and environmental factors that go into determining whether one's earlier emotional trauma might lead to the development of a true clinical picture of post-traumatic stress disorder. One factor has to do with variation in certain brain structures. According to Jerome Kagan, some people are born with a locus coeruleus that tends to produce higher concentrations of norepinephrine, a brain chemical involved in arousal of the body's self-defense response. This would lower their threshold for becoming aroused and make them more likely to become anxious when they encounter stresses in life that are reminiscent of childhood separations and fears, hence making them more prone to becoming post-traumatic. Borderline personality disorder The most distinguishing symptoms of borderline personality disorder (BPD) are marked sensitivity to rejection or criticism, and intense fear of possible abandonment. Overall, the features of BPD include unusually intense sensitivity in relationships with others, difficulty regulating emotions, issues with self-image and impulsivity. Fear of abandonment may lead to overlapping dating relationships as a new relationship is developed to protect against abandonment in the existing relationship. Other symptoms may include feeling unsure of one's personal identity, morals, and values; having paranoid thoughts when feeling stressed; depersonalization; and, in moderate to severe cases, stress-induced breaks with reality or psychotic episodes. Autophobia Autophobia is the specific phobia of isolation; a morbid fear of being egotistical, or a dread of being alone or isolated. Sufferers need not be physically alone, but just to believe that they are being ignored or unloved. References External links Emotion Suffering Attachment theory

Ableism

Ableism (; also known as ablism, disablism (British English), anapirophobia, anapirism, and disability discrimination) is discrimination and social prejudice against people with physical or mental disabilities (see also Sanism). Ableism characterizes people as they are defined by their disabilities and it also classifies disabled people as people who are inferior to non-disabled people. On this basis, people are assigned or denied certain perceived abilities, skills, or character orientations. Although ableism and disablism are both terms which describe disability discrimination, the emphasis for each of these terms is slightly different. Ableism is discrimination in favor of non-disabled people, while disablism is discrimination against disabled people. There are stereotypes which are either associated with disability in general, or they are associated with specific impairments or chronic health conditions (for instance the presumption that all disabled people want to be cured, the presumption that wheelchair users also have an intellectual disability, or the presumption that blind people have some special form of insight). These stereotypes, in turn, serve as a justification for discriminatory practices, and reinforce discriminatory attitudes and behaviors toward people who are disabled. Labeling affects people when it limits their options for action or changes their identity. In ableist societies, the lives of disabled people is considered less worth living, or disabled people less valuable, even sometimes expendable. The eugenics movement of the early 20th century is considered an expression of widespread ableism. Ableism can be further understood by reading literature which is written and published by those who experience disability and ableism first-hand. Disability studies is an academic discipline which is also beneficial when non-disabled people pursue it in order to gain a better understanding of ableism. Etymology Originating from -able (in disable, disabled) and -ism (in racism, sexism); first recorded in 1981. History Canada Ableism in Canada refers to a set of discourses, behaviors, and structures that express feelings of anxiety, fear, hostility, and antipathy towards people with disabilities in Canada. The specific types of discrimination that have occurred or are still occurring in Canada include the inability to access important facilities such as infrastructure within the transport network, restrictive immigration policies, involuntary sterilization to stop people with disabilities from having offspring, barriers to employment opportunities, wages that are insufficient to maintain a minimal standard of living, and institutionalization of people with disabilities in substandard conditions. Austerity measures implemented by the government of Canada have also at times been referred to as ableist, such as funding cuts that put people with disabilities at risk of living in abusive arrangements. Nazi Germany In July 1933, Hitler, along with the Nazi Government, implemented the Law for the Prevention of Progeny with Hereditary Diseased Offspring. Essentially, this law implemented sterilization practices for all people who had what were considered hereditary disabilities. For example, disabilities such as mental illness, blindness and deafness were all considered hereditary diseases; therefore, people with these disabilities were sterilized. The law also created propaganda against people with disabilities; people with disabilities were displayed as unimportant towards progressing the Aryan race. In 1939 Hitler signed the secret euthanasia program decree Aktion T4, which authorized the killing of selected patients diagnosed with chronic neurological and psychiatric disorders. This program killed about 70,000 disabled people before it was officially halted by Hitler in 1941 under public pressure, and it was unofficially continued out of the public eye, killing a total of 200,000 or more by the end of Hitler's reign in 1945. United Kingdom In the UK, disability discrimination became unlawful as a result of the Disability Discrimination Act 1995, and the Disability Discrimination Act 2005. These were later superseded, retaining the substantive law, by the Equality Act 2010. The Equality Act 2010 brought together protections against multiple areas of discriminatory behavior (disability, race, religion and belief, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, age and pregnancy the so-called "protected characteristics"). Under the Equality Act 2010, there are prohibitions addressing several forms of discrimination including direct discrimination (s.13), indirect discrimination (s.6, s.19), harassment (s.26), victimisation (s.27), discrimination arising from disability (s.15), and failure to make reasonable adjustments (s.20). Part 2, chapter 1, section 6, of the Equality Act 2010 states that "A person (P) has a disability if (a) P has a physical or mental impairment, and (b) the impairment has a substantial and long-term adverse effect on P's ability to carry out normal day-to-day activities." United States Much like many minority groups, disabled Americans were often segregated and denied certain rights for a majority of American history. In the 1800s, a shift from a religious view to a more scientific view took place and caused more individuals with disabilities to be examined. Public stigma began to change after World War II when many Americans returned home with disabilities. In the 1960s, following the civil rights movement in America, the world began the disabled rights movement. The movement was intended to give all individuals with disabilities equal rights and opportunities. Until the 1970s, ableism in the United States was often codified into law. For example, in many jurisdictions, so-called "ugly laws" barred people from appearing in public if they had diseases or disfigurements that were considered unsightly. UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities In May 2012, the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities was ratified. The document establishes the inadmissibility of discrimination on the basis of disability, including in employment. In addition, the amendments create a legal basis for significantly expanding opportunities to protect the rights of persons with disabilities, including in the administrative procedure and in court. The law defined specific obligations that all owners of facilities and service providers must fulfill to create conditions for disabled people equal to the rest. Workplace In 1990, the Americans with Disabilities Act was put in place to prohibit private employers, state and local government, employment agencies and labor unions from discrimination against qualified disabled people in job applications, when hiring, firing, advancement in workplace, compensation, training, and on other terms, conditions and privileges of employment. The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) plays a part in fighting against ableism by being responsible for enforcing federal laws that make it illegal to discriminate against a job applicant or an employee because of the person's race, color, religion, sex (including pregnancy, gender identity, and sexual orientation), national origin, age (40 or older), disability or genetic information. Similarly in the UK, the Equality Act 2010 was put in place and provides legislation that there should be no workplace discrimination. Under the act, all employers have a duty to make reasonable adjustments for their disabled employees to help them overcome any disadvantages resulting from the impairment. Failure to carry out reasonable adjustment amounts to disability discrimination. Employers and managers are often concerned about the potential cost associated with providing accommodations to employees with disabilities. However, many accommodations have a cost of $0 (59% in a survey of employers conducted by the Job Accommodation Network (JAN)), and accommodation costs may be offset by the savings associated with employing people with disabilities (higher performance, lower turnover costs). Moreover, organizational interventions that support workplace inclusion of the most vulnerable, such as neurodivergent individuals, are likely to benefit all employees. Idiosyncratic deals (i-deals), individually negotiated work arrangements (e.g., flexible schedules, working from home), can also serve as an important work accommodation for persons with disabilities. I-deals can create the conditions for long-term employment for people with disabilities by creating jobs that fit each employee's abilities, interests, and career aspirations. Agents can represent people with disabilities and help them negotiate their unique employment terms, but successful i-deals require resources and flexibility on the part of the employer. Healthcare Ableism is prevalent in the many different divisions of healthcare, whether that be in prison systems, the legal or policy side of healthcare, and clinical settings. The following subsections will explore the ways in which ableism makes its way into these areas of focus through the inaccessibility of appropriate medical treatment. Clinical settings Just as in every other facet of life, ableism is present in clinical healthcare settings. A 2021 study of over 700 physicians in the United States found that only 56.5% "strongly agreed that they welcomed patients with disability into their practices." The same study also found that 82.4% of these physicians believed that people with a significant disability had a lower quality of life than those without disabilities. Data from the 1994–1995 National Health Interview Survey-Disability Supplement has shown that those with disabilities have lower life expectancies than those without them. While that can be explained by a myriad of factors, one of the factors is the ableism experienced by those with disabilities in clinical settings. Those with disabilities may be more hesitant to seek care when needed due to barriers created by ableism such as dentist chairs that are not accessible or offices that are filled with bright lights and noises that can be triggering. In June 2020, near the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, a 46-year-old quadriplegic in Austin, Texas named Michael Hickson was denied treatment for COVID-19, sepsis, and a urinary tract infection and died 6 days after treatment was withheld. His physician was quoted as having said that he had a "preference to treat patients who can walk and talk." The physician also had stated that Hickson's brain injury made him have not much of a quality of life. Several complaints have since been filed with the Texas Office of Civil Rights and many disability advocacy groups have become involved in the case. Several states, including Alabama, Arizona, Kansas, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Utah, and Washington allow healthcare providers, in times of crisis, to triage based on the perceived quality of life of the patients, which tends to be perceived as lower for those with disabilities. In Alabama, a ventilator-rationing scheme put in place during the pandemic enabled healthcare providers to exclude patients with disabilities from treatment; such patients were those who required assistance with various activities of daily living, had certain mental conditions (varying degrees of mental retardation or moderate-to-severe dementia) or other preexisting conditions categorized as disabilities. Criminal justice settings The provision of effective healthcare for people with disabilities in criminal justice institutions is an important issue because the percentage of disabled people in such facilities has been shown to be larger than the percentage in the general population. A lack of prioritization on working to incorporate efficient and quality medical support into prison structures endangers the health and safety of disabled prisoners. Limited access to medical care in prisons consists of long waiting times to meet with physicians and to consistently receive treatment, as well as the absence of harm reduction measures and updated healthcare protocols. Discriminatory medical treatment also takes place through the withholding of proper diets, medications, and assistance (equipment and interpreters), in addition to failures to adequately train prison staff. Insufficient medical accommodations can worsen prisoners' health conditions through greater risks of depression, HIV/AIDS and Hepatitis C transmission, and unsafe drug injections. In Canada, the usage of prisons as psychiatric facilities may involve issues concerning inadequate access to medical support, particularly mental health counseling, and the inability of prisoners to take part in decision-making regarding their medical treatment. The usage of psychologists employed by the correctional services organization and the lack of confidentiality in therapeutic sessions also present barriers for disabled prisoners. That makes it more difficult for prisoners with disabilities to express discontentment about problems in the available healthcare since it may later complicate their release from the prison. In the United States, the population of older adults in the criminal justice system is growing rapidly, but older prisoners' healthcare needs are not being sufficiently met. One specific issue includes a lack of preparation for correctional officers to be able to identify geriatric disability. Regarding that underrecognition of disability, further improvement is needed in training programs to allow officers to learn when and how to provide proper healthcare intervention and treatment for older adult prisoners. Healthcare policy Ableism has long been a serious concern in healthcare policy, and the COVID-19 pandemic has greatly exaggerated and highlighted the prevalence of this serious concern. Studies frequently show what a "headache" patients with disabilities are for the healthcare system. In a 2020 study, 83.6% of healthcare providers preferred patients without disabilities to those with disabilities. This policy is especially concerning since according to the CDC, people with disabilities are at a heightened risk for contracting COVID-19. Additionally, in the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK, people with intellectual disabilities were told that they will not be resuscitated if they become ill with COVID-19. Education Ableism often makes the world inaccessible to disabled people, especially in schools. Within education systems, the use of the medical model of disability and social model of disability contributes to the divide between students within special education and general education classrooms. Oftentimes, the medical model of disability portrays the overarching idea that disability can be corrected and diminished at the result of removing children from general education classrooms. This model of disability suggests that the impairment is more important than the person, who is helpless and should be separated from those who are not disabled. The social model of disability suggests that people with impairments are disabled at the result of the way society acts. When students with disabilities are pulled out of their classrooms into receive the support that they need, that often leads their peers to socially reject them because they don't form relationships with them in the classroom. By using the social model of disability, inclusive schools where the social norm is not to alienate students can promote more teamwork and less division throughout their campuses. Implementing the social model within modern forms of inclusive education provides children of all abilities with the role of changing discriminatory attitudes within the school system. For example, a disabled student may need to read text instead of listening to a tape recording of the text. In the past, schools have focused on fixing the disability, but progressive reforms make schools now focused on minimizing the impact of a student's disability and giving support. Moreover, schools are required to maximize access to their entire community. In 2004, U.S. Congress made into law the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, which states that free and appropriate education is eligible to children with disabilities with insurance of necessary services. Congress later amended the law, in 2015, to include the Every Student Succeeds Act, which guarantees equal opportunity for people with disabilities full participation in society, and the tools for overall independent success. Media These common ways of framing disability are heavily criticized for being dehumanizing and failing to place importance on the perspectives of disabled people. Disabled villain One common form of media depiction of disability is to portray villains with a mental or physical disability. Lindsey Row-Heyveld notes, for instance, "that villainous pirates are scraggly, wizened and inevitably kitted out with a peg leg, eye patch or hook hand, whereas heroic pirates look like Johnny Depp's Jack Sparrow". The disability of the villain is meant to separate them from the average viewer and dehumanize the antagonist. As a result, stigma forms surrounding the disability and the individuals that live with it. There are many instances in literature where the antagonist is depicted as having a disability or mental illness. Some common examples include Captain Hook, Darth Vader and the Joker. Captain Hook is notorious for having a hook as a hand and seeks revenge on Peter Pan for his lost hand. Darth Vader's situation is unique because Luke Skywalker is also disabled. Luke's prosthetic hand looks lifelike, whereas Darth Vader appears robotic and emotionless because his appearance does not resemble humans and takes away human emotions. The Joker is a villain with a mental illness, and he is an example of the typical depiction of associating mental illness with violence. Inspiration porn Inspiration porn is the use of disabled people performing ordinary tasks as a form of inspiration. Criticisms of inspiration porn say that it distances disabled people from individuals who are not disabled and portrays disability as an obstacle to overcome or rehab. One of the most common examples of inspiration porn includes the Paralympics. Athletes with disabilities often get praised as inspirational because of their athletic accomplishments. Critics of this type of inspiration porn have said, "athletic accomplishments by these athletes are oversimplified as 'inspirational' because they're such a surprise." Pitied character In many forms of media such as films and articles a disabled person is portrayed as a character who is viewed as less than able, different, and an "outcast." Hayes and Black (2003) explore Hollywood films as the discourse of pity towards disability as a problem of social, physical, and emotional confinement. The aspect of pity is heightened through the storylines of media focusing on the individual's weaknesses as opposed to strengths and therefore leaving audiences a negative and ableist portrayal towards disability. Supercrip stereotype The supercrip narrative is generally a story of a person with an apparent disability who is able to "overcome" their physical differences and accomplish an impressive task. Professor Thomas Hehir's "Eliminating Ableism in Education" gives the story of a blind man who climbs Mount Everest, Erik Weihenmayer, as an example of the supercrip narrative. The Paralympics are another example of the supercrip stereotype since they generate a large amount of media attention and demonstrate disabled people doing extremely strenuous physical tasks. Although that may appear inspiring at face value, Hehir explains that many people with disabilities view those news stories as setting unrealistic expectations. Additionally, Hehir mentions that supercrip stories imply that disabled people are required to perform those impressive tasks to be seen as an equal and to avoid pity from those without disabilities. The disability studies scholar Alison Kafer describes how those narratives reinforce the problematic idea that disability can be overcome by an individual's hard work, in contrast to other theories, which understand disability to be a result of a world that is not designed to be accessible. Supercrip stories reinforce ableism by emphasizing independence, reliance on one's body, and the role of individual will in self-cure. Other examples of the supercrip narrative include the stories of Rachael Scdoris, the first blind woman to race in the Iditarod, and Aron Ralston, who has continued to climb after the amputation of his arm. Environmental and outdoor recreation media Disability has often been used as a short-hand in environmental literature for representing distance from nature, in what Sarah Jaquette Ray calls the "disability-equals-alienation-from-nature trope." An example of this trope can be seen in Moby Dick, as Captain Ahab's lost leg symbolizes his exploitative relationship with nature. Additionally, in canonical environmental thought, figures such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and Edward Abbey wrote using metaphors of disability to describe relationships between nature, technology, and the individual. Ableism in outdoor media can also be seen in promotional materials from the outdoor recreation industry: Alison Kafer highlighted a 2000 Nike advertisement, which ran in eleven outdoor magazines promoting a pair of running shoes. Kafer alleged that the advertisement depicted a person with a spinal cord injury and a wheelchair user as a "drooling, misshapen, non-extreme-trail-running husk of [their] former self", and said that the advertisement promised non-disabled runners and hikers the ability to protect their bodies against disability by purchasing the pair of shoes. The advertisement was withdrawn after the company received over six hundred complaints in the first two days after its publication, and Nike apologized. Sports Sports are often an area of society in which ableism is evident. In sports media, disabled athletes are often portrayed to be inferior. When disabled athletes are discussed in the media, there is often an emphasis on rehabilitation and the road to recovery, which is inherently a negative view on the disability. Oscar Pistorius is a South African runner who competed in the 2004, 2008, and 2012 Paralympics and the 2012 Olympic games in London. Pistorius was the first double amputee athlete to compete in the Olympic games. While media coverage focused on inspiration and competition during his time in the Paralympic games, it shifted to questioning whether his prosthetic legs gave him an advantage while competing in the Olympic games. Types of ableism Physical ableism is hate or discrimination based on physical disability. Sanism, or mental ableism, is discrimination based on mental health conditions and cognitive disabilities. Medical ableism exists both interpersonally (as healthcare providers can be ableist) and systemically, as decisions determined by medical institutions and caregivers may prevent the exercise of rights from disabled patients like autonomy and making decisions. The medical model of disability can be used to justify medical ableism. Structural ableism is failing to provide accessibility tools: ramps, wheelchairs, special education equipments, etc. (Which is often also an example of Hostile architecture.) Cultural ableism is behavioural, cultural, attitudinal and social patterns that may discriminate against disabled people, including by denying, dismissing or invisibilising disabled people, and by making accessibility and support unattainable. Internalised ableism is a disabled person discriminating against themself and other disabled people by holding the view that disability is something to be ashamed of or something to hide or by refusing accessibility or support. Internalised ableism may be a result of mistreatment of disabled individuals. Hostile ableism is a cultural or social kind of ableism where people are hostile towards symptoms of a disability or phenotypes of the disabled person. Benevolent ableism is when people treat the disabled person well but like a child (infantilization), instead of considering them full grown adults. Examples include ignoring disabilities, not respecting the life experiences of the disabled person, microaggression, not considering the opinion of the disabled person in important decision making, invasion of privacy or personal boundaries, forced corrective measures, unwanted help, not listening to the disabled person, etc. Ambivalent ableism can be characterized as somewhere in between hostile and benevolent ableism. Causes of ableism Ableism may have evolutionary and existential origins (fear of contagion, fear of death). It may also be rooted in belief systems (social Darwinism, meritocracy), language (such as "suffering from" disability), or unconscious biases. See also Disability abuse Disability and poverty Disability hate crime Disability rights movement Inclusion (disability rights) Mentalism (discrimination) Medical industrial complex Violent behavior in autistic people Violence against people with disabilities References Further reading Fandrey, Walter: Krüppel, Idioten, Irre: zur Sozialgeschichte behinderter Menschen in Deutschland (Cripples, idiots, madmen: the social history of disabled people in Germany) Schweik, Susan. (2009). The Ugly Laws: Disability in Public (History of Disability). NYU Press. Shaver, James P. (1981). Handicapism and Equal Opportunity: Teaching About the Disabled in Social Studies. Library of Congress Card Catalog Number 80-70737 ERIC Number: ED202185 External links Disablism: How to tackle the last prejudice by DEMOS (2004) Social theories Social concepts Prejudice and discrimination by type Disability rights

Neuroticism

Neuroticism is a personality trait associated with negative emotions. It is one of the Big Five traits. Individuals with high scores on neuroticism are more likely than average to experience such feelings as anxiety, worry, fear, anger, frustration, envy, jealousy, pessimism, guilt, depressed mood, and loneliness. Such people are thought to respond worse to stressors and are more likely to interpret ordinary situations, such as minor frustrations, as appearing hopelessly difficult. Their behavioral responses may include procrastination, substance use, and other maladaptive behaviors, which may temporarily aid in relieving negative emotions and generating positive ones. People with high scores on the neuroticism index are thought to be at risk of developing common mental disorders (mood disorders, anxiety disorders, and substance use disorders have been studied), and the sorts of symptoms once referred to as "neuroses". Individuals who score low in neuroticism tend to be more emotionally stable and less reactive to stress. They tend to be calm, even-tempered, and less likely to feel tense or rattled. Although they are low in negative emotion, they are not necessarily high in positive emotion. According to a 1998 study, being high in scores of positive emotion is generally an element of the independent traits of extraversion and agreeableness. Neurotic extraverts, for example, would experience high levels of both positive and negative emotional states, a kind of "emotional roller coaster". Definition Neuroticism is a trait in many models within personality theory, but there is some disagreement on its definition. It is sometimes defined as a tendency for quick arousal when stimulated and slow relaxation from arousal, especially with regard to negative emotional arousal. This definition also fit people described as "highly sensitive" by psychologist Elaine Aron, who sees high sensitivity as a misunderstood trait that was useful in human evolution. Another definition focuses on emotional instability and negativity or maladjustment, in contrast to emotional stability and positivity, or good adjustment. It has also been defined in terms of lack of self-control and poor ability to manage psychological stress. Various personality tests produce numerical scores, and these scores are mapped onto the concept of "neuroticism" in various ways, which has created some confusion in the scientific literature, especially with regard to sub-traits or "facets". Measurement Like other personality traits, neuroticism is typically viewed as a continuous dimension rather than a discrete state. The extent of neuroticism is generally assessed using self-report measures, although peer-reports and third-party observation can also be used. Self-report measures are either lexical or based on statements. Deciding which measure of either type to use in research is determined by an assessment of psychometric properties and the time and space constraints of the study being undertaken. Lexical measures use individual adjectives that reflect neurotic traits, such as anxiety, envy, jealousy, and moodiness, and are very space and time efficient for research purposes. Lewis Goldberg (1992) developed a 20-word measure as part of his 100-word Big Five markers. Saucier (1994) developed a briefer 8-word measure as part of his 40-word mini-markers. Thompson (2008) systematically revised these measures to develop the International English Mini-Markers which has superior validity and reliability in populations both within and outside North America. Internal consistency reliability of the International English Mini-Markers for the Neuroticism (emotional stability) measure for native English-speakers is reported as 0.84, and that for non-native English-speakers is 0.77. Statement measures tend to comprise more words, and hence consume more research instrument space, than lexical measures. Respondents are asked the extent to which they, for example, "Remain calm under pressure", or "Have frequent mood swings". While some statement-based measures of neuroticism have similarly acceptable psychometric properties in North American populations to lexical measures, their generally emic development makes them less suited to use in other populations. For instance, statements in colloquial North American English like "feeling blue" or "being down in the dumps" are sometimes hard for non-native English-speakers to understand. Neuroticism has also been studied from the perspective of Gray's biopsychological theory of personality, using a scale that measures personality along two dimensions: the behavioural inhibition system (BIS) and the behavioural activation system (BAS). The BIS is thought to be related to sensitivity to punishment as well as avoidance motivation, while the BAS is thought to be related to sensitivity to reward as well as approach motivation. Neuroticism has been found to be positively correlated with the BIS scale, and negatively correlated with the BAS scale. Neuroticism has been included as one of the four dimensions that comprise core self-evaluations, one's fundamental appraisal of oneself, along with locus of control, self-efficacy, and self-esteem. The concept of core self-evaluations was first examined by Judge, Locke, and Durham (1997), and since then evidence has been found to suggest these have the ability to predict several work outcomes, specifically, job satisfaction and job performance. There is a risk of selection bias in surveys of neuroticism; a 2012 review of N-scores said that "many studies used samples drawn from privileged and educated populations". Neuroticism is highly correlated with the startle reflex in response to fearful conditions and inversely correlated with it in response to disgusting or repulsive stimuli. This suggests that Neuroticism may increase vigilance where evasive action is possible but promote emotional blunting when escape is not an option. A measure of the startle reflex can be used to predict the trait neuroticism with good accuracy; a fact that is thought by some to underlie the neurological basis of the trait. The startle reflex is a reflex in response to a loud noise that one typically has no control over, though anticipation can reduce the effect. The strength of the reflex as well as the time until the reflex ceases can be used to predict both neuroticism and extraversion. Mental disorder correlations Questions used in many neuroticism scales overlap with instruments used to assess mental disorders like anxiety disorders (especially social anxiety disorder) and mood disorders (especially major depressive disorder), which can sometimes confound efforts to interpret N scores and makes it difficult to determine whether each of neuroticism and the overlapping mental disorders might cause the other, or if both might stem from other causes. Correlations can be identified. A 2013 meta-analysis found that a wide range of clinical mental disorders are associated with elevated levels of neuroticism compared to levels in the general population. It found that high neuroticism is predictive for the development of anxiety disorders, major depressive disorder, psychosis, and schizophrenia, and is predictive but less so for substance use and non-specific mental distress. These associations are smaller after adjustment for elevated baseline symptoms of the mental illnesses and psychiatric history. Neuroticism has also been found to be associated with older age. In 2007, Mroczek & Spiro found that among older men, upward trends in neuroticism over life as well as increased neuroticism overall both contributed to higher mortality rates. Mood disorders Disorders associated with elevated neuroticism include mood disorders, such as depression and bipolar disorder, anxiety disorders, eating disorders, schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder, dissociative identity disorder, and hypochondriasis. Mood disorders tend to have a much larger association with neuroticism than most other disorders. The five big studies have described children and adolescents with high neuroticism as "anxious, vulnerable, tense, easily frightened, 'falling apart' under stress, guilt-prone, moody, low in frustration tolerance, and insecure in relationships with others", which includes both traits concerning the prevalence of negative emotions as well as the response to these negative emotions. Neuroticism in adults similarly was found to be associated with the frequency of self-reported problems. These associations can vary with culture: for example, Adams found that among upper-middle-class American teenaged girls, neuroticism was associated with eating disorders and self-harm, but among Ghanaian teenaged girls, higher neuroticism was associated with magical thinking and extreme fear of enemies. Personality disorders A 2004 meta-analysis attempted to analyze personality disorders in light of the five-factor personality theory and found that elevated neuroticism is correlated with many personality disorders. Theories of causation Mental-noise hypothesis Studies have found that the mean reaction times will not differ between individuals high in neuroticism and those low in neuroticism, but that, with individuals high in neuroticism, there is considerably more trial-to-trial variability in performance reflected in reaction time standard deviations. In other words, on some trials neurotic individuals are faster than average, and on others they are slower than average. It has been suggested that this variability reflects noise in the individual's information processing systems or instability of basic cognitive operations (such as regulation processes), and further that this noise originates from two sources: mental preoccupations and reactivity processes. Flehmig et al. (2007) studied mental noise in terms of everyday behaviours using the Cognitive Failures Questionnaire, which is a self-report measure of the frequency of slips and lapses of attention. A "slip" is an error by commission, and a "lapse" is an error by omission. This scale was correlated with two well-known measures of neuroticism, the BIS/BAS scale and the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire. Results indicated that the CFQ-UA (Cognitive Failures Questionnaire- Unintended Activation) subscale was most strongly correlated with neuroticism (r = .40) and explained the most variance (16%) compared to overall CFQ scores, which only explained 7%. The authors interpret these findings as suggesting that mental noise is "highly specific in nature" as it is related most strongly to attention slips triggered endogenously by associative memory. In other words, this may suggest that mental noise is mostly task-irrelevant cognitions such as worries and preoccupations. Evolutionary psychology The theory of evolution may also explain differences in personality. For example, one of the evolutionary approaches to depression focuses on neuroticism and finds that heightened reactivity to negative outcomes may have had a survival benefit, and that furthermore a positive relationship has been found between neuroticism level and success in university with the precondition that the negative effects of neuroticism are also successfully coped with. Likewise, a heightened reactivity to positive events may have had reproductive advantages, selecting for heightened reactivity generally. Nettle contends that evolution selected for higher levels of neuroticism until the negative effects of neuroticism outweighed its benefits, resulting in selection for a certain optimal level of neuroticism. This type of selection will result in a normal distribution of neuroticism, so the extremities of the distribution will be individuals with excessive neuroticism or too low neuroticism for what is optimal, and the ones with excessive neuroticism would therefore be more vulnerable to the negative effects of depression, and Nettle gives this as the explanation for the existence of depression rather than hypothesizing, as others have, that depression itself has any evolutionary benefit. Terror management theory According to terror management theory (TMT) neuroticism is primarily caused by insufficient anxiety buffers against unconscious death anxiety. These buffers consist of: Cultural worldviews that impart life with a sense of enduring meaning, such as social continuity beyond one's death, future legacy and afterlife beliefs. A sense of personal value, or the self-esteem in the cultural worldview context, an enduring sense of meaning. While TMT agrees with standard evolutionary psychology accounts that the roots of neuroticism in Homo sapiens or its ancestors are likely in adaptive sensitivities to negative outcomes, it posits that once Homo sapiens achieved a higher level of self-awareness, neuroticism increased enormously, becoming largely a spandrel, a non-adaptive byproduct of our adaptive intelligence, which resulted in a crippling awareness of death that threatened to undermine other adaptive functions. This overblown anxiety thus needed to be buffered via intelligently creative, but largely fictitious and arbitrary notions of cultural meaning and personal value. Since highly religious or supernatural conceptions of the world provide "cosmic" personal significance and literal immortality, they are deemed to offer the most efficient buffers against death anxiety and neuroticism. Thus, historically, the shift to more materialistic and secular cultures—starting in the neolithic, and culminating in the Industrial Revolution—is deemed to have increased neuroticism. Genetic and environmental factors A 2013 review found that "Neuroticism is the product of the interplay between genetic and environmental influences. Heritability estimates typically range from 40% to 60%." The effect size of these genetic differences remain largely the same throughout development, but the hunt for any specific genes that control neuroticism levels has "turned out to be difficult and hardly successful so far." On the other hand, with regards to environmental influences, adversities during development such as "emotional neglect and sexual abuse" were found to be positively associated with neuroticism. However, "sustained change in neuroticism and mental health are rather rare or have only small effects." In the July 1951 article: "The Inheritance of Neuroticism" by Hans J. Eysenck and Donald Prell it was reported that some 80 per cent of individual differences in neuroticism are due to heredity and only 20 percent are due to environment....the factor of neuroticism is not a statistical artifact, but constitutes a biological unit which is inherited as a whole....neurotic predisposition is to a large extent hereditarily determined. In children and adolescents, psychologists speak of temperamental negative affectivity that, during adolescence, develops into the neuroticism personality domain. Mean neuroticism levels change throughout the lifespan as a function of personality maturation and social roles, but also the expression of new genes. Neuroticism in particular was found to decrease as a result of maturity by decreasing through age 40 and then leveling off. Generally speaking, the influence of environments on neuroticism increases over the lifespan, although people probably select and evoke experiences based on their neuroticism levels. The emergent field of "imaging genetics", which investigates the role of genetic variation in the structure and function of the brain, has studied certain genes suggested to be related to neuroticism, and the one studied so far concerning this topic has been the serotonin transporter-linked promoter region gene known as 5-HTTLPR, which is transcribed into a serotonin transporter that removes serotonin. It has been found that compared to the long (l) variant of 5-HTTLPR, the short (s) variant has reduced promoter activity, and the first study on this subject has shown that the presence of the s-variant 5-HTTLPR has been found to result in higher amygdala activity from seeing angry or fearful faces while doing a non-emotional task, with further studies confirming that the s-variant 5-HTTLPR result greater amygdala activity in response to negative stimuli, but there have also been null findings. A meta-analysis of 14 studies has shown that this gene has a moderate effect size and accounts for 10% of the phenotypic difference. However, the relationship between brain activity and genetics may not be completely straightforward due to other factors, with suggestions made that cognitive control and stress may moderate the effect of the gene. There are two models that have been proposed to explain the type of association between the 5-HTTLPR gene and amygdala activity: the "phasic activation" model proposes that the gene controls amygdala activity levels in response to stress, whereas the "tonic activation" model, on the other hand, proposes that the gene controls baseline amygdala activity. Another gene that has been suggested for further study to be related to neuroticism is the catechol-O-methyltransferase (COMT) gene. The anxiety and maladaptive stress responses that are aspects of neuroticism have been the subject of intensive study. Dysregulation of hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis and glucocorticoid system, and influence of different versions of the serotonin transporter and 5-HT1A receptor genes may influence the development of neuroticism in combination with environmental effects like the quality of upbringing. Neuroimaging studies with fMRI have had mixed results, with some finding that increased activity in the amygdala and anterior cingulate cortex, brain regions associated with arousal, is correlated with high neuroticism scores, as is activation of the associations have also been found with the medial prefrontal cortex, insular cortex, and hippocampus, while other studies have found no correlations. Further studies have been conducted trying to tighten experimental design by using genetics to add additional differentiation among participants, as well as twin study models. A related trait, behavioral inhibition, or "inhibition to the unfamiliar", has received attention as the trait concerning withdrawal or fear from unfamiliar situations, which is generally measured through observation of child behavior in response to, for example, encountering unfamiliar individuals. This trait in particular has been hypothesized to be related to amygdala function, but the evidence so far has been mixed. Epidemiology A research over large samples has shown that levels of neuroticism are higher in women than men. Neuroticism is also found to decrease slightly with age. The same study noted that no functional MRI studies have yet been performed to investigate these differences, calling for more research. A 2010 review found personality differences between genders to be between "small and moderate", the largest of those differences being in the traits of agreeableness and neuroticism. Many personality traits were found to have had larger personality differences between men and women in developed countries compared to less developed countries, and differences in three traits—extraversion, neuroticism, and people-versus-thing orientation—showed differences that remained consistent across different levels of economic development, which is also consistent with the "possible influence of biologic factors." Three cross-cultural studies have revealed higher levels of female neuroticism across almost all nations. A 2016 review investigated the geographic issue; it found that in US, neuroticism is highest in the mid-Atlantic states and southwards but declines westward, while openness to experience is highest in ethnically diverse regions of the mid-Atlantic, New England, the West Coast, and cities. Likewise, in the UK neuroticism is lowest in urban areas. Generally, geographical studies find correlations between low neuroticism and entrepreneurship and economic vitality and correlations between high neuroticism and poor health outcomes. The review found that the causal relationship between regional cultural and economic conditions and psychological health is unclear. A 2013 review found that a high level of neuroticism in young adults is a risk factor for triggering mood disorders. Neuroticism is also a possible risk factor for developing an addiction disorder to internet. Investigation of the Instagram users showed the preference of cosmetic products and intolerance of weapons among highly neurotic users. There is a strong correlation between bruxism and neuroticism. More severe bruxism is associated with a higher degree of neuroticism. Maladaptive (risky) behaviors When neuroticism is described as a personality trait that measures emotional stability, research has indicated that it is also involved in maladaptive behaviors to regulate an individual's emotions. High levels of neuroticism in an individual is associated with anxiety and overthinking, as well as irritability and impulsiveness. Studies have shown that individuals with higher levels of neuroticism are associated with a shortened life span, a greater likelihood of divorce, and a lack of education. To cope with the negative emotionality, these individuals may engage in maladaptive forms of coping, such as procrastination, substance abuse, etc. With these internal pressures, due to these negative emotions, neuroticism often relates to difficulties with emotion regulation, leading to engagement in divergent (risky) behaviors. Due to the facets associated with neuroticism, it can be viewed as a negative personality trait. A common perception of the personality trait most closely associated with risky behaviors is extraversion, due to the correlated adjectives such as adventurous, enthusiastic, and outgoing. These adjectives allow the individual to feel the positive emotions associated with risk-taking. However, neuroticism can also be a contributing factor, just for different reasons. As anxiety is one of the facets of neuroticism, it can lead to indulgence in anxiety-based maladaptive and risky behaviors. Neuroticism is considerably stable over time, and research has shown that individuals with higher levels of neuroticism may prefer short-term solutions, such as risky behaviors, and neglect the long-term costs. This is relevant to neuroticism because it is also associated with impulsivity. One of the distinct traits of impulsivity is called urgency, which is a predisposition to experiencing strong impulses that can lead to impulsive behavior, while dealing with the negative emotions attached. Urgency can be both negative and positive; positive urgency deals with positive emotions and the contrast for negative urgency. Despite the negative emotions that are prominent in neuroticism, research indicates that it is combination of the negative emotions present, together with the positive emotions that are generated by the engagement in maladaptive behaviors. See also Cognitive vulnerability Highly sensitive person Illusion of control Negative affect Neurotics Anonymous Neurotic Personality Questionnaire KON-2006 Personality psychology Psychoticism References Personality traits Anxiety

Applied mathematics

Applied mathematics is the application of mathematical methods by different fields such as physics, engineering, medicine, biology, finance, business, computer science, and industry. Thus, applied mathematics is a combination of mathematical science and specialized knowledge. The term "applied mathematics" also describes the professional specialty in which mathematicians work on practical problems by formulating and studying mathematical models. In the past, practical applications have motivated the development of mathematical theories, which then became the subject of study in pure mathematics where abstract concepts are studied for their own sake. The activity of applied mathematics is thus intimately connected with research in pure mathematics. History Historically, applied mathematics consisted principally of applied analysis, most notably differential equations; approximation theory (broadly construed, to include representations, asymptotic methods, variational methods, and numerical analysis); and applied probability. These areas of mathematics related directly to the development of Newtonian physics, and in fact, the distinction between mathematicians and physicists was not sharply drawn before the mid-19th century. This history left a pedagogical legacy in the United States: until the early 20th century, subjects such as classical mechanics were often taught in applied mathematics departments at American universities rather than in physics departments, and fluid mechanics may still be taught in applied mathematics departments. Engineering and computer science departments have traditionally made use of applied mathematics. As time passed, Applied Mathematics grew alongside the advancement of science and technology. With the advent of modern times, the application of mathematics in fields such as science, economics, technology, and more became deeper and more timely. The development of computers and other technologies enabled a more detailed study and application of mathematical concepts in various fields. Today, Applied Mathematics continues to be crucial for societal and technological advancement. It guides the development of new technologies, economic progress, and addresses challenges in various scientific fields and industries. The history of Applied Mathematics continually demonstrates the importance of mathematics in human progress. Divisions Today, the term "applied mathematics" is used in a broader sense. It includes the classical areas noted above as well as other areas that have become increasingly important in applications. Even fields such as number theory that are part of pure mathematics are now important in applications (such as cryptography), though they are not generally considered to be part of the field of applied mathematics per se. There is no consensus as to what the various branches of applied mathematics are. Such categorizations are made difficult by the way mathematics and science change over time, and also by the way universities organize departments, courses, and degrees. Many mathematicians distinguish between "applied mathematics", which is concerned with mathematical methods, and the "applications of mathematics" within science and engineering. A biologist using a population model and applying known mathematics would not be doing applied mathematics, but rather using it; however, mathematical biologists have posed problems that have stimulated the growth of pure mathematics. Mathematicians such as Poincaré and Arnold deny the existence of "applied mathematics" and claim that there are only "applications of mathematics." Similarly, non-mathematicians blend applied mathematics and applications of mathematics. The use and development of mathematics to solve industrial problems is also called "industrial mathematics". The success of modern numerical mathematical methods and software has led to the emergence of computational mathematics, computational science, and computational engineering, which use high-performance computing for the simulation of phenomena and the solution of problems in the sciences and engineering. These are often considered interdisciplinary. Applicable mathematics Sometimes, the term applicable mathematics is used to distinguish between the traditional applied mathematics that developed alongside physics and the many areas of mathematics that are applicable to real-world problems today, although there is no consensus as to a precise definition. Mathematicians often distinguish between "applied mathematics" on the one hand, and the "applications of mathematics" or "applicable mathematics" both within and outside of science and engineering, on the other. Some mathematicians emphasize the term applicable mathematics to separate or delineate the traditional applied areas from new applications arising from fields that were previously seen as pure mathematics. For example, from this viewpoint, an ecologist or geographer using population models and applying known mathematics would not be doing applied, but rather applicable, mathematics. Even fields such as number theory that are part of pure mathematics are now important in applications (such as cryptography), though they are not generally considered to be part of the field of applied mathematics per se. Such descriptions can lead to applicable mathematics being seen as a collection of mathematical methods such as real analysis, linear algebra, mathematical modelling, optimisation, combinatorics, probability and statistics, which are useful in areas outside traditional mathematics and not specific to mathematical physics. Other authors prefer describing applicable mathematics as a union of "new" mathematical applications with the traditional fields of applied mathematics. With this outlook, the terms applied mathematics and applicable mathematics are thus interchangeable. Utility Historically, mathematics was most important in the natural sciences and engineering. However, since World War II, fields outside the physical sciences have spawned the creation of new areas of mathematics, such as game theory and social choice theory, which grew out of economic considerations. Further, the utilization and development of mathematical methods expanded into other areas leading to the creation of new fields such as mathematical finance and data science. The advent of the computer has enabled new applications: studying and using the new computer technology itself (computer science) to study problems arising in other areas of science (computational science) as well as the mathematics of computation (for example, theoretical computer science, computer algebra, numerical analysis). Statistics is probably the most widespread mathematical science used in the social sciences. Status in academic departments Academic institutions are not consistent in the way they group and label courses, programs, and degrees in applied mathematics. At some schools, there is a single mathematics department, whereas others have separate departments for Applied Mathematics and (Pure) Mathematics. It is very common for Statistics departments to be separated at schools with graduate programs, but many undergraduate-only institutions include statistics under the mathematics department. Many applied mathematics programs (as opposed to departments) consist primarily of cross-listed courses and jointly appointed faculty in departments representing applications. Some Ph.D. programs in applied mathematics require little or no coursework outside mathematics, while others require substantial coursework in a specific area of application. In some respects this difference reflects the distinction between "application of mathematics" and "applied mathematics". Some universities in the U.K. host departments of Applied Mathematics and Theoretical Physics, but it is now much less common to have separate departments of pure and applied mathematics. A notable exception to this is the Department of Applied Mathematics and Theoretical Physics at the University of Cambridge, housing the Lucasian Professor of Mathematics whose past holders include Isaac Newton, Charles Babbage, James Lighthill, Paul Dirac, and Stephen Hawking. Schools with separate applied mathematics departments range from Brown University, which has a large Division of Applied Mathematics that offers degrees through the doctorate, to Santa Clara University, which offers only the M.S. in applied mathematics. Research universities dividing their mathematics department into pure and applied sections include MIT. Students in this program also learn another skill (computer science, engineering, physics, pure math, etc.) to supplement their applied math skills. Associated mathematical sciences Applied mathematics is associated with the following mathematical sciences: Engineering and technological engineering With applications of applied geometry together with applied chemistry. Scientific computing Scientific computing includes applied mathematics (especially numerical analysis), computing science (especially high-performance computing), and mathematical modelling in a scientific discipline. Computer science Computer science relies on logic, algebra, discrete mathematics such as graph theory, and combinatorics. Operations research and management science Operations research and management science are often taught in faculties of engineering, business, and public policy. Statistics Applied mathematics has substantial overlap with the discipline of statistics. Statistical theorists study and improve statistical procedures with mathematics, and statistical research often raises mathematical questions. Statistical theory relies on probability and decision theory, and makes extensive use of scientific computing, analysis, and optimization; for the design of experiments, statisticians use algebra and combinatorial design. Applied mathematicians and statisticians often work in a department of mathematical sciences (particularly at colleges and small universities). Actuarial science Actuarial science applies probability, statistics, and economic theory to assess risk in insurance, finance and other industries and professions. Mathematical economics Mathematical economics is the application of mathematical methods to represent theories and analyze problems in economics. The applied methods usually refer to nontrivial mathematical techniques or approaches. Mathematical economics is based on statistics, probability, mathematical programming (as well as other computational methods), operations research, game theory, and some methods from mathematical analysis. In this regard, it resembles (but is distinct from) financial mathematics, another part of applied mathematics. According to the Mathematics Subject Classification (MSC), mathematical economics falls into the Applied mathematics/other classification of category 91: Game theory, economics, social and behavioral sciences with MSC2010 classifications for 'Game theory' at codes 91Axx and for 'Mathematical economics' at codes 91Bxx . Other disciplines The line between applied mathematics and specific areas of application is often blurred. Many universities teach mathematical and statistical courses outside the respective departments, in departments and areas including business, engineering, physics, chemistry, psychology, biology, computer science, scientific computation, information theory, and mathematical physics. See also Analytics Applied science Engineering mathematics Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics References Further reading Applicable mathematics The Morehead Journal of Applicable Mathematics hosted by Morehead State University Series on Concrete and Applicable Mathematics by World Scientific Handbook of Applicable Mathematics Series by Walter Ledermann External links The Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics (SIAM) is a professional society dedicated to promoting the interaction between mathematics and other scientific and technical communities. Aside from organizing and sponsoring numerous conferences, SIAM is a major publisher of research journals and books in applied mathematics. The Applicable Mathematics Research Group at Notre Dame University (archived 29 March 2013) Centre for Applicable Mathematics at Liverpool Hope University (archived 1 April 2018) Applicable Mathematics research group at Glasgow Caledonian University (archived 4 March 2016)

Models of abnormality

Models of abnormality are general hypotheses as to the nature of psychological abnormalities. The four main models to explain psychological abnormality are the biological, behavioural, cognitive, and psychodynamic models. They all attempt to explain the causes and treatments for all psychological illnesses, and all from a different approach. Biological (medical) model The biological model of abnormality (the only model not based on psychological principles) is based on the assumptions that if the brain, neuroanatomy and related biochemicals are all physical entities and work together to mediate psychological processes, then treating any mental abnormality must be physical/biological. Part of this theory stems from much research into the major neurotransmitter, serotonin, which seems to show that major psychological illnesses such as bipolar disorder and anorexia nervosa are caused by abnormally reduced levels of Serotonin in the brain.(1) The model also suggests that psychological illness could and should be treated like any physical illness (being caused by chemical imbalance, microbes or physical stress) and hence can be treated with surgery or drugs. Electroconvulsive therapy has also proved to be a successful short-term treatment for depressive symptoms of bipolar disorder and related illnesses, although the reasons for its success are almost completely unknown. There is also evidence for a genetic factor in causing psychological illness.(2)(3). The main cures for psychological illness under this model: electroconvulsive therapy, drugs, and surgery at times can have very good results in restoring "normality" as biology has been shown to play some sort of role in psychological illness. However they can also have consequences, whether biology is responsible or not, as drugs always have a chance of causing allergic reactions or addiction. Electrotherapy can cause unnecessary stress and surgery can dull the personality, as the part of the brain responsible for emotion (hypothalamus) is often altered or even completely removed. Evaluation of the biological (medical) model A diagnosis of mental 'illness' implies that a person is in no way responsible for the abnormality of functioning and as such is not to blame. The concept of 'no blame' is generally thought to be more humane and likely to elicit a much more sympathetic response from others. However, Zarate (1972), pointed out that even more than physical illness, mental illness is something that people fear – largely because it is something they do not understand. In general, people do not know how to respond to someone diagnosed as mentally ill. There may also be fears that the person's behaviour might be unpredictable or potentially dangerous. Therefore, sympathy is more likely to give way to the avoidance of the person, which in turn leads to the person feeling shunned. A huge amount of research has been carried out within the framework of the medical model and this has greatly increased our understanding of the possible biological factors underpinning psychological disorders. However, much of the evidence is inconclusive and findings can be difficult to interpret. For example, in family studies, it is difficult to disentangle the effects of genetics from the effects of the environment. It can also be difficult to establish cause and effect. For example, raised levels of dopamine may be a consequence rather than a cause of schizophrenia. Many psychologists criticise psychiatry for focusing its attention primarily on symptoms and for assuming that relieving symptoms with drugs cures the problem. Unfortunately, in many cases when the drug treatment is ceased the symptoms recur. This suggests that drugs are not addressing the true cause of the problem. Behavioral model The behavioural model assumes that all maladaptive behaviour is essentially acquired through one's environment. Therefore, psychiatrists practising the beliefs of this model would prioritise changing behaviour over identifying the cause of the dysfunctional behaviour. The main solution to psychological illness under this model is aversion therapy, where the stimulus that provokes the dysfunctional behaviour is coupled with a second stimulus, with aims to produce a new reaction to the first stimulus based on the experiences of the second. Also, systematic desensitisation can be used, especially where phobias are involved by using the phobia that currently causes the dysfunctional behaviour and coupling it with a phobia that produces a more intense reaction. This is meant to make the first phobia seem less fearsome etc. as it has been put in comparison with the second phobia. This model seems to have been quite successful, where phobias and compulsive disorders are concerned, but it doesn't focus on the cause of the illness or problem, and so risks recurrence of the problem. Evaluation of the behavioural model The behavioural model overcomes the ethical issues raised by the medical model of labeling someone as 'ill' or 'abnormal'. Instead, the model concentrates on behaviour and whether it is 'adaptive' or 'maladaptive'. The model also allows individual and cultural differences to be taken into account. Provided the behaviour is presenting no problems to the individual or to other people, then there is no need to regard the behaviour as a mental disorder. Those who support the psychodynamic model, however, claim the behavioural model focuses only on symptoms and ignores the causes of abnormal behaviour. They claim that the symptoms are merely the outward expression of deeper underlying emotional problems. Whenever symptoms are treated without any attempt to ascertain the deeper underlying problems, then the problem will only manifest itself in another way, through different symptoms. This is known as symptom substitution. Behaviourists reject this criticism and claim that we need not look beyond the behavioural symptoms as the symptoms are the disorder. Thus, there is nothing to be gained from searching for internal causes, either psychological or physical. Behaviourists point to the success of behavioural therapies in treating certain disorders. Others note the effects of such treatments are not always long-lasting. Another criticism of the behavioural model is the ethical issues it raises. Some claim the therapies are dehumanising and unethical. For example, aversion therapy has been imposed on people without consent. Cognitive model The cognitive model of abnormality focuses on the cognitive distortions or the dysfunctions in the thought processes and the cognitive deficiencies, particularly the absence of sufficient thinking and planning. This model holds that these variables are the cause of many psychological disorders and that psychologists following this outlook explain abnormality in terms of irrational and negative thinking with the main position that thinking determines all behaviour. The cognitive model of abnormality is one of the dominant forces in academic psychology beginning in the 1970s and its appeal is partly attributed to the way it emphasizes the evaluation of internal mental processes such as perception, attention, memory, and problem-solving. The process allows psychologists to explain the development of mental disorders and the link between cognition and brain function especially to develop therapeutic techniques and interventions. When it comes to the treatment of abnormal behavior or mental disorder, the cognitive model is quite similar to the behavioural model but with the main difference that, instead of teaching the patient to behave differently, it teaches the patient to think differently. It is hoped that if the patient's feelings and emotions towards something are influenced to change, it will induce external behavioural change. Though similar in ways to the behavioural model, therapists working with this model use differing methods for cures. One key assumption in cognitive therapy is that treatment should include helping people restructure their thoughts so that they think more positively about themselves, their life, and their future. One of the main treatments is rational emotive therapy (RET), which is based on the principle that an "activating" emotional event will cause a change in thoughts toward that situation, even if it is an illogical thought. So with this therapy, it is the therapist's job to question and change the irrational thoughts. It is similar to the behavioural model where its success is concerned, as it has also proved to be quite successful in the treatment of compulsive disorders and phobias. Although it does not deal with the cause of the problem directly, it does attempt to change the situation more broadly than the behavioural model. Due to their respective characteristics and similarities, there are instances when psychologists combine cognitive and behavioural models to treat mental disorders. Psychodynamic model The psychodynamic model is the fourth psychological model of abnormality and is based on the work of Sigmund Freud. It is based on the principles that psychological illnesses come about from repressed emotions and thoughts from experiences in the past (usually childhood), and as a result of this repression, alternative behaviour replaces what is being repressed. The patient is believed to be cured when they can admit that which is currently being repressed (4). The main cure for illnesses under this model is free association where the patient is free to speak while the psychiatrist notes down and tries to interpret where the trouble areas are. This model can be successful, especially where the patient feels comfortable to speak freely and about issues that are relevant to a cure. References External links Articles linking Serotonin to Depression Investigating Genetic causes in Abnormality (Not accessible without password) Investigating Genetic causes in other animals - (No longer accessible) Extracts of the works of Sigmund Freud - (not accessible) Biological approach to abnormality Abnormal psychology

Alexithymia

Alexithymia, also called emotional blindness, is a neuropsychological phenomenon characterized by significant challenges in recognizing, expressing, sourcing, and describing one's emotions. It is associated with difficulties in attachment and interpersonal relations. While there is no scientific consensus on its classification as a personality trait, medical symptom, or mental disorder, alexithymia is highly prevalent among individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), ranging from 50% to 85% of prevalence. Alexithymia occurs in approximately 10% of the general population and often co-occurs with various mental disorders, particularly with neurodevelopmental disorders. Difficulty in recognizing and discussing emotions may manifest at subclinical levels in men who conform to specific cultural norms of masculinity, such as the belief that sadness is a feminine emotion. This condition, known as normative male alexithymia, can be present in both sexes. Etymology The term alexithymia was introduced by psychotherapists John Case Nemiah and Peter Sifneos in 1973 to describe a particular psychological phenomenon. Its etymology comes from Ancient Greek. The word is formed by combining the alpha privative prefix (, meaning 'not') with (, referring to 'words') and (, denoting 'disposition,' 'feeling,' or 'rage'). The term can be likened to "dyslexia" in its structure. In its literal sense, alexithymia signifies "no words for emotions". This label reflects the difficulty experienced by individuals with this condition in recognizing, expressing, and articulating their emotional experiences. Nonmedical terminology, such as "emotionless" and "impassive", has also been employed to describe similar states. Those who exhibit alexithymic traits or characteristics are commonly referred to as alexithymics or alexithymiacs. Classification Alexithymia is considered to be a personality trait that places affected individuals at risk for other medical and mental disorders, as well as reducing the likelihood that these individuals will respond to conventional treatments to these disorders. The DSM-5 and the ICD-11 classify alexithymia as neither a symptom nor a mental disorder. It is a dimensional personality trait that varies in intensity from person to person. An individual's alexithymia score can be measured with questionnaires such as the Toronto Alexithymia Scale (TAS-20), the Perth Alexithymia Questionnaire (PAQ), the Bermond-Vorst Alexithymia Questionnaire (BVAQ), the Levels of Emotional Awareness Scale (LEAS), the Online Alexithymia Questionnaire (OAQ-G2), the Toronto Structured Interview for Alexithymia (TSIA), or the Observer Alexithymia Scale (OAS). It is distinct from the psychiatric personality disorders, such as antisocial personality disorder. However, there is no consensus on the definition of alexithymia, with debate between cognitive behavioral and psychoanalytic theorists. The cognitive behavioral model (i.e., the attention-appraisal model of alexithymia) defines alexithymia as having three components: difficulty identifying feelings (DIF) difficulty describing feelings (DDF) externally oriented thinking (EOT), characterized by a tendency to not focus attention on emotions. The psychoanalytic model defines alexithymia as having four components: difficulty identifying feelings (DIF) difficulty describing feelings to other people (DDF) a stimulus-bound, externally oriented thinking style (EOT) constricted imaginal processes (IMP) characterized by infrequent daydreaming In empirical research, it is often observed that constricted imaginal processes, defined as a lack of spontaneous imagining (daydreaming; compare aphantasia), when measured, do not statistically correlate with the other components of alexithymia. Such findings have led to ongoing debate in the field about whether IMP is indeed a component of alexithymia. For example, in 2017, Preece and colleagues introduced the attention-appraisal model of alexithymia, where they suggested that IMP be removed from the definition and that alexithymia be conceptually composed only of DIF, DDF, and EOT, as each of these three are specific to deficits in emotion processing. These core differences in the definition of alexithymia, regarding the inclusion or exclusion of IMP, correspond to differences between psychoanalytic and cognitive-behavioral conceptualizations of alexithymia; whereby psychoanalytic formulations tend to continue to place importance on IMP, whereas the attention-appraisal model (presently the most widely used cognitive-behavioral model of alexithymia) excludes IMP from the construct. In practice, since the constricted imaginal processes items were removed from earlier versions of the TAS-20 in the 1990s, the most used alexithymia assessment tools (and consequently most alexithymia research studies) have only assessed the construct in terms of DIF, DDF, and EOT. In terms of the relevance of alexithymic deficits for the processing of negative (e.g., sadness) or positive (e.g., happiness) emotions, the PAQ is presently the only alexithymia measure that enables valence-specific assessments of alexithymia across both negative and positive emotions; recent work with the PAQ has highlighted that alexithymic deficits in emotion processing do often extend across both negative and positive emotions, although people typically report more difficulties for negative emotions. Such findings of valence-specific effects in alexithymia are also supported by brain imaging studies. Studies (using measures of alexithymia assessing DIF, DDF, and EOT) have reported that the prevalence rate of high alexithymia is less than 10% of the population. A less common finding suggests that there may be a higher prevalence of alexithymia amongst males than females, which may be accounted for by difficulties some males have with "describing feelings", but not by difficulties in "identifying feelings", in which males and females show similar abilities. Work with the PAQ has suggested that the alexithymia construct manifests similarly across different cultural groups, and those of different ages (i.e., has the same structure and components). Psychologist R. Michael Bagby and psychiatrist Graeme J. Taylor have argued that the alexithymia construct is inversely related to the concepts of psychological mindedness and emotional intelligence and there is "strong empirical support for alexithymia being a stable personality trait rather than just a consequence of psychological distress". Signs and symptoms Typical deficiencies may include problems identifying, processing, describing, and working with one's own feelings, often marked by a lack of understanding of the feelings of others; difficulty distinguishing between feelings and the bodily sensations of emotional arousal; confusion of physical sensations often associated with emotions; few dreams or fantasies due to restricted imagination; and concrete, realistic, logical thinking, often to the exclusion of emotional responses to problems. Those who have alexithymia also report very logical and realistic dreams, such as going to the store or eating a meal. Clinical experience suggests it is the structural features of dreams more than the ability to recall them that best characterizes alexithymia. Some alexithymic individuals may appear to contradict the above-mentioned characteristics because they can experience chronic dysphoria or manifest outbursts of crying or rage. However, questioning usually reveals that they are quite incapable of describing their feelings or appear confused by questions inquiring about specifics of feelings. According to Henry Krystal, individuals exhibiting alexithymia think in an operative way and may appear to be superadjusted to reality. In psychotherapy, however, a cognitive disturbance becomes apparent as patients tend to recount trivial, chronologically ordered actions, reactions, and events of daily life with monotonous detail. In general, these individuals can, but not always, seem oriented toward things and even treat themselves as robots. These problems seriously limit their responsiveness to psychoanalytic psychotherapy; psychosomatic illness or substance abuse is frequently exacerbated should these individuals enter psychotherapy. A common misconception about alexithymia is that affected individuals are totally unable to express emotions verbally and that they may even fail to acknowledge that they experience emotions. Even before coining the term, Sifneos (1967) noted patients often mentioned things like anxiety or depression. The distinguishing factor was their inability to elaborate beyond a few limited adjectives such as "happy" or "unhappy" when describing these feelings. The core issue is that people with alexithymia have poorly differentiated emotions, limiting their ability to distinguish and describe them to others. This contributes to the sense of emotional detachment from themselves and difficulty connecting with others, making alexithymia negatively associated with life satisfaction even when depression and other confounding factors are controlled for. Associated conditions Alexithymia frequently co-occurs with other disorders. Research indicates that alexithymia overlaps with autism spectrum disorders (ASD). In a 2004 study using the TAS-20, 85% of the adults with ASD fell into the "impaired" category and almost half fell into the "severely impaired" category; in contrast, among the adult control population only 17% were "impaired", none "severely impaired". Fitzgerald & Bellgrove pointed out that, "Like alexithymia, Asperger's syndrome is also characterised by core disturbances in speech and language and social relationships". Hill & Berthoz agreed with Fitzgerald & Bellgrove (2006) and in response stated that "there is some form of overlap between alexithymia and ASDs". They also pointed to studies that revealed impaired theory of mind skill in alexithymia, neuroanatomical evidence pointing to a shared etiology, and similar social skills deficits. The exact nature of the overlap is uncertain. Alexithymic traits in AS may be linked to clinical depression or anxiety; the mediating factors are unknown and it is possible that alexithymia predisposes to anxiety. On the other hand, while the total alexithymia score as well as the difficulty in identifying feelings and externally oriented thinking factors are found to be significantly associated with ADHD, and while the total alexithymia score, the difficulty in identifying feelings, and the difficulty in describing feelings factors are also significantly associated with symptoms of hyperactivity and impulsivity, there is no significant relationship between alexithymia and inattentiveness. There are many more psychiatric disorders that overlap with alexithymia. One study found that 41% of US veterans of the Vietnam War with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) were alexithymic. Another study found higher levels of alexithymia among Holocaust survivors with PTSD compared to those without. Higher levels of alexithymia among mothers with interpersonal violence-related PTSD were found in one study to have proportionally less caregiving sensitivity. This latter study suggested that when treating adult PTSD patients who are parents, alexithymia should be assessed and addressed also with attention to the parent-child relationship and the child's social-emotional development. Single study prevalence findings for other disorders include 63% in anorexia nervosa, 56% in bulimia, 45% to 50% in major depressive disorder, 34% in panic disorder, 28% in social phobia, and 50% in substance abusers. Alexithymia is also exhibited by a large proportion of individuals with acquired brain injuries such as stroke or traumatic brain injury. Alexithymia is correlated with certain personality disorders, particularly schizoid, avoidant, dependent and schizotypal, substance use disorders, some anxiety disorders and sexual disorders as well as certain physical illnesses, such as hypertension, inflammatory bowel disease, diabetes and functional dyspepsia. Alexithymia is further linked with disorders such as migraine headaches, lower back pain, irritable bowel syndrome, asthma, nausea, allergies and fibromyalgia. An inability to modulate emotions is a possibility in explaining why some people with alexithymia are prone to discharge tension arising from unpleasant emotional states through impulsive acts or compulsive behaviors such as binge eating, substance abuse, perverse sexual behavior or anorexia nervosa. The failure to regulate emotions cognitively might result in prolonged elevations of the autonomic nervous system (ANS) and neuroendocrine systems, which can lead to somatic diseases. People with alexithymia also show a limited ability to experience positive emotions leading Krystal and Sifneos (1987) to describe many of these individuals as anhedonic. Alexisomia is a clinical concept that refers to the difficulty in the awareness and expression of somatic, or bodily, sensations. The concept was first proposed in 1979 by Yujiro Ikemi when he observed characteristics of both alexithymia and alexisomia in patients with psychosomatic diseases. Causes It is unclear what causes alexithymia, though several theories have been proposed. Early studies showed evidence that there may be an interhemispheric transfer deficit among people with alexithymia; that is, the emotional information from the right hemisphere of the brain is not being properly transferred to the language regions in the left hemisphere, as can be caused by a decreased corpus callosum, often present in psychiatric patients who have suffered severe childhood abuse. A neuropsychological study in 1997 indicated that alexithymia may be due to a disturbance to the right hemisphere of the brain, which is largely responsible for processing emotions. In addition, another neuropsychological model suggests that alexithymia may be related to a dysfunction of the anterior cingulate cortex. These studies have some shortcomings, however, and the empirical evidence about the neural mechanisms behind alexithymia remains inconclusive. French psychoanalyst Joyce McDougall objected to the strong focus by clinicians on neurophysiological explanations at the expense of psychological ones for the genesis and operation of alexithymia, and introduced the alternative term "disaffectation" to stand for psychogenic alexithymia. For McDougall, the disaffected individual had at some point "experienced overwhelming emotion that threatened to attack their sense of integrity and identity", to which they applied psychological defenses to pulverize and eject all emotional representations from consciousness. A similar line of interpretation has been taken up using the methods of phenomenology. McDougall has also noted that all infants are born unable to identify, organize, and speak about their emotional experiences (the word infans is from the Latin "not speaking"), and are "by reason of their immaturity inevitably alexithymic". Based on this fact McDougall proposed in 1985 that the alexithymic part of an adult personality could be "an extremely arrested and infantile psychic structure". The first language of an infant is nonverbal facial expressions. The parent's emotional state is important for determining how any child might develop. Neglect or indifference to varying changes in a child's facial expressions without proper feedback can promote an invalidation of the facial expressions manifested by the child. The parent's ability to reflect self-awareness to the child is another important factor. If the adult is incapable of recognizing and distinguishing emotional expressions in the child, it can influence the child's capacity to understand emotional expressions. The attention-appraisal model of alexithymia by Preece and colleagues describes the mechanisms behind alexithymia within a cognitive-behavioral framework. Within this model, it is specified that alexithymia levels are due to the developmental level of people's emotion schemas (those cognitive structures used to process emotions) and/or the extent to which people are avoiding their emotions as an emotion regulation strategy. There is a large body of evidence currently supporting the specifications of this model. Molecular genetic research into alexithymia remains minimal, but promising candidates have been identified from studies examining connections between certain genes and alexithymia among those with psychiatric conditions as well as the general population. A study recruiting a test population of Japanese males found higher scores on the Toronto Alexithymia Scale among those with the 5-HTTLPR homozygous long (L) allele. The 5-HTTLPR region on the serotonin transporter gene influences the transcription of the serotonin transporter that removes serotonin from the synaptic cleft, and is well studied for its association with numerous psychiatric disorders. Another study examining the 5-HT1A receptor, a receptor that binds serotonin, found higher levels of alexithymia among those with the G allele of the Rs6295 polymorphism within the HTR1A gene. Also, a study examining alexithymia in subjects with obsessive–compulsive disorder found higher alexithymia levels associated with the Val/Val allele of the Rs4680 polymorphism in the gene that encodes Catechol-O-methyltransferase (COMT), an enzyme which degrades catecholamine neurotransmitters such as dopamine. These links are tentative, and further research will be needed to clarify how these genes relate to the neurological anomalies found in the brains of people with alexithymia. Although there is evidence for the role of environmental and neurological factors, the role and influence of genetic factors for developing alexithymia is still unclear. A single large scale Danish study suggested that genetic factors contributed noticeably to the development of alexithymia. However, some scholars find twin studies and the entire field of behavior genetics to be controversial. Those scholars raise concerns about the "equal environments assumption". Traumatic brain injury is also implicated in the development of alexithymia, and those with traumatic brain injury are six times more likely to exhibit alexithymia. Alexithymia is also associated with newborn circumcision trauma. Relationships Alexithymia can create interpersonal problems because these individuals tend to avoid emotionally close relationships, or if they do form relationships with others they usually position themselves as either dependent, dominant, or impersonal, "such that the relationship remains superficial". Inadequate "differentiation" between self and others by alexithymic individuals has also been observed. Their difficulty in processing interpersonal connections often develops where the person lacks a romantic partner. In a study, a large group of alexithymic individuals completed the 64-item Inventory of Interpersonal Problems (IIP-64) which found that "two interpersonal problems are significantly and stably related to alexithymia: cold/distant and non-assertive social functioning. All other IIP-64 subscales were not significantly related to alexithymia." Chaotic interpersonal relations have also been observed by Sifneos. Due to the inherent difficulties identifying and describing emotional states in self and others, alexithymia also negatively affects relationship satisfaction between couples. In a 2008 study alexithymia was found to be correlated with impaired understanding and demonstration of relational affection, and that this impairment contributes to poorer mental health, poorer relational well-being, and lowered relationship quality. Individuals high on the alexithymia spectrum also report less distress at seeing others in pain and behave less altruistically toward others. Some individuals working for organizations in which control of emotions is the norm might show alexithymic-like behavior but not be alexithymic. However, over time the lack of self-expressions can become routine and they may find it harder to identify with others. Treatment Generally speaking, approaches to treating alexithymia are still in their infancy, with not many proven treatment options available. In 2002, Kennedy and Franklin found that a skills-based intervention is an effective method for treating alexithymia. Kennedy and Franklin's treatment plan involved giving the participants a series of questionnaires, psychodynamic therapies, cognitive-behavioral and skills-based therapies, and experiential therapies. After treatment, they found that participants were generally less ambivalent about expressing their emotion feelings and more attentive to their emotional states. In 2017, based on their attention-appraisal model of alexithymia, Preece and colleagues recommended that alexithymia treatment should try to improve the developmental level of people's emotion schemas and reduce people's use of experiential avoidance of emotions as an emotion regulation strategy (i.e., the mechanisms hypothesized to underlie alexithymia difficulties in the attention-appraisal model of alexithymia). In 2018, Löf, Clinton, Kaldo, and Rydén found that mentalisation-based treatment is also an effective method for treating alexithymia. Mentalisation is the ability to understand the mental state of oneself or others that underlies overt behavior, and mentalisation-based treatment helps patients separate their own thoughts and feelings from those around them. This treatment is relational, and it focuses on gaining a better understanding and use of mentalising skills. The researchers found that all of the patients' symptoms including alexithymia significantly improved, and the treatment promoted affect tolerance and the ability to think flexibly while expressing intense affect rather than impulsive behavior. A significant issue impacting alexithymia treatment is that alexithymia has comorbidity with other disorders. Mendelson's 1982 study showed that alexithymia frequently presented in people with undiagnosed chronic pain. Participants in Kennedy and Franklin's study all had anxiety disorders in conjunction with alexithymia, while those in Löf et al. were diagnosed with both alexithymia and borderline personality disorder. All these comorbidity issues complicate treatment because it is difficult to find people who exclusively have alexithymia. See also Antisocial personality disorder Amplification (psychology) Body-centred countertransference Borderline personality disorder Disaffectation Emotion classification Emotional dysregulation Psychological mindedness Prosopagnosia Reduced affect display Somatization disorder Somatosensory amplification References Further reading External links Agnosia Cognition Neuropsychology Personality traits Symptoms and signs of mental disorders 1970s neologisms

Modeling and simulation

Modeling and simulation (M&S) is the use of models (e.g., physical, mathematical, behavioral, or logical representation of a system, entity, phenomenon, or process) as a basis for simulations to develop data utilized for managerial or technical decision making. In the computer application of modeling and simulation a computer is used to build a mathematical model which contains key parameters of the physical model. The mathematical model represents the physical model in virtual form, and conditions are applied that set up the experiment of interest. The simulation starts – i.e., the computer calculates the results of those conditions on the mathematical model – and outputs results in a format that is either machine- or human-readable, depending upon the implementation. The use of M&S within engineering is well recognized. Simulation technology belongs to the tool set of engineers of all application domains and has been included in the body of knowledge of engineering management. M&S helps to reduce costs, increase the quality of products and systems, and document and archive lessons learned. Because the results of a simulation are only as good as the underlying model(s), engineers, operators, and analysts must pay particular attention to its construction. To ensure that the results of the simulation are applicable to the real world, the user must understand the assumptions, conceptualizations, and constraints of its implementation. Additionally, models may be updated and improved using results of actual experiments. M&S is a discipline on its own. Its many application domains often lead to the assumption that M&S is a pure application. This is not the case and needs to be recognized by engineering management in the application of M&S. The use of such mathematical models and simulations avoids actual experimentation, which can be costly and time-consuming. Instead, mathematical knowledge and computational power is used to solve real-world problems cheaply and in a time efficient manner. As such, M&S can facilitate understanding a system's behavior without actually testing the system in the real world. For example, to determine which type of spoiler would improve traction the most while designing a race car, a computer simulation of the car could be used to estimate the effect of different spoiler shapes on the coefficient of friction in a turn. Useful insights about different decisions in the design could be gleaned without actually building the car. In addition, simulation can support experimentation that occurs totally in software, or in human-in-the-loop environments where simulation represents systems or generates data needed to meet experiment objectives. Furthermore, simulation can be used to train persons using a virtual environment that would otherwise be difficult or expensive to produce. Interest in simulations Technically, simulation is well accepted. The 2006 National Science Foundation (NSF) Report on "Simulation-based Engineering Science" showed the potential of using simulation technology and methods to revolutionize the engineering science. Among the reasons for the steadily increasing interest in simulation applications are the following: Using simulations is generally cheaper, safer and sometimes more ethical than conducting real-world experiments. For example, supercomputers are sometimes used to simulate the detonation of nuclear devices and their effects in order to support better preparedness in the event of a nuclear explosion. Similar efforts are conducted to simulate hurricanes and other natural catastrophes. Simulations can often be even more realistic than traditional experiments, as they allow the free configuration of the realistic range of environment parameters found in the operational application field of the final product. Examples are supporting deep water operation of the US Navy or the simulating the surface of neighbored planets in preparation of NASA missions. Simulations can often be conducted faster than real time. This allows using them for efficient if-then-else analyses of different alternatives, in particular when the necessary data to initialize the simulation can easily be obtained from operational data. This use of simulation adds decision support simulation systems to the tool box of traditional decision support systems. Simulations allow setting up a coherent synthetic environment that allows for integration of simulated systems in the early analysis phase via mixed virtual systems with first prototypical components to a virtual test environment for the final system. If managed correctly, the environment can be migrated from the development and test domain to the training and education domain in follow-on life cycle phases for the systems (including the option to train and optimize a virtual twin of the real system under realistic constraints even before first components are being built). The military and defense domain, in particular within the United States, has been the main M&S champion, in form of funding as well as application of M&S. E.g., M&S in modern military organizations is part of the acquisition/procurement strategy. Specifically, M&S is used to conduct Events and Experiments that influence requirements and training for military systems. As such, M&S is considered an integral part of systems engineering of military systems. Other application domains, however, are currently catching up. M&S in the fields of medicine, transportation, and other industries is poised to rapidly outstrip DoD's use of M&S in the years ahead, if it hasn't already happened. Simulation in science Modeling and simulation are important in research. Representing the real systems either via physical reproductions at smaller scale, or via mathematical models that allow representing the dynamics of the system via simulation, allows exploring system behavior in an articulated way which is often either not possible, or too risky in the real world. As an emerging discipline "The emerging discipline of M&S is based on developments in diverse computer science areas as well as influenced by developments in Systems Theory, Systems Engineering, Software Engineering, Artificial Intelligence, and more. This foundation is as diverse as that of engineering management and brings elements of art, engineering, and science together in a complex and unique way that requires domain experts to enable appropriate decisions when it comes to application or development of M&S technology in the context of this paper. The diversity and application-oriented nature of this new discipline sometimes result in the challenge, that the supported application domains themselves already have vocabularies in place that are not necessarily aligned between disjunctive domains. A comprehensive and concise representation of concepts, terms, and activities is needed that make up a professional Body of Knowledge for the M&S discipline. Due to the broad variety of contributors, this process is still ongoing." Padilla et al. recommend in "Do we Need M&S Science" to distinguish between M&S Science, Engineering, and Applications. M&S Science contributes to the Theory of M&S, defining the academic foundations of the discipline. M&S Engineering is rooted in Theory but looks for applicable solution patterns. The focus is general methods that can be applied in various problem domains. M&S Applications solve real world problems by focusing on solutions using M&S. Often, the solution results from applying a method, but many solutions are very problem domain specific and are derived from problem domain expertise and not from any general M&S theory or method. Models can be composed of different units (models at finer granularity) linked to achieving a specific goal; for this reason they can be also called modeling solutions. More generally, modeling and simulation is a key enabler for systems engineering activities as the system representation in a computer readable (and possibly executable) model enables engineers to reproduce the system (or Systems of System) behavior. A collection of applicative modeling and simulation method to support systems engineering activities in provided in. Application domains There are many categorizations possible, but the following taxonomy has been very successfully used in the defense domain, and is currently applied to medical simulation and transportation simulation as well. Analyses Support is conducted in support of planning and experimentation. Very often, the search for an optimal solution that shall be implemented is driving these efforts. What-if analyses of alternatives fall into this category as well. This style of work is often accomplished by simulysts - those having skills in both simulation and as analysts. This blending of simulation and analyst is well noted in Kleijnen. Systems Engineering Support is applied for the procurement, development, and testing of systems. This support can start in early phases and include topics like executable system architectures, and it can support testing by providing a virtual environment in which tests are conducted. This style of work is often accomplished by engineers and architects. Training and Education Support provides simulators, virtual training environments, and serious games to train and educate people. This style of work is often accomplished by trainers working in concert with computer scientists. A special use of Analyses Support is applied to ongoing business operations. Traditionally, decision support systems provide this functionality. Simulation systems improve their functionality by adding the dynamic element and allow to compute estimates and predictions, including optimization and what-if analyses. Individual concepts Although the terms "modeling" and "simulation" are often used as synonyms within disciplines applying M&S exclusively as a tool, within the discipline of M&S both are treated as individual and equally important concepts. Modeling is understood as the purposeful abstraction of reality, resulting in the formal specification of a conceptualization and underlying assumptions and constraints. M&S is in particular interested in models that are used to support the implementation of an executable version on a computer. The execution of a model over time is understood as the simulation. While modeling targets the conceptualization, simulation challenges mainly focus on implementation, in other words, modeling resides on the abstraction level, whereas simulation resides on the implementation level. Conceptualization and implementation – modeling and simulation – are two activities that are mutually dependent, but can nonetheless be conducted by separate individuals. Management and engineering knowledge and guidelines are needed to ensure that they are well connected. Like an engineering management professional in systems engineering needs to make sure that the systems design captured in a systems architecture is aligned with the systems development, this task needs to be conducted with the same level of professionalism for the model that has to be implemented as well. As the role of big data and analytics continues to grow, the role of combined simulation of analysis is the realm of yet another professional called a simplest – in order to blend algorithmic and analytic techniques through visualizations available directly to decision makers. A study designed for the Bureau of Labor and Statistics by Lee et al. provides an interesting look at how bootstrap techniques (statistical analysis) were used with simulation to generate population data where there existed none. Academic programs Modeling and Simulation has only recently become an academic discipline of its own. Formerly, those working in the field usually had a background in engineering. The following institutions offer degrees in Modeling and Simulation: Ph D. Programs University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, PA) Old Dominion University (Norfolk, VA) University of Alabama in Huntsville (Huntsville, AL) University of Central Florida (Orlando, FL) Naval Postgraduate School (Monterey, CA) University of Genoa (Genoa, Italy) Masters Programs National University of Science and Technology, Pakistan (Islamabad, Pakistan) Arizona State University (Tempe, AZ) Old Dominion University (Norfolk, VA) University of Central Florida (Orlando, FL) the University of Alabama in Huntsville (Huntsville, AL) Middle East Technical University (Ankara, Turkey) University of New South Wales (Australia) Naval Postgraduate School (Monterey, CA) Department of Scientific Computing, Modeling and Simulation (M.Tech (Modelling & Simulation)) (Savitribai Phule Pune University, India) Columbus State University (Columbus, GA) Purdue University Calumet (Hammond, IN) Delft University of Technology (Delft, The Netherlands) University of Genoa (Genoa, Italy) Hamburg University of Applied Sciences (Hamburg, Germany) Professional Science Masters Programs University of Central Florida (Orlando, FL) Graduate Certificate Programs Portland State University Systems Science Columbus State University (Columbus, GA) the University of Alabama in Huntsville (Huntsville, AL) Undergraduate Programs Old Dominion University (Norfolk, VA) Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology (Swabi, Pakistan) Modeling and Simulation Body of Knowledge The Modeling and Simulation Body of Knowledge (M&S BoK) is the domain of knowledge (information) and capability (competency) that identifies the modeling and simulation community of practice and the M&S profession, industry, and market. The M&S BoK Index is a set of pointers providing handles so that subject information content can be denoted, identified, accessed, and manipulated. Summary Three activities have to be conducted and orchestrated to ensure success: a model must be produced that captures formally the conceptualization, a simulation must implement this model, and management must ensure that model and simulation are interconnected and on the current state (which means that normally the model needs to be updated in case the simulation is changed as well). See also Computational science Computational engineering Defense Technical Information Center Glossary of military modeling and simulation Interservice/Industry Training, Simulation and Education Conference (I/ITSEC) Microscale and macroscale models Military Operations Research Society (MORS) Military simulation Modeling and Simulation Coordination Office Operations research Orbit modeling Power system simulation Rule-based modeling Simulation Interoperability Standards Organization (SISO) Society for Modeling and Simulation International (SCS) References Further reading The Springer Publishing House publishes the Simulation Foundations, Methods, and Applications Series . Recently, Wiley started their own Series on Modeling and Simulation . External links US Department of Defense (DoD) Modeling and Simulation Coordination Office (M&SCO) MODSIM World Conference Society for Modeling and Simulation Association for Computing Machinery (ACM) Special Interest Group (SIG) on SImulation and Modeling (SIM) US Congressional Modeling and Simulation Caucus Example of an M&S BoK Index developed by Tuncer Ören SimSummit collaborative environment supporting an M&S BoK Military terminology

Nursing theory

Nursing theory is defined as "a creative and conscientious structuring of ideas that project a tentative, purposeful, and systematic view of phenomena". Through systematic inquiry, whether in nursing research or practice, nurses are able to develop knowledge relevant to improving the care of patients. Theory refers to "a coherent group of general propositions used as principles of explanation". Nursing theory Importance In the early part of nursing's history, there was little formal nursing knowledge. As nursing education developed, the need to categorize knowledge led to development of nursing theory to help nurses evaluate increasingly complex client care situations. Nursing theories give a plan for reflection in which to examine a certain direction in where the plan needs to head. As new situations are encountered, this framework provides an arrangement for management, investigation and decision-making. Nursing theories also administer a structure for communicating with other nurses and with other representatives and members of the health care team. Nursing theories assist the development of nursing in formulating beliefs, values and goals. They help to define the different particular contribution of nursing with the care of clients. Nursing theory guides research and practice. Borrowed and shared theories Not all theories in nursing are unique nursing theories; many are borrowed or shared with other disciplines. Theories developed by Neuman, Watson, Parse, Orlando and Peplau are considered unique nursing theories. Theories and concepts that originated in related sciences have been borrowed by nurses to explain and explore phenomena specific to nursing. Types Grand nursing theories Grand nursing theories have the broadest scope and present general concepts and propositions. Theories at this level may both reflect and provide insights useful for practice but are not designed for empirical testing. This limits the use of grand nursing theories for directing, explaining, and predicting nursing in particular situations. However, these theories may contain concepts that can lend themselves to empirical testing. Theories at this level are intended to be pertinent to all instances of nursing. Grand theories consist of conceptual frameworks defining broad perspectives for practice and ways of looking at nursing phenomena based on the perspectives. Mid-range nursing theories Middle-range nursing theories are narrower in scope than grand nursing theories and offer an effective bridge between grand nursing theories and nursing practice. They present concepts and a lower level of abstraction and guide theory-based research and nursing practice strategies. One of the hallmarks of mid-range theory compared to grand theories is that mid-range theories are more tangible and verifiable through testing. The functions of middle-range theories includes to describe, explain, or predict phenomenon. Middle-range theories are simple, straightforward, general, and consider a limited number of variables and limited aspect of reality. Nursing practice theories Nursing practice theories have the most limited scope and level of abstraction and are developed for use within a specific range of nursing situations. Nursing practice theories provide frameworks for nursing interventions, and predict outcomes and the impact of nursing practice. The capacity of these theories is limited, and analyzes a narrow aspect of a phenomenon. Nursing practice theories are usually defined to an exact community or discipline. Nursing models Nursing models are usually described as a representation of reality or a more simple way of organising a complex phenomenon. The nursing model is a consolidation of both concepts and the assumption that combine them into a meaningful arrangement. A model is a way of presenting a situation in such a way that it shows the logical terms in order to showcase the structure of the original idea. The term nursing model cannot be used interchangeably with nursing theory. Components of nursing modeling There are three main key components to a nursing model: Statement of goal that the nurse is trying to achieve Set of beliefs and values Awareness, skills and knowledge the nurse needs to practice. The first important step in development of ideas about nursing is to establish the body approach essential to nursing, then to analyse the beliefs and values around those. Common concepts of nursing modeling: a metaparadigm A metaparadigm contains philosophical worldviews and concepts that are unique to a discipline and defines boundaries that separate it from other disciplines. A metaparadigm is intended to help guide others to conduct research and utilize the concepts for academia within that discipline. The nursing metaparadigm consist of four main concepts: person, health, environment, and nursing. The person (Patient) The environment Health Nursing (Goals, Roles Functions) Each theory is regularly defined and described by a nursing theorist. The main focal point of nursing out of the four various common concepts is the person (patient). Notable nursing theorists and theories Anne Casey: Casey's model of nursing Betty Neuman: Neuman systems model Callista Roy: Adaptation model of nursing Carl O. Helvie: Helvie energy theory of nursing and health Dorothea Orem: Self-care deficit nursing theory Faye Abdellah: Patient-centered approach to Nursing Helen Erickson Hildegard Peplau: Theory of interpersonal relations Imogene King Isabel Hampton Robb Kari Martinsen Adequate care must involve both objective observation and perceptive response. Katharine Kolcaba: Theory of Comfort Madeleine Leininger Katie Love: Empowered Holistic Nursing Education Marie Manthey: Primary Nursing Martha E. Rogers: Science of unitary human beings Ramona T Mercer: Maternal role attainment theory Virginia Henderson: Henderson's need theory Jean Watson Nancy Roper, Winifred W. Logan, and Alison J. Tierney: Roper-Logan-Tierney model of nursing Phil Barker: Tidal Model Fundamentals of Care (FoC) Purposely omitted from this list is Florence Nightingale. Nightingale never actually formulated a theory of nursing science but was posthumously accredited with formulating some by others who categorized her personal journaling and communications into a theoretical framework. Also not included are the many nurses who improved on these theorists' ideas without developing their own theoretical vision. See also Nursing Nursing assessment Nursing process Nursing research References Nursing theory - history and modernity. Prominent theories of nursing. Nursing Theories - a companion to nursing theories and models Nursing Theory and Theorists External links Nursing Theory Page Nursing Theories and Sub-Theories Nurses.info Nightingale's Notes on Nursing at project Gutenberg Administrative theory

Personalization

Personalization (broadly known as customization) consists of tailoring a service or product to accommodate specific individuals. It is sometimes tied to groups or segments of individuals. Personalization involves collecting data on individuals, including web browsing history, web cookies, and location. Various organizations use personalization (along with the opposite mechanism of popularization) to improve customer satisfaction, digital sales conversion, marketing results, branding, and improved website metrics as well as for advertising. Personalization acts as a key element in social media and recommender systems. Personalization influences every sector of society — be it work, leisure, or citizenship. History The idea of personalization is rooted in ancient rhetoric as part of the practice of an agent or communicator being responsive to the needs of the audience. When industrialization influenced the rise of mass communication, the practice of message personalization diminished for a time. In the recent times, there has been a significant increase in the number of mass media outlets that use advertising as a primary revenue stream. These companies gain knowledge about the specific demographic and psychographic characteristics of readers and viewers. After that, this information is used to personalize an audience’s experience and therefore draw customers in through the use of entertainment and information that interests them. Digital Media and Internet Another aspect of personalization is the increasing relevance of open data on the Internet. Many organizations make their data available on the Internet via APIs, web services, and open data standards. One such example is Ordnance Survey Open Data. Data made available in this way is structured to allow it to be inter-connected and used again by third parties. Data available from a user's social graph may be accessed by third-party application software so that it fits the personalized web page or information appliance. Current open data standards on the Internet are: Attention Profiling Mark-up Language (APML) DataPortability OpenID OpenSocial Websites Web pages can be personalized based on their users' characteristics (interests, social category, context, etc.), actions (click on a button, open a link, etc.), intents (make a purchase, check the status of an entity), or any other parameter that is prevalent and associated with an individual. This provides a tailored user experience. Note that the experience is not just the accommodation of the user but a relationship between the user and the desires of the site designers in driving specific actions to attain objectives (e.g. Increase sales conversion on a page). The term customization is often used when the site only uses explicit data which include product ratings or user preferences. Technically, web personalization can be accomplished by associating a visitor segment with a predefined action. Customizing the user experience based on behavioral, contextual, and technical data is proven to have a positive impact on conversion rate optimization efforts. Associated actions can be anything from changing the content of a webpage, presenting a modal display, presenting interstitials, triggering a personalized email, or even automating a phone call to the user. According to a study conducted in 2014 at the research firm Econsultancy, less than 30% of e-commerce websites have invested in the field of web personalization. However, many companies now offer services for web personalization as well as web and email recommendation systems that are based on personalization or anonymously collected user behaviors. There are many categories of web personalization which includes: Behavioral Contextual Technical Historic data Collaboratively filtered There are several camps in defining and executing web personalization. A few broad methods for web personalization include: Implicit Explicit Hybrid With implicit personalization, personalization is performed based on data learned from indirect observations of the user. This data can be, for example, items purchased on other sites or pages viewed. With explicit personalization, the web page (or information system) is changed by the user using the features provided by the system. Hybrid personalization combines the above two approaches to leverage both explicit user actions on the system and implicit data. Web personalization can be linked to the notion of adaptive hypermedia (AH). The main difference is that the former would usually work on what is considered "open corpus hypermedia", while the latter would traditionally work on "closed corpus hypermedia." However, recent research directions in the AH domain take both closed and open corpus into account, making the two fields very inter-related. Personalization is also being considered for use in less open commercial applications to improve the user experience in the online world. Internet activist Eli Pariser has documented personalized search, where Google and Yahoo! News give different results to different people (even when logged out). He also points out social media site Facebook changes user's friend feeds based on what it thinks they want to see. This creates a clear filter bubble. Websites use a visitor's location data to adjust content, design, and the entire functionality. On an intranet or B2E Enterprise Web portals, personalization is often based on user attributes such as department, functional area, or the specified role. The term "customization" in this context refers to the ability of users to modify the page layout or specify what content should be displayed. Map Personalization Digital web maps are also being personalized. Google Maps change the content of the map based on previous searches and profile information. Technology writer Evgeny Morozov criticized map personalization as a threat to public space. Mobile Phones Over time mobile phones have seen an increased attention placed on user personalization. Far from the black and white screens and monophonic ringtones of the past, smart phones now offer interactive wallpapers and MP3 truetones. In the UK and Asia, WeeMees have become popular. WeeMees are 3D characters that are used as wallpaper and respond to the tendencies of the user. Video Graphics Array (VGA) picture quality allows people to change their background without any hassle and without sacrificing quality. All of these services are downloaded by the provider with the goal to make the user feel connected and enhance the experience while using the phone. Print Media and Merchandise In print media, ranging from magazines to promotional publications, personalization uses databases of individual recipients' information. Not only does the written document address itself by name to the reader, but the advertising is targeted to the recipient's demographics or interests using fields within the database or list, such as "first name", "last name", "company", etc. The term "personalization" should not be confused with variable data, which is a much more detailed method of marketing that leverages both images and text with the medium, not just fields within a database. Personalized children's books are created by companies who are using and leveraging all the strengths of variable data printing (VDP). This allows for full image and text variability within a printed book. With the rise of online 3D printing services including Shapeways and Ponoko, personalization is becoming present in the world of product design. Promotional Merchandise Promotional items (mugs, T-shirts, keychains, balls and more) are personalized on a huge level. Personalized children's storybooks—wherein the child becomes the protagonist, with the name and image of the child personalized—are extremely popular. Personalized CDs for children are also in the market. With the advent of digital printing, personalized calendars that start in any month, birthday cards, cards, e-cards, posters and photo books can also be easily obtained. 3D Printing 3D printing is a production method that allows to create unique and personalized items on a global scale. Personalized apparel and accessories, such as jewellery, are increasing in popularity. This kind of customization is also relevant in other areas like consumer electronics and retail. By combining 3D printing with complex software a product can easily be customized by an end-user. Role of Customers Mass personalization Mass personalization is custom tailoring by a company in accordance with its end users' tastes and preferences. From a collaborative engineering perspective, mass customization can be viewed as collaborative efforts between customers and manufacturers, who have different sets of priorities and need to jointly search for solutions that best match customers' individual specific needs with manufacturers' customization capabilities. The main difference between mass customization and mass personalization is that customization is the ability of a company to allow its customers to create and choose a product which, within limits, adheres to their personal specifications. For example, a website aware of its user's location and buying habits will offer suggestions tailored to their demographics. Each user is classified by some relevant trait, like location or age, and then given personalization aimed at that group. This means that the personalization is not individual to that singular user, it only pinpoints a specific trait that matches them up with a larger group of people. Behavioral targeting represents a concept that is similar to mass personalization. Predictive Personalization Predictive personalization is defined as the ability to predict customer behavior, needs or wants - and tailor offers and communications very precisely. Social data is one source of providing this predictive analysis, particularly social data that is structured. Predictive personalization is a much more recent means of personalization and can be used to augment current personalization offerings. Predictive personalization has grown to play an especially important role in online grocers, where users, especially recurring clients, have come to expect "smart shopping lists" - mechanisms that predict what products they need based on customers similar to them and their past shopping behaviors. Personalization and power The Volume-Control Model offers an analytical framework to understand how personalization helps to gain power. It links between information personalization and the opposite mechanism, information popularization. This model explains how both personalization and popularization are employed together (by tech companies, organizations, governments or even individuals) as complementing mechanisms to gain economic, political, and social power. Among the social implications of information personalization is the emergence of filter bubbles. See also References External links International Institute on Mass Customization & Personalization which organizes MCP, a biannual conference on customization and personalization User Modeling and User-Adapted Interaction (UMUAI) The Journal of Personalization Research Human–computer interaction User interface techniques Personas Types of marketing Information retrieval techniques

Arrested development

The term "arrested development" has had multiple meanings for over 200 years. In the field of medicine, the term "arrested development" was first used, circa 1835–1836, to mean a stoppage of physical development; the term continues to be used in the same way. In literature, Ernest Hemingway used the term in The Sun Also Rises, published in 1926: On page 51, Harvey tells Cohn, "I misjudged you [...] You're not a moron. You're only a case of arrested development." In contrast, the UK's Mental Health Act 1983 used the term "arrested development" to characterize a form of mental disorder comprising severe mental impairment, resulting in a lack of intelligence. However, some researchers have objected to the notion that mental development can be "arrested" or stopped, preferring to consider mental status as developing in other ways in psychological terminology. Consequently, the term "arrested development" is no longer used when referring to a developmental disorder in mental health. In anthropology and archaeology, the term "arrested development" means that a plateau of development in some sphere has been reached. Often it is a technological plateau such as the development of high temperature ceramics, but without glaze because of a lack of materials, or copper smelting without development of bronze because of a lack of tin. Arrested development is key in the insight of self-domestication in the evolution of hominidae where it involves being in an environment that favors reduction in aggression, including interspecific and intraspecific antagonism, for survival, in favor of attitudes that favor living together in a group, social behavior, traits that favor the group as a whole to come to the front stage, elimination of bullies - individuals with an antisocial personality disorder. References Developmental neuroscience Developmental psychology Medical terminology

Cultural psychology

Cultural psychology is the study of how cultures reflect and shape their members' psychological processes. It is based on the premise that the mind and culture are inseparable and mutually constitutive. The concept involves two propositions: firstly, that people are shaped by their culture, and secondly, that culture is shaped by its people. Cultural psychology aims to define culture, its nature, and its function concerning psychological phenomena. Gerd Baumann argues: "Culture is not a real thing, but an abstract analytical notion. In itself, it does not cause behavior but abstracts from it. It is thus neither normative nor predictive but a heuristic means towards explaining how people understand and act upon the world." As Richard Shweder, one of the major proponents of the field, writes, "Cultural psychology is the study of how cultural traditions and social practices regulate, express, and transform the human psyche. This results less in psychic unity for humankind than in ethnic divergences in mind, self, and emotion." History Yoshihisa Kashima talks about cultural psychology in two senses, as a tradition and as a movement that emerged in the late 20th century. Cultural psychology as a tradition is traced back to Western Romanticism in the 19th century. Giambatista Vico and Herder are seen as important early inspirations in thinking about the influence of culture on people. Its institutional origin started with the publication of the Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft (Journal of Folk Psychology and Language Science, scholarly journal founded by Moritz Lazarus and Heymann Steinthal), first published in 1860. Wilhelm Wundt expanded on this concept, and his volumes on Völkerpsychologie are among the earliest accounts of a cultural perspective within the discipline of psychology. He saw Völkerpsychologie as a cultural-developmental discipline that studied higher psychological processes in their social context. The proposed methods were comparative and historical analyses. Another early cultural framework is cultural-historical psychology which emerged in the 1920s. It is mostly associated with the Russian psychologists Vygotsky, Luria and Leont'ev. They claimed that human activity is always embedded in a specific social and historical context and should therefore not be isolated. While in psychological research interest in culture had declined, in part due to the popularity of behaviorism in the US, some researchers in anthropology, like Margaret Mead, started to explore the interaction between culture and personality. In the 1970s-1980s, there was an increasing call for an interpretive turn in anthropology and psychology. Researchers were influenced by constructivist and relativist accounts of knowledge and argued that cultural differences should be understood within their contexts. This influence was an important factor in the emergence of the cultural psychology movement. Leading scholars of this movement were, among others, Richard Shweder and Clifford Richards. The launch of a new journal and the publication of multiple major works, like Shweder's Cultural Psychology and Cole's Cultural Psychology: A Once and Future Discipline helped to shape the direction of the movement. Relationships with other branches of psychology Cultural psychology is often confused with cross-cultural psychology. Even though both fields influence each other, cultural psychology is distinct from cross-cultural psychology in that cross-cultural psychologists generally use culture as a means of testing the universality of psychological processes rather than determining how local cultural practices shape psychological processes. So, whereas a cross-cultural psychologist might ask whether Jean Piaget's stages of development are universal across a variety of cultures, a cultural psychologist would be interested in how the social practices of a particular set of cultures shape the development of cognitive processes in different ways. Cultural psychology research informs and is informed by several fields within psychology, including cross-cultural psychology, social psychology, cultural-historical psychology, developmental psychology, and cognitive psychology. In addition to drawing from several other fields of psychology, cultural psychology in particular utilizes anthropologists, linguists, and philosophers to help in the pursuit of understanding a wide variety of cultural facets in a society. However, the constructivist perspective of cultural psychology, through which cultural psychologists study thought patterns and behaviors within and across cultures, tends to clash with the universal perspectives common in most fields of psychology, which seek to qualify fundamental psychological truths that are consistent across all of humanity. Cultural psychology is also tightly related to the new field of "Historical Psychology" which aims to investigate how history and psychology build each other up in a dynamic way, seeking to better understand how collective behaviors, emotions, and cognitions vary over historical time periods and how the roots of our current psychology are buried in deep cultural and historical processes. Importance Need for expanded cultural research According to Richard Shweder, there has been repeated failure to replicate Western psychology laboratory findings in non-Western settings. Therefore, a major goal of cultural psychology is to have many and varied cultures contribute to basic psychological theories in order to correct these theories so that they become more relevant to the predictions, descriptions, and explanations of all human behaviors, not just Western ones. This goal is shared by many of the scholars who promote the indigenous psychology approach. In an attempt to show the interrelated interests of cultural and indigenous psychology, cultural psychologist Pradeep Chakkarath emphasizes that international mainstream psychology, as it has been exported to most regions of the world by the so-called West, is only one among many indigenous psychologies and therefore may not have enough intercultural expertise to claim, as it frequently does, that its theories have universal validity. Accordingly, cultural groups have diverse ways of defining emotional problems, as well as distinguishing between physical and mental distress. For example, Arthur Kleinman has shown how the notion of depression in Chinese culture has been associated with physiological problems, before becoming acknowledged more recently as an emotional concern. Furthermore, the type of therapy people pursue is influenced by cultural conceptions of privacy and shame, as well as the stigmas associated with specific problems. The acronym W.E.I.R.D. describes populations that are Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic. Thus far, W.E.I.R.D. populations have been vastly overrepresented in psychological research. In an analysis of top journals in the psychology discipline, it was found that 96% of subjects who participated in those studies came from Western Industrialized countries, with 68% of them coming from the United States. This is largely because 99% of the authors of these journals were at Western Universities with 73% of them at American Universities. With this information, it is concluded that 96% of psychological findings come from W.E.I.R.D. countries. Findings from psychology research utilizing primarily W.E.I.R.D. populations are often labeled as universal theories and are inaccurately applied to other cultures. Recent research is showing that cultures differ in many areas, such as logical reasoning and social values. The evidence that basic cognitive and motivational processes vary across populations has become increasingly difficult to ignore. For example, many studies have shown that Americans, Canadians and western Europeans rely on analytical reasoning strategies, which separate objects from their contexts to explain and predict behavior. Social psychologists refer to the "fundamental attribution error" or the tendency to explain people's behavior in terms of internal, inherent personality traits rather than external, situational considerations (e.g. attributing an instance of angry behavior to an angry personality). Outside W.E.I.R.D. cultures, however, this phenomenon is less prominent, as many non-W.E.I.R.D. populations tend to pay more attention to the context in which behavior occurs. Asians tend to reason holistically, for example by considering people's behavior in terms of their situation; someone's anger might be viewed as simply a result of an irritating day. Yet many long-standing theories of how humans think rely on the prominence of analytical thought. By studying only W.E.I.R.D. populations, psychologists fail to account for a substantial amount of diversity of the global population as W.E.I.R.D. countries only represent 12% of the world's population. Applying the findings from W.E.I.R.D. populations to other populations can lead to a miscalculation of psychological theories and may hinder psychologists' abilities to isolate fundamental cultural characteristics. Mutual constitution Mutual constitution is the notion that society and the individual have an influencing effect on one another. Because a society is composed of individuals, the behavior and actions of the individuals directly impact the society. In the same manner, society directly impacts the individual living within it. The values, morals, and ways of life a society exemplifies will have an immediate impact on the way an individual is shaped as a person. The atmosphere that a society provides for the individual is a determining factor for how an individual will develop. Furthermore, mutual constitution is a cyclical model in which the society and the individual both influence one another. While cultural psychology is reliant on this model, societies often fail to recognize this. Despite the overwhelming acceptance that people affect culture and that culture affects people, societal systems tend to minimize the effect that people form on their communities. For example, mission statements of businesses, schools, and foundations attempt to make promises regarding the environment and values that their establishment holds. However, these promises cannot be made in accordance with the mutually consisting theory without being upheld by all participants. The mission statement for the employees of Southwest Airlines, for example, claims that, "...We are committed to provide our Employees a stable work environment with equal opportunity for learning and personal growth". While the company can ensure the "equal opportunity for learning and personal growth", the aforementioned message cannot be promised. The work environment that Southwest provides includes paying consumers. While rules can be enforced to ensure safety on their aircraft, customers will not be removed due to attitude or a lack of courtesy. This therefore contradicts the promise of a "stable work environment". On the contrary, some establishments do ensure that their mission statements agree with the mutually consistent model. For example, Yale University promises within its mission statement that: Yale is committed to improving the world today and for future generations through outstanding research and scholarship, education, preservation, and practice. Yale educates aspiring leaders worldwide who serve all sectors of society. We carry out this mission through the free exchange of ideas in an ethical, interdependent, and diverse community of faculty, staff, students, and alumni. Instead of making promises that depend on all of their students and faculty, they make statements that can refer to only a part of their student/ faculty body. The statement focuses more on what they offer, and how they uphold these promises. By providing evidence they provide readers with an example as to how their school community members participate in the environment they promise, accepting the community's role in their school culture. Past research has been conducted by middle-class North Americans analyzing culturally different societies by using comparisons mostly involving middle-class North Americans and/or aforementioned W.E.I.R.D. societies. What has been characterized as Euro-American centrism, resulted in a great volume of research for this specific selection of humans. It has also allowed us to divert from the idea that certain psychological processes can be considered basic or universal, and recognize humans' remarkable capacity to create cultures and then be shaped by them. Although cultural psychology has internalized the mutually constituting model, further implementation in our society is necessary. Being aware of this model promotes taking responsibility for one's actions and the effect that their actions have on their community. Through acceptance of ones responsibilities and conscious application, communities have opportunities for improvement which in turn supports the individuals within the community. These ideas can be found in the journal article "Cultures and Selves: A Cycle of Mutual Constitution" by Hazel Rose Markus and Shinobu Kitayama which are also represented in the graphic provided. Criticisms Stereotyping One of the most significant themes in recent years has been cultural differences between East Asians and North Americans in attention, perception, cognition, and social psychological phenomena such as the self. Some psychologists, such as Turiel, have argued that this research is based on cultural stereotyping. Psychologist Per Gjerde states that cultural psychology tends to "generalize about human development across nations and continents" and assigning characteristics to a culture promotes a disregard for heterogeneity and minimizes the role of the individual. Gjerde argues that individuals develop multiple perspectives about their culture, sometimes act in accord with their culture without sharing cultural beliefs, and sometimes outright oppose their culture. Stereotyping thus views individuals as homogeneous products of culture. Faulty methodology Self-reporting data is one of the easiest and most accessible methods of mass data collection, especially in cultural psychology. However, overemphasizing cross-cultural comparisons of self-reported attitudes and values can lead to relatively unstable and ultimately misleading data. Methods Cultural psychologist, Richard Shweder argues that the psyche and culture are mutually constructed and inseparable. The failure of replicating many psychology findings in other regions of the world supported the idea that the mind and environment are interdependent and different throughout the world. Some criticisms state that using self-report may be a relatively unreliable method, and could be misleading especially in different cultural contexts. Regardless of the fact that self-report is an important way to obtain mass data, it is not the only way. In fact, cultural psychologists utilized multiple measurements and resources no different from other scientific researches – observation, experiment, data analysis etc. For example, Nisbett & Cohen (1996) investigated the relation between historical cultural background and regional aggression difference in the U.S. In this study, researchers designed laboratory experiment to observe participants' aggression, and crime rate, demographic statistics were analyzed. The experiment results supported the culture of honor theory that the aggression is a defense mechanism which is rooted in the herding cultural origin for most of the southerners. In laboratory observations, Heine and his colleagues found that Japanese students spend more time than American students on tasks that they did poorly on, and the finding presents a self-improvement motivation often seen in East Asian that failure and success is interconvertible with effort. In terms of cognition styles, Chinese tend to perceive image using a holistic view compared to American. Quantitative statistics of cultural products revealed that public media in western countries promote more individualistic components than East-Asian countries. These statistics are objective because it does not involve having people fill out questionnaire, instead, psychologists use physical measurements to quantitatively collect data about culture products, such as painting and photos. These statistics data can also be national records, for example, Chiao & Blizinsky (2010) revealed that cultures of high collectivism is associated with lower prevalence of mood/anxiety disorders in study involving 29 countries. In addition to the experimental and statistics data, evidence from neuro-imaging studies, also help strengthen the reliability of cultural psychology research. For example, when thinking of mother, the brain region related to self-concept showed significant activation in Chinese, whereas no activation observed in Westerners. Cultural models To understand the social world, people may use cultural models, which "consist of culturally derived ideas and practices that are embodied, enacted, or instituted in everyday life." Cultural psychologists develop models to categorize cultural phenomena. 4 I's culture cycle The 4 I's cultural model was developed by Hazel Rose Markus and Alana Conner in their book Clash! 8 Cultural Conflicts That Make Us Who We Are. In it, they refer to the mutually constitutive nature of culture and individual as a "culture cycle". The culture cycle consists of four layers (Individuals, Interactions, Institutions, Ideas) of cultural influence that help to explain the interaction between self and culture. Individuals The first "I" concerns how an individual thinks about and expresses itself. Studies show that in the United States, individuals are more likely think of themselves as "independent", "equal", and "individualistic". Individuals have characteristics that are consistent across time and situation. When asked to describe themselves, Americans are likely to use adjectives to describe their personalities, such as "energetic", "friendly", or "hard-working". In Japan, studies show that individuals are more likely to think of themselves as "obligated to society", "interdependent", and "considerate". The self is adaptable to the situation. Japanese individuals are therefore more likely to describe themselves in relation to others, such as "I try not to upset anyone," or "I am a father, a son, and a brother." Interactions Interactions with other people and products reinforce cultural behaviors on a daily basis. Stories, songs, architecture, and advertisements are all methods of interaction that guide individuals in a culture to promote certain values and teach them how to behave. For example, in Japan, no-smoking signs emphasize the impact that smoke has on others by illustrating the path of smoke as it affects surrounding people. In the US, no-smoking signs focus on individual action by simply saying "No Smoking". These signs reflect underlying cultural norms and values, and when people see them they are encouraged to behave in accordance with the greater cultural values. Institutions The next layer of culture is made up of the institutions in which everyday interactions take place. These determine and enforce the rules for a society and include legal, government, economic, scientific, philosophical, and religious bodies. Institutions encourage certain practices and products while discouraging others. In Japanese kindergartens, children learn about important cultural values such as teamwork, group harmony, and cooperation. During "birthday month celebration," for example, the class celebrates all the children who have birthdays that month. This institutional practice underscores the importance of a group over an individual. In US kindergartens, children learn their personal value when they celebrate their birthdays one by one, enforcing the cultural value of uniqueness and individualism. Everyday institutional practices such as classroom birthday celebrations propagate prominent cultural themes. Ideas The final cycle, which houses the highest and most abstract idea level of the cycle, focuses on the big ideas that each culture has which answers the big questions of life, such as Why are we here, where did we come from, and where are we going. The culture around the ideas is what gives structure to the answers and allows for a greater understanding of what is believed. In their book Hazel and Alana say, "In charting the course of your self, your postal code is just as important as your genetic code". The culture of the idea is just as important as the idea itself. Whiting model John and Beatrice Whiting, along with their research students at Harvard University, developed the "Whiting model" for child development during the 1970s and 1980s, which specifically focused on how culture influences development. The Whitings coined the term "cultural learning environment", to describe the surroundings that influence a child during development. Beatrice Whiting defined a child's environmental contexts as being "characterized by an activity in progress, a physically defined space, a characteristic group of people, and norms of behavior". This environment is composed of several layers. A child's geographical context influences the history/anthropology of their greater community. This results in maintenance systems (i.e., sociological characteristics) that form a cultural learning environment. These factors inform learned behavior, or progressive expressive systems that take the form of religion, magic beliefs, ritual and ceremony, art, recreation, games and play, or crime rates. Many researchers have expanded upon the Whiting model, and the Whiting model's influence is clear in both modern psychology and anthropology. According to an article by Thomas Weisner in the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, "All these [more recent] approaches share a common intellectual project: to take culture and context deeply and seriously into account in studies of human development." Culture and motivation Self-enhancement vs. self-improvement While self-enhancement is a person's motivation to view themselves positively, self-improvement is a person's motivation to have others view themselves positively. The distinction between the two modes of life is most evident between independent and collectivistic cultures. Cultures with independent self-views (the premise that people see themselves as self-contained entities) often emphasize self-esteem, confidence in one's own worth and abilities. With self-esteem seen as a main source of happiness in Western cultures, the motivation to self-enhance generally follows as a way to maintain one's positive view about oneself. Some strategies employed when self-enhancing often include downward social comparison, compensatory self-enhancement, discounting, external attributions and basking in reflected glory. In contrast, collectivistic cultures often emphasize self-improvement as a leading motivating factor in their lives. This motivation is often derived from a desire to not lose face and to appear positively among social groups. Culture and empathy Cultural orientation: collectivistic and individualistic A main distinction to understand when looking at psychology and culture is the difference between individualistic and collectivistic cultures. People from an individualistic culture typically demonstrate an independent view of the self; the focus is usually on personal achievement. Members of a collectivistic society have more of a focus on the group (interdependent view of self), usually focusing on things that will benefit the group. Research has shown such differences of the self when comparing collectivistic and individualistic cultures: The Fundamental Attribution Error has been shown to be more common in America (individualistic) as compared to in India (collectivistic). Along these same lines, the self-serving bias was again shown as more common among Americans than Japanese individuals. This can be seen in a study involving an animation of fish, wherein Western viewers interpreted the scene of a fish swimming away from a school as an expression of individualism and independence, while Eastern individuals wondered what was wrong with the singular fish and concluded that the school had kicked it out. Another study showed that in coverage of the same instance of violent crime, Western news focused on innate character flaws and the failings of the individual while Chinese news pointed out the lack of relationships of the perpetrator in a foreign environment and the failings of society. This is not to imply that collectivism and individualism are completely dichotomous, but these two cultural orientations are to be understood more so as a spectrum. Each representation is at either end; thus, some members of individualistic cultures may hold collectivistic values, and some collectivistic individual may hold some individualist values. The concepts of collectivism and individualism show a general idea of the values of a specific ethnic culture but should not be juxtaposed in competition. Empathy across cultures These differences in values across cultures suggests that understanding and expressing empathy may be manifested differently throughout varying cultures. Duan and Hill first discussed empathy in subcategories of intellectual empathy: taking on someone's thoughts/perspective, also known as cognitive empathy and emotional empathy: taking on someone's feeling/experience. Duan, Wei, and Wang furthered this idea to include empathy in terms of being either dispositional (capacity for noticing/understanding empathy) or experiential (specific to a certain context or situation, observing the person and empathizing). This created four types of empathy to further examine: 1) dispositional intellectual empathy; 2) dispositional empathic emotion; 3) experienced intellectual empathy; and 4) experienced empathic emotion. These four branches allowed researchers to examine empathic proclivities among individuals of different cultures. While individualism was not shown to correlate with either types of dispositional empathy, collectivism was shown to have a direct correlation with both types of dispositional empathy, possibly suggesting that by having less focus on the self, there is more capacity towards noticing the needs of others. More so, individualism predicted experienced intellectual empathy, and collectivism predicted experienced empathic emotion. These results are congruent with the values of collectivistic and individualistic societies. The self-centered identity and egoistic motives prevalent in individualistic cultures perhaps acts as a hindrance in being open to (fully) experiencing empathy. Many individuals tend to harbor dislike towards those from different cultural backgrounds, often fixating on these differences. Failing to comprehend the diversity of others significantly impedes our understanding of their lives. This may happen as a result of unawareness when an individual is behaving in such way. Intercultural and ethnocultural empathy Cultural empathy became broadly understood as concurrent understanding and acceptance of a culture different from one's own. This idea has been further developed with the concept of ethnocultural empathy. This moves beyond merely accepting and understanding another culture, and also includes acknowledging how the values of a culture may affect empathy. This idea is meant to foster cultural empathy as well as engender cultural competence. One of the greatest barriers of empathy between cultures is people's tendency to operate from an ethnocentric point of view. Eysenck conceptualized ethnocentrism as using one's own culture to understand the rest of the world, while holding one's own values as correct. Concomitant with this barrier to intercultural empathy, Rasoal, Eklund, and Hansen posit five hindrances of intercultural empathy; these include: Paucity of: (general) knowledge outside one's own culture (general) experience with other cultures outside one's own (specific) knowledge regarding other people's cultures (specific) experiences regarding other people's cultures and: inability to bridge different cultures by understanding the commonalities and dissimilarities These five points elucidate lack of both depth and breadth as hindrances in developing and practicing intercultural empathy. Another barrier to intercultural empathy is that there is often a power dynamic between different cultures. Bridging an oppressed culture with their (upper-echelon) oppressor is a goal of intercultural empathy. One approach to this barrier is to attempt to acknowledge one's personal oppression. While this may be minimal in comparison to other people's oppression, it will still help with realizing that other people have been oppressed. The goal of bridging the gap should focus on building an alliance by finding the core commonalities of the human experience; this shows empathy to be a relational experience, not an independent one. Through this, the goal is that intercultural empathy can lend toward broader intercultural understanding across cultures and societies. Four important facets of cultural empathy are: Taking the perspective of someone from a different culture Understanding the verbal/behavioral expression that occurs during ethnocultural empathy Being cognizant of how different cultures are treated by larger entities such as the job market and the media Accepting differences in cultural choices regarding language, clothing preference, food choice, etc. These four aspects may be especially helpful for practicing cultural competence in a clinical setting. Given that most psychological practices were founded on the parochial ideals of Euro-American psychologists, cultural competence was not considered much of a necessity until said psychologists increasingly began seeing clients with different ethnic backgrounds. Many of the problems that contribute to therapy not being beneficial for people of color include; therapy having an individual focus, an emphasis on expressiveness, and an emphasis on openness. For more on intercultural competence, see intercultural competence. Cultural Influences in the mental health treatment In some studies, there has been a correlation between client comfort and their therapists sharing a similar ethnicity. This occurs because the client may feel more at ease or feel a stronger sense of connection with their therapists. From 2010 through 2015 there was a research study that concluded how important it is to have a variety of mental health care professionals in the work setting. However, it is also true that the primary demographic receiving more mental health services compromises the majority population. This reflects the lack of universal accessibility to mental health care. In the past years, we have observed an increase in validation and understanding of cultural psychology in the many aspects of life. Nijmegen school Already in 1956 the department of cultural psychology and psychology of religion was founded at the Radboud University of Nijmegen, the Netherlands. One of its aims was to study culture and religion as psychological phenomena. In 1986 the department was split up in a Psychology of Religion section and a Cultural Psychology section. The research aim of the latter was to study culture as a behavior regulating system, which in fact implied that culture was no longer seen as an explanatory concept, but as something to be explained. Instead of viewing culture as a domain in its own right, as something separate from individual human beings, culture was seen as the product of human interaction leading to patterned behavior characteristic of human groups. It looks so self-evident, but this shift has wide-reaching implications. The expression: "culture of...." – and one can fill in whatever nation or group – can no longer be used to explain behaviors. One has to look for other determinants of behavior than the ones associated with 'culture'. Expressions like: 'it is our culture to put women in a dependent position and men above them' can no longer be used. Such a way of reasoning obscures the real determinants of the behavioral patterning that causes this sex and gender related state of affairs. The main publication in the department in which this view is elaborated is the book Culture as Embodiment. In this book a tool kit is presented, which can be helpful in replacing the idea of culture as an explanatory variable with concepts and research instruments by means of which the behavioral patterning can be understood much better. In 2020 an empirical program was launched by Ernst Graamans in his book Beyond the Idea of Culture: Understanding and Changing Cultural Practices in Business and Life Matters. This dissertation at the Amsterdam Free University Business School of Economics explores so called 'cultural change' and related practices in business boardrooms, institutions of care, but also in the customs of female sexual mutilation in African communities. The defence of these practices in terms of: "it is our culture" is cogently criticized. In cases of communal female circumcision practices this empirical program makes the replacement of these practices by alternative rituals more viable. Research institutions Institute of Cultural Psychology and Qualitative Social Research (ikus) Institute of Psychology, Sigmund Freud University Vienna Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition (LCHC) Culture and Cognition, University of Michigan Centre for Cultural Psychology, Aalborg University Hans Kilian and Lotte Köhler Center for Cultural Psychology and Historical Anthropology (KKC) Culture and Self Lab, University of British Columbia See also Cultural-historical activity theory Indian psychology References Further reading Kitayama, Shinobu, & Cohen, Dov (2010). Handbook of Cultural Psychology. Guilford. Turiel, Elliot (2002). The Culture of Morality. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge. Cole, Michael (1996). Cultural Psychology: A Once and Future Discipline. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press: Cambridge. Matsumoto, D (Ed) (2001). The Handbook of Culture & Psychology. Oxford University Press: New York. Shweder, R.A.; & Levine, R.A. (Eds., 1984). Culture theory: Essays on mind, self, and emotion. New York: Cambridge University Press. Bruner, Jerome (1990). Acts of Meaning. Harvard University Press. . Shore, B. (1996). Culture in mind: Cognition, culture and the problem of meaning. New York: Oxford University Press. Nisbett, R.E. (2003). The Geography of Thought. New York: Free Press. Social psychology Cross-cultural psychology Cultural studies

Sexual fetishism

Sexual fetishism or erotic fetishism is a sexual fixation on a nonliving object or body part. The object of interest is called the fetish; the person who has a fetish for that object is a fetishist. A sexual fetish may be regarded as a mental disorder if it causes significant psychosocial distress for the person or has detrimental effects on important areas of their life. Sexual arousal from a particular body part can be further classified as partialism. While medical definitions restrict the term sexual fetishism to objects or body parts, fetish can, in common discourse, also refer to sexual interest in specific activities, peoples, types of people, substances, or situations. Definitions In common parlance, the word fetish is used to refer to any sexually arousing stimuli, not all of which meet the medical criteria for fetishism. This broader usage of fetish covers parts or features of the body (including obesity and body modifications), objects, situations and activities (such as smoking or BDSM). Paraphilias such as urophilia, necrophilia and coprophilia have been described as fetishes. Originally, most medical sources defined fetishism as a sexual interest in non-living objects, body parts or secretions. The publication of the DSM-III in 1980 changed that, by excluding arousal from body parts in its diagnostic criteria for fetishism. In 1987, the revised DSM-III-R introduced a new diagnosis for body part arousal called partialism. The DSM-IV retained this distinction. Martin Kafka argued that partialism should be merged into fetishism because of overlap between the two conditions. The DSM-5 subsequently did so, in 2013. Types In a review of 48 cases of clinical fetishism in 1983, fetishes included clothing (58.3%), rubber and rubber items (22.9%), footwear (14.6%), body parts (14.6%), leather (10.4%), and soft materials or fabrics (6.3%). A 2007 study counted members of Internet discussion groups with the word fetish in their name. Of the groups about body parts or features, 47% belonged to groups about feet (podophilia), 9% about body fluids (including urophilia, scatophilia, lactaphilia, menophilia, mucophilia), 9% about body size, 7% about hair (hair fetish), and 5% about muscles (muscle worship). Less popular groups focused on navels (navel fetishism), legs, body hair, mouth, and nails, among other things. Of the groups about clothing, 33% belonged to groups about clothes worn on the legs or buttocks (such as stockings or skirts), 32% about footwear (shoe fetishism), 12% about underwear (underwear fetishism), and 9% about whole-body wear such as jackets. Less popular object groups focused on headwear, stethoscopes, wristwear, pacifiers, and diapers (diaper fetishism). Erotic asphyxiation is the use of choking to increase the pleasure in sex. The fetish also includes an individualized part that involves choking oneself during the act of masturbation, which is known as auto-erotic asphyxiation. This usually involves a person being connected and strangled by a homemade device that is tight enough to give them pleasure but not tight enough to suffocate them to death. This is dangerous due to the issue of hyperactive pleasure seeking which can result in strangulation when there is no one to help if the device gets too tight and strangles the user. Devotism involves being attracted to disability or body modifications on another person that are the result of amputation for example. Devotism is only a sexual fetish when the person who has the fetish considers the amputated body part on another person the object of sexual interest. Cause Fetishism usually becomes evident during puberty, but may develop prior to that. No single cause for fetishism has been conclusively established. Some explanations invoke classical conditioning. In several experiments, men have been conditioned to show arousal to stimuli like boots, geometric shapes or penny jars by pairing these cues with conventional erotica. According to John Bancroft, conditioning alone cannot explain fetishism, because it does not result in fetishism for most people. He suggests that conditioning combines with some other factor, such as an abnormality in the sexual learning process. Theories of sexual imprinting propose that humans learn to recognize sexually desirable features and activities during childhood. Fetishism could result when a child is imprinted with an overly narrow or incorrect concept of a sex object. Imprinting seems to occur during the child's earliest experiences with arousal and desire, and is based on "an egocentric evaluation of salient reward- or pleasure-related characteristics that differ from one individual to another." Neurological differences may play a role in some cases. Vilayanur S. Ramachandran observed that the region processing sensory input from the feet lies immediately next to the region processing genital stimulation, and suggested an accidental link between these regions could explain the prevalence of foot fetishism. In one unusual case, an anterior temporal lobectomy relieved an epileptic man's fetish for safety pins. Various explanations have been put forth for the rarity of female fetishists. Most fetishes are visual in nature, and males are thought to be more sexually sensitive to visual stimuli. Roy Baumeister suggests that male sexuality is unchangeable, except for a brief period in childhood during which fetishism could become established, while female sexuality is fluid throughout life. Diagnosis Under the DSM-5, fetishism is sexual arousal from nonliving objects or specific nongenital body parts, excluding clothes used for cross-dressing (as that falls under transvestic disorder) and sex toys that are designed for genital stimulation. In order to be diagnosed as fetishistic disorder, the arousal must persist for at least six months and cause significant psychosocial distress or impairment in important areas of their life. In the DSM-IV, sexual interest in body parts was distinguished from fetishism under the name partialism (diagnosed as Paraphilia NOS), but it was merged with fetishistic disorder for the DSM-5. The ReviseF65 project campaigned for the International Classification of Diseases (ICD)’s fetish-related diagnoses to be abolished completely to avoid stigmatizing fetishists. On 18 June 2018, the WHO (World Health Organization) published ICD-11, in which fetishism and fetishistic transvestism (cross-dressing for sexual pleasure) are now removed as psychiatric diagnoses. Moreover, discrimination against fetish-having and BDSM individuals is considered inconsistent with human rights principles endorsed by the United Nations and The World Health Organization. Treatment According to the World Health Organization, fetishistic fantasies are common and should only be treated as a disorder when they impair normal functioning or cause distress. Goals of treatment can include elimination of criminal activity, reduction in reliance on the fetish for sexual satisfaction, improving relationship skills, reducing or removing arousal to the fetish altogether, or increasing arousal towards more acceptable stimuli. The evidence for treatment efficacy is limited and largely based on case studies, and no research on treatment for female fetishists exists. Cognitive behavioral therapy is one popular approach. Cognitive behavioral therapists teach clients to identify and avoid antecedents to fetishistic behavior, and substitute non-fetishistic fantasies for ones involving the fetish. Aversion therapy and covert conditioning can reduce fetishistic arousal in the short term, but requires repetition to sustain the effect. Multiple case studies have also reported treating fetishistic behavior with psychodynamic approaches. Antiandrogens may be prescribed to lower sex drive. Cyproterone acetate is the most commonly used antiandrogen, except in the United States, where it may not be available. A large body of literature has shown that it reduces general sexual fantasies. Side effects may include osteoporosis, liver dysfunction, and feminization. Case studies have found that the antiandrogen medroxyprogesterone acetate is successful in reducing sexual interest, but can have side effects including osteoporosis, diabetes, deep vein thrombosis, feminization, and weight gain. Some hospitals use leuprorelin and goserelin to reduce libido, and while there is presently little evidence for their efficacy, they have fewer side effects than other antiandrogens. A number of studies support the use of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), which may be preferable over antiandrogens because of their relatively benign side effects. Pharmacological agents are an adjunctive treatment which are usually combined with other approaches for maximum effect. Relationship counselors may attempt to reduce dependence on the fetish and improve partner communication using techniques like sensate focusing. Partners may agree to incorporate the fetish into their activities in a controlled, time-limited manner, or set aside only certain days to practice the fetishism. If the fetishist cannot sustain an erection without the fetish object, the therapist might recommend orgasmic reconditioning or covert sensitization to increase arousal to normal stimuli (although the evidence base for these techniques is weak). Occurrence The prevalence of fetishism is not known with certainty. Fetishism is more common in males. In a 2011 study, 30% of men reported fetishistic fantasies, and 24.5% had engaged in fetishistic acts. Of those reporting fantasies, 45% said the fetish was intensely sexually arousing. In a 2014 study, 26.3% of women and 27.8% of men acknowledged any fantasies about "having sex with a fetish or non-sexual object". A content analysis of the sample's favorite fantasies found that 14% of the male fantasies involved fetishism (including feet, nonsexual objects, and specific clothing), and 4.7% focused on a specific body part other than feet. None of the women's favorite fantasies had fetishistic themes. Another study found that 28% of men and 11% of women reported fetishistic arousal (including feet, fabrics, and objects "like shoes, gloves, or plush toys"). 18% of men in a 1980 study reported fetishistic fantasies. Fetishism to the extent that it is seen as a disorder appears to be rare, with less than 1% of general psychiatric patients presenting fetishism as their primary problem. It is also uncommon in forensic populations. History The word fetish derives from the French , which comes from the Portuguese ("spell"), which in turn derives from the Latin ("artificial") and ("to make"). A fetish is an object believed to have supernatural powers, or in particular, a human-made object that has power over others. Essentially, fetishism is the attribution of inherent value or powers to an object. Fétichisme was first used in an erotic context by Alfred Binet in 1887. A slightly earlier concept was Julien Chevalier's azoophilie. Early perspectives on cause Alfred Binet suspected fetishism was the pathological result of associations. He argued that, in certain vulnerable individuals, an emotionally rousing experience with the fetish object in childhood could lead to fetishism. Richard von Krafft-Ebing and Havelock Ellis also believed that fetishism arose from associative experiences, but disagreed on what type of predisposition was necessary. The sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld followed another line of thought when he proposed his theory of partial attractiveness in 1920. According to his argument, sexual attractiveness never originates in a person as a whole but always is the product of the interaction of individual features. He stated that nearly everyone had special interests and thus suffered from a healthy kind of fetishism, while only detaching and overvaluing of a single feature resulted in pathological fetishism. Today, Hirschfeld's theory is often mentioned in the context of gender role specific behavior: females present sexual stimuli by highlighting body parts, clothes or accessories; males react to them. Sigmund Freud believed that sexual fetishism in men derived from the unconscious fear of the mother's genitals, from men's universal fear of castration, and from a man's fantasy that his mother had had a penis but that it had been cut off. He did not discuss sexual fetishism in women. In 1951, Donald Winnicott presented his theory of transitional objects and phenomena, according to which childish actions like thumb sucking and objects like cuddly toys are the source of manifold adult behavior, amongst many others fetishism. He speculated that the child's transitional object became sexualized. Other animals Human fetishism has been compared to Pavlovian conditioning of sexual response in other animals. Sexual attraction to certain cues can be artificially induced in rats. Both male and female rats will develop a sexual preference for neutrally or even noxiously scented partners if those scents are paired with their early sexual experiences. Injecting morphine or oxytocin into a male rat during its first exposure to scented females has the same effect. Rats will also develop sexual preferences for the location of their early sexual experiences, and can be conditioned to show increased arousal in the presence of objects such as a plastic toy fish. One experiment found that rats which are made to wear a Velcro tethering jacket during their formative sexual experiences exhibit severe deficits in sexual performance when not wearing the jacket. Similar sexual conditioning has been demonstrated in gouramis, marmosets and Japanese quails. Possible boot fetishism has been reported in two different primates from the same zoo. Whenever a boot was placed near the first, a common chimpanzee born in captivity, he would invariably stare at it, touch it, become erect, rub his penis against the boot, masturbate, and then consume his ejaculate. The second, a guinea baboon, would become erect while rubbing and smelling the boot, but not masturbate or touch it with his penis. See also Clothing fetishism and fetish-related Clothing fetish Cosplay PVC clothing Sexual roleplay Uniform fetishism Transvestic fetishism References Further reading Bienvenu, Robert (2003). The Development of Sadomasochism as a Cultural Style in the Twentieth-Century United States. Online PDF under Sadomasochism as a Cultural Style. Коловрат Ю. А. Сексуальное волховство и фаллоктенические культы древних славян // История Змиевского края. – Змиев. – 19.10.2008. External links Sexual fetishism Sexual dysfunctions

Voyeurism

Voyeurism is the sexual interest in or practice of watching other people engaged in intimate behaviors, such as undressing, sexual activity, or other actions of a private nature. The term comes from the French voir which means "to see". A male voyeur is commonly labelled as "Peeping Tom" or a "Jags", a term which originates from the Lady Godiva legend. However, that term is usually applied to a male who observes somebody secretly and, generally, not in a public space. The American Psychiatric Association has classified certain voyeuristic fantasies, urges and behaviour patterns as a paraphilia in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV) if the person has acted on these urges, or the sexual urges or fantasies cause marked distress or interpersonal difficulty. It is described as a disorder of sexual preference in the ICD-10. The DSM-IV defines voyeurism as the act of observing "individuals, usually strangers, engaging in sexual activity, exhibitionism, or disrobing". The diagnosis as a disorder would not be given to people who experience typical sexual arousal or amusement, simply by seeing nudity or sexual activity. Historical perspectives There is relatively little academic research regarding voyeurism. When a review was published in 1976 there were only 15 available resources. Voyeurs were well-paying hole-lookers in especially Parisian brothels, a commercial innovation described as far back as 1857 but not gaining much notoriety until the 1880s, and not attracting formal medical-forensic recognition until the early 1890s. Society has accepted the use of the term voyeur as a description of anyone who views the intimate lives of others, even outside of a sexual context. This term is specifically used regarding reality television and other media which allow people to view the personal lives of others. This is a reversal from the historical perspective, moving from a term which describes a specific population in detail, to one which describes the general population vaguely. One of the few historical theories on the causes of voyeurism comes from psychoanalytic theory. Psychoanalytic theory proposes that voyeurism results from a failure to accept castration anxiety and as a result of failure to identify with the father. Prevalence Voyeurism has high prevalence rates in most studied populations. Voyeurism was once believed to only be present in a small portion of the population. This perception changed when Alfred Kinsey discovered that 30% of men prefer coitus with the lights on. This behaviour is not considered voyeurism by modern diagnostic standards, but there was little differentiation between normal and pathological behaviour at the time. Subsequent research showed that 65% of men had engaged in peeping, which suggests that this behaviour is widely spread throughout the population. Congruent with this, research found voyeurism to be the most common sexual law-breaking behaviour in both clinical and general populations. An earlier study, based on 60 college men from a rural area, indicates that 54% had voyeuristic fantasies, and that 42% had tried voyeurism, concluding that young men are more easily aroused by the idea. In a national study of Sweden it was found that 7.7% of the population (16% of men and 4% of women) had engaged in voyeurism at some point. It is also believed that voyeurism occurs up to 150 times more frequently than police reports indicate. This same study also indicates that there are high levels of co-occurrence between voyeurism and exhibitionism, finding that 63% of voyeurs also report exhibitionist behaviour. Characteristics People engage in voyeuristic behaviours for diverse reasons, but statistics can indicate which groups are likelier to engage in the act. Early research indicated that voyeurs were more mentally healthy than other groups with paraphilias. Compared to the other groups studied, it was found that voyeurs were unlikely to be alcoholics or drug users. More recent research shows that, compared to the general population, voyeurs were moderately more likely to have psychological problems, use alcohol and drugs, and have higher sexual interest generally. This study also shows that voyeurs have a greater number of sexual partners per year, and are more likely to have had a same-sex partner than most of the populations. Both older and newer research found that voyeurs typically have a later age of first sexual intercourse. However, other research found no difference in sexual history between voyeurs and non-voyeurs. Voyeurs who are not also exhibitionists tend to be from a higher socioeconomic status than those who do show exhibitionist behaviour. Gender differences Research shows that, like almost all paraphilias, voyeurism is more common in men than in women. However, research has found that men and women both report roughly the same likelihood that they would hypothetically engage in voyeurism. There appears to be a greater gender difference when actually presented with the opportunity to perform voyeurism. There is very little research done on voyeurism in women, so very little is known on the subject which limits the degree to which it can generalize to normal female populations. A 2021 study found that 36.4% of men and 63.8% of women were strongly repulsed by the idea of voyeurism. Men were more likely to be mildly or moderately aroused than women, but there was little gender difference among those who reported strong arousal. Men reported slightly higher willingness to commit voyeurism but, when risk is introduced, willingness diminishes in both sexes proportionally to the risk involved. Individual differences in sociosexuality and sexual compulsivity were found to contribute to the sex differences in voyeurism. Contemporary perspectives Lovemap theory suggests that voyeurism exists because looking at naked others shifts from an ancillary sexual behaviour to a primary sexual act. This results in a displacement of sexual desire making the act of watching someone the primary means of sexual satisfaction. Voyeurism has also been linked with obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD). When treated by the same approach as OCD, voyeuristic behaviours significantly decrease. Treatment Professional treatment Historically voyeurism has been treated in a variety of ways. Psychoanalytic, group psychotherapy and shock aversion approaches have all been attempted with limited success. There is some evidence which shows that pornography can be used as a form of treatment for voyeurism. This is based on the idea that countries with pornography censorship have high amounts of voyeurism. Additionally shifting voyeurs from voyeuristic behaviour, to looking at graphic pornography, to looking at the nudes in Playboy has been successfully used as a treatment. These studies show that pornography can be used as a means of satisfying voyeuristic desires without breaking the law. Voyeurism has also been successfully treated with a mix of anti-psychotics and antidepressants. However the patient in this case study had a multitude of other mental health problems. Intense pharmaceutical treatment may not be required for most voyeurs. There has also been success in treating voyeurism through using treatment methods for obsessive compulsive disorder. There have been multiple instances of successful treatment of voyeurism through putting patients on fluoxetine and treating their voyeuristic behaviour as a compulsion. Techniques The increased miniaturisation of hidden cameras and recording devices since the 1950s has enabled those so minded to surreptitiously photograph or record others without their knowledge and consent. The vast majority of mobile phones, for example, are readily available to be used for their camera and recording ability. Criminology Non-consensual voyeurism is considered to be a form of sexual abuse. When the interest in a particular subject is obsessive, the behaviour may be described as stalking. The United States FBI assert that some individuals who engage in "nuisance" offences (such as voyeurism) may also have a propensity for violence based on behaviours of serious sex offenders. An FBI researcher has suggested that voyeurs are likely to demonstrate some characteristics that are common, but not universal, among serious sexual offenders who invest considerable time and effort in the capturing of a victim (or image of a victim); careful, methodical planning devoted to the selection and preparation of equipment; and often meticulous attention to detail. Little to no research has been done into the demographics of voyeurs. Legal status Voyeurism is not a crime in common law. In common law countries, it is only a crime if made so by legislation. Canada In Canada, for example, voyeurism was not a crime when the case Frey v. Fedoruk et al. arose in 1947. In that case, in 1950, the Supreme Court of Canada held that courts could not criminalise voyeurism by classifying it as a breach of the peace and that Parliament would have to specifically outlaw it. A test of the lack of laws related to voyeurism came in February 2005. It became public knowledge that a website called peepingthong.com had become a depository of photos showing young women, many of them University of Victoria students, sitting down at various campus locations, such as libraries. While the act of photographing them in isolation may not have caused a commotion, each of the women revealed their thong underwear to create a whale tail. Reaction from female members of the university community was not positive. The chairwoman of the student union, Joanna Groves, believed that perpetrator(s) committed an action that were “a violation of someone’s privacy.” The outreach coordinator for the University of Victoria Student Society Women's Centre, Caitlin Warbeck, went as far as to call it “sexual assault.” The photographed individuals also appeared to be completely unaware that they were being watched. While the photos did cause a commotion, law enforcement could not do anything because the photos were snapped in public locations. University administrators were also powerless because the site was not affiliated with the institution. Campus security, however, did put up flyers in certain parts of campus where the perpetrator(s) were believed to be operating. On November 1, 2005, Parliament outlawed voyeurism when section 162 was added to the Canadian Criminal Code, declaring voyeurism to be a sexual offence when it violates a reasonable expectation of privacy. In the case of R v Jarvis, the Supreme Court of Canada held that for the purposes of that law, the expectation of privacy is not all-or-nothing; rather there are degrees of privacy, and although secondary-school pupils in the school building cannot reasonably expect as much privacy as in the bedroom, nonetheless they can expect enough privacy so that photographing them without their consent for the purpose of sexual gratification is forbidden. United Kingdom In some countries voyeurism is considered to be a sex crime. In the United Kingdom, for example, non-consensual voyeurism became a criminal offence on May 1, 2004. In the English case of R v Turner (2006), the manager of a sports centre filmed four women taking showers. There was no indication that the footage had been shown to anyone else or distributed in any way. The defendant pleaded guilty. The Court of Appeal confirmed a sentence of nine months' imprisonment to reflect the seriousness of the abuse of trust and the traumatic effect on the victims. In another English case in 2009, R v Wilkins (2010), a man who filmed his intercourse with five of his lovers for his own private viewing was sentenced to eight months in prison and ordered to sign onto the Sex Offender Register for ten years. In 2013, 40-year-old Mark Lancaster was found guilty of voyeurism and jailed for 16 months. He had tricked an 18-year-old student into traveling to a rented flat in Milton Keynes. There, he had filmed her with four secret cameras dressing up as a schoolgirl and posing for photographs before he had sex with her. In a more recent English case in 2020, the Court of Appeal upheld the conviction of Tony Richards. Richards had sought "to have two voyeurism charges under section 67 of the Sexual Offences Act dismissed on the grounds that he had committed no crime". Richards had "secretly videoed himself having sex with two women who had consented to sex in return for money but had not agreed to being captured on camera". In an unusual step, the court allowed Emily Hunt, a person not involved in the case, to intervene on behalf of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS). Hunt had an ongoing judicial review against the CPS. The CPS had argued that Hunt's alleged attacker had not violated the law when he "took a video lasting over one minute of her naked and unconscious" in a hotel room -- the basis being that there should be no expectation of privacy in the bedroom. However, in terms of what is considered a private act for the purposes of voyeurism, the CPS was arguing the opposite in the Richards appeal. The Court of Appeal clarified that consenting to sex in a private place does not amount to consent to be filmed without that person's knowledge. Anyone who films or photographs another person naked, without their permission, is breaking the law under sections 67 and 68 of the Sexual Offences Act. United States In the United States, video voyeurism is an offense in twelve states and may require the convicted person to register as a sex offender. The original case that led to the criminalisation of voyeurism has been made into a television movie called Video Voyeur and documents the criminalisation of secret photography. Criminal voyeurism statutes are related to invasion of privacy. laws They are specific to unlawful surreptitious surveillance without consent and unlawful recordings. These statutes include the broadcast, dissemination, publication, or selling of recordings. They involve places and times when a person has a reasonable expectation of privacy and a reasonable supposition they are not being photographed or filmed -- by "any mechanical, digital or electronic viewing device, camera or any other instrument capable of recording, storing or transmitting visual images that can be utilised to observe a person." Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia banned the sale of camera phones nationwide in April 2004, but reversed the ban in December 2004. Some countries, such as South Korea and Japan, require all camera phones sold in their country to make a clearly audible sound whenever a picture is being taken. In South Korea, specialty teams have been set up to regularly check places like bathrooms and change-rooms for hidden cameras known as "molka". India In 2013, the Indian Parliament made amendments to the Indian Penal Code, introducing voyeurism as a criminal offence. A man committing the offence of voyeurism would be liable for imprisonment of not less than one year and up to three years and a fine for the first offence. For any subsequent conviction, he would be liable for imprisonment for not less than three years and up to seven years as well as a fine. Singapore Voyeurism is generally deemed illegal in Singapore. Those convicted of voyeurism face a maximum punishment of one year in jail and a fine -- based on insulting a woman's modesty. Recent cases in 2016 include the sentencing of church facility manager Kenneth Yeo Jia Chuan who filmed women in toilets. Yeo Jia Chuan planted pinhole cameras in a handicapped toilet at the Church of Singapore at Bukit Timah, and in the unisex toilet of the church's office at Bukit Timah Shopping Centre. Secret photography by law enforcement authorities is called surveillance and is not considered to be voyeurism, though it may be unlawful or regulated in some countries. Popular culture Films Voyeurism is a main theme in films such as The Secret Cinema (1968), Peepers (2010), and Sliver (1993), based on a book of the same name by Ira Levin. Voyeurism is a common plot device in both: Serious films, e.g., Rear Window (1954), Klute (1971), Blue Velvet (1986), Dekalog: Six / A Short Film About Love (1988), Disturbia (2007), and X (2022) and Humorous films, e.g., Animal House (1978), Gregory's Girl (1981), Porky's (1981), Revenge of the Nerds (1984), Back to the Future (1985), American Pie (1999), and Semi-Pro (2008) Voyeuristic photography has been a central element of the mis-en-scene of films such as: Michael Powell's Peeping Tom (1960), and Michelangelo Antonioni's Blowup (1966) Pedro Almodovar's Kika (1993) deals with both sexual and media voyeurism. In Malèna, a teenage boy constantly spies on the title character. The television movie Video Voyeur: The Susan Wilson Story (2002) is based on a true story about a woman who was secretly videotaped and subsequently helped to get laws against voyeurism passed in parts of the United States. Voyeurism is a key plot device in the Japanese movie Love Exposure (Ai no Mukidashi). The main character Yu Honda takes upskirt photos to find his 'Maria' to become a man and get his first taste of sexual stimulation. Literature In the light novel series Baka to Test to Shōkanjū, Kōta Tsuchiya is subject to voyeurism, explaining why he is referred to as "Voyeur". Manga The manga Colourful, Nozo×Kimi and Nozoki Ana included elements of voyeurism in their plot. Music "Voyeur", the second track on blink-182's album Dude Ranch, written by Tom DeLonge, features explicit references to the practice of voyeurism. "Sirens", also written by DeLonge, from Angels & Airwaves' album I-Empire is also about voyeurism, albeit in a more subtle way. "Persiana Americana”, famous track made by Argentinian band Soda Stereo features a narrator who is actively watching an exhibitionist woman. Gimme, 2023 single by Sam Smith, Koffee and Jessie Reyez, references voyeurism. Photography Merry Alpern with her works, Dirty Windows, 1993–1994. Kohei Yoshiyuki with his works called The Park. See also Courtship disorder Exhibitionism Frey v. Fedoruk et al. Gaze Male gaze Invasion of privacy Peep show Sex show Scopophobia, the fear of being stared at Scopophilia, an aesthetic pleasure drawn from looking at an object or a person. Sexual attraction Striptease Upskirt Whale Tail Johns Hopkins Hospital#Controversies - a male gynecologist at JHH took voyeuristic photographs of more than 8,000 patients. References External links UK law on voyeurism Proposed US Video Voyeurism Prevention Act of 2003 Video Voyeurism Laws Expert: Technology fosters voyeurism Paraphilias Sex crimes Sexual abuse Sexual fetishism Sexual harassment Sexual misconduct Visual perception

Semantics

Semantics is the study of linguistic meaning. It examines what meaning is, how words get their meaning, and how the meaning of a complex expression depends on its parts. Part of this process involves the distinction between sense and reference. Sense is given by the ideas and concepts associated with an expression while reference is the object to which an expression points. Semantics contrasts with syntax, which studies the rules that dictate how to create grammatically correct sentences, and pragmatics, which investigates how people use language in communication. Lexical semantics is the branch of semantics that studies word meaning. It examines whether words have one or several meanings and in what lexical relations they stand to one another. Phrasal semantics studies the meaning of sentences by exploring the phenomenon of compositionality or how new meanings can be created by arranging words. Formal semantics relies on logic and mathematics to provide precise frameworks of the relation between language and meaning. Cognitive semantics examines meaning from a psychological perspective and assumes a close relation between language ability and the conceptual structures used to understand the world. Other branches of semantics include conceptual semantics, computational semantics, and cultural semantics. Theories of meaning are general explanations of the nature of meaning and how expressions are endowed with it. According to referential theories, the meaning of an expression is the part of reality to which it points. Ideational theories identify meaning with mental states like the ideas that an expression evokes in the minds of language users. According to causal theories, meaning is determined by causes and effects, which behaviorist semantics analyzes in terms of stimulus and response. Further theories of meaning include truth-conditional semantics, verificationist theories, the use theory, and inferentialist semantics. The study of semantic phenomena began during antiquity but was not recognized as an independent field of inquiry until the 19th century. Semantics is relevant to the fields of formal logic, computer science, and psychology. Definition and related fields Semantics is the study of meaning in languages. It is a systematic inquiry that examines what linguistic meaning is and how it arises. It investigates how expressions are built up from different layers of constituents, like morphemes, words, clauses, sentences, and texts, and how the meanings of the constituents affect one another. Semantics can focus on a specific language, like English, but in its widest sense, it investigates meaning structures relevant to all languages. As a descriptive discipline, it aims to determine how meaning works without prescribing what meaning people should associate with particular expressions. Some of its key questions are "How do the meanings of words combine to create the meanings of sentences?", "How do meanings relate to the minds of language users, and to the things words refer to?", and "What is the connection between what a word means, and the contexts in which it is used?". The main disciplines engaged in semantics are linguistics, semiotics, and philosophy. Besides its meaning as a field of inquiry, semantics can also refer to theories within this field, like truth-conditional semantics, and to the meaning of particular expressions, like the semantics of the word fairy. As a field of inquiry, semantics has both an internal and an external side. The internal side is interested in the connection between words and the mental phenomena they evoke, like ideas and conceptual representations. The external side examines how words refer to objects in the world and under what conditions a sentence is true. Many related disciplines investigate language and meaning. Semantics contrasts with other subfields of linguistics focused on distinct aspects of language. Phonology studies the different types of sounds used in languages and how sounds are connected to form words while syntax examines the rules that dictate how to arrange words to create sentences. These divisions are reflected in the fact that it is possible to master some aspects of a language while lacking others, like when a person knows how to pronounce a word without knowing its meaning. As a subfield of semiotics, semantics has a more narrow focus on meaning in language while semiotics studies both linguistic and non-linguistic signs. Semiotics investigates additional topics like the meaning of non-verbal communication, conventional symbols, and natural signs independent of human interaction. Examples include nodding to signal agreement, stripes on a uniform signifying rank, and the presence of vultures indicating a nearby animal carcass. Semantics further contrasts with pragmatics, which is interested in how people use language in communication. An expression like "That's what I'm talking about" can mean many things depending on who says it and in what situation. Semantics is interested in the possible meanings of expressions: what they can and cannot mean in general. In this regard, it is sometimes defined as the study of context-independent meaning. Pragmatics examines which of these possible meanings is relevant in a particular case. In contrast to semantics, it is interested in actual performance rather than in the general linguistic competence underlying this performance. This includes the topic of additional meaning that can be inferred even though it is not literally expressed, like what it means if a speaker remains silent on a certain topic. A closely related distinction by the semiotician Charles W. Morris holds that semantics studies the relation between words and the world, pragmatics examines the relation between words and users, and syntax focuses on the relation between different words. Semantics is related to etymology, which studies how words and their meanings changed in the course of history. Another connected field is hermeneutics, which is the art or science of interpretation and is concerned with the right methodology of interpreting text in general and scripture in particular. Metasemantics examines the metaphysical foundations of meaning and aims to explain where it comes from or how it arises. The word semantics originated from the Ancient Greek adjective , meaning 'relating to signs', which is a derivative of , the noun for 'sign'. It was initially used for medical symptoms and only later acquired its wider meaning regarding any type of sign, including linguistic signs. The word semantics entered the English language from the French term , which the linguist Michel Bréal first introduced at the end of the 19th century. Basic concepts Meaning Semantics studies meaning in language, which is limited to the meaning of linguistic expressions. It concerns how signs are interpreted and what information they contain. An example is the meaning of words provided in dictionary definitions by giving synonymous expressions or paraphrases, like defining the meaning of the term ram as adult male sheep. There are many forms of non-linguistic meaning that are not examined by semantics. Actions and policies can have meaning in relation to the goal they serve. Fields like religion and spirituality are interested in the meaning of life, which is about finding a purpose in life or the significance of existence in general. Linguistic meaning can be analyzed on different levels. Word meaning is studied by lexical semantics and investigates the denotation of individual words. It is often related to concepts of entities, like how the word dog is associated with the concept of the four-legged domestic animal. Sentence meaning falls into the field of phrasal semantics and concerns the denotation of full sentences. It usually expresses a concept applying to a type of situation, as in the sentence "the dog has ruined my blue skirt". The meaning of a sentence is often referred to as a proposition. Different sentences can express the same proposition, like the English sentence "the tree is green" and the German sentence . Utterance meaning is studied by pragmatics and is about the meaning of an expression on a particular occasion. Sentence meaning and utterance meaning come apart in cases where expressions are used in a non-literal way, as is often the case with irony. Semantics is primarily interested in the public meaning that expressions have, like the meaning found in general dictionary definitions. Speaker meaning, by contrast, is the private or subjective meaning that individuals associate with expressions. It can diverge from the literal meaning, like when a person associates the word needle with pain or drugs. Sense and reference Meaning is often analyzed in terms of sense and reference, also referred to as intension and extension or connotation and denotation. The referent of an expression is the object to which the expression points. The sense of an expression is the way in which it refers to that object or how the object is interpreted. For example, the expressions morning star and evening star refer to the same planet, just like the expressions 2 + 2 and 3 + 1 refer to the same number. The meanings of these expressions differ not on the level of reference but on the level of sense. Sense is sometimes understood as a mental phenomenon that helps people identify the objects to which an expression refers. Some semanticists focus primarily on sense or primarily on reference in their analysis of meaning. To grasp the full meaning of an expression, it is usually necessary to understand both to what entities in the world it refers and how it describes them. The distinction between sense and reference can explain identity statements, which can be used to show how two expressions with a different sense have the same referent. For instance, the sentence "the morning star is the evening star" is informative and people can learn something from it. The sentence "the morning star is the morning star", by contrast, is an uninformative tautology since the expressions are identical not only on the level of reference but also on the level of sense. Compositionality Compositionality is a key aspect of how languages construct meaning. It is the idea that the meaning of a complex expression is a function of the meanings of its parts. It is possible to understand the meaning of the sentence "Zuzana owns a dog" by understanding what the words Zuzana, owns, a and dog mean and how they are combined. In this regard, the meaning of complex expressions like sentences is different from word meaning since it is normally not possible to deduce what a word means by looking at its letters and one needs to consult a dictionary instead. Compositionality is often used to explain how people can formulate and understand an almost infinite number of meanings even though the amount of words and cognitive resources is finite. Many sentences that people read are sentences that they have never seen before and they are nonetheless able to understand them. When interpreted in a strong sense, the principle of compositionality states that the meaning of a complex expression is not just affected by its parts and how they are combined but fully determined this way. It is controversial whether this claim is correct or whether additional aspects influence meaning. For example, context may affect the meaning of expressions; idioms like "kick the bucket" carry figurative or non-literal meanings that are not directly reducible to the meanings of their parts. Truth and truth conditions Truth is a property of statements that accurately present the world and true statements are in accord with reality. Whether a statement is true usually depends on the relation between the statement and the rest of the world. The truth conditions of a statement are the way the world needs to be for the statement to be true. For example, it belongs to the truth conditions of the sentence "it is raining outside" that raindrops are falling from the sky. The sentence is true if it is used in a situation in which the truth conditions are fulfilled, i.e., if there is actually rain outside. Truth conditions play a central role in semantics and some theories rely exclusively on truth conditions to analyze meaning. To understand a statement usually implies that one has an idea about the conditions under which it would be true. This can happen even if one does not know whether the conditions are fulfilled. Semiotic triangle The semiotic triangle, also called the triangle of meaning, is a model used to explain the relation between language, language users, and the world, represented in the model as Symbol, Thought or Reference, and Referent. The symbol is a linguistic signifier, either in its spoken or written form. The central idea of the model is that there is no direct relation between a linguistic expression and what it refers to, as was assumed by earlier dyadic models. This is expressed in the diagram by the dotted line between symbol and referent. The model holds instead that the relation between the two is mediated through a third component. For example, the term apple stands for a type of fruit but there is no direct connection between this string of letters and the corresponding physical object. The relation is only established indirectly through the mind of the language user. When they see the symbol, it evokes a mental image or a concept, which establishes the connection to the physical object. This process is only possible if the language user learned the meaning of the symbol before. The meaning of a specific symbol is governed by the conventions of a particular language. The same symbol may refer to one object in one language, to another object in a different language, and to no object in another language. Others Many other concepts are used to describe semantic phenomena. The semantic role of an expression is the function it fulfills in a sentence. In the sentence "the boy kicked the ball", the boy has the role of the agent who performs an action. The ball is the theme or patient of this action as something that does not act itself but is involved in or affected by the action. The same entity can be both agent and patient, like when someone cuts themselves. An entity has the semantic role of an instrument if it is used to perform the action, for instance, when cutting something with a knife then the knife is the instrument. For some sentences, no action is described but an experience takes place, like when a girl sees a bird. In this case, the girl has the role of the experiencer. Other common semantic roles are location, source, goal, beneficiary, and stimulus. Lexical relations describe how words stand to one another. Two words are synonyms if they share the same or a very similar meaning, like car and automobile or buy and purchase. Antonyms have opposite meanings, such as the contrast between alive and dead or fast and slow. One term is a hyponym of another term if the meaning of the first term is included in the meaning of the second term. For example, ant is a hyponym of insect. A prototype is a hyponym that has characteristic features of the type it belongs to. A robin is a prototype of a bird but a penguin is not. Two words with the same pronunciation are homophones like flour and flower, while two words with the same spelling are homonyms, like a bank of a river in contrast to a bank as a financial institution. Hyponymy is closely related to meronymy, which describes the relation between part and whole. For instance, wheel is a meronym of car. An expression is ambiguous if it has more than one possible meaning. In some cases, it is possible to disambiguate them to discern the intended meaning. The term polysemy is used if the different meanings are closely related to one another, like the meanings of the word head, which can refer to the topmost part of the human body or the top-ranking person in an organization. The meaning of words can often be subdivided into meaning components called semantic features. The word horse has the semantic feature animate but lacks the semantic feature human. It may not always be possible to fully reconstruct the meaning of a word by identifying all its semantic features. A semantic or lexical field is a group of words that are all related to the same activity or subject. For instance, the semantic field of cooking includes words like bake, boil, spice, and pan. The context of an expression refers to the situation or circumstances in which it is used and includes time, location, speaker, and audience. It also encompasses other passages in a text that come before and after it. Context affects the meaning of various expressions, like the deictic expression here and the anaphoric expression she. A syntactic environment is extensional or transparent if it is always possible to exchange expressions with the same reference without affecting the truth value of the sentence. For example, the environment of the sentence "the number 8 is even" is extensional because replacing the expression the number 8 with the number of planets in the solar system does not change its truth value. For intensional or opaque contexts, this type of substitution is not always possible. For instance, the embedded clause in "Paco believes that the number 8 is even" is intensional since Paco may not know that the number of planets in the solar system is 8. Semanticists commonly distinguish the language they study, called object language, from the language they use to express their findings, called metalanguage. When a professor uses Japanese to teach their student how to interpret the language of first-order logic then the language of first-order logic is the object language and Japanese is the metalanguage. The same language may occupy the role of object language and metalanguage at the same time. This is the case in monolingual English dictionaries, in which both the entry term belonging to the object language and the definition text belonging to the metalanguage are taken from the English language. Branches Lexical semantics Lexical semantics is the sub-field of semantics that studies word meaning. It examines semantic aspects of individual words and the vocabulary as a whole. This includes the study of lexical relations between words, such as whether two terms are synonyms or antonyms. Lexical semantics categorizes words based on semantic features they share and groups them into semantic fields unified by a common subject. This information is used to create taxonomies to organize lexical knowledge, for example, by distinguishing between physical and abstract entities and subdividing physical entities into stuff and individuated entities. Further topics of interest are polysemy, ambiguity, and vagueness. Lexical semantics is sometimes divided into two complementary approaches: semasiology and onomasiology. Semasiology starts from words and examines what their meaning is. It is interested in whether words have one or several meanings and how those meanings are related to one another. Instead of going from word to meaning, onomasiology goes from meaning to word. It starts with a concept and examines what names this concept has or how it can be expressed in a particular language. Some semanticists also include the study of lexical units other than words in the field of lexical semantics. Compound expressions like being under the weather have a non-literal meaning that acts as a unit and is not a direct function of its parts. Another topic concerns the meaning of morphemes that make up words, for instance, how negative prefixes like in- and dis- affect the meaning of the words they are part of, as in inanimate and dishonest. Phrasal semantics Phrasal semantics studies the meaning of sentences. It relies on the principle of compositionality to explore how the meaning of complex expressions arises from the combination of their parts. The different parts can be analyzed as subject, predicate, or argument. The subject of a sentence usually refers to a specific entity while the predicate describes a feature of the subject or an event in which the subject participates. Arguments provide additional information to complete the predicate. For example, in the sentence "Mary hit the ball", Mary is the subject, hit is the predicate, and the ball is an argument. A more fine-grained categorization distinguishes between different semantic roles of words, such as agent, patient, theme, location, source, and goal. Verbs usually function as predicates and often help to establish connections between different expressions to form a more complex meaning structure. In the expression "Beethoven likes Schubert", the verb like connects a liker to the object of their liking. Other sentence parts modify meaning rather than form new connections. For instance, the adjective red modifies the color of another entity in the expression red car. A further compositional device is variable binding, which is used to determine the reference of a term. For example, the last part of the expression "the woman who likes Beethoven" specifies which woman is meant. Parse trees can be used to show the underlying hierarchy employed to combine the different parts. Various grammatical devices, like the gerund form, also contribute to meaning and are studied by grammatical semantics. Formal semantics Formal semantics uses formal tools from logic and mathematics to analyze meaning in natural languages. It aims to develop precise logical formalisms to clarify the relation between expressions and their denotation. One of its key tasks is to provide frameworks of how language represents the world, for example, using ontological models to show how linguistic expressions map to the entities of that model. A common idea is that words refer to individual objects or groups of objects while sentences relate to events and states. Sentences are mapped to a truth value based on whether their description of the world is in correspondence with its ontological model. Formal semantics further examines how to use formal mechanisms to represent linguistic phenomena such as quantification, intensionality, noun phrases, plurals, mass terms, tense, and modality. Montague semantics is an early and influential theory in formal semantics that provides a detailed analysis of how the English language can be represented using mathematical logic. It relies on higher-order logic, lambda calculus, and type theory to show how meaning is created through the combination of expressions belonging to different syntactic categories. Dynamic semantics is a subfield of formal semantics that focuses on how information grows over time. According to it, "meaning is context change potential": the meaning of a sentence is not given by the information it contains but by the information change it brings about relative to a context. Cognitive semantics Cognitive semantics studies the problem of meaning from a psychological perspective or how the mind of the language user affects meaning. As a subdiscipline of cognitive linguistics, it sees language as a wide cognitive ability that is closely related to the conceptual structures used to understand and represent the world. Cognitive semanticists do not draw a sharp distinction between linguistic knowledge and knowledge of the world and see them instead as interrelated phenomena. They study how the interaction between language and human cognition affects the conceptual organization in very general domains like space, time, causation, and action. The contrast between profile and base is sometimes used to articulate the underlying knowledge structure. The profile of a linguistic expression is the aspect of the knowledge structure that it brings to the foreground while the base is the background that provides the context of this aspect without being at the center of attention. For example, the profile of the word hypotenuse is a straight line while the base is a right-angled triangle of which the hypotenuse forms a part. Cognitive semantics further compares the conceptual patterns and linguistic typologies across languages and considers to what extent the cognitive conceptual structures of humans are universal or relative to their linguistic background. Another research topic concerns the psychological processes involved in the application of grammar. Other investigated phenomena include categorization, which is understood as a cognitive heuristic to avoid information overload by regarding different entities in the same way, and embodiment, which concerns how the language user's bodily experience affects the meaning of expressions. Frame semantics is an important subfield of cognitive semantics. Its central idea is that the meaning of terms cannot be understood in isolation from each other but needs to be analyzed on the background of the conceptual structures they depend on. These structures are made explicit in terms of semantic frames. For example, words like bride, groom, and honeymoon evoke in the mind the frame of marriage. Others Conceptual semantics shares with cognitive semantics the idea of studying linguistic meaning from a psychological perspective by examining how humans conceptualize and experience the world. It holds that meaning is not about the objects to which expressions refer but about the cognitive structure of human concepts that connect thought, perception, and action. Conceptual semantics differs from cognitive semantics by introducing a strict distinction between meaning and syntax and by relying on various formal devices to explore the relation between meaning and cognition. Computational semantics examines how the meaning of natural language expressions can be represented and processed on computers. It often relies on the insights of formal semantics and applies them to problems that can be computationally solved. Some of its key problems include computing the meaning of complex expressions by analyzing their parts, handling ambiguity, vagueness, and context-dependence, and using the extracted information in automatic reasoning. It forms part of computational linguistics, artificial intelligence, and cognitive science. Its applications include machine learning and machine translation. Cultural semantics studies the relation between linguistic meaning and culture. It compares conceptual structures in different languages and is interested in how meanings evolve and change because of cultural phenomena associated with politics, religion, and customs. For example, address practices encode cultural values and social hierarchies, as in the difference of politeness of expressions like and in Spanish or and in German in contrast to English, which lacks these distinctions and uses the pronoun you in either case. Closely related fields are intercultural semantics, cross-cultural semantics, and comparative semantics. Pragmatic semantics studies how the meaning of an expression is shaped by the situation in which it is used. It is based on the idea that communicative meaning is usually context-sensitive and depends on who participates in the exchange, what information they share, and what their intentions and background assumptions are. It focuses on communicative actions, of which linguistic expressions only form one part. Some theorists include these topics within the scope of semantics while others consider them part of the distinct discipline of pragmatics. Theories of meaning Theories of meaning explain what meaning is, what meaning an expression has, and how the relation between expression and meaning is established. Referential Referential theories state that the meaning of an expression is the entity to which it points. The meaning of singular terms like names is the individual to which they refer. For example, the meaning of the name George Washington is the person with this name. General terms refer not to a single entity but to the set of objects to which this term applies. In this regard, the meaning of the term cat is the set of all cats. Similarly, verbs usually refer to classes of actions or events and adjectives refer to properties of individuals and events. Simple referential theories face problems for meaningful expressions that have no clear referent. Names like Pegasus and Santa Claus have meaning even though they do not point to existing entities. Other difficulties concern cases in which different expressions are about the same entity. For instance, the expressions Roger Bannister and the first man to run a four-minute mile refer to the same person but do not mean exactly the same thing. This is particularly relevant when talking about beliefs since a person may understand both expressions without knowing that they point to the same entity. A further problem is given by expressions whose meaning depends on the context, like the deictic terms here and I. To avoid these problems, referential theories often introduce additional devices. Some identify meaning not directly with objects but with functions that point to objects. This additional level has the advantage of taking the context of an expression into account since the same expression may point to one object in one context and to another object in a different context. For example, the reference of the word here depends on the location in which it is used. A closely related approach is possible world semantics, which allows expressions to refer not only to entities in the actual world but also to entities in other possible worlds. According to this view, expressions like the first man to run a four-minute mile refer to different persons in different worlds. This view can also be used to analyze sentences that talk about what is possible or what is necessary: possibility is what is true in some possible worlds while necessity is what is true in all possible worlds. Ideational Ideational theories, also called mentalist theories, are not primarily interested in the reference of expressions and instead explain meaning in terms of the mental states of language users. One historically influential approach articulated by John Locke holds that expressions stand for ideas in the speaker's mind. According to this view, the meaning of the word dog is the idea that people have of dogs. Language is seen as a medium used to transfer ideas from the speaker to the audience. After having learned the same meaning of signs, the speaker can produce a sign that corresponds to the idea in their mind and the perception of this sign evokes the same idea in the mind of the audience. A closely related theory focuses not directly on ideas but on intentions. This view is particularly associated with Paul Grice, who observed that people usually communicate to cause some reaction in their audience. He held that the meaning of an expression is given by the intended reaction. This means that communication is not just about decoding what the speaker literally said but requires an understanding of their intention or why they said it. For example, telling someone looking for petrol that "there is a garage around the corner" has the meaning that petrol can be obtained there because of the speaker's intention to help. This goes beyond the literal meaning, which has no explicit connection to petrol. Causal Causal theories hold that the meaning of an expression depends on the causes and effects it has. According to behaviorist semantics, also referred to as stimulus-response theory, the meaning of an expression is given by the situation that prompts the speaker to use it and the response it provokes in the audience. For instance, the meaning of yelling "Fire!" is given by the presence of an uncontrolled fire and attempts to control it or seek safety. Behaviorist semantics relies on the idea that learning a language consists in adopting behavioral patterns in the form of stimulus-response pairs. One of its key motivations is to avoid private mental entities and define meaning instead in terms of publicly observable language behavior. Another causal theory focuses on the meaning of names and holds that a naming event is required to establish the link between name and named entity. This naming event acts as a form of baptism that establishes the first link of a causal chain in which all subsequent uses of the name participate. According to this view, the name Plato refers to an ancient Greek philosopher because, at some point, he was originally named this way and people kept using this name to refer to him. This view was originally formulated by Saul Kripke to apply to names only but has been extended to cover other types of speech as well. Others Truth-conditional semantics analyzes the meaning of sentences in terms of their truth conditions. According to this view, to understand a sentence means to know what the world needs to be like for the sentence to be true. Truth conditions can themselves be expressed through possible worlds. For example, the sentence "Hillary Clinton won the 2016 American presidential election" is false in the actual world but there are some possible worlds in which it is true. The extension of a sentence can be interpreted as its truth value while its intension is the set of all possible worlds in which it is true. Truth-conditional semantics is closely related to verificationist theories, which introduce the additional idea that there should be some kind of verification procedure to assess whether a sentence is true. They state that the meaning of a sentence consists in the method to verify it or in the circumstances that justify it. For instance, scientific claims often make predictions, which can be used to confirm or disconfirm them using observation. According to verificationism, sentences that can neither be verified nor falsified are meaningless. The use theory states that the meaning of an expression is given by the way it is utilized. This view was first introduced by Ludwig Wittgenstein, who understood language as a collection of language games. The meaning of expressions depends on how they are used inside a game and the same expression may have different meanings in different games. Some versions of this theory identify meaning directly with patterns of regular use. Others focus on social norms and conventions by additionally taking into account whether a certain use is considered appropriate in a given society. Inferentialist semantics, also called conceptual role semantics, holds that the meaning of an expression is given by the role it plays in the premises and conclusions of good inferences. For example, one can infer from "x is a male sibling" that "x is a brother" and one can infer from "x is a brother" that "x has parents". According to inferentialist semantics, the meaning of the word brother is determined by these and all similar inferences that can be drawn. History Semantics was established as an independent field of inquiry in the 19th century but the study of semantic phenomena began as early as the ancient period as part of philosophy and logic. In ancient Greece, Plato (427–347 BCE) explored the relation between names and things in his dialogue Cratylus. It considers the positions of naturalism, which holds that things have their name by nature, and conventionalism, which states that names are related to their referents by customs and conventions among language users. The book On Interpretation by Aristotle (384–322 BCE) introduced various conceptual distinctions that greatly influenced subsequent works in semantics. He developed an early form of the semantic triangle by holding that spoken and written words evoke mental concepts, which refer to external things by resembling them. For him, mental concepts are the same for all humans, unlike the conventional words they associate with those concepts. The Stoics incorporated many of the insights of their predecessors to develop a complex theory of language through the perspective of logic. They discerned different kinds of words by their semantic and syntactic roles, such as the contrast between names, common nouns, and verbs. They also discussed the difference between statements, commands, and prohibitions. In ancient India, the orthodox school of Nyaya held that all names refer to real objects. It explored how words lead to an understanding of the thing meant and what consequence this relation has to the creation of knowledge. Philosophers of the orthodox school of Mīmāṃsā discussed the relation between the meanings of individual words and full sentences while considering which one is more basic. The book Vākyapadīya by Bhartṛhari (4th–5th century CE) distinguished between different types of words and considered how they can carry different meanings depending on how they are used. In ancient China, the Mohists argued that names play a key role in making distinctions to guide moral behavior. They inspired the School of Names, which explored the relation between names and entities while examining how names are required to identify and judge entities. In the Middle Ages, Augustine of Hippo (354–430) developed a general conception of signs as entities that stand for other entities and convey them to the intellect. He was the first to introduce the distinction between natural and linguistic signs as different types belonging to a common genus. Boethius (480–528) wrote a translation of and various comments on Aristotle's book On Interpretation, which popularized its main ideas and inspired reflections on semantic phenomena in the scholastic tradition. An innovation in the semantics of Peter Abelard (1079–1142) was his interest in propositions or the meaning of sentences in contrast to the focus on the meaning of individual words by many of his predecessors. He further explored the nature of universals, which he understood as mere semantic phenomena of common names caused by mental abstractions that do not refer to any entities. In the Arabic tradition, Ibn Faris (920–1004) identified meaning with the intention of the speaker while Abu Mansur al-Azhari (895–980) held that meaning resides directly in speech and needs to be extracted through interpretation. An important topic towards the end of the Middle Ages was the distinction between categorematic and syncategorematic terms. Categorematic terms have an independent meaning and refer to some part of reality, like horse and Socrates. Syncategorematic terms lack independent meaning and fulfill other semantic functions, such as modifying or quantifying the meaning of other expressions, like the words some, not, and necessarily. An early version of the causal theory of meaning was proposed by Roger Bacon (c. 1219/20 – c. 1292), who held that things get names similar to how people get names through some kind of initial baptism. His ideas inspired the tradition of the speculative grammarians, who proposed that there are certain universal structures found in all languages. They arrived at this conclusion by drawing an analogy between the modes of signification on the level of language, the modes of understanding on the level of mind, and the modes of being on the level of reality. In the early modern period, Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) distinguished between marks, which people use privately to recall their own thoughts, and signs, which are used publicly to communicate their ideas to others. In their Port-Royal Logic, Antoine Arnauld (1612–1694) and Pierre Nicole (1625–1695) developed an early precursor of the distinction between intension and extension. The Essay Concerning Human Understanding by John Locke (1632–1704) presented an influential version of the ideational theory of meaning, according to which words stand for ideas and help people communicate by transferring ideas from one mind to another. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) understood language as the mirror of thought and tried to conceive the outlines of a universal formal language to express scientific and philosophical truths. This attempt inspired theorists Christian Wolff (1679–1754), Georg Bernhard Bilfinger (1693–1750), and Johann Heinrich Lambert (1728–1777) to develop the idea of a general science of sign systems. Étienne Bonnot de Condillac (1715–1780) accepted and further developed Leibniz's idea of the linguistic nature of thought. Against Locke, he held that language is involved in the creation of ideas and is not merely a medium to communicate them. In the 19th century, semantics emerged and solidified as an independent field of inquiry. Christian Karl Reisig (1792–1829) is sometimes credited as the father of semantics since he clarified its concept and scope while also making various contributions to its key ideas. Michel Bréal (1832–1915) followed him in providing a broad conception of the field, for which he coined the French term . John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) gave great importance to the role of names to refer to things. He distinguished between the connotation and denotation of names and held that propositions are formed by combining names. Charles Sanders Peirce (1839–1914) conceived semiotics as a general theory of signs with several subdisciplines, which were later identified by Charles W. Morris (1901–1979) as syntactics, semantics, and pragmatics. In his pragmatist approach to semantics, Peirce held that the meaning of conceptions consists in the entirety of their practical consequences. The philosophy of Gottlob Frege (1848–1925) contributed to semantics on many different levels. Frege first introduced the distinction between sense and reference, and his development of predicate logic and the principle of compositionality formed the foundation of many subsequent developments in formal semantics. Edmund Husserl (1859–1938) explored meaning from a phenomenological perspective by considering the mental acts that endow expressions with meaning. He held that meaning always implies reference to an object and expressions that lack a referent, like green is or, are meaningless. In the 20th century, Alfred Tarski (1901–1983) defined truth in formal languages through his semantic theory of truth, which was influential in the development of truth-conditional semantics by Donald Davidson (1917–2003). Tarski's student Richard Montague (1930–1971) formulated a complex formal framework of the semantics of the English language, which was responsible for establishing formal semantics as a major area of research. According to structural semantics, which was inspired by the structuralist philosophy of Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913), language is a complex network of structural relations and the meanings of words are not fixed individually but depend on their position within this network. The theory of general semantics was developed by Alfred Korzybski (1879–1950) as an inquiry into how language represents reality and affects human thought. The contributions of George Lakoff (1941–present) and Ronald Langacker (1942–present) provided the foundation of cognitive semantics. Charles J. Fillmore (1929–2014) developed frame semantics as a major approach in this area. The closely related field of conceptual semantics was inaugurated by Ray Jackendoff (1945–present). In various disciplines Logic Logicians study correct reasoning and often develop formal languages to express arguments and assess their correctness. One part of this process is to provide a semantics for a formal language to precisely define what its terms mean. A semantics of a formal language is a set of rules, usually expressed as a mathematical function, that assigns meanings to formal language expressions. For example, the language of first-order logic uses lowercase letters for individual constants and uppercase letters for predicates. To express the sentence "Bertie is a dog", the formula can be used where is an individual constant for Bertie and is a predicate for dog. Classical model-theoretic semantics assigns meaning to these terms by defining an interpretation function that maps individual constants to specific objects and predicates to sets of objects or tuples. The function maps to Bertie and to the set of all dogs. This way, it is possible to calculate the truth value of the sentence: it is true if Bertie is a member of the set of dogs and false otherwise. Formal logic aims to determine whether arguments are deductively valid, that is, whether the premises entail the conclusion. Entailment can be defined in terms of syntax or in terms of semantics. Syntactic entailment, expressed with the symbol , relies on rules of inference, which can be understood as procedures to transform premises and arrive at a conclusion. These procedures only take the logical form of the premises on the level of syntax into account and ignore what meaning they express. Semantic entailment, expressed with the symbol , looks at the meaning of the premises, in particular, at their truth value. A conclusion follows semantically from a set of premises if the truth of the premises ensures the truth of the conclusion, that is, if any semantic interpretation function that assigns the premises the value true also assigns the conclusion the value true. Computer science In computer science, the semantics of a program is how it behaves when a computer runs it. Semantics contrasts with syntax, which is the particular form in which instructions are expressed. The same behavior can usually be described with different forms of syntax. In JavaScript, this is the case for the commands i += 1 and i = i + 1, which are syntactically different expressions to increase the value of the variable i by one. This difference is also reflected in different programming languages since they rely on different syntax but can usually be employed to create programs with the same behavior on the semantic level. Static semantics focuses on semantic aspects that affect the compilation of a program. In particular, it is concerned with detecting errors of syntactically correct programs, such as type errors, which arise when an operation receives an incompatible data type. This is the case, for instance, if a function performing a numerical calculation is given a string instead of a number as an argument. Dynamic semantics focuses on the run time behavior of programs, that is, what happens during the execution of instructions. The main approaches to dynamic semantics are denotational, axiomatic, and operational semantics. Denotational semantics relies on mathematical formalisms to describe the effects of each element of the code. Axiomatic semantics uses deductive logic to analyze which conditions must be in place before and after the execution of a program. Operational semantics interprets the execution of a program as a series of steps, each involving the transition from one state to another state. Psychology Psychological semantics examines psychological aspects of meaning. It is concerned with how meaning is represented on a cognitive level and what mental processes are involved in understanding and producing language. It further investigates how meaning interacts with other mental processes, such as the relation between language and perceptual experience. Other issues concern how people learn new words and relate them to familiar things and concepts, how they infer the meaning of compound expressions they have never heard before, how they resolve ambiguous expressions, and how semantic illusions lead them to misinterpret sentences. One key topic is semantic memory, which is a form of general knowledge of meaning that includes the knowledge of language, concepts, and facts. It contrasts with episodic memory, which records events that a person experienced in their life. The comprehension of language relies on semantic memory and the information it carries about word meanings. According to a common view, word meanings are stored and processed in relation to their semantic features. The feature comparison model states that sentences like "a robin is a bird" are assessed on a psychological level by comparing the semantic features of the word robin with the semantic features of the word bird. The assessment process is fast if their semantic features are similar, which is the case if the example is a prototype of the general category. For atypical examples, as in the sentence "a penguin is a bird", there is less overlap in the semantic features and the psychological process is significantly slower. See also Contronym References Notes Citations Sources External links Concepts in logic Grammar + Meaning (philosophy of language)

Anxiety

Anxiety is an emotion which is characterised by an unpleasant state of inner turmoil and includes feelings of dread over anticipated events. Anxiety is different from fear in that fear is defined as the emotional response to a present threat, whereas anxiety is the anticipation of a future one. It is often accompanied by nervous behavior such as pacing back and forth, somatic complaints, and rumination. Anxiety is a feeling of uneasiness and worry, usually generalized and unfocused as an overreaction to a situation that is only subjectively seen as menacing. It is often accompanied by muscular tension, restlessness, fatigue, inability to catch one's breath, tightness in the abdominal region, nausea, and problems in concentration. Anxiety is closely related to fear, which is a response to a real or perceived immediate threat (fight-or-flight response); anxiety involves the expectation of a future threat including dread. People facing anxiety may withdraw from situations which have provoked anxiety in the past. The emotion of anxiety can persist beyond the developmentally appropriate time-periods in response to specific events, and thus turning into one of the multiple anxiety disorders (e.g. generalized anxiety disorder, panic disorder). The difference between anxiety disorder (as mental disorder) and anxiety (as normal emotion), is that people with an anxiety disorder experience anxiety excessively or persistently during approximately 6 months, or even during shorter time-periods in children. Anxiety disorders are among the most persistent mental problems and often last decades. Anxiety can also be experienced within other mental disorders, e.g., obsessive-compulsive disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder. Anxiety vs. fear Anxiety is distinguished from fear, which is an appropriate cognitive and emotional response to a perceived threat. Anxiety is related to the specific behaviors of fight-or-flight responses, defensive behavior or escape. There is a false presumption that often circulates that anxiety only occurs in situations perceived as uncontrollable or unavoidable, but this is not always so. David Barlow defines anxiety as "a future-oriented mood state in which one is not ready or prepared to attempt to cope with upcoming negative events," and that it is a distinction between future and present dangers which divides anxiety and fear. Another description of anxiety is agony, dread, terror, or even apprehension. In positive psychology, anxiety is described as the mental state that results from a difficult challenge for which the subject has insufficient coping skills. Fear and anxiety can be differentiated into four domains: (1) duration of emotional experience, (2) temporal focus, (3) specificity of the threat, and (4) motivated direction. Fear is short-lived, present-focused, geared towards a specific threat, and facilitating escape from threat. On the other hand, anxiety is long-acting, future-focused, broadly focused towards a diffuse threat, and promoting excessive caution while approaching a potential threat and interferes with constructive coping. Joseph E. LeDoux and Lisa Feldman Barrett have both sought to separate automatic threat responses from additional associated cognitive activity within anxiety. Symptoms Anxiety can be experienced with long, drawn-out daily symptoms that reduce quality of life, known as chronic (or generalized) anxiety, or it can be experienced in short spurts with sporadic, stressful panic attacks, known as acute anxiety. Symptoms of anxiety can range in number, intensity, and frequency, depending on the person. However, most people do not suffer from chronic anxiety. Anxiety can induce several psychological pains (e.g. depression) or mental disorders, and may lead to self-harm or suicide. The behavioral effects of anxiety may include withdrawal from situations which have provoked anxiety or negative feelings in the past. Other effects may include changes in sleeping patterns, changes in habits, increase or decrease in food intake, and increased motor tension (such as foot tapping). The emotional effects of anxiety may include feelings of apprehension or dread, trouble concentrating, feeling tense or jumpy, anticipating the worst, irritability, restlessness, watching for signs of danger, and a feeling of empty mindedness. as well as "nightmares/bad dreams, obsessions about sensations, déjà vu, a trapped-in-your-mind feeling, and feeling like everything is scary." It may include a vague experience and feeling of helplessness. The cognitive effects of anxiety may include thoughts about suspected dangers, such as an irrational fear of dying or having a heart attack, when in reality all one is experiencing is mild chest pain, for example. The physiological symptoms of anxiety may include: Neurological, as headache, paresthesias, fasciculations, vertigo, or presyncope. Digestive, as abdominal pain, nausea, diarrhea, indigestion, dry mouth, or bolus. Stress hormones released in an anxious state have an impact on bowel function and can manifest physical symptoms that may contribute to or exacerbate IBS. Respiratory, as shortness of breath or sighing breathing. Cardiac, as palpitations, tachycardia, or chest pain. Muscular, as fatigue, tremors, or tetany. Cutaneous, as perspiration, or itchy skin. Uro-genital, as frequent urination, urinary urgency, dyspareunia, or impotence, chronic pelvic pain syndrome. Types There are various types of anxiety. Existential anxiety can occur when a person faces angst, an existential crisis, or nihilistic feelings. People can also face mathematical anxiety, somatic anxiety, stage fright, or test anxiety. Social anxiety refers to a fear of rejection and negative evaluation (being judged) by other people. Existential The philosopher Søren Kierkegaard, in The Concept of Anxiety (1844), described anxiety or dread associated with the "dizziness of freedom" and suggested the possibility for positive resolution of anxiety through the self-conscious exercise of responsibility and choosing. In Art and Artist (1932), the psychologist Otto Rank wrote that the psychological trauma of birth was the pre-eminent human symbol of existential anxiety and encompasses the creative person's simultaneous fear of – and desire for – separation, individuation, and differentiation. The theologian Paul Tillich characterized existential anxiety as "the state in which a being is aware of its possible nonbeing" and he listed three categories for the nonbeing and resulting anxiety: ontic (fate and death), moral (guilt and condemnation), and spiritual (emptiness and meaninglessness). According to Tillich, the last of these three types of existential anxiety, i.e. spiritual anxiety, is predominant in modern times while the others were predominant in earlier periods. Tillich argues that this anxiety can be accepted as part of the human condition or it can be resisted but with negative consequences. In its pathological form, spiritual anxiety may tend to "drive the person toward the creation of certitude in systems of meaning which are supported by tradition and authority" even though such "undoubted certitude is not built on the rock of reality". According to Viktor Frankl, the author of Man's Search for Meaning, when a person is faced with extreme mortal dangers, the most basic of all human wishes is to find a meaning of life to combat the "trauma of nonbeing" as death is near. Depending on the source of the threat, psychoanalytic theory distinguishes three types of anxiety: realistic, neurotic and moral. Test, performance, and competitive Test According to Yerkes-Dodson law, an optimal level of arousal is necessary to best complete a task such as an exam, performance, or competitive event. However, when the anxiety or level of arousal exceeds that optimum, the result is a decline in performance. Test anxiety is the uneasiness, apprehension, or nervousness felt by students who have a fear of failing an exam. Students who have test anxiety may experience any of the following: the association of grades with personal worth; fear of embarrassment by a teacher; fear of alienation from parents or friends; time pressures; or feeling a loss of control. Sweating, dizziness, headaches, racing heartbeats, nausea, fidgeting, uncontrollable crying or laughing and drumming on a desk are all common. Because test anxiety hinges on fear of negative evaluation, debate exists as to whether test anxiety is itself a unique anxiety disorder or whether it is a specific type of social phobia. The DSM-IV classifies test anxiety as a type of social phobia. Research indicates that test anxiety among U.S. high-school and college students has been rising since the late 1950s. Test anxiety remains a challenge for students, regardless of age, and has considerable physiological and psychological impacts. Management of test anxiety focuses on achieving relaxation and developing mechanisms to manage anxiety. The routine practice of slow, Device-Guided Breathing (DGB) is a major component of behavioral treatments for anxiety conditions. Performance and competitive Performance anxiety and competitive anxiety (competitive trait anxiety, competitive state anxiety) happen when an individual's performance is measured against others. An important distinction between competitive and non-competitive anxiety is that competitive anxiety makes people view their performance as a threat. As a result, they experience a drop in their ordinary ability, whether physical or mental, due to that perceived stress. Competitive anxiety is caused by a range of internal factors including high expectations, outside pressure, lack of experience, and external factors like the location of a competition. It commonly occurs in those participating in high pressure activities like sports and debates. Some common symptoms of competitive anxiety include muscle tension, fatigue, weakness, sense of panic, apprehensiveness, and panic attacks. There are 4 major theories of how anxiety affects performance: Drive theory, Inverted U theory, Reversal theory, and The Zone of Optimal Functioning theory. Drive theory believes that anxiety is positive and performance improves proportionally to the level of anxiety. This theory is not well accepted. The Inverted U theory is based on the idea that performance peaks at a moderate stress level. It is called Inverted U theory because the graph that plots performance against anxiety looks like an inverted "U". Reversal theory suggests that performance increases in relation to the individual's interpretation of their arousal levels. If they believed their physical arousal level would help them, their performance would increase, if they didn't, their performance would decrease. For example: Athletes were shown to worry more when focusing on results and perfection rather than the effort and growth involved. The Zone of Optimal Functioning theory proposes that there is a zone where positive and negative emotions are in a balance which lead to feelings of dissociation and intense concentration, optimizing the individual's performance levels. Stranger, social, and intergroup anxiety Humans generally require social acceptance and thus sometimes dread the disapproval of others. Apprehension of being judged by others may cause anxiety in social environments. Anxiety during social interactions, particularly between strangers, is common among young people. It may persist into adulthood and become social anxiety or social phobia. "Stranger anxiety" in small children is not considered a phobia. In adults, an excessive fear of other people is not a developmentally common stage; it is called social anxiety. According to Cutting, social phobics do not fear the crowd but the fact that they may be judged negatively. Social anxiety varies in degree and severity. For some people, it is characterized by experiencing discomfort or awkwardness during physical social contact (e.g. embracing, shaking hands, etc.), while in other cases it can lead to a fear of interacting with unfamiliar people altogether. Those with this condition may restrict their lifestyles to accommodate the anxiety, minimizing social interaction whenever possible. Social anxiety also forms a core aspect of certain personality disorders, including avoidant personality disorder. To the extent that a person is fearful of social encounters with unfamiliar others, some people may experience anxiety particularly during interactions with outgroup members, or people who share different group memberships (i.e., by race, ethnicity, class, gender, etc.). Depending on the nature of the antecedent relations, cognitions, and situational factors, intergroup contact may be stressful and lead to feelings of anxiety. This apprehension or fear of contact with outgroup members is often called interracial or intergroup anxiety. As is the case with the more generalized forms of social anxiety, intergroup anxiety has behavioral, cognitive, and affective effects. For instance, increases in schematic processing and simplified information processing can occur when anxiety is high. Indeed, such is consistent with related work on attentional bias in implicit memory. Additionally recent research has found that implicit racial evaluations (i.e. automatic prejudiced attitudes) can be amplified during intergroup interaction. Negative experiences have been illustrated in producing not only negative expectations, but also avoidant, or antagonistic, behavior such as hostility. Furthermore, when compared to anxiety levels and cognitive effort (e.g., impression management and self-presentation) in intragroup contexts, levels and depletion of resources may be exacerbated in the intergroup situation. Trait Anxiety can be either a short-term "state" or a long-term "personality trait". Trait anxiety reflects a stable tendency across the lifespan of responding with acute, state anxiety in the anticipation of threatening situations (whether they are actually deemed threatening or not). A meta-analysis showed that a high level of neuroticism is a risk factor for development of anxiety symptoms and disorders. Such anxiety may be conscious or unconscious. Personality can also be a trait leading to anxiety and depression and their persistence. Through experience, many find it difficult to collect themselves due to their own personal nature. Choice or decision Anxiety induced by the need to choose between similar options is recognized as a problem for some individuals and for organizations. In 2004, Capgemini wrote: "Today we're all faced with greater choice, more competition and less time to consider our options or seek out the right advice." Overthinking a choice is called analysis paralysis. In a decision context, unpredictability or uncertainty may trigger emotional responses in anxious individuals that systematically alter decision-making. There are primarily two forms of this anxiety type. The first form refers to a choice in which there are multiple potential outcomes with known or calculable probabilities. The second form refers to the uncertainty and ambiguity related to a decision context in which there are multiple possible outcomes with unknown probabilities. Panic disorder Panic disorder may share symptoms of stress and anxiety, but it is actually very different. Panic disorder is an anxiety disorder that occurs without any triggers. According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, this disorder can be distinguished by unexpected and repeated episodes of intense fear. Someone with panic disorder will eventually develop constant fear of another attack and as this progresses it will begin to affect daily functioning and an individual's general quality of life. It is reported by the Cleveland Clinic that panic disorder affects 2 to 3 percent of adult Americans and can begin around the time of the teenage and early adult years. Some symptoms include: difficulty breathing, chest pain, dizziness, trembling or shaking, feeling faint, nausea, fear that you are losing control or are about to die. Even though they have these symptoms during an attack, the main symptom is the persistent fear of having future panic attacks. Anxiety disorders Anxiety disorders are a group of mental disorders characterized by exaggerated feelings of anxiety and fear responses. Anxiety is a worry about future events and fear is a reaction to current events. These feelings may cause physical symptoms, such as a fast heart rate and shakiness. There are a number of anxiety disorders: including generalized anxiety disorder, specific phobia, social anxiety disorder, separation anxiety disorder, agoraphobia, panic disorder, and selective mutism. The disorder differs by what results in the symptoms. People often have more than one anxiety disorder. Anxiety disorders are caused by a complex combination of genetic and environmental factors. To be diagnosed, symptoms typically need to be present for at least six months, be more than would be expected for the situation, and decrease a person's ability to function in their daily lives. Other problems that may result in similar symptoms include hyperthyroidism, heart disease, caffeine, alcohol, or cannabis use, and withdrawal from certain drugs, among others. Without treatment, anxiety disorders tend to remain. Treatment may include lifestyle changes, counselling, and medications. Counselling is typically with a type of cognitive behavioral therapy. Medications, such as antidepressants or beta blockers, may improve symptoms. A 2023 review found that regular physical activity is effective for reducing anxiety. About 12% of people are affected by an anxiety disorder in a given year and between 12% and 30% are affected at some point in their life. They occur about twice as often in women than they do in men, and generally begin before the age of 25. The most common anxiety disorders are specific phobias, which affect nearly 12% of people, and social anxiety disorder, which affects 10% of people at some point in their life. They affect those between the ages of 15 and 35 the most and become less common after the age of 55. Rates appear to be higher in the United States and Europe. Short- and long-term anxiety Anxiety can be either a short-term "state" or a long-term "trait". Whereas trait anxiety represents worrying about future events, anxiety disorders are a group of mental disorders characterized by feelings of anxiety and fears. Four ways to be anxious In his book Anxious: The Modern Mind in the Age of Anxiety Joseph LeDoux examines four experiences of anxiety through a brain-based lens: In the presence of an existing or imminent external threat, you worry about the event and its implications for your physical and/or psychological well-being. When a threat signal occurs, it signifies either that danger is present or near in space and time or that it might be coming in the future. Nonconscious threats processing by the brain activates defensive survival circuits, resulting in changes in information processing in the brain, controlled in part by increases in arousal and behavioral and physiological responses in the body that then produce signals that feed back to the brain and complement the physiological changes there, intensifying them and extending their duration. When you notice body sensations, you worry about what they might mean for your physical and/or psychological well-being. The trigger stimulus does not have to be an external stimulus but can be an internal one, as some people are particularly sensitive to body signals. Thoughts and memories may lead to you to worry about your physical and/or psychological well-being. We do not need to be in the presence of an external or internal stimulus to be anxious. An episodic memory of a past trauma or of a panic attack in the past is sufficient to activate the defence circuits. Thoughts and memories may result in existential dread, such as worry about leading a meaningful life or the eventuality of death. Examples are contemplations of whether one's life has been meaningful, the inevitability of death, or the difficulty of making decisions that have a moral value. These do not necessarily activate defensive systems; they are more or less pure forms of cognitive anxiety. Co-morbidity Anxiety disorders often occur with other mental health disorders, particularly major depressive disorder, bipolar disorder, eating disorders, or certain personality disorders. It also commonly occurs with personality traits such as neuroticism. This observed co-occurrence is partly due to genetic and environmental influences shared between these traits and anxiety. It is common for those with obsessive–compulsive disorder to experience anxiety. Anxiety is also commonly found in those who experience panic disorders, phobic anxiety disorders, severe stress, dissociative disorders, somatoform disorders, and some neurotic disorders. Anxiety has also been linked to the experience of intrusive thoughts. Studies have revealed that individuals who experience high levels of anxiety (also known as clinical anxiety) are highly vulnerable to the experience of intense intrusive thoughts or psychological disorders that are characterised by intrusive thoughts. Risk factors Anxiety disorders are partly genetic, with twin studies suggesting 30-40% genetic influence on individual differences in anxiety. Environmental factors are also important. Twin studies show that individual-specific environments have a large influence on anxiety, whereas shared environmental influences (environments that affect twins in the same way) operate during childhood but decline through adolescence. Specific measured 'environments' that have been associated with anxiety include child abuse, family history of mental health disorders, and poverty. Anxiety is also associated with drug use, including alcohol, caffeine, and benzodiazepines, which are often prescribed to treat anxiety. Neuroanatomy Neural circuitry involving the amygdala, which regulates emotions like anxiety and fear, stimulating the HPA axis and sympathetic nervous system, and hippocampus, which is implicated in emotional memory along with the amygdala, is thought to underlie anxiety. People who have anxiety tend to show high activity in response to emotional stimuli in the amygdala. Some writers believe that excessive anxiety can lead to an overpotentiation of the limbic system (which includes the amygdala and nucleus accumbens), giving increased future anxiety, but this does not appear to have been proven. Research upon adolescents who as infants had been highly apprehensive, vigilant, and fearful finds that their nucleus accumbens is more sensitive than that in other people when deciding to make an action that determined whether they received a reward. This suggests a link between circuits responsible for fear and also reward in anxious people. As researchers note, "a sense of 'responsibility', or self-agency, in a context of uncertainty (probabilistic outcomes) drives the neural system underlying appetitive motivation (i.e., nucleus accumbens) more strongly in temperamentally inhibited than noninhibited adolescents". The gut-brain axis The microbes of the gut can connect with the brain to affect anxiety. There are various pathways along which this communication can take place. One is through the major neurotransmitters. The gut microbes such as Bifidobacterium and Bacillus produce the neurotransmitters GABA and dopamine, respectively. The neurotransmitters signal to the nervous system of the gastrointestinal tract, and those signals will be carried to the brain through the vagus nerve or the spinal system. This is demonstrated by the fact that altering the microbiome has shown anxiety- and depression-reducing effects in mice, but not in subjects without vagus nerves. Another key pathway is the HPA axis, as mentioned above. The microbes can control the levels of cytokines in the body, and altering cytokine levels creates direct effects on areas of the brain such as the hypothalamus, the area that triggers HPA axis activity. The HPA axis regulates production of cortisol, a hormone that takes part in the body's stress response. When HPA activity spikes, cortisol levels increase, processing and reducing anxiety in stressful situations. These pathways, as well as the specific effects of individual taxa of microbes, are not yet completely clear, but the communication between the gut microbiome and the brain is undeniable, as is the ability of these pathways to alter anxiety levels. With this communication comes the potential to treat. Prebiotics and probiotics have been shown to reduce anxiety. For example, experiments in which mice were given fructo- and galacto-oligosaccharide prebiotics and Lactobacillus probiotics have both demonstrated a capability to reduce anxiety. In humans, results are not as concrete, but promising. Genetics Genetics and family history (e.g. parental anxiety) may put an individual at increased risk of an anxiety disorder, but generally external stimuli will trigger its onset or exacerbation. Estimates of genetic influence on anxiety, based on studies of twins, range from 25 to 40% depending on the specific type and age-group under study. For example, genetic differences account for about 43% of variance in panic disorder and 28% in generalized anxiety disorder. Longitudinal twin studies have shown the moderate stability of anxiety from childhood through to adulthood is mainly influenced by stability in genetic influence. When investigating how anxiety is passed on from parents to children, it is important to account for sharing of genes as well as environments, for example using the intergenerational children-of-twins design. Many studies in the past used a candidate gene approach to test whether single genes were associated with anxiety. These investigations were based on hypotheses about how certain known genes influence neurotransmitters (such as serotonin and norepinephrine) and hormones (such as cortisol) that are implicated in anxiety. None of these findings are well replicated, with the possible exception of TMEM132D, COMT and MAO-A. The epigenetic signature of BDNF, a gene that codes for a protein called brain derived neurotrophic factor that is found in the brain, has also been associated with anxiety and specific patterns of neural activity. and a receptor gene for BDNF called NTRK2 was associated with anxiety in a large genome-wide investigation. The reason that most candidate gene findings have not replicated is that anxiety is a complex trait that is influenced by many genomic variants, each of which has a small effect on its own. Increasingly, studies of anxiety are using a hypothesis-free approach to look for parts of the genome that are implicated in anxiety using big enough samples to find associations with variants that have small effects. The largest explorations of the common genetic architecture of anxiety have been facilitated by the UK Biobank, the ANGST consortium and the CRC Fear, Anxiety and Anxiety Disorders . Epigenetics Medical conditions Many medical conditions can cause anxiety. This includes conditions that affect the ability to breathe, like COPD and asthma, and the difficulty in breathing that often occurs near death. Conditions that cause abdominal pain or chest pain can cause anxiety and may in some cases be a somatization of anxiety; the same is true for some sexual dysfunctions. Conditions that affect the face or the skin can cause social anxiety especially among adolescents, and developmental disabilities often lead to social anxiety for children as well. Life-threatening conditions like cancer also cause anxiety. Furthermore, certain organic diseases may present with anxiety or symptoms that mimic anxiety. These disorders include certain endocrine diseases (hypo- and hyperthyroidism, hyperprolactinemia), metabolic disorders (diabetes), deficiency states (low levels of vitamin D, B2, B12, folic acid), gastrointestinal diseases (celiac disease, non-celiac gluten sensitivity, inflammatory bowel disease), heart diseases, blood diseases (anemia), cerebral vascular accidents (transient ischemic attack, stroke), and brain degenerative diseases (Parkinson's disease, dementia, multiple sclerosis, Huntington's disease), among others. Substance-induced Several drugs can cause or worsen anxiety, whether in intoxication, withdrawal or as side effect. These include alcohol, tobacco, sedatives (including prescription benzodiazepines), opioids (including prescription pain killers and illicit drugs like heroin), stimulants (such as caffeine, cocaine and amphetamines), hallucinogens, and inhalants. While many often report self-medicating anxiety with these substances, improvements in anxiety from drugs are usually short-lived (with worsening of anxiety in the long term, sometimes with acute anxiety as soon as the drug effects wear off) and tend to be exaggerated. Acute exposure to toxic levels of benzene may cause euphoria, anxiety, and irritability lasting up to 2 weeks after the exposure. Psychological Poor coping skills (e.g., rigidity/inflexible problem solving, denial, avoidance, impulsivity, extreme self-expectation, negative thoughts, affective instability, and inability to focus on problems) are associated with anxiety. Anxiety is also linked and perpetuated by the person's own pessimistic outcome expectancy and how they cope with feedback negativity. Temperament (e.g., neuroticism) and attitudes (e.g. pessimism) have been found to be risk factors for anxiety. Cognitive distortions such as overgeneralizing, catastrophizing, mind reading, emotional reasoning, binocular trick, and mental filter can result in anxiety. For example, an overgeneralized belief that something bad "always" happens may lead someone to have excessive fears of even minimally risky situations and to avoid benign social situations due to anticipatory anxiety of embarrassment. In addition, those who have high anxiety can also create future stressful life events. Together, these findings suggest that anxious thoughts can lead to anticipatory anxiety as well as stressful events, which in turn cause more anxiety. Such unhealthy thoughts can be targets for successful treatment with cognitive therapy. Psychodynamic theory posits that anxiety is often the result of opposing unconscious wishes or fears that manifest via maladaptive defense mechanisms (such as suppression, repression, anticipation, regression, somatization, passive aggression, dissociation) that develop to adapt to problems with early objects (e.g., caregivers) and empathic failures in childhood. For example, persistent parental discouragement of anger may result in repression/suppression of angry feelings which manifests as gastrointestinal distress (somatization) when provoked by another while the anger remains unconscious and outside the individual's awareness. Such conflicts can be targets for successful treatment with psychodynamic therapy. While psychodynamic therapy tends to explore the underlying roots of anxiety, cognitive behavioral therapy has also been shown to be a successful treatment for anxiety by altering irrational thoughts and unwanted behaviors. Evolutionary psychology An evolutionary psychology explanation is that increased anxiety serves the purpose of increased vigilance regarding potential threats in the environment as well as increased tendency to take proactive actions regarding such possible threats. This may cause false positive reactions but an individual with anxiety may also avoid real threats. This may explain why anxious people are less likely to die due to accidents. There is ample empirical evidence that anxiety can have adaptive value. Within a school, timid fish are more likely than bold fish to survive a predator. When people are confronted with unpleasant and potentially harmful stimuli such as foul odors or tastes, PET-scans show increased blood flow in the amygdala. In these studies, the participants also reported moderate anxiety. This might indicate that anxiety is a protective mechanism designed to prevent the organism from engaging in potentially harmful behaviors. Social Social risk factors for anxiety include a history of trauma (e.g., physical, sexual or emotional abuse or assault), bullying, early life experiences and parenting factors (e.g., rejection, lack of warmth, high hostility, harsh discipline, high parental negative affect, anxious childrearing, modelling of dysfunctional and drug-abusing behaviour, discouragement of emotions, poor socialization, poor attachment, and child abuse and neglect), cultural factors (e.g., stoic families/cultures, persecuted minorities including those with disabilities), and socioeconomics (e.g., uneducated, unemployed, impoverished although developed countries have higher rates of anxiety disorders than developing countries). A 2019 comprehensive systematic review of over 50 studies showed that food insecurity in the United States is strongly associated with depression, anxiety, and sleep disorders. Food-insecure individuals had an almost 3 fold risk increase of testing positive for anxiety when compared to food-secure individuals. Gender socialization Contextual factors that are thought to contribute to anxiety include gender socialization and learning experiences. In particular, learning mastery (the degree to which people perceive their lives to be under their own control) and instrumentality, which includes such traits as self-confidence, self-efficacy, independence, and competitiveness fully mediate the relation between gender and anxiety. That is, though gender differences in anxiety exist, with higher levels of anxiety in women compared to men, gender socialization and learning mastery explain these gender differences. Treatment The first step in the management of a person with anxiety symptoms involves evaluating the possible presence of an underlying medical cause, the recognition of which is essential in order to decide the correct treatment. Anxiety symptoms may mask an organic disease, or appear associated with or as a result of a medical disorder. Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is effective for anxiety disorders and is a first line treatment. CBT appears to be equally effective when carried out via the internet. While evidence for mental health apps is promising, it is preliminary. Anxiety often affects relationships, and interpersonal psychotherapy addresses these issues by improving communication and relationship skills. Psychopharmacological treatment can be used in parallel to CBT or can be used alone. As a general rule, most anxiety disorders respond well to first-line agents. Such drugs, also used as anti-depressants, are the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors and serotonin-norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors, that work by blocking the reuptake of specific neurotransmitters and resulting in the increase in availability of these neurotransmitters. Additionally, benzodiazepines are often prescribed to individuals with anxiety disorder. Benzodiazepines produce an anxiolytic response by modulating GABA and increasing its receptor binding. A third common treatment involves a category of drug known as serotonin agonists. This category of drug works by initiating a physiological response at 5-HT1A receptor by increasing the action of serotonin at this receptor. Other treatment options include pregabalin, tricyclic antidepressants, and moclobemide, among others. Anxiety is considered to be a serious psychiatric illness that has an unknown true pervasiveness due to affected individuals not asking for proper treatment or aid, and due to professionals missing the diagnosis. Prevention The above risk factors give natural avenues for prevention. A 2017 review found that psychological or educational interventions have a small yet statistically significant benefit for the prevention of anxiety in varied population types. Pathophysiology Anxiety disorder appears to be a genetically inherited neurochemical dysfunction that may involve autonomic imbalance; decreased GABA-ergic tone; allelic polymorphism of the catechol-O-methyltransferase (COMT) gene; increased adenosine receptor function; increased cortisol. In the central nervous system (CNS), the major mediators of the symptoms of anxiety disorders appear to be norepinephrine, serotonin, dopamine, and gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA). Other neurotransmitters and peptides, such as corticotropin-releasing factor, may be involved. Peripherally, the autonomic nervous system, especially the sympathetic nervous system, mediates many of the symptoms. Increased flow in the right parahippocampal region and reduced serotonin type 1A receptor binding in the anterior and posterior cingulate and raphe of patients are the diagnostic factors for prevalence of anxiety disorder. The amygdala is central to the processing of fear and anxiety, and its function may be disrupted in anxiety disorders. Anxiety processing in the basolateral amygdala has been implicated with expansion of dendritic arborization of the amygdaloid neurons. SK2 potassium channels mediate inhibitory influence on action potentials and reduce arborization. See also List of people with an anxiety disorder Mental stress-induced myocardial ischemia References Emotions

Narcissism

Narcissism is a self-centered personality style characterized as having an excessive preoccupation with oneself and one's own needs, often at the expense of others. Narcissism, rooted in Greek mythology, has evolved into a psychological concept studied extensively since the early 20th century, highlighting its relevance across various societal domains. Narcissism exists on a continuum that ranges from normal to abnormal personality expression. While many psychologists believe that a moderate degree of narcissism is normal and healthy in humans, there are also more extreme forms, observable particularly in people who are excessively self-absorbed, or who have a mental illness like narcissistic personality disorder (NPD), where the narcissistic tendency has become pathological, leading to functional impairment and psychosocial disability. Historical background The term narcissism is derived from Narcissus, a character in Greek mythology best known from the telling in Roman poet Ovid's Metamorphoses, written in 8 CE. Book III of the poem tells the mythical story of a handsome young man, Narcissus, who spurns the advances of many potential lovers. When Narcissus rejects the nymph Echo, who was cursed to only echo the sounds that others made, the gods punish Narcissus by making him fall in love with his own reflection in a pool of water. When Narcissus discovers that the object of his love cannot love him back, he slowly pines away and dies. The concept of excessive selfishness has been recognized throughout history. In ancient Greece, the concept was understood as hubris. Some religious movements such as the Hussites attempted to rectify what they viewed as the shattering and narcissistic cultures of recent centuries. It was not until the late 1800s that narcissism began to be defined in psychological terms. Since that time, the term has had a significant divergence in meaning in psychology. It has been used to describe: A sexual perversion, A normal developmental stage, A symptom in psychosis, and A characteristic in several of the object relations [subtypes]. In 1889, psychiatrists Paul Näcke and Havelock Ellis used the term "narcissism", independently of each other, to describe a person who treats their own body in the same way in which the body of a sexual partner is ordinarily treated. Narcissism, in this context, was seen as a perversion that consumed a person's entire sexual life. In 1911 Otto Rank published the first clinical paper about narcissism, linking it to vanity and self-admiration. In an essay in 1913 called "The God complex", Ernest Jones considered extreme narcissism as a character trait. He described people with the God complex as being aloof, self-important, overconfident, auto-erotic, inaccessible, self-admiring, and exhibitionistic, with fantasies of omnipotence and omniscience. He observed that these people had a high need for uniqueness. Sigmund Freud (1914) published his theory of narcissism in a lengthy essay titled "On Narcissism: An Introduction". For Freud, narcissism refers to the individual's direction of libidinal energy toward themselves rather than objects and others. He postulated a universal "primary narcissism", that was a phase of sexual development in early infancy – a necessary intermediate stage between auto-eroticism and object-love, love for others. Portions of this 'self-love' or ego-libido are, at later stages of development, expressed outwardly, or "given off" toward others. Freud's postulation of a "secondary narcissism" came as a result of his observation of the peculiar nature of the schizophrenic's relation to themselves and the world. He observed that the two fundamental qualities of such patients were megalomania and withdrawal of interest from the real world of people and things: "the libido that has been withdrawn from the external world has been directed to the ego and thus gives rise to an attitude which may be called narcissism." It is a secondary narcissism because it is not a new creation but a magnification of an already existing condition (primary narcissism). In 1925, Robert Waelder conceptualized narcissism as a personality trait. His definition described individuals who are condescending, feel superior to others, are preoccupied with admiration, and exhibit a lack of empathy. Waelder's work and his case study have been influential in the way narcissism and the clinical disorder narcissistic personality disorder are defined today. His patient was a successful scientist with an attitude of superiority, an obsession with fostering self-respect, and a lack of normal feelings of guilt. The patient was aloof and independent from others, had an inability to empathize with others, and was selfish sexually. Waelder's patient was also overly logical and analytical and valued abstract intellectual thought over the practical application of scientific knowledge. Karen Horney (1939) postulated that narcissism was on a spectrum that ranged from healthy self-esteem to a pathological state. The term entered the broader social consciousness following the publication of The Culture of Narcissism by Christopher Lasch in 1979. Since then, social media, bloggers, and self-help authors have indiscriminately applied "narcissism" as a label for the self-serving and for all domestic abusers. Characteristics Normal and healthy levels of narcissism Some psychologists suggest that a moderate level of narcissism is supportive of good psychological health. Self-esteem works as a mediator between narcissism and psychological health. Elevated self-esteem, in moderation, supports resilience and ambition, but excessive self-focus can distort social relationships. Destructive levels of narcissism While narcissism, in and of itself, can be considered a normal personality trait, high levels of narcissistic behavior can be harmful to both self and others. Destructive narcissism is the constant exhibition of a few of the intense characteristics usually associated with pathological narcissistic personality disorder such as a "pervasive pattern of grandiosity", which is characterized by feelings of entitlement and superiority, arrogant or haughty behaviors, and a generalized lack of empathy and concern for others. On a spectrum, destructive narcissism is more extreme than healthy narcissism but not as extreme as the pathological condition. Pathological levels of narcissism Extremely high levels of narcissistic behavior are considered pathological. The pathological condition of narcissism is a magnified, extreme manifestation of healthy narcissism. It manifests itself in the inability to love others, lack of empathy, emptiness, boredom, and an unremitting need to search for power, while making the person unavailable to others. The clinical theorists Kernberg, Kohut, and Theodore Millon all saw pathological narcissism as a possible outcome in response to unempathetic and inconsistent early childhood interactions. They suggested that narcissists try to compensate in adult relationships. German psychoanalyst Karen Horney (1885–1952) also saw the narcissistic personality as a temperament trait molded by a certain kind of early environment. Heritability Heritability studies using twins have shown that narcissistic traits, as measured by standardized tests, are often inherited. Narcissism was found to have a high heritability score (0.64) indicating that the concordance of this trait in the identical twins was significantly influenced by genetics as compared to an environmental causation. It has also been shown that there is a continuum or spectrum of narcissistic traits ranging from normal to a pathological personality. Furthermore, evidence suggests that individual elements of narcissism have their own heritability score. For example, intrapersonal grandiosity has a score of 0.23, and interpersonal entitlement has a score of 0.35. While the genetic impact on narcissism levels is significant, it is not the only factor at play. Expressions of narcissism Primary expressions Two primary expressions of narcissism have been identified: grandiose ("thick-skinned") and vulnerable ("thin-skinned"). Recent accounts posit that the core of narcissism is self-centred antagonism (or "entitled self-importance"), namely selfishness, entitlement, lack of empathy, and devaluation of others. Grandiosity and vulnerability are seen as different expressions of this antagonistic core, arising from individual differences in the strength of the approach and avoidance motivational systems. Grandiose Narcissistic grandiosity is thought to arise from a combination of the antagonistic core with temperamental boldness—defined by positive emotionality, social dominance, reward-seeking and risk-taking. Grandiosity is defined—in addition to antagonism—by a confident, exhibitionistic and manipulative self-regulatory style: High self-esteem and a clear sense of uniqueness and superiority, with fantasies of success and power, and lofty ambitions Social potency, marked by exhibitionistic, authoritative, charismatic and self-promoting interpersonal behaviours Exploitative, self-serving relational dynamics; short-term relationship transactions defined by manipulation and privileging of personal gain over other benefits of socialisation Vulnerable Narcissistic vulnerability is thought to arise from a combination of the antagonistic core with temperamental reactivity—defined by negative emotionality, social avoidance, passivity and marked proneness to rage. Vulnerability is defined—in addition to antagonism—by a shy, vindictive and needy self-regulatory style: Low and contingent self-esteem, unstable and unclear sense of self, and resentment of others' success Social withdrawal, resulting from shame, distrust of others' intentions, and concerns over being accepted Needy, obsessive relational dynamics; long-term relationship transactions defined by an excessive need for admiration, approval and support, and vengefulness when needs are unmet Other expressions Sexual Sexual narcissism has been described as an egocentric pattern of sexual behavior that involves an inflated sense of sexual ability or sexual entitlement, sometimes in the form of extramarital affairs. This can be overcompensation for low self-esteem or an inability to sustain true intimacy. While this behavioral pattern is believed to be more common in men than in women, it occurs in both males and females who compensate for feelings of sexual inadequacy by becoming overly proud or obsessed with their masculinity or femininity. The controversial condition referred to as "sexual addiction" is believed by some experts to be sexual narcissism or sexual compulsivity, rather than an addictive behavior. Parental Narcissistic parents often see their children as extensions of themselves and encourage the children to act in ways that support the parents' emotional and self-esteem needs. Due to their vulnerability, children may be significantly affected by this behavior. To meet the parents' needs, the child may sacrifice their own wants and feelings. A child subjected to this type of parenting may struggle in adulthood with their intimate relationships. In extreme situations, this parenting style can result in estranged relationships with the children, coupled with feelings of resentment, and in some cases, self-destructive tendencies. Origins of narcissism in children can often come from the social learning theory. The social learning theory proposes that social behavior is learned by observing and imitating others' behavior. This suggests that children are anticipated to grow up to be narcissistic when their parents overvalue them. Workplace There is a compulsion of some professionals to constantly assert their competence, even when they are wrong. Professional narcissism can lead otherwise capable, and even exceptional, professionals to fall into narcissistic traps. "Most professionals work on cultivating a self that exudes authority, control, knowledge, competence and respectability. It's the narcissist in us all—we dread appearing stupid or incompetent." Executives are often provided with potential narcissistic triggers. Inanimate triggers include status symbols like company cars, company-issued smartphone, or prestigious offices with window views; animate triggers include flattery and attention from colleagues and subordinates. Narcissism has been linked to a range of potential leadership problems ranging from poor motivational skills to risky decision making, and in extreme cases, white-collar crime. High-profile corporate leaders that place an extreme emphasis on profits may yield positive short-term benefits for their organizations, but ultimately it drags down individual employees as well as entire companies. Subordinates may find everyday offers of support swiftly turn them into enabling sources, unless they are very careful to maintain proper boundaries. Studies examining the role of personality in the rise to leadership have shown that individuals who rise to leadership positions can be described as inter-personally dominant, extraverted, and socially skilled. When examining the correlation of narcissism in the rise to leadership positions, narcissists who are often inter-personally dominant, extraverted, and socially skilled, were also likely to rise to leadership but were more likely to emerge as leaders in situations where they were not known, such as in outside hires (versus internal promotions). Paradoxically, narcissism can present as characteristics that facilitate an individual's rise to leadership, and ultimately lead that person to underachieve or even to fail. Narcissism can also create problems in the general workforce. For example, individuals high in narcissism inventories are more likely to engage in counterproductive behavior that harms organizations or other people in the workplace. Aggressive (and counterproductive) behaviors tend to surface when self-esteem is threatened. Individuals high in narcissism have fragile self-esteem and are easily threatened. One study found that employees who are high in narcissism are more likely to perceive the behaviors of others in the workplace as abusive and threatening than individuals who are low in narcissism. Celebrity Celebrity narcissism (sometimes referred to as acquired situational narcissism) is a form of narcissism that develops in late adolescence or adulthood, brought on by wealth, fame and the other trappings of celebrity. Celebrity narcissism develops after childhood, and is triggered and supported by the celebrity-obsessed society. Fans, assistants and tabloid media all play into the idea that the person really is vastly more important than other people, triggering a narcissistic problem that might have been only a tendency, or latent, and helping it to become a full-blown personality disorder. "Robert Millman says that what happens to celebrities is that they get so used to people looking at them that they stop looking back at other people." In its most extreme presentation and symptoms, it is indistinguishable from narcissistic personality disorder, differing only in its late onset and its environmental support by large numbers of fans. "The lack of social norms, controls, and of people centering them makes these people believe they're invulnerable," so that the person may suffer from unstable relationships, substance abuse or erratic behaviors. Dark triad Narcissism is one of the three traits in the dark triad model. The Dark Triad of personality traits, narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy, show how narcissism relates to manipulative behaviors and a lack of empathy. Narcissism has variously been correlated with both traits, though psychologists such as Delroy Paulhus and Kevin Williams see enough evidence that it is a distinct trait. Collective narcissism Collective narcissism is a type of narcissism where an individual has an inflated self-love of their own group. While the classic definition of narcissism focuses on the individual, collective narcissism asserts that one can have a similar excessively high opinion of a group, and that a group can function as a narcissistic entity. Collective narcissism is related to ethnocentrism; however, ethnocentrism primarily focuses on self-centeredness at an ethnic or cultural level, while collective narcissism is extended to any type of ingroup beyond just cultures and ethnicities. Normalization of narcissistic behaviors Some commentators contend that the American populace has become increasingly narcissistic since the end of World War II. According to sociologist Charles Derber, people pursue and compete for attention on an unprecedented scale. The profusion of popular literature about "listening" and "managing those who talk constantly about themselves" suggests its pervasiveness in everyday life. The growth of media phenomena such as "reality TV" programs and social media are generating a "new era of public narcissism". Also supporting the contention that American culture has become more narcissistic is an analysis of US popular song lyrics between 1987 and 2007. This found a growth in the use of first-person singular pronouns, such as I, me, my, and mine, reflecting a greater focus on the self, and also of references to antisocial behavior; during the same period, there was a diminution of words reflecting a focus on others, positive emotions, and social interactions. References to narcissism and self-esteem in American popular print media have experienced vast inflation since the late 1980s. Between 1987 and 2007 direct mentions of self-esteem in leading US newspapers and magazines increased by 4,540 percent while narcissism, which had been almost non-existent in the press during the 1970s, was referred to over 5,000 times between 2002 and 2007. Individualistic vs collectivist national cultures Similar patterns of change in cultural production are observable in other Western states. For example, a linguistic analysis of the largest circulation Norwegian newspaper found that the use of self-focused and individualistic terms increased in frequency by 69 per cent between 1984 and 2005 while collectivist terms declined by 32 per cent. One study looked at differences in advertising between an individualistic culture, United States, and a collectivist culture, South Korea and found that in the US there was a greater tendency to stress the distinctiveness and uniqueness of the person; whereas advertising in South Korean stressed the importance of social conformity and harmony. These cultural differences were greater than the effects of individual differences within national cultures. Controversies There has been an increased interest in narcissism and narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) in the last 10 years. There are areas of substantial debate that surround the subject including: Clearly defining the difference between normal and pathological narcissism, Understanding the role of self-esteem in narcissism, Reaching a consensus on the classifications and definitions of sub-types such as "grandiose" and "vulnerable dimensions" or variants of these, Understanding what are the central versus peripheral, primary versus secondary features/characteristics of narcissism, Determining if there is consensual description, Agreeing on the etiological factors, Deciding what field or discipline narcissism should be studied by, Agreeing on how it should be assessed and measured, and Agreeing on its representation in textbooks and classification manuals. This extent of the controversy was on public display in 2010–2013 when the committee on personality disorders for the 5th Edition (2013) of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders recommended the removal of Narcissistic Personality from the manual. A contentious three-year debate unfolded in the clinical community with one of the sharpest critics being John G. Gunderson, the person who led the DSM personality disorders committee for the 4th edition of the manual. See also Compensation Empathy Entitlement Grandiosity Self-esteem References Further reading ) 1889 introductions 1890s neologisms Barriers to critical thinking Social influence Egoism Words and phrases derived from Greek mythology

Cognitive impairment

Cognitive impairment is an inclusive term to describe any characteristic that acts as a barrier to the cognition process or different areas of cognition. Cognition, also known as cognitive function, refers to the mental processes of how a person gains knowledge, uses existing knowledge, and understands things that are happening around them using their thoughts and senses. Cognitive impairment can be in different domains or aspects of a person's cognitive function including memory, attention span, planning, reasoning, decision-making, language (comprehension, writing, speech), executive functioning, and visuospatial functioning. The term cognitive impairment covers many different diseases and conditions and may also be symptom or manifestation of a different underlying condition. Examples include impairments in overall intelligence (as with intellectual disabilities), specific and restricted impairments in cognitive abilities (such as in learning disorders like dyslexia), neuropsychological impairments (such as in attention, working memory or executive function), or it may describe drug-induced impairment in cognition and memory (such as that seen with alcohol, glucocorticoids, and the benzodiazepines.). Cognitive impairments may be short-term, progressive (gets worse over time), or permanent. There are different approaches to assessing or diagnosing a cognitive impairment including neuropsychological testing using various different tests that consider the different domains of cognition. Examples of shorter assessment clinical tools include the Mini Mental State Examination (MMSE) and the Montreal Cognitive Assessment (MoCA). There are many different syndromes and pathologies that cause cognitive impairment including dementia, mild neurocognitive disorder, and Alzheimer's disease. Cause Cognitive impairments may be caused by many different factors including environmental factors or injuries to the brain (e.g. traumatic brain injury), neurological illnesses, or mental disorders. While more common in elderly people, not all people who are elderly have cognitive impairments. Some known causes of cognitive impairments that are more common in younger people are: chromosomal abnormalities or genetic syndromes, exposure to teratogens while in utero (e.g., prenatal exposure to drugs), undernourishment, poisonings, autism, and child abuse. Stroke, dementia, depression, schizophrenia, substance abuse, brain tumours, malnutrition, brain injuries, hormonal disorders, and other chronic disorders may result in cognitive impairment with aging. Cognitive impairment may also be caused by a pathology in the brain. Examples include Alzheimer's disease, Parkinson's disease, HIV/AIDS-induced dementia, dementia with Lewy bodies, and Huntington’s disease. Short-term cognitive impairment can be caused by pharmaceutical drugs such as sedatives. Screening Screening for cognitive impairment in those over the age of 65 without symptoms is of unclear benefit versus harm as of 2020. In a large population-based cohort study included 579,710 66-year-old adults who were followed for a total of 3,870,293 person-years (average 6.68 ± 1.33 years per person), subjective cognitive decline was significantly associated with an increased risk of subsequent dementia. In addition to a series of cognitive tests, general practitioner physicians often also rely on clinical judgement for diagnosing cognitive impairment. Clinical judgement is ideal when paired with additional tests to that permit the medical professional to confirm the diagnosis or confirm the absence of a diagnosis. Clinical judgement in these cases may also help inform the choice in additional tests. Treatment Deciding on an appropriate treatment for people with cognitive decline takes clinical judgement based on the diagnosis (the specific cognitive problem), the person's symptoms, other patient factors including expectations and the person's own ideas, and previous approaches to helping the person. Other findings Although one would expect cognitive decline to have major effects on job performance, it seems that there is little to no correlation of health with job performance. With the exception of cognitive-dependent jobs such as air-traffic controller, professional athlete, or other elite jobs, age does not seem to impact one's job performance. This obviously conflicts with cognitive tests given, so the matter has been researched further. One possible reason for this conclusion is the rare need for a person to perform at their maximum. There is a difference between typical functioning, that is – the normal level of functioning for daily life, and maximal functioning, that is – what cognitive tests observe as our maximum level of functioning. As the maximum cognitive ability that we are able to achieve decreases, it may not actually affect our daily lives, which only require the normal level. Some studies have indicated that childhood hunger might have a protective effect on cognitive decline. One possible explanation is that the onset of age-related changes in the body can be delayed by calorie restriction. Another possible explanation is the selective survival effect, as the study participants who had a childhood with hunger tend to be the healthiest of their era. Prognosis When a person's level of cognition declines, it is often harder to live in an independent setting. Some people may have trouble taking care of themselves and the burden on the people caring for them can increase. Some people require supportive healthcare and, in some cases, institutionalization. Research The role of light therapy for treating people with cognitive impairment or dementia is not fully understood. See also PASS Theory of Intelligence Fluid and crystallized intelligence Dementia References Further reading Das, J.P. (2002). A better look at intelligence. Current Directions in Psychology, 11, 28–32. Goldstein, Gerald; Beers, Susan, eds (2004). Comprehensive Handbook of Psychological Assessment: Volume I: Intellectual and Neurological Assessment. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. Sattler, Jerome M. (2008). Assessment of Children: Cognitive Foundations. La Mesa (CA): Jerome M. Sattler, Publisher. External links Cognition Cognitive disorders Developmental disabilities Pediatrics

Culturology

Culturology or the science of culture is a branch of the social sciences concerned with the scientific understanding, description, analysis, and prediction of cultures as a whole. While ethnology and anthropology studied different cultural practices, such studies included diverse aspects: sociological, psychological, etc., and the need was recognized for a discipline focused exclusively on cultural aspects. In Russia The notion of culturology, as an interdisciplinary branch of the humanities, may be traced in the Soviet Union to the late 1960s and associated with the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, Aleksei Losev, Sergey Averintsev, Georgy Gachev, Juri Lotman, Vyacheslav Ivanov, Vladimir Toporov, Edward Markarian, and others. This kind of research challenged Marxist socio-political approach to culture. Between 1980 and 1990, culturology received official recognition in Russia and was legalized as a form of science and a subject of study for institutions of higher learning. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, it was introduced into the Higher Attestation Commission's list of specialties for which scientific degrees may be awarded in Russia and is now a subject of study during the first year at institutions of higher education and in secondary schools. Defined as the study of human cultures, their integral systems, and their influence on human behavior, it may be formally compared to the Western discipline of cultural studies, although it has a number of important distinctions. Over past decades the following basic cultural schools were formed: philosophy of culture (A. Arnold, G. V. Drach, N. S.  Zlobin, M. S. Kagan, V. M. Mezhuyev, Y. N. Solonin, M. B. Turov and others) theory of culture (B. S. Yerasov, A. S. Karmin, V. A. Lukov, A. A. Pelipenko, E. V Sokolov, A. Ya. Fliyer and others), cultural history (S. N. Ikonnikova, I. V. Kondakov, E. A. Shulepova, I. G. Yakovenko and others), sociology of culture (I. Akhiezer, L. G. Ionin, L. N. Kogan, A. I. Shendrik and others), cultural anthropology (A. A. Belik, Ye. A. Orlova, A. S. Orlov-Kretschmer, Yu. M.. Reznik and others), applied cultural studies (O. Astaf'eva, I. M. Bykhovskaya and others), cultural studies art (K. E. Razlogov, N. A. Hrenov and others), semiotics of culture (Juri Lotman, V. N. Toporov, V. V. Ivanov, E. M. Meletinsky and others), cultural education (G. I. Zvereva, A. I. Kravchenko, T. F. Kuznetsova, L. M. Mosolova and others). From 1992, research was started by the Russian Institute for Cultural Research. Today, along the line of the central office located in Moscow, three branches of RIC have been opened – Siberian (opened in 1993 in Omsk), St. Petersburg Department (opened in 1997) and the Southern Branch (opened in 2012 in Krasnodar). Culturology studies at Moscow Lomonosov University In 1990, at the faculty of philosophy, a chair of the history and theory of world culture was created. Many prominent Soviet and Russian scholars like V. V. Ivanov, S. S. Averintsev, A. Y. Gurevich, M. L. Gasparov, G. S. Knabe, E. M. Miletinskiy, V. N. Romanov, T. V. Vasilyeva, N. V. Braginskaya, V. V. Bibikhin, Alexander Dobrokhotov have worked there. Yuri Rozhdestvensky founded a school of Culturology at the Department of Language Studies of Moscow Lomonosov University. Rozhdestvensky's approach to the development of culture (accumulation and mutual influence of layers) can be compared to the approach used in media ecology. Other uses The Oxford English Dictionary records usage of the word "culturology" with the meaning "[t]he science or study of culture or a culture" from 1920 onwards. American anthropologist Leslie White (1900-1975) popularised the term culturology among contemporary Anglophone social scientists. White defined culturology as a field of science dedicated to the study of culture and cultural systems. He notes that "culturology" was earlier known as "science of culture" as defined by English anthropologist Edward Burnett Tylor in his book 1872 Primitive Culture. White also notes that he introduced this term in 1939, and that for the first time the term appeared in English dictionaries in 1954. He also remarks that the corresponding German term, Kulturwissenschaft, was introduced by Wilhelm Ostwald in 1909. Following White, philosopher of science Mario Bunge (1919-2020) defined culturology as the sociological, economic, political, and historical study of concrete cultural systems. "Synchronic culturology" is said to coincide with the anthropology, sociology, economics, and political ideology of cultures. By contrast, "diachronic culturology" is a component of history. According to Bunge, "scientific culturology" also differs from traditional cultural studies as the latter are often the work of idealist literary critics or pseudo-philosophers ignorant of the scientific method and incompetent in the study of social facts and concrete social systems. Bunge's systemic and materialist approach to the study of culture has given birth to a variety of new fields of research in the social sciences. Fabrice Rivault, for instance, was the first scholar to formalize and propose international political culturology as a subfield of international relations in order to understand the global cultural system, as well as its numerous subsystems, and explain how cultural variables interact with politics and economics to impact world affairs. This scientific approach differs radically from culturalism, constructivism, and cultural postmodernism because it is based on logic, empiricism, systemism, and emergent materialism. International political culturology is being studied by scholars around the world. See also Cultural studies Ethnology Cultural anthropology References External links The Russian Institute for Cultural Research Culturology Department at National University "Ostroh Academy" Chair of the history and theory of world culture at the Lomonossov Moscow State University, Russia School of Cultural Studies at the National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia Cultural studies Science and technology in Russia

Downshifting (lifestyle)

In social behavior, downshifting is a trend where individuals adopt simpler lives from what critics call the "rat race". The long-term effect of downshifting can include an escape from what has been described as economic materialism, as well as reduce the "stress and psychological expense that may accompany economic materialism". This new social trend emphasizes finding an improved balance between leisure and work, while also focusing life goals on personal fulfillment, as well as building personal relationships instead of the all-consuming pursuit of economic success. Downshifting, as a concept, shares characteristics with simple living. However, it is distinguished as an alternative form by its focus on moderate change and concentration on an individual comfort level and a gradual approach to living. In the 1990s, this new form of simple living began appearing in the mainstream media, and has continually grown in popularity among populations living in industrial societies, especially the United States, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Australia, as well as Russia. Values and motives "Down-shifters" refers to people who adopt long-term voluntary simplicity in their lives. A few of the main practices of down-shifters include accepting less money for fewer hours worked, while placing an emphasis on consuming less in order to reduce their ecological footprint. One of the main results of these practices is being able to enjoy more leisure time in the company of others, especially loved ones. The primary motivations for downshifting are gaining leisure time, escaping from work-and-spend cycle, and removing the clutter of unnecessary possessions. The personal goals of downshifting are simple: To reach a holistic self-understanding and satisfying meaning in life. Because of its personalized nature and emphasis on many minor changes, rather than complete lifestyle overhaul, downshifting attracts participants from across the socioeconomic spectrum. An intrinsic consequence of downshifting is increased time for non-work-related activities, which, combined with the diverse demographics of downshifters, cultivates higher levels of civic engagement and social interaction. The scope of participation is limitless, because all members of society—adults, children, businesses, institutions, organizations, and governments—are able to downshift even if many demographic strata do not start "high" enough to "down"-shift. In practice, down-shifting involves a variety of behavioral and lifestyle changes. The majority of these down-shifts are voluntary choices. Natural life course events, such as the loss of a job, or birth of a child can prompt involuntary down-shifting. There is also a temporal dimension, because a down-shift could be either temporary or permanent. Methods Work and income The most common form of down-shifting is work (or income) down-shifting. Down-shifting is fundamentally based on dissatisfaction with the conditions and consequences of the workplace environment. The philosophy of work-to-live replaces the social ideology of live-to-work. Reorienting economic priorities shifts the work–life balance away from the workplace. Economically, work downshifts are defined in terms of reductions in either actual or potential income, work hours, and spending levels. Following a path of earnings that is lower than the established market path is a downshift in potential earnings in favor of gaining other non-material benefits. On an individual level, work downshifting is a voluntary reduction in annual income. Downshifters desire meaning in life outside of work and, therefore, will opt to decrease the amount of time spent at work or work hours. Reducing the number of hours of work, consequently, lowers the amount earned. Simply not working overtime or taking a half-day a week for leisure time, are work downshifts. Career downshifts are another way of downshifting economically and entail lowering previous aspirations of wealth, a promotion or higher social status. Quitting a job to work locally in the community, from home or to start a business are examples of career downshifts. Although more radical, these changes do not mean stopping work altogether. Many reasons are cited by workers for this choice and usually center on a personal cost–benefit analysis of current working situations and desired extracurricular activities. High stress, pressure from employers to increase productivity, and long commutes can be factors that contribute to the costs of being employed. If the down-shifter wants more non-material benefits like leisure time, a healthy family life, or personal freedom then switching jobs could be a desirable option. Work down-shifting may also be a key to considerable health benefits as well as a healthy retirement. People are retiring later in life than previous generations. As can be seen by looking at The Health and Retirement Study, done by the Health and Retirement Study Survey Research Center, women can show the long term health benefits of down-shifting their work lives by working part time hours over a long period of years. Men however prove to be more unhealthy if they work part time from middle age till retirement. Men who down-shift their work life to part time hours at the age of 60 to 65 however benefit from continuing to work a part-time job through a semi retirement even over the age of 70. This is an example of how flexible working policies can be a key to being healthy while in retirement. Spending habits Another aspect of down-shifting is being a conscious consumer or actively practicing alternative forms of consumption. Proponents of down-shifting point to consumerism as a primary source of stress and dissatisfaction because it creates a society of individualistic consumers who measure both social status and general happiness by an unattainable quantity of material possessions. Instead of buying goods for personal satisfaction, consumption down-shifting, purchasing only the necessities, is a way to focus on quality of life rather than quantity. This realignment of spending priorities promotes the functional utility of goods over their ability to convey status which is evident in downshifters being generally less brand-conscious. These consumption habits also facilitate the option of working and earning less because annual spending is proportionally lower. Reducing spending is less demanding than more extreme downshifts in other areas, like employment, as it requires only minor lifestyle changes. Policies that enable downshifting Unions, business, and governments could implement more flexible working hours, part-time work, and other non-traditional work arrangements that enable people to work less, while still maintaining employment. Small business legislation, reduced filing requirements and reduced tax rates encourage small-scale individual entrepreneurship and therefore help individuals quit their jobs altogether and work for themselves on their own terms. Environmental consequences The catch-phrase of International Downshifting Week is "Slow Down and Green Up". Whether intentional or unintentional, generally, the choices and practices of down-shifters nurture environmental health because they reject the fast-paced lifestyle fueled by fossil fuels and adopt more sustainable lifestyles. The latent function of consumption down-shifting is to reduce, to some degree, the carbon footprint of the individual down-shifter. An example is to shift from a corporate suburban rat race lifestyle to a small eco friendly farming lifestyle. Down-shifting geographically Downshifting geographically is a relocation to a smaller, rural, or more slow-paced community. This is often a response to the hectic pace of life and stresses in urban areas. It is a significant change but does not bring total removal from mainstream culture. Sociopolitical implications Although downshifting is primarily motivated by personal desire and not by a conscious political stance, it does define societal overconsumption as the source of much personal discontent. By redefining life satisfaction in non-material terms, downshifters assume an alternative lifestyle but continue to coexist in a society and political system preoccupied with the economy. In general, downshifters are politically apathetic because mainstream politicians mobilize voters by proposing governmental solutions to periods of financial hardship and economic recessions. This economic rhetoric is meaningless to downshifters who have forgone worrying about money. In the United States, the UK, and Australia, a significant minority, approximately 20 to 25 percent, of these countries' citizens identify themselves in some respect as downshifters. Downshifting is not an isolated or unusual choice. Politics still centers around consumerism and unrestricted growth, but downshifting values, such as family priorities and workplace regulation, appear in political debates and campaigns. Like downshifters, the Cultural Creatives is another social movement whose ideology and practices diverge from mainstream consumerism and according to Paul Ray, are followed by at least a quarter of U.S. citizens. In his book In Praise of Slowness, Carl Honoré relates followers of downshifting and simple living to the global slow movement. The significant number and diversity of downshifters are a challenge to economic approaches to improving society. The rise in popularity of downshifting and similar, post-materialist ideologies represents unorganized social movements without political aspirations or motivating grievances. This is a result of their grassroots nature and relatively inconspicuous, non-confrontational subcultures. See also Anti-consumerism Conspicuous consumption Degrowth Demotion Downsizing Eco-communalism Ecological economics Ecovillage Ethical consumerism FIRE movement Frugality Homesteading Intentional community Intentional living Minimalism / Simple living Permaculture Slow living Sustainable living Transition towns Workaholic References Further reading Blanchard, Elisa A. (1994). Beyond Consumer Culture: A Study of Revaluation and Voluntary Action. Unpublished thesis, Tufts University. Bull, Andy. (1998). Downshifting: The Ultimate Handbook. London: Thorsons Etziomi, Amitai. (1998). Voluntary simplicity: Characterization, select psychological implications, and societal consequences. Journal of Economic Psychology 19:619–43. Hamilton, Clive (November 2003). Downshifting in Britain: A sea-change in the pursuit of happiness. The Australia Institute Discussion Paper No. 58. 42p. Hamilton, C., Mail, E. (January 2003). Downshifting in Australia: A sea-change in the pursuit of happiness. The Australia Institute Discussion Paper No. 50. 12p. ISSN 1322-5421 Juniu, Susana (2000). Downshifting: Regaining the Essence of Leisure, Journal of Leisure Research, 1st Quarter, Vol. 32 Issue 1, p69, 5p. Levy, Neil (2005). Downshifting and Meaning in Life, Ratio, Vol. 18, Issue 2, 176–89. J. B. MacKinnon (2021). The Day the World Stops Shopping: How ending consumerism gives us a better life and a greener world, Penguin Random House. Mazza, P. (1997). Keeping it simple. Reflections 36 (March): 10–12. Nelson, Michelle R., Paek, Hye-Jin, Rademacher, Mark A. (2007). Downshifting Consumer = Upshifting Citizen?: An Examination of a Local Freecycle Community. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 141–56. Saltzman, Amy. (1991). Downshifting: Reinventing Success on a Slower Track. New York: Harper Collins. Schor, Juliet B (1998). Voluntary Downshifting in the 1990s. In E. Houston, J. Stanford, & L. Taylor (Eds.), Power, Employment, and Accumulation: Social Structures in Economic Theory and Practice (pp. 66–79). Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2003. Text from University of Chapel Hill Library Collections. External links The Homemade Life, a web forum aimed at promoting simple living Official website for the Slow Movement How To Be Rich Today – downloadable guide to Downshifting (UK) Personal finance Simple living Subcultures Waste minimisation Work–life balance fr:Simplicité volontaire

Cognitive ergonomics

Cognitive ergonomics is a scientific discipline that studies, evaluates, and designs tasks, jobs, products, environments and systems and how they interact with humans and their cognitive abilities. It is defined by the International Ergonomics Association as "concerned with mental processes, such as perception, memory, reasoning, and motor response, as they affect interactions among humans and other elements of a system. Cognitive ergonomics is responsible for how work is done in the mind, meaning, the quality of work is dependent on the persons understanding of situations. Situations could include the goals, means, and constraints of work. The relevant topics include mental workload, decision-making, skilled performance, human-computer interaction, human reliability, work stress and training as these may relate to human-system design." Cognitive ergonomics studies cognition in work and operational settings, in order to optimize human well-being and system performance. It is a subset of the larger field of human factors and ergonomics. Goals Cognitive ergonomics (sometimes known as cognitive engineering though this was an earlier field) is an emerging branch of ergonomics. It places particular emphasis on the analysis of cognitive processes required of operators in modern industries and similar milieus. This can be done by studying cognition in work and operational settings. It aims to ensure there is an appropriate interaction between human factors and processes that can be done throughout everyday life. This would include everyday life such as work tasks. Some cognitive ergonomics aims are: diagnosis, workload, situation awareness, decision making, and planning. CE is used to describe how work affects the mind and how the mind affects work. Its aim is to apply general principles and good practices of cognitive ergonomics that help to avoid unnecessary cognitive load at work and improves human performance. In a practical purpose, it will aid in human nature and limitations through additional help in information processing. Another goal related to the study of cognitive ergonomics is correct diagnosis. Because cognitive ergonomics is a small priority for many, it is especially important to diagnose and help what is needed. A comparison would be fixing what does not need to be fixed or vice-a-versa. Cognitive ergonomics aims at enhancing performance of cognitive tasks by means of several interventions, including these: user-centered design of human-machine interaction and human-computer interaction (HCI); design of information technology systems that support cognitive tasks (e.g., cognitive artifacts); development of training programs; work redesign to manage cognitive workload and increase human reliability. designed to be "easy to use" and accessible by everyone History The field of cognitive ergonomics emerged predominantly in the 70's with the advent of the personal computer and new developments in the fields of cognitive psychology and artificial intelligence. It studied how human cognitive psychology works hand-in-hand with specific cognitive limitations. This could only be done through time and trial and error. CE contrasts the tradition of physical ergonomics because "cognitive ergonomics is...the application of psychology to work...to achieve the optimization between people and their work." Viewed as an applied science, the methods involved with creating cognitive ergonomic design have changed with the rapid development in technological advances over the last 27 years. In the 80's, there was a worldwide transition in the methodological approach to design. According to van der Veer, Enid Mumford was one of the pioneers of interactive systems engineering, and advocated the notion of user-centered design, wherein the user is considered and "included in all phases of the design". Cognitive ergonomics as defined by the International Ergonomics Association "is concerned with mental processes, such as perception, memory, reasoning, and motor response, as they affect interactions among humans and other elements of a system". It studies the cognition in work to help with the human well-being in system performances. There are several different models which describe the criteria for designing user-friendly technology. A number of models focus on a systematic process for design, using task analysis to evaluate the cognitive processes involved with a given task and develop adequate interface capabilities. Task analysis in past research has focused on the evaluation of cognitive task demands, concerning motor control and cognition during visual tasks such as operating machinery, or the evaluation of attention and focus via the analysis of eye saccades of pilots when flying. Neuroergonomics, a subfield of cognitive ergonomics, aims to enhance human-computer interaction by using neural correlates to better understand situational task demands. Neuroergonomic research at the university of Iowa has been involved with assessing safe-driving protocol, enhancing elderly mobility, and analyzing cognitive abilities involved with the navigation of abstract virtual environments." Now, cognitive ergonomics adapts to technological advances because as technology advances new cognitive demands arise. This is called changes in socio-technical context. For example, when computers became popular in the 80's, there were new cognitive demands for operating them. Meaning, as new technology arises, humans will now have to adapt to the change leaving a deficiency somewhere else. Human Computer Interaction has a huge part in cognitive ergonomics because we are in a time period where most of life is digitalized. This created new problems and solutions. Studies show that most of the problems that happen are due to the digitalization of dynamic systems. With this it created a rise in the diversity in methods on how to process many streams of information. The changes in our socio-technical contexts adds to the stress of methods of visualization and analysis, along with the capabilities regarding cognitive perceptions by the user. Methods Successful ergonomic intervention in the area of cognitive tasks requires a thorough understanding not only of the demands of the work situation, but also of user strategies in performing cognitive tasks and of limitations in human cognition. In some cases, the artifacts or tools used to carry out a task may impose their own constraints and limitations (e.g., navigating through a large number of GUI screens). Tools may also co-determine the very nature of the task. In this sense, the analysis of cognitive tasks should examine both the interaction of users with their work setting and the user interaction with artifacts or tools; the latter is very important as modern artifacts (e.g., control panels, software, expert systems) become increasingly sophisticated. Emphasis lies on how to design human-machine interfaces and cognitive artifacts so that human performance is sustained in work environments where information may be unreliable, events may be difficult to predict, multiple simultaneous goals may be in conflict, and performance may be time-constrained. A proposed way of expanding a user's effectiveness with cognitive ergonomics is to expand the interdisciplinary connections related to normal dynamics. The method behind this is to transfer the pre-existing knowledge of the various mechanics in computers into structural patterns of cognitive space. This would work with human factors in developing an intellectual learning support system and applying an interdisciplinary methodology of training, helping the effective interaction between the person and the computer with the strengthening of critical thinking and intuition. Disability Accessibility is important in cognitive ergonomics because it is one pathway to build better user experience. The term accessibility refers to how people with disabilities access or benefits from a site, system, or application. Section 508 is the founding principle for accessibility . In the U.S., Section 508 of the Rehabilitation Act is one of several disability laws and requires federal agencies to develop, maintain, and use their information and communications technology (ICT) accessible to people with disabilities, regardless if they work for the federal government or not. Section 508 also implies that any people with disabilities applying for a federal government job or any person using the website to get general information about a program or completing an online form has access to the same information and resources that are obtainable by anyone. Accessibility can be implemented by making sites that can present information through multiple sensory channels with sound and sight. The strategic multi-sensory approach and a multi-interactivity approach allows disabled users to access the same information as nondisabled users. This allows for additional means of site navigation and interactivity beyond the typical point-and-click-interface: keyboard-based control and voice-based navigation. Accessibility is very valuable because it ensures that all potential users, including people with disabilities have a good user experience and can easily access information. Overall, it improves usability for all people that use a site. Some of the best practices for accessible content include: Not relying on color as a navigational tool or as the only way to differentiate items Images should include "alt text" in the markup/code and complex images should have more extensive descriptions near the image (caption or descriptive summaries built right into a neighboring paragraph) Functionality should be accessible through mouse and keyboard and be tagged to work with voice-control systems Transcripts should be provided for podcasts Videos on your site must provide visual access to the audio information through in-sync captioning Sites should have a skip navigation feature Consider 508 testing to assure your site is in compliance User interface modeling Cognitive task analysis Cognitive task analysis is a general term for the set of methods used to identify the mental demands and cognitive skills needed to complete a task. Frameworks like GOMS provide a formal set of methods for identifying the mental activities required by a task and an artifact, such as a desktop computer system. By identifying the sequence of mental activities of a user engaged in a task, cognitive ergonomics engineers can identify bottlenecks and critical paths that may present opportunities for improvement or risks (such as human error) that merit changes in training or system behavior. It is the whole study of what we know, how we think, and how we organize new information. Applications As a design philosophy, cognitive ergonomics can be applied to any area where humans interact with technology. Applications include aviation (e.g., cockpit layouts), transportation (e.g., collision avoidance), the health care system (e.g., drug bottle labelling), mobile devices, appliance interface design, product design, and nuclear power plants. The focus of cognitive ergonomics is to be simple, clear and "easy to use" and accessible to everyone. Softwares are designed to help make better use of this. Its aim is to design icons and visual cues that are "easy" to use and function by all. See also References External links Organizations EACE - European Association of Cognitive Ergonomics Cognitive Engineering and Decision Making Technical Group (CEDM-TG) Publications Cognition, Technology & Work Theoretical Issues in Ergonomics Science Activities (French) Journal of Cognitive Engineering and Decision Making Ergonomics PsychNology Journal Cognition Human–computer interaction

Asociality

Asociality refers to the lack of motivation to engage in social interaction, or a preference for solitary activities. Asociality may be associated with avolition, but it can, moreover, be a manifestation of limited opportunities for social relationships. Developmental psychologists use the synonyms nonsocial, unsocial, and social uninterest. Asociality is distinct from, but not mutually exclusive to, anti-social behavior. A degree of asociality is routinely observed in introverts, while extreme asociality is observed in people with a variety of clinical conditions. Asociality is not necessarily perceived as a totally negative trait by society, since asociality has been used as a way to express dissent from prevailing ideas. It is seen as a desirable trait in several mystical and monastic traditions, notably in Hinduism, Jainism, Roman Catholicism, Eastern Orthodoxy, Buddhism and Sufism. Introversion Introversion is "the state of or tendency toward being wholly or predominantly concerned with and interested in one's own mental life." Introverted persons are considered the opposite of extraverts, who seem to thrive in social settings rather than being alone. An introvert may present as an individual preferring being alone or interacting with smaller groups over interaction with larger groups, writing over speaking, having fewer but more fulfilling friendships, and needing time for reflection. While not a measurable personality trait, some popular writers have characterized introverts as people whose energy tends to expand through reflection and dwindle during interaction. In matters of the brain, researchers have found differences in anatomy between introverted and extraverted persons. Introverted people are found to experience a higher flow of blood to the frontal lobe than extraverts, which is the part of the brain that contributes to problem-solving, memory, and preemptive thought. Social anhedonia Social anhedonia is found in both typical and extreme cases of asociality or personality disorders that feature social withdrawal. Social anhedonia is distinct from introversion and is frequently accompanied with alexithymia. Many cases of social anhedonia are marked by extreme social withdrawal and the complete avoidance of social interaction. One research article studying the individual differences in social anhedonia discusses the negative aspects of this form of extreme or aberrant asociality. Some individuals with social anhedonia are at higher risk of developing schizophrenia and may have mental functioning that becomes poorer than the average. In human evolution and anthropology Scientific research suggests that asocial traits in human behavior, personality, and cognition may have several useful evolutionary benefits. Traits of introversion and aloofness can protect an individual from impulsive and dangerous social situations because of reduced impulsivity and reward. Frequent voluntary seclusion stimulates creativity and can give the individual time to think, work, reflect, and see useful patterns more easily. Research indicates the social and analytical functions of the brain function in a mutually exclusive way. With this in mind, researchers posit that people who devoted less time or interest to socialization used the analytical part of the brain more frequently and thereby were often responsible for devising hunting strategies, creating tools, and spotting useful patterns in the environment in general for both their own safety and the safety of the group. Imitation and social learning have been confirmed to be potentially limiting and maladaptive in animal and human populations. When social learning overrides personal experience (asocial learning), negative effects can be observed such as the inability to seek or pick the most efficient way to accomplish a task and a resulting inflexibility to changing environments. Individuals who are less receptible, motivated, and interested in sociability are likely less affected by or sensible to socially imitated information and faster to notice and react to changes in the environment, essentially holding onto their own observations in a rigid manner and, consequently, not imitating a maladaptive behavior through social learning. These behaviors, including deficits in imitative behavior, have been observed in individuals with autism spectrum disorders and introverts, and are correlated with the personality traits of neuroticism and disagreeableness. The benefits of this behavior for the individual and their kin caused it to be preserved in part of the human population. The usefulness for acute senses, novel discoveries, and critical analytical thought may have culminated in the preservation of the suspected genetic factors of autism and introversion itself due to their increased cognitive, sensorial, and analytical awareness. In psychopathology Schizophrenia In schizophrenia, asociality is one of the main five "negative symptoms", with the others being avolition, anhedonia, reduced affect, and alogia. Due to a lack of desire to form relationships, social withdrawal is common in people with schizophrenia. People with schizophrenia may experience social deficits or dysfunction as a result of the disorder, leading to asocial behavior. Frequent or ongoing delusions and hallucinations can deteriorate relationships and other social ties, isolating individuals with schizophrenia from reality and in some cases leading to homelessness. Even when treated with medication for the disorder, they may be unable to engage in social behaviors. These behaviors include things like maintaining conversations, accurately perceiving emotions in others, or functioning in crowded settings. There has been extensive research on the effective use of social skills training (SST) for the treatment of schizophrenia, in outpatient clinics as well as inpatient units. SST can be used to help patients with schizophrenia make better eye contact with other people, increase assertiveness, and improve their general conversational skills. Personality disorders Avoidant personality disorder Asociality is common amongst people with avoidant personality disorder (AvPD). They experience discomfort and feel inhibited in social situations, being overwhelmed by feelings of inadequacy. Such people remain consistently fearful of social rejection, choosing to avoid social engagements as they do not want to give people the opportunity to reject (or possibly, accept) them. Though they inherently crave a sense of belonging, their fear of criticism and rejection leads people with AvPD to actively avoid occasions that require social interaction, leading to extremely asocial tendencies; as a result, these individuals often have difficulty cultivating and preserving close relationships. People with AvPD may also display social phobia, the difference being that social phobia is the fear of social circumstances whereas AvPD is better described as an aversion to intimacy in relationships. Schizoid personality disorder Schizoid personality disorder (SzPD) is characterized by a lack of interest in social relationships, a tendency towards a solitary lifestyle, secretiveness, emotional coldness, and apathy. Affected individuals may simultaneously demonstrate a rich and elaborate but exclusively internal fantasy world. It is not the same as schizophrenia, although they share such similar characteristics as detachment and blunted affect. There is, moreover, increased prevalence of the disorder in families with schizophrenia. Schizotypal personality disorder Schizotypal personality disorder is characterized by a need for social isolation, anxiety in social situations, odd behavior and thinking, and often unconventional beliefs. People with this disorder feel extreme discomfort with maintaining close relationships with people, and therefore they often do not. People who have this disorder may display peculiar manners of talking and dressing and often have difficulty in forming relationships. In some cases, they may react oddly in conversations, not respond, or talk to themselves. Autism Autistic people may display profoundly asocial tendencies, due to differences in how autistic and allistic (non-autistic) people communicate. These different communication styles can cause mutual friction between the two neurotypes, known as the double empathy problem. Autistic people tend to express emotions differently and less intensely than allistic people, and often do not pick up on allistic social cues or linguistic pragmatics (including eye contact, facial expressions, tone of voice, body language, and implicatures) used to convey emotions and hints. Connecting with others is important to overall health. An increased difficulty in accurately reading social cues by others can affect this desire for people with autism. The risk of adverse social experiences is high for those with autism, and so they may prefer to be avoidant in social situations rather than experience anxiety over social performance. Social deficits in people with autism is directly correlated with the increased prevalence of social anxiety in this community. As they are in a steep minority, there is risk of not having access to like-minded peers in their community, which can lead them to withdrawal and social isolation. Mood disorders Depression Asociality can be observed in individuals with major depressive disorder or dysthymia, as individuals lose interest in everyday activities and hobbies they used to enjoy, this may include social activities, resulting in social withdrawal and withdrawal tendencies. SST can be adapted to the treatment of depression with a focus on assertiveness training. Depressed patients often benefit from learning to set limits with others, to obtain satisfaction for their own needs, and to feel more self-confident in social interactions. Research suggests that patients who are depressed because they tend to withdraw from others can benefit from SST by learning to increase positive social interactions with others instead of withdrawing from social interactions. Social anxiety disorder Asocial behavior is observed in people with social anxiety disorder (SAD), who experience perpetual and irrational fears of humiliating themselves in social situations. They often have panic attacks and severe anxiety as a result, which can occasionally lead to agoraphobia. The disorder is common in children and young adults, diagnosed on average between the ages of 8 and 15. If left untreated, people with SAD exhibit asocial behavior into adulthood, avoiding social interactions and career choices that require interpersonal skills. SST can help people with social phobia or shyness to improve their communication and social skills so that they will be able to mingle with others or go to job interviews with greater ease and self-confidence. Traumatic brain injury Traumatic brain injuries (TBI) can also lead to asociality and social withdrawal. Management Treatments Social skills training Social skills training (SST) is an effective technique aimed towards anyone with "difficulty relating to others," a common symptom of shyness, marital and family conflicts, or developmental disabilities; as well as of many mental and neurological disorders including adjustment disorders, anxiety disorders, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, social phobia, alcohol dependence, depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, avoidant personality disorder, paranoid personality disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and schizotypal personality disorder. Fortunately for people who display difficulty relating to others, social skills can be learned, as they are not simply inherent to an individual's personality or disposition. Therefore, there is hope for anyone who wishes to improve their social skills, including those with psychosocial or neurological disorders. Nonetheless, it is important to note that asociality may still be considered neither a character flaw nor an inherently negative trait. SST includes improving eye contact, speech duration, frequency of requests, and the use of gestures, as well as decreasing automatic compliance to the requests of others. SST has been shown to improve levels of assertiveness (positive and negative) in both men and women. Additionally, SST can focus on receiving skills (e.g. accurately perceiving problem situations), processing skills (e.g. considering several response alternatives), and sending skills (delivering appropriate verbal and non-verbal responses). Metacognitive interpersonal therapy Metacognitive interpersonal therapy is a method of treating and improving the social skills of people with personality disorders that are associated with asociality. Through metacognitive interpersonal therapy, clinicians seek to improve their patients' metacognition, meaning the ability to recognize and read the mental states of themselves. The therapy differs from SST in that the patient is trained to identify their own thoughts and feelings as a means of recognizing similar emotions in others. Metacognitive interpersonal therapy has been shown to improve interpersonal and decision-making skills by encouraging awareness of suppressed inner states, which enables patients to better relate to other people in social environments. The therapy is often used to treat patients with two or more co-occurring personality disorders, commonly including obsessive-compulsive and avoidant behaviors. Coping mechanisms In order to cope with asocial behavior, many individuals, especially those with avoidant personality disorder, develop an inner world of fantasy and imagination to entertain themselves when feeling rejected by peers. Asocial people may frequently imagine themselves in situations where they are accepted by others or have succeeded at an activity. Additionally, they may have fantasies relating to memories of early childhood and close family members. See also Anti-social behaviour Conformity Disorders of diminished motivation Dissent Hermit Hikikomori Introspection Recluse Seclusion Silent treatment Social isolation Solitude References Further reading Interpersonal relationships

Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health

Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health, sometimes abbreviated as DMSMH, is a book by L. Ron Hubbard about Dianetics, a pseudoscientific system that would later become part of Scientology. Hubbard claimed to have developed it from a combination of personal experience, basic principles of Eastern philosophy and the work of Sigmund Freud. The book is considered part of Scientology's canon. It is colloquially referred to by Scientologists as Book One. The book launched the movement, which later defined itself as a religion, in 1950. As of 2013, New Era Publications, the international publishing company of Hubbard's works, sells the book in English and in 50 other languages. In this book, Hubbard wrote that he had isolated the "dynamic principle of existence", which he states as the basic command Survive!, and presents his description of the human mind. He identified the source of human aberration as the "reactive mind", a normally hidden but always conscious area of the mind, and certain traumatic memories (engrams) stored in it. Dianetics describes counseling (or auditing) techniques which Hubbard claimed would get rid of engrams and bring major therapeutic benefits. The work was criticized by scientists and medical professionals, who note the work is pseudoscientific and observe that the claims presented in the book are written in superficially scientific language but without evidence. Despite this, Dianetics proved a major commercial success on its publication, although B. Dalton employees have stated these figures were inflated by Hubbard's Scientologist-controlled publisher, who had groups of Scientologists each purchase dozens or even hundreds of copies of Hubbard's books and who sold these back to the same retailers. Adam Clymer, a New York Times executive and journalist, said the newspaper examined the sales patterns of Hubbard's books and uncovered no instances in which vast quantities of books were being sold to single individuals. Background Before the publication of Dianetics, L. Ron Hubbard was a prolific writer for pulp magazines. He attended George Washington University engineering school, but did not graduate. The Church of Scientology considers the book Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health as a representation of Hubbard's concepts of "the human mind, its functions, and the problems related to these functions." Hubbard presented Dianetics as a "therapeutic technique with which can be treated all inorganic mental ills and all organic psychosomatic ills, with the assurance of complete cure in unselected cases." In this body of work, Hubbard also attested that human beings are motivated "only" by survival. According to Hubbard, the ideas in Dianetics were developed over twelve years of research, although many of his friends at the time said this claim is false. The first public outline of those ideas was an article in the pulp magazine Astounding Science Fiction, titled "Dianetics: A new science of the mind" appearing a few weeks before the publication of the book but published in the May 1950 issue of the magazine, the same month the book was published; the book-length article was later published as the book Dianetics: The Evolution of a Science. This advance publicity generated so much interest that in April 1950, Hubbard and Astounding editor John W. Campbell with other interested parties established the Hubbard Dianetic Research Foundation. Hubbard claimed to have written Dianetics in three weeks. His writing speed was assisted by a special IBM typewriter which accepted paper on a continuous roll and which had dedicated keys for common words like the or but. An early version of the book, Abnormal Dianetics, intended for the medical profession, was rejected by numerous publishers as well as the medical profession but was passed in mimeograph form from hand to hand and was later sold under the name Dianetics: The Original Thesis; the same book is published at present as The Dynamics of Life. Like other works by L. Ron Hubbard, Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health has been subject to continuous editing since its inception so that at present it hardly resembles the original 1950 edition. Content According to religion scholar Dorthe Refslund Christensen, in Scientology, DMSMH represents "the most elaborate of Hubbard's presentations on the human mind, its functions, and the problems related to these functions." The opening chapter presents the context of Dianetics as human beings being preoccupied with "finding a science of the mind that could not only isolate the common denominator of life and the goal of thought" but also isolate the only source of "strange illnesses and aberrations". Hubbard claims that the two answers to the question of human misery across time and civilizations have been religion and magical practices and modern psychotherapy that includes the practice of electroshocks and brain surgeries, which according to him, have turned patients into "helpless zombies". Dianetics, he claims is the answer to this dilemma. In the section "How to Read this Book", L. Ron Hubbard suggests to read right on through. An "Important Note" appeared in later editions of the book advising the reader to understand every word read. In the book, Hubbard uses two different and contradictory definitions for the word engram. In Book One, the Goal of Man, chapter 5, summary, Hubbard states the Fundamental Axioms of Dianetics, among which is "The engram is a moment of 'unconsciousness' containing physical pain or painful emotion and all perceptions and is not available to the analytical mind as experience." Later in the text, Hubbard writes of the engram in a footnote on page 74 of Book Two, chapter two, of the 2007 edition of Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health. The footnote reads: "The word engram in Dianetics is used in its severely accurate sense as a 'definite and permanent trace left by a stimulus on the protoplasm of a tissue'. It is considered as a unit group of stimuli impinged solely on the cellular being." In other words, Hubbard takes a definition previously debunked by biology and labels it Dianetics. Dianetics, in and of itself, thus presents nothing that was not already known to science in that area, while adding phenomena and functional systems that have no basis in fact. Robert Todd Carroll, writing in the Skeptic's Dictionary, characterises Hubbard's work as essentially anti-science, in that the claims made in the books are based not on peer-reviewed observation of phenomena, with its attendant blind testing, control groups etc., but rather on an a priori decision that a phenomenon exists–followed by an attempt to prove its validity. In Dianetics, to explain the abilities of a Clear, Hubbard makes use of tropes and special idioms and draws the attention away by pointing to old colloquialisms as the "mind's eye". Hubbard uses such terms as "optimum recall", "optimum individual", "What a Clear can do easily, quite a few people have, from time to time, been partially able to do in the past", "A clear uses imagination in its entirety", "Rationality, as divorced from aberration, can be studied in a Cleared person only", a Clear's intelligence is above normal, a Clear is free from all aberrations and the attributes of a Clear have never been previously included in a study of man and man's inherent abilities. After faithfully attributing all kinds of benefits to the Clear state, Hubbard finally admits "Until we obtain Clears, it remains obscure why such differences should exist" as if no Clear has ever been made or no Clear ever made it. L. Ron Hubbard was extremely apt and able in using these tropes to suit Dianetics presentation of a new reality. Through Dianetics, Hubbard claimed that most illnesses were psychosomatic and caused by engrams, including arthritis, dermatitis, allergies, asthma, coronary difficulties, eye trouble, bursitis, ulcers, sinusitis and migraine headaches. He further claimed that dianetic therapy could treat these illnesses, and also included cancer and diabetes as conditions that Dianetic research was focused on. In 1951, Consumer Report announced a one-month $500 course, based on the recently published Dianetics, open to anyone and intended to produce the Clear, the goal of Dianetic therapy. The report on "a new cult" places Dianetics beyond the scope of medical practice. According to Hubbard, the book Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health follows the original line of research: A) The discovery of the dynamic principle of existence and its meaning. B) The discovery of the source of aberration: the reactive mind. C) Therapy and its application. Hubbard leaves out all the basic philosophy. Dianetics purports to reveal revolutionary discoveries about the source of psychosomatic illness, neuroses and other mental ailments, as well as an exact, infallible way of permanently curing them. Hubbard divides the human mind into an "analytic mind" which supposedly functions perfectly, and a "reactive mind" which is incapable of thinking or making distinctions. When the analytic mind is unconscious, the reactive mind physically records memories called "engrams". As a result of all stimuli it receives, the Reactive Mind is a mass of engrams, feeding the otherwise perfect Analytical Mind incorrect data. Misinterpretation of these Reactive Mind engrams by the analytical mind causes damage later in life. Actually, these engrams cause compulsions and repressions in later life. According to Hubbard, a person is affected in later life by the unconscious effects of these engrams. By a process called "Dianetic auditing", the book promises, people can achieve a superhuman state called "Clear" with superior IQ, morally pure intentions and greatly improved mental and physical health. In August 1950, Hubbard predicted that Clears would become the world's new aristocracy, although he admitted that he had not achieved the state himself. In welcoming expectancy, the Theosophist Magazine compares the Dianetic engram to the Theosophic permanent atom as these atoms receive and retransmit impressions received life after life so that as the ego descends to a new birth, the new incarnation receives the stored impressions of engrams from previous lives. As the appearance of a new science, it was not so explicitly stated in DMSMH but eventually, Hubbard would go into the exploration of past lives with Dianetics. A) The dynamic principle of existence: Survive! According to Hubbard, the basic discovery is not that man survives, but that he is solely motivated by survival. B) The single source of aberration: The Reactive Mind According to Hubbard, the Reactive Mind works solely on a stimulus-response basis and it stores not memories but engrams. In Dianetics, Hubbard mentions the post-hypnotic suggestion. This phenomenon of the post-hypnotic suggestion was described as far back as 1787. The development of Dynamic psychiatry dates back to the encounter between the physician Mesmer and the exorcist Johann Joseph Gassner. According to followers of the school of Dynamic Psychiatry, the advent of hypnotism signaled the discovery of the unconscious. At the Oak Knoll Naval Hospital, where he was being treated for ulcers, Hubbard studied hypnosis, psychological theory and other similar subjects; Hubbard was quite adept at hypnotism. According to Hubbard, it was trying to find what makes hypnotism such a wide variable that led to the discovery of the Reactive Mind. Dr. Roy Grinker and Dr. John Spiegel developed Narcosynthesis which was widely used by psychiatrists in World War II. In the book Dianetics Hubbard mentions Narcosynthesis or drug-hypnosis. However, Hubbard states that the technique of drug-hypnosis has been known for ages, both in ancient Greece and in the Orient. The technique of narcosynthesis is not used in Dianetics even though Hubbard may have been trained in it while in Naval Intelligence. A shot of sodium pentothal is administered as a truth serum. The technique is described on page 150 of the 2007 edition of Dianetics: the modern science of mental health. C) Therapy and its application The medical establishment completely rejected the new "science" for lack of experimental proof. Dianetics has never passed any scientific rigor. In 1953, Harvey Jay Fischer wrote the report Dianetic Therapy: an experimental evaluation concluding that "Dianetic does not systematically favorably or adversely influence the ability to perform" either intellectually, mathematically or resolving personality conflicts. According to Hubbard's son, DMSMH is not the result of any research whatsoever but a man's obsession with abortion and other phenomena of the unconscious, specially the occult and black magic. There is an entire chapter in DMSMH devoted to demonology. To maintain the "scientific" appearance of DMSMH, Hubbard decries the belief in demons. In DMSMH, demons are explained as electronic circuits. However, in Hubbard's later writings, entities begin to appear that possess man's physical body. These entities are spirits which Hubbard calls "thetans". What Hubbard does assert is that demonology is good business. A person is a thetan but the person's physical body is possessed by thetans called body thetans. To be spiritually free, a person would have to audit out all those other thetans in the body and that would take a great deal of time and a great deal of money. In advising the auditor to be uncommunicative, Hubbard was divorcing Dianetics from other psycho-therapies, as in psychoanalysis, where the therapist most obstinately offers a personal interpretation of what is happening in the patient's mind. Scientologist Harvey Jackins said of Dianetics therapy: "The results have been nearly uniform and positive. Apparently, the auditor (listener or therapist) can be very forthright and direct in seeking out the past traumatic experiences which are continuing to mar the rationality and well being of the person. Once located, the exhaustion of the distress and re-evaluation of the experience apparently leads uniformly to dramatic improvement in ability, emotional tone and well-being." Hubbard considered that to maintain silence around unconscious or injured persons is of the utmost importance in the prevention of aberration. After the publication of DMSMH, Hubbard moved to Cuba. There, the signs in every hospital zone are still prominently displayed: Hospital Silence. In a letter dated December 7, 1950, Ernest Hemingway's son Greg writes to his father mentioning that the publisher of Dianetics is coming down to Cuba to present Ernest with a copy in earnest. Hemingway's son's girlfriend is the publisher's daughter; Greg himself is working at the Hubbard Dianetic Research Foundation. On December 14, Hemingway answered: "The Dianetics king never sent the book so I bought one, but Miss Nita borrowed it and it is still outside of the joint. So have not been able to practice jumping back into the womb or any of those popular New York indoor sports and have to just continue to write them as I see them." According to Martin Gardner, the workability of Dianetics lies in the field of faith healing as most neurotics will react positively to something they have faith in. There is nothing extraordinary about Dianetics case histories as it is something quite common in faith healing. Finally, Hubbard gives fair warning to those who attempt to self-audit his DIY (do-it-yourself) Dianetic process. It cannot be done, says Hubbard, because every engram contains analytical attenuation. It is better to learn to audit the technique and apply it to others. Anyone engaged in self-auditing will only succeed in getting sick. However, in later developments of technique application Hubbard would develop "Solo Auditing" where auditor and preclear are one and the same except that in the procedure as always Hubbard would be obeyed to the letter. In Dianetics and Scientology, self-auditing always carries a bad connotation while solo auditing does not. As usual, Hubbard's particular use of nomenclature would win the day. Hubbard says in DMSMH that all civilizations have had two responses to the reality of human misery: first, "religion and magical practices", second, "modern psychotherapy", which according to him, "have exceeded the brutality of magic and religious practices by turning patients into helpless zombies." He also said that because man does not understand himself, he has developed "terrifying weapons", which is the reason that the earth is in war. Hubbard's response to the DSM-IV Hubbard was against the diagnosis of psychiatric disorders, saying it "is so much wasted time", since, "on the one hand, detailed diagnoses does not cure the patient and, on the other hand, the things the auditor needs to know to cure the patient will appear to him or her during auditing: the patient will talk about them." According to Christensen, Hubbard claims that there are only three things that need to be established instead of a diagnosis: "(1) Are his or her 'perceptics' over or under optimum? (2) How is the patient's ability to recall by utilizing the different perceptics? and (3) is he or she 'overusing' his or her imagination by recalling too many things or by too many perceptics?" Commentary on illness and disease Hubbard believed in the ability of Dianetics to cure illnesses, and also claimed that most pathologies had a psychosomatic origin. "Psychosomatic disorders were estimated by Hubbard to include 70 percent of all illnesses and were exemplified by asthma, arthritis, dermatitis, allergies, some coronary difficulties, eye trouble, bursitis, ulcers, sinusitis, migraine headaches etc., while mental disorders were neuroses, psychoses, compulsions, serious depressions, etc." Hubbard later stated that Dianetics had nothing to do with psychosomatic illness: "Dianetics today is a science of ability. It has no traffic with psychosomatic illness or aberration. It does not care a whit about these two things. Dianetics today can be prepared to expect out of an asylum, or off a mount, alike some benefit to mankind." Initial publication Dianetics was first published May 9, 1950, by Hermitage House, at One Madison Ave., a New York-based publisher of psychiatric textbooks whose president, Arthur Ceppos, was also on the Board of Directors of the Hubbard Dianetic Research Foundation. The book became a nationwide bestseller, selling over 150,000 copies within a year. Due to the interest generated, a multitude of "Dianetics clubs" and similar organizations were formed for the purpose of applying Dianetics techniques. Hubbard himself established a nationwide network of Dianetic Research Foundations, offering Dianetics training and processing for a fee. Dianetics blossomed into a national fad and was then denounced by psychologists. The original edition of the book included an introduction by J. A. Winter, M.D., who became the first medical director of the Hubbard Dianetic Research Foundation, an appendix on "The Philosophic Method" by Will Durant (reprinted from The Story of Philosophy, 1926), another on "The Scientific Method" by John W. Campbell and a third appendix by Donald H. Rogers. These contributions are omitted from editions of Dianetics published since about the start of the 1980s. Reception Despite its positive public reception, Dianetics was strongly criticized by scientists and medical professionals for its scientific deficiencies. The American Psychological Association passed a resolution about Dianetics in 1950 referring to "the fact that these claims are not supported by empirical evidence of the sort required for the establishment of scientific generalizations." Dianetics received very negative reviews from the majority of sources. An early review in The New Republic summed up the book as "a bold and immodest mixture of complete nonsense and perfectly reasonable common sense, taken from long-acknowledged findings and disguised and distorted by a crazy, newly invented terminology" and warned of medical risks: "it may prove fatal to have put too much trust in the promises of this dangerous book." Frederick L. Schuman, political science professor at Williams College in Williamstown, Massachusetts became an ardent follower of Dianetics and wrote indignant letters to those who reviewed Dianetics adversely including the New Republic and The New York Times. Schuman wrote a favorable article on Dianetics in the April 1951 issue of Better Homes and Gardens. Dianetics received two favourable reviews from medical doctors. Reviewing the book for Scientific American in 1951, physicist Isidor Isaac Rabi criticized the lack of either evidence or qualification, saying it "probably contains more promises and less evidence per page than has any publication since the invention of printing." An editorial in Clinical Medicine summarized the book as "a rumination of old psychological concepts, ... misunderstood and misinterpreted and at the same time adorned with the halo of the philosopher's stone and of an universal remedy", which had initiated "a new system of quackery of apparently considerable dimensions." According to Consumer Reports, the book over-extends scientific and cybernetic metaphors, and lacks the needed case reports, experimental replication and statistical data to back up its bold claims. Both Consumer Reports and Clinical Medicine also warned of the danger that the book would inspire unqualified people to harmfully intervene in others' mental problems. These warnings were echoed by psychoanalyst Erich Fromm, who contrasted the sophistication of Sigmund Freud's theories with the "oversimplified" and "propagandistic" ideas offered by Dianetics. The latter's extremely mechanistic view of the mind had no need for human values, conscience or any authority other than Hubbard himself. A similar point was made by psychologist Rollo May in The New York Times, arguing that Dianetics unwittingly illustrates the fallacy of trying to understand human nature by invariant mathematical models taken from mechanics. A review by semantics expert S. I. Hayakawa described Dianetics as fictional science, meaning that it borrows several linguistic techniques from science fiction to make fanciful claims seem plausible. Science fiction, he explained, relies on vividly conveying imaginary entities such as Martians and rayguns as though they were commonplace. Hubbard was doing this with his fantastic "discoveries", and the reviewer refers to the possibility that Hubbard might "succeed in concealing the distinction between his facts and his imaginings from himself." The review in The American Journal of Psychiatry made similar observations: "[Hubbard's] previous efforts in the realm of scientific fiction writing have subtly prepared him for that nice ignorance of reality without which he could not have developed this epic. Certain bits of internal evidence such as his insistence on the frequency of abortions, his cruel fathers, his unfaithful mothers, his blundering doctors, his arrogance toward authority, may indicate the author's own systematized paranoid delusions." Science writer Martin Gardner criticized the book's "repetitious, immature style" likening it to the grand pseudoscientific pronouncements of Wilhelm Reich. "Nothing in the book remotely resembles a scientific report", he wrote. Aleksei Shliapov, a columnist at the Russian paper Izvestia, said about Dianetics, "I think that our politicians should acquaint themselves with this book, since here is, as it were, a technology for how to become popular, how to acquire influence among the masses without having to appear a significant personality." More recently, the book has been described by Salon as "a fantastically dull, terribly written, crackpot rant", which covers a lack of credible evidence with mere insistence and The Daily Telegraph called it a "creepy bit of mind-mechanics" which would cause rather than cure depression. When Hubbard wrote the book in 1950, homosexuality was considered a pathological illness and in 1951 the DSM I listed it under Sexual Deviation which stance was reflected in passages of Dianetics where homosexuality is considered a mental illness. Besides the homosexual as sexual pervert, Hubbard also includes things such as lesbianism, sexual sadism and all the catalog of Ellis and Krafft-Ebing as being actually "quite ill physically". Karl Lashley spent decades looking for the engram which he abandoned in 1950 for non-localized memory. This was not the same type of engram described by Hubbard. However, Hubbard derived his ideas and the term "engram", from psychology sources, and biology. Richard Semon coined the term "engram" in 1904 and wrote extensively about it in 1921, decades before the publication of Dianetics. Publication history It is unclear how many editions there have been, but at least 60 printings are said to have been issued by 1988, almost all having been printed by the Church of Scientology and its related organizations. Current editions are published by Bridge Publications and New Era Publications, Scientology-owned imprints. Over twenty million copies have been sold according to the cover of the latest paperback books. The following statement is included on the copyright page of all editions: "This book is part of the works of L. Ron Hubbard, who developed Dianetics spiritual healing technology and Scientology applied religious philosophy. It is presented to the reader as a record of observations and research into the nature of mind and spirit, and not a statement of claims made by the author". According to Bridge Publications, 83 million copies of Dianetics were sold in the forty years after publication. According to Nielsen BookScan, the book has sold 52,000 copies between 2001 and 2005. The book has been very aggressively marketed, often in ways that are unusual for the book industry, for instance appearing as one of the twelve sponsors of the Goodwill Games under a $4 million agreement between Bridge Publications and Turner Broadcasting System. Bridge Publications also sponsors NASCAR racer and Scientologist Kenton Gray, who races as the "Dianetics Racing Team" and whose No. 27 Ford Taurus is decorated with Dianetics logos. Various sources allege that the book's continued sales have been manipulated by the Church of Scientology and its related organizations ordering followers to buy up new editions to boost sales figures. According to a Los Angeles Times exposé published in 1990, "sales of Hubbard's books apparently got an extra boost from Scientology followers and employees of the publishing firm [Bridge Publications]. Showing up at major book outlets like B. Dalton and Waldenbooks, they purchased armloads of Hubbard's works, according to former employees." Members are asked to contribute by placing Dianetics in public libraries. However, Dianetics was not added to the collection of the Brooklyn Public Library on the basis of a negative review. Role in Scientology Scientologists regard the publication of Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health as a key historical event for their movement and the world, and refer to the book as Book One. In Scientology, years are numbered relative to the first publication of the book: 1990, for example, being "40 AD" (After Dianetics). The book is promoted as "a milestone for Man comparable to his discovery of fire and superior to his inventions of the wheel and the arch." Dianetics is still heavily promoted today by the Church of Scientology and has been advertised widely on television and in print. Indeed, it has been alleged that the Church has asked its members to purchase large quantities of the book with their own money, or with money supplied by the Church, for the sole purpose of keeping the book on the New York Times Best Seller list. Hubbard described the book as a key asset for getting people in Scientology: The Church of Scientology has been explicit about using Dianetics' sponsorship of the Goodwill Games to boost Scientology membership. The Church's internal journal for Scientologists, International Scientology News, has stated that: Cover imagery Dianetics uses the image of an exploding volcano, both on the covers of post-1967 editions, and in advertising. A giant billboard built in Sydney, Australia, measured 33 m (100 ft) wide and 10 m (30 ft) high and depicted an erupting volcano with "non-toxic smoke". Hubbard told his marketing staff that this imagery would make the books irresistible to purchasers by reactivating unconscious memories. According to Hubbard, the volcano recalls the incident in which galactic overlord Xenu placed billions of his people around Earth's volcanoes and killed them there by blowing them up with hydrogen bombs. A representative of the Church of Scientology has confirmed in court that the Dianetics volcano is indeed linked with the "catastrophe" wrought by Xenu. Bent Corydon, a former Scientology mission holder, recounted that: See also Scientology bibliography A Doctor's Report on Dianetics References Further reading Corydon, Bent. L. Ron Hubbard: Madman or Messiah?. Lyle Stuart, Inc. (1987) External links Official Dianetics website Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health (official page at Bridge Publications) 1950 books Books published by the Church of Scientology English-language books Pseudoscience literature Self-help books Works by L. Ron Hubbard

Physical fitness

Physical fitness is a state of health and well-being and, more specifically, the ability to perform aspects of sports, occupations, and daily activities. Physical fitness is generally achieved through proper nutrition, moderate-vigorous physical exercise, and sufficient rest along with a formal recovery plan. Before the Industrial Revolution, fitness was defined as the capacity to carry out the day's activities without undue fatigue or lethargy. However, with automation and changes in lifestyles, physical fitness is now considered a measure of the body's ability to function efficiently and effectively in work and leisure activities, to be healthy, to resist hypokinetic diseases, to improve immune system function, and to meet emergency situations. Overview Fitness is defined as the quality or state of being fit and healthy. Around 1950, perhaps consistent with the Industrial Revolution and the treatise of World War II, the term "fitness" increased in western vernacular by a factor of ten. The modern definition of fitness describes either a person or machine's ability to perform a specific function or a holistic definition of human adaptability to cope with various situations. This has led to an interrelation of human fitness and physical attractiveness that has mobilized global fitness and fitness equipment industries. Regarding specific function, fitness is attributed to persons who possess significant aerobic or anaerobic ability (i.e., endurance or strength). A well-rounded fitness program improves a person in all aspects of fitness compared to practicing only one, such as only cardio/respiratory or only weight training. A comprehensive fitness program tailored to an individual typically focuses on one or more specific skills, and on age- or health-related needs such as bone health. Many sources also cite mental, social and emotional health as an important part of overall fitness. This is often presented in textbooks as a triangle made up of three points, which represent physical, emotional, and mental fitness. Physical fitness has been shown to have benefits in preventing ill health and assisting recovery from injury or illness. Along with the physical health benefits of fitness, it has also been shown to have a positive impact on mental health as well by assisting in treating anxiety and depression. Physical fitness can also prevent or treat many other chronic health conditions brought on by unhealthy lifestyle or aging as well and has been listed frequently as one of the most popular and advantageous self-care therapies. Working out can also help some people sleep better by building up sleeping pressure and possibly alleviate some mood disorders in certain individuals. Developing research has demonstrated that many of the benefits of exercise are mediated through the role of skeletal muscle as an endocrine organ. That is, contracting muscles release multiple substances known as myokines, which promote the growth of new tissue, tissue repair, and various anti-inflammatory functions, which in turn reduce the risk of developing various inflammatory diseases. Activity guidelines The 2018 Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans were released by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to provide science-based guidance for people ages 3 years and older to improve their health by participating in regular physical activity. These guidelines recommend that all adults should move more and sit less throughout the day to improve health-related quality of life including mental, emotional, and physical health. For substantial health benefits, adults should perform at least 150 to 300 minutes of moderate-intensity, or 75 to 150 minutes per week of vigorous-intensity aerobic physical activity, or an equivalent combination of both spread throughout the week. The recommendation for physical activity to occur in bouts of at least 10 minutes has been eliminated, as new research suggests that bouts of any length contribute to the health benefits linked to the accumulated volume of physical activity. Additional health benefits may be achieved by engaging in more than 300 minutes (5 hours) of moderate-intensity physical activity per week. Adults should also do muscle-strengthening activities that are of moderate or greater intensity and involve all major muscle groups on two or more days a week, as these activities provide additional health benefits. Guidelines in the United Kingdom released in July 2011 include the following points: The intensity at which a person exercises is key, and light activity such as strolling and house work is unlikely to have much positive impact on the health of most people. For aerobic exercise to be beneficial, it must raise the heart rate and cause perspiration. A person should do a minimum of 150 minutes a week of moderate-intensity aerobic exercise. There are more health benefits gained if a person exercises beyond 150 minutes. Sedentary time (time spent not standing, such as when on a chair or in bed) is bad for a person's health, and no amount of exercise can negate the effects of sitting for too long. These guidelines are now much more in line with those used in the U.S., which also includes recommendations for muscle-building and bone-strengthening activities such as lifting weights and yoga. Exercise Aerobic exercise Cardiorespiratory fitness can be measured using VO2 max, a measure of the amount of oxygen the body can uptake and utilize. Aerobic exercise, which improves cardiorespiratory fitness and increase stamina, involves movement that increases the heart rate to improve the body's oxygen consumption. This form of exercise is an important part of all training regiments, whether for professional athletes or for the everyday person. Prominent examples of aerobic exercises include: Jogging – Running at a steady and gentle pace. This form of exercise is great for maintaining weight and building a cardiovascular base to later perform more intense exercises. Working on elliptical trainer – This is a stationary exercise machine used to perform walking, or running without causing excessive stress on the joints. This form of exercise is perfect for people with achy hips, knees, and ankles. Walking – Moving at a fairly regular pace for a short, medium or long distance. Treadmill training – Many treadmills have programs set up that offer numerous different workout plans. One effective cardiovascular activity would be to switch between running and walking. Typically warm up first by walking and then switch off between walking for three minutes and running for three minutes. Swimming – Using the arms and legs to keep oneself afloat in water and moving either forwards or backward. This is a good full-body exercise for those who are looking to strengthen their core while improving cardiovascular endurance. Cycling – Riding a bicycle typically involves longer distances than walking or jogging. This is another low-impact exercise on the joints and is great for improving leg strength. Anaerobic exercise Anaerobic exercise features high-intensity movements performed in a short period of time. It is a fast, high-intensity exercise that does not require the body to utilize oxygen to produce energy. It helps to promote strength, endurance, speed, and power; and is used by bodybuilders to build workout intensity. Anaerobic exercises are thought to increase the metabolic rate, thereby allowing one to burn additional calories as the body recovers from exercise due to an increase in body temperature and excess post-exercise oxygen consumption (EPOC) after the exercise ended. Prominent examples of anaerobic exercises include: Weight training – A common type of strength training for developing the strength and size of skeletal muscles. Isometric exercise – Helps to maintain strength. A muscle action in which no visible movement occurs and the resistance matches the muscular tension. Sprinting – Running short distances as fast as possible, training for muscle explosiveness. Interval training – Alternating short bursts (lasting around 30 seconds) of intense activity with longer intervals (three to four minutes) of less intense activity. This type of activity also builds speed and endurance. Training Specific or task-oriented fitness is a person's ability to perform in a specific activity, such as sports or military service, with a reasonable efficiency. Specific training prepares athletes to perform well in their sport. These include, among others: 100 m sprint: In a sprint, the athlete must be trained to work anaerobically throughout the race, an example of how to do this would be interval training. Century ride: Cyclists must be prepared aerobically for a bike ride of 100 miles or more. Middle distance running: Athletes require both speed and endurance to gain benefit out of this training. The hard-working muscles are at their peak for a longer period of time as they are being used at that level for the longer period of time. Marathon: In this case, the athlete must be trained to work aerobically, and their endurance must be built-up to a maximum. Many firefighters and police officers undergo regular fitness testing to determine if they are capable of the physically demanding tasks required of the job. Members of armed forces are often required to pass a formal fitness test. For example, soldiers of the U.S. Army must be able to pass the Army Physical Fitness Test (APFT). Hill sprints: Requires a high level of fitness to begin with; the exercise is particularly good for the leg muscles. The Army often trains to do mountain climbing and races. Plyometric and isometric exercises: An excellent way to build strength and increase muscular endurance. Sand running creates less strain on leg muscles than running on grass or concrete. This is because sand collapses beneath the foot, which softens the landing. Sand training is an effective way to lose weight and become fit, as more effort is needed (one and a half times more) to run on the soft sand than on a hard surface. Aquajogging is a form of exercise that decreases strain on joints and bones. The water supplies minimal impact to muscles and bones, which is good for those recovering from injury. Furthermore, the resistance of the water as one jogs through it provides an enhanced effect of exercise (the deeper you are, the greater the force needed to pull your leg through). Swimming: Squatting exercise helps in enhancing a swimmer's start. For physical fitness activity to benefit an individual, the exertion must trigger a sufficient amount of stimuli. Exercise with the correct amount of intensity, duration, and frequency can produce a significant amount of improvement. The person may overall feel better, but the physical effects on the human body take weeks or months to notice—and possibly years for full development. For training purposes, exercise must provide a stress or demand on either a function or tissue. To continue improvements, this demand must eventually increase little over an extended period of time. This sort of exercise training has three basic principles: overload, specificity, and progression. These principles are related to health but also enhancement of physical working capacity. High intensity interval training High-intensity interval training (HIIT) consists of repeated, short bursts of exercise, completed at a high level of intensity. These sets of intense activity are followed by a predetermined time of rest or low-intensity activity. Studies have shown that exercising at a higher intensity can have the effect of increasing cardiac benefits for humans when compared with exercising at a low or moderate level. When one's workout consists of a HIIT session, their body has to work harder to replace the oxygen it lost. Research into the benefits of HIIT have shown that it can be very successful for reducing fat, especially around the abdominal region. Furthermore, when compared to continuous moderate exercise, HIIT proves to burn more calories and increase the amount of fat burned post- HIIT session. Lack of time is one of the main reasons stated for not exercising; HIIT is a great alternative for those people because the duration of a HIIT session can be as short as 10 minutes, making it much quicker than conventional workouts. Effects Controlling blood pressure Physical fitness has been proven to support the body's blood pressure. Staying active and exercising regularly builds a stronger heart. The heart is the main organ in charge of systolic blood pressure and diastolic blood pressure. Engaging in a physical activity raises blood pressure. Once the subject stops the activity, the blood pressure returns to normal. The more physical activity, the easier this process becomes, resulting in a fitter cardiovascular profile. Through regular physical fitness, it becomes easier to create a rise in blood pressure. This lowers the force on the arteries, and lowers the overall blood pressure. Cancer prevention Centers for disease control and prevention provide lifestyle guidelines for maintaining a balanced diet and engaging in physical activity to reduce the risk of disease. The WCRF/ American Institute for Cancer Research (AICR) published a list of recommendations that reflect the dietary and exercise behaviors which are proven to reduce incidence of cancer. The WCRF/AICR recommendations include the following: Be as lean as possible without becoming underweight. Each week, adults should engage in at least 150 minutes of moderate-intensity physical activity or 75 minutes of vigorous-intensity physical activity. Children should engage in at least one hour of moderate or vigorous physical activity each week. Be physically active for at least thirty minutes every day. Avoid sugar, and limit the consumption of energy-packed foods. Balance one's diet with a variety of vegetables, grains, fruits, legumes, etc. Limit sodium intake and the consumption of red meats and processed meats. Limit alcoholic drinks to two for men and one for women a day. These recommendations are also widely supported by the American Cancer Society. The guidelines have been evaluated and individuals who have higher guideline adherence scores have substantially reduced cancer risk as well as improved outcomes of a multitude of chronic health problems. Regular physical activity is a factor that helps reduce an individual's blood pressure and improves cholesterol levels, two key components that correlate with heart disease and type 2 diabetes. The American Cancer Society encourages the public to "adopt a physically active lifestyle" by meeting the criteria in a variety of physical activities such as hiking, swimming, circuit training, resistance training, lifting, etc. It is understood that cancer is not a disease that can be cured by physical fitness alone, however, because it is a multifactorial disease, physical fitness is a controllable prevention. The large associations between physical fitness and reduced cancer risk are enough to provide a strategy of preventative interventions. The American Cancer Society asserts different levels of activity ranging from moderate to vigorous to clarify the recommended time spent on a physical activity. These classifications of physical activity consider intentional exercise and basic activities performed on a daily basis and give the public a greater understanding of what fitness levels suffice as future disease prevention. Inflammation Studies have shown an association between increased physical activity and reduced inflammation. It produces both a short-term inflammatory response and a long-term anti-inflammatory effect. Physical activity reduces inflammation in conjunction with or independent of changes in body weight. However, the mechanisms linking physical activity to inflammation are unknown. Immune system Physical activity boosts the immune system. This is dependent on the concentration of endogenous factors (such as sex hormones, metabolic hormones and growth hormones), body temperature, blood flow, hydration status and body position. Physical activity has been shown to increase the levels of natural killer (NK) cells, NK T cells, macrophages, neutrophils and eosinophils, complements, cytokines, antibodies and T cytotoxic cells. However, the mechanism linking physical activity to immune system is not fully understood. Weight control Achieving resilience through physical fitness promotes a vast and complex range of health-related benefits. Individuals who keep up physical fitness levels generally regulate their distribution of body fat and prevent obesity. Studies prove that running uses calories in the body that come from the macronutrients eaten daily. In order for the body to be able to run, it will use those ingested calories, therefore it will burn calories. Abdominal fat, specifically visceral fat, is most directly affected by engaging in aerobic exercise. Strength training has been known to increase the amount of muscle in the body, however, it can also reduce body fat. Sex steroid hormones, insulin, and appropriate immune responses are factors that mediate metabolism in relation to abdominal fat. Therefore, physical fitness provides weight control through regulation of these bodily functions. Menopause and physical fitness Menopause is often said to have occurred when a woman has had no vaginal bleeding for over a year since her last menstrual cycle. There are a number of symptoms connected to menopause, most of which can affect the quality of life of a woman involved in this stage of her life. One way to reduce the severity of the symptoms is to exercise and keep a healthy level of fitness. Prior to and during menopause, as the female body changes, there can be physical, physiological or internal changes to the body. These changes can be reduced or even prevented with regular exercise. These changes include: Preventing weight gain: around menopause women tend to experience a reduction in muscle mass and an increase in fat levels. Increasing the amount of physical exercise undertaken can help to prevent these changes. Reducing the risk of breast cancer: weight loss from regular exercise may offer protection from breast cancer. Strengthening bones: physical activity can slow the bone loss associated with menopause, reducing the chance of bone fractures and osteoporosis. Reducing the risk of disease: excess weight can increase the risk of heart disease and type 2 diabetes, and regular physical activity can counter these effects. Boosting mood: being involved in regular activities can improve psychological health, an effect that can be seen at any age and not just during or after menopause. The Melbourne Women's Midlife Health Project followed 438 women over an eight-year period providing evidence showing that even though physical activity was not associated with vasomotor symptoms (more commonly known as hot flashes) in this cohort at the beginning, women who reported they were physically active every day at the beginning were 49% less likely to have reported bothersome hot flushes. This is in contrast to women whose level of activity decreased and were more likely to experience bothersome hot flushes. Mental health Studies have shown that physical activity can improve mental health and well-being. This improvement is due to an increase in blood flow to the brain, allowing for the release of hormones as well as a decrease of stress hormone levels in the body (e.g., cortisol, adrenaline) while also stimulating the human body's mood boosters and natural painkillers. Not only does exercise release these feel-good hormones, it can also help relieve stress and help build confidence. The same way exercising can help humans to have a healthier life, it also can improve sleep quality. Based on studies, even 10 minutes of exercise per day can help insomnia. These trends improve as physical activity is performed on a consistent basis, which makes exercise effective in relieving symptoms of depression and anxiety, positively impacting mental health and bringing about several other benefits. For example: Physical activity has been linked to the alleviation of depression and anxiety symptoms. In patients with schizophrenia, physical fitness has been shown to improve their quality of life and decrease the effects of schizophrenia. Being fit can improve one's self-esteem. Working out can improve one's mental alertness and it can reduce fatigue. Studies have shown a reduction in stress levels. Increased opportunity for social interaction, allowing for improved social skills To achieve some of these benefits, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention suggests at least 30–60 minutes of exercise 3-5 times a week. Different forms of exercise have been proven to improve mental health and reduce the risk of depression, anxiety, and suicide. Benefits of Exercise on Mental health include ... Improved sleep, Stress relief, Improvement in mood, Increased energy and stamina, Reduced tiredness that can increase mental alertness. There are beneficial effects for mental health as well as physical health when it comes to exercise. History In the 1940s, an emigrant M.D. from Austria named Hans Kraus began testing children in the U.S. and Europe for what he termed, "Muscular Fitness." (in other words, muscular functionality) Through his testing, he found children in the U.S. to be far less physically capable than European children. Kraus published some alarming papers in various journals and got the attention of some powerful people, including a senator from Pennsylvania who took the findings to President Dwight D. Eisenhower. President Eisenhower was "shocked." He set up a series of conferences and committees; then in July 1956, Eisenhower established the President's Council on Youth Fitness. In Greece, physical fitness was considered to be an essential component of a healthy life and it was the norm for men to frequent a gymnasium. Physical fitness regimes were also considered to be of paramount importance in a nation's ability to train soldiers for an effective military force. Partly for these reasons, organized fitness regimes have been in existence throughout known history and evidence of them can be found in many countries. Gymnasiums which would seem familiar today began to become increasingly common in the 19th century. The industrial revolution had led to a more sedentary lifestyle for many people and there was an increased awareness that this had the potential to be harmful to health. This was a key motivating factor for the forming of a physical culture movement, especially in Europe and the USA. This movement advocated increased levels of physical fitness for men, women, and children and sought to do so through various forms of indoor and outdoor activity, and education. In many ways, it laid the foundations for modern fitness culture. Education The following is a list of some institutions that educate people about physical fitness: American Council on Exercise (ACE) National Academy of Sports Medicine (NASM) International Sports Science Association (ISSA) See also References External links Physical exercise Strength training

Relativism

Relativism is a family of philosophical views which deny claims to objectivity within a particular domain and assert that valuations in that domain are relative to the perspective of an observer or the context in which they are assessed. There are many different forms of relativism, with a great deal of variation in scope and differing degrees of controversy among them. Moral relativism encompasses the differences in moral judgments among people and cultures. Epistemic relativism holds that there are no absolute principles regarding normative belief, justification, or rationality, and that there are only relative ones. Alethic relativism (also factual relativism) is the doctrine that there are no absolute truths, i.e., that truth is always relative to some particular frame of reference, such as a language or a culture (cultural relativism). Some forms of relativism also bear a resemblance to philosophical skepticism. Descriptive relativism seeks to describe the differences among cultures and people without evaluation, while normative relativism evaluates the word truthfulness of views within a given framework. Forms of relativism Anthropological versus philosophical relativism Anthropological relativism refers to a methodological stance, in which the researcher suspends (or brackets) their own cultural prejudice while trying to understand beliefs or behaviors in their contexts. This has become known as methodological relativism, and concerns itself specifically with avoiding ethnocentrism or the application of one's own cultural standards to the assessment of other cultures. This is also the basis of the so-called "emic" and "etic" distinction, in which: An emic or insider account of behavior is a description of a society in terms that are meaningful to the participant or actor's own culture; an emic account is therefore culture-specific, and typically refers to what is considered "common sense" within the culture under observation. An etic or outsider account is a description of a society by an observer, in terms that can be applied to other cultures; that is, an etic account is culturally neutral, and typically refers to the conceptual framework of the social scientist. (This is complicated when it is scientific research itself that is under study, or when there is theoretical or terminological disagreement within the social sciences.) Philosophical relativism, in contrast, asserts that the truth of a proposition depends on the metaphysical, or theoretical frame, or the instrumental method, or the context in which the proposition is expressed, or on the person, groups, or culture who interpret the proposition. Methodological relativism and philosophical relativism can exist independently from one another, but most anthropologists base their methodological relativism on that of the philosophical variety. Descriptive versus normative relativism The concept of relativism also has importance both for philosophers and for anthropologists in another way. In general, anthropologists engage in descriptive relativism ("how things are" or "how things seem"), whereas philosophers engage in normative relativism ("how things ought to be"), although there is some overlap (for example, descriptive relativism can pertain to concepts, normative relativism to truth). Descriptive relativism assumes that certain cultural groups have different modes of thought, standards of reasoning, and so forth, and it is the anthropologist's task to describe, but not to evaluate the validity of these principles and practices of a cultural group. It is possible for an anthropologist in his or her fieldwork to be a descriptive relativist about some things that typically concern the philosopher (e.g., ethical principles) but not about others (e.g., logical principles). However, the descriptive relativist's empirical claims about epistemic principles, moral ideals and the like are often countered by anthropological arguments that such things are universal, and much of the recent literature on these matters is explicitly concerned with the extent of, and evidence for, cultural or moral or linguistic or human universals. The fact that the various species of descriptive relativism are empirical claims may tempt the philosopher to conclude that they are of little philosophical interest, but there are several reasons why this is not so. First, some philosophers, notably Kant, argue that certain sorts of cognitive differences between human beings (or even all rational beings) are impossible, so such differences could never be found to obtain in fact, an argument that places a priori limits on what empirical inquiry could discover and on what versions of descriptive relativism could be true. Second, claims about actual differences between groups play a central role in some arguments for normative relativism (for example, arguments for normative ethical relativism often begin with claims that different groups in fact have different moral codes or ideals). Finally, the anthropologist's descriptive account of relativism helps to separate the fixed aspects of human nature from those that can vary, and so a descriptive claim that some important aspect of experience or thought does (or does not) vary across groups of human beings tells us something important about human nature and the human condition. Normative relativism concerns normative or evaluative claims that modes of thought, standards of reasoning, or the like are only right or wrong relative to a framework. 'Normative' is meant in a general sense, applying to a wide range of views; in the case of beliefs, for example, normative correctness equals truth. This does not mean, of course, that framework-relative correctness or truth is always clear, the first challenge being to explain what it amounts to in any given case (e.g., with respect to concepts, truth, epistemic norms). Normative relativism (say, in regard to normative ethical relativism) therefore implies that things (say, ethical claims) are not simply true in themselves, but only have truth values relative to broader frameworks (say, moral codes). (Many normative ethical relativist arguments run from premises about ethics to conclusions that assert the relativity of truth values, bypassing general claims about the nature of truth, but it is often more illuminating to consider the type of relativism under question directly.) Legal relativism In English common law, two (perhaps three) separate standards of proof are recognized: proof based on the balance of probabilities is the lesser standard used in civil litigation, which cases mostly concern money or some other penalty, that, if further and better evidence should emerge, is reasonably reversible. proof beyond reasonable doubt is used in criminal law cases where an accused's right to personal freedom or survival is in question, because such punishment is not reasonably reversible. Absolute truth is so complex as to be only capable of being fully understood by the omniscient established during the Tudor period as the one true God Related and contrasting positions Relationism is the theory that there are only relations between individual entities, and no intrinsic properties. Despite the similarity in name, it is held by some to be a position distinct from relativism—for instance, because "statements about relational properties [...] assert an absolute truth about things in the world". On the other hand, others wish to equate relativism, relationism and even relativity, which is a precise theory of relationships between physical objects: Nevertheless, "This confluence of relativity theory with relativism became a strong contributing factor in the increasing prominence of relativism". Whereas previous investigations of science only sought sociological or psychological explanations of failed scientific theories or pathological science, the 'strong programme' is more relativistic, assessing scientific truth and falsehood equally in a historic and cultural context. Criticisms A common argument against relativism suggests that it inherently refutes itself: the statement "all is relative" classes either as a relative statement or as an absolute one. If it is relative, then this statement does not rule out absolutes. If the statement is absolute, on the other hand, then it provides an example of an absolute statement, proving that not all truths are relative. However, this argument against relativism only applies to relativism that positions truth as relative–i.e. epistemological/truth-value relativism. More specifically, it is only extreme forms of epistemological relativism that can come in for this criticism as there are many epistemological relativists who posit that some aspects of what is regarded as factually "true" are not universal, yet still accept that other universal truths exist (e.g. gas laws or moral laws). Another argument against relativism posits a Natural Law. Simply put, the physical universe works under basic principles: the "Laws of Nature". Some contend that a natural Moral Law may also exist, for example as argued by, Immanuel Kant in Critique of Practical Reason, Richard Dawkins in The God Delusion (2006) and addressed by C. S. Lewis in Mere Christianity (1952). Dawkins said "I think we face an equal but much more sinister challenge from the left, in the shape of cultural relativism - the view that scientific truth is only one kind of truth and it is not to be especially privileged". Philosopher Hilary Putnam, among others, states that some forms of relativism make it impossible to believe one is in error. If there is no truth beyond an individual's belief that something is true, then an individual cannot hold their own beliefs to be false or mistaken. A related criticism is that relativizing truth to individuals destroys the distinction between truth and belief. Views Philosophical Ancient Sophism Sophists are considered the founding fathers of relativism in Western philosophy. Elements of relativism emerged among the Sophists in the 5th century BC. Notably, it was Protagoras who coined the phrase, "Man is the measure of all things: of things which are, that they are, and of things which are not, that they are not." The thinking of the Sophists is mainly known through their opponent, Plato. In a paraphrase from Plato's dialogue Theaetetus, Protagoras said: "What is true for you is true for you, and what is true for me is true for me." Modern Bernard Crick Bernard Crick, a British political scientist and advocate of relativism, suggested in In Defence of Politics (1962) that moral conflict between people is inevitable. He thought that only ethics can resolve such conflict, and when that occurs in public it results in politics. Accordingly, Crick saw the process of dispute resolution, harms reduction, mediation or peacemaking as central to all of moral philosophy. He became an important influence on feminists and later on the Greens. Paul Feyerabend Philosopher of science Paul Feyerabend is often considered to be a relativist, although he denied being one. Feyerabend argued that modern science suffers from being methodologically monistic (the belief that only a single methodology can produce scientific progress). Feyerabend summarises his case in Against Method with the phrase "anything goes". In an aphorism [Feyerabend] often repeated, "potentially every culture is all cultures". This is intended to convey that world views are not hermetically closed, since their leading concepts have an "ambiguity" - better, an open-endedness - which enables people from other cultures to engage with them. [...] It follows that relativism, understood as the doctrine that truth is relative to closed systems, can get no purchase. [...] For Feyerabend, both hermetic relativism and its absolutist rival [realism] serve, in their different ways, to "devalue human existence". The former encourages that unsavoury brand of political correctness which takes the refusal to criticise "other cultures" to the extreme of condoning murderous dictatorship and barbaric practices. The latter, especially in its favoured contemporary form of "scientific realism", with the excessive prestige it affords to the abstractions of "the monster 'science'", is in bed with a politics which likewise disdains variety, richness and everyday individuality - a politics which likewise "hides" its norms behind allegedly neutral facts, "blunts choices and imposes laws". Thomas Kuhn Thomas Kuhn's philosophy of science, as expressed in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, is often interpreted as relativistic. He claimed that, as well as progressing steadily and incrementally ("normal science"), science undergoes periodic revolutions or "paradigm shifts", leaving scientists working in different paradigms with difficulty in even communicating. Thus the truth of a claim, or the existence of a posited entity, is relative to the paradigm employed. However, it is not necessary for him to embrace relativism because every paradigm presupposes the prior, building upon itself through history and so on. This leads to there being a fundamental, incremental, and referential structure of development which is not relative but again, fundamental. From these remarks, one thing is however certain: Kuhn is not saying that incommensurable theories cannot be compared - what they can't be is compared in terms of a system of common measure. He very plainly says that they can be compared, and he reiterates this repeatedly in later work, in a (mostly in vain) effort to avert the crude and sometimes catastrophic misinterpretations he suffered from mainstream philosophers and post-modern relativists alike. But Kuhn rejected the accusation of being a relativist later in his postscript: scientific development is ... a unidirectional and irreversible process. Later scientific theories are better than earlier ones for solving puzzles ... That is not a relativist's position, and it displays the sense in which I am a convinced believer in scientific progress. Some have argued that one can also read Kuhn's work as essentially positivist in its ontology: the revolutions he posits are epistemological, lurching toward a presumably 'better' understanding of an objective reality through the lens presented by the new paradigm. However, a number of passages in Structure do indeed appear to be distinctly relativist, and to directly challenge the notion of an objective reality and the ability of science to progress towards an ever-greater grasp of it, particularly through the process of paradigm change. In the sciences there need not be progress of another sort. We may, to be more precise, have to relinquish the notion, explicit or implicit, that changes of paradigm carry scientists and those who learn from them closer and closer to the truth. We are all deeply accustomed to seeing science as the one enterprise that draws constantly nearer to some goal set by nature in advance. But need there be any such goal? Can we not account for both science's existence and its success in terms of evolution from the community's state of knowledge at any given time? Does it really help to imagine that there is some one full, objective, true account of nature and that the proper measure of scientific achievement is the extent to which it brings us closer to that ultimate goal? George Lakoff and Mark Johnson George Lakoff and Mark Johnson define relativism in Metaphors We Live By as the rejection of both subjectivism and metaphysical objectivism in order to focus on the relationship between them, i.e. the metaphor by which we relate our current experience to our previous experience. In particular, Lakoff and Johnson characterize "objectivism" as a "straw man", and, to a lesser degree, criticize the views of Karl Popper, Kant and Aristotle. Robert Nozick In his book Invariances, Robert Nozick expresses a complex set of theories about the absolute and the relative. He thinks the absolute/relative distinction should be recast in terms of an invariant/variant distinction, where there are many things a proposition can be invariant with regard to or vary with. He thinks it is coherent for truth to be relative, and speculates that it might vary with time. He thinks necessity is an unobtainable notion, but can be approximated by robust invariance across a variety of conditions—although we can never identify a proposition that is invariant with regard to everything. Finally, he is not particularly warm to one of the most famous forms of relativism, moral relativism, preferring an evolutionary account. Joseph Margolis Joseph Margolis advocates a view he calls "robust relativism" and defends it in his books Historied Thought, Constructed World, Chapter 4 (California, 1995) and The Truth about Relativism (Blackwell, 1991). He opens his account by stating that our logics should depend on what we take to be the nature of the sphere to which we wish to apply our logics. Holding that there can be no distinctions which are not "privileged" between the alethic, the ontic, and the epistemic, he maintains that a many-valued logic just might be the most apt for aesthetics or history since, because in these practices, we are loath to hold to simple binary logic; and he also holds that many-valued logic is relativistic. (This is perhaps an unusual definition of "relativistic". Compare with his comments on "relationism".) To say that "True" and "False" are mutually exclusive and exhaustive judgements on Hamlet, for instance, really does seem absurd. A many-valued logicwith its values "apt", "reasonable", "likely", and so onseems intuitively more applicable to interpreting Hamlet. Where apparent contradictions arise between such interpretations, we might call the interpretations "incongruent", rather than dubbing either of them "false", because using many-valued logic implies that a measured value is a mixture of two extreme possibilities. Using the subset of many-valued logic, fuzzy logic, it can be said that various interpretations can be represented by membership in more than one possible truth set simultaneously. Fuzzy logic is therefore probably the best mathematical structure for understanding "robust relativism" and has been interpreted by Bart Kosko as philosophically being related to Zen Buddhism. It was Aristotle who held that relativism implies that we should, sticking with appearances only, end up contradicting ourselves somewhere if we could apply all attributes to all ousiai (beings). Aristotle, however, made non-contradiction dependent upon his essentialism. If his essentialism is false, then so too is his ground for disallowing relativism. (Subsequent philosophers have found other reasons for supporting the principle of non-contradiction.) Beginning with Protagoras and invoking Charles Sanders Peirce, Margolis shows that the historic struggle to discredit relativism is an attempt to impose an unexamined belief in the world's essentially rigid rule-like nature. Plato and Aristotle merely attacked "relationalism"the doctrine of true for l or true for k, and the like, where l and k are different speakers or different worldsor something similar (most philosophers would call this position "relativism"). For Margolis, "true" means true; that is, the alethic use of "true" remains untouched. However, in real world contexts, and context is ubiquitous in the real world, we must apply truth values. Here, in epistemic terms, we might tout court retire "true" as an evaluation and keep "false". The rest of our value-judgements could be graded from "extremely plausible" down to "false". Judgements which on a bivalent logic would be incompatible or contradictory are further seen as "incongruent", although one may well have more weight than the other. In short, relativistic logic is not, or need not be, the bugbear it is often presented to be. It may simply be the best type of logic to apply to certain very uncertain spheres of real experiences in the world (although some sort of logic needs to be applied in order to make that judgement). Those who swear by bivalent logic might simply be the ultimate keepers of the great fear of the flux. Richard Rorty Philosopher Richard Rorty has a somewhat paradoxical role in the debate over relativism: he is criticized for his relativistic views by many commentators, but has always denied that relativism applies to much anybody, being nothing more than a Platonic scarecrow. Rorty claims, rather, that he is a pragmatist, and that to construe pragmatism as relativism is to beg the question. '"Relativism" is the traditional epithet applied to pragmatism by realists' '"Relativism" is the view that every belief on a certain topic, or perhaps about any topic, is as good as every other. No one holds this view. Except for the occasional cooperative freshman, one cannot find anybody who says that two incompatible opinions on an important topic are equally good. The philosophers who get called 'relativists' are those who say that the grounds for choosing between such opinions are less algorithmic than had been thought.' 'In short, my strategy for escaping the self-referential difficulties into which "the Relativist" keeps getting himself is to move everything over from epistemology and metaphysics into cultural politics, from claims to knowledge and appeals to self-evidence to suggestions about what we should try.' Rorty takes a deflationary attitude to truth, believing there is nothing of interest to be said about truth in general, including the contention that it is generally subjective. He also argues that the notion of warrant or justification can do most of the work traditionally assigned to the concept of truth, and that justification is relative; justification is justification to an audience, for Rorty. In Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity he argues that the debate between so-called relativists and so-called objectivists is beside the point because they do not have enough premises in common for either side to prove anything to the other. Nalin de Silva In his book Mage Lokaya (My World), 1986, Nalin de Silva criticized the basis of the established western system of knowledge, and its propagation, which he refers as "domination throughout the world".He explained in this book that mind independent reality is impossible and knowledge is not found but constructed. Further he has introduced and developed the concept of "Constructive Relativism" as the basis on which knowledge is constructed relative to the sense organs, culture and the mind completely based on Avidya. Colin Murray Turbayne In his final book Metaphors for the Mind: The Creative Mind and Its Origins (1991), Colin Murray Turbayne joins the debate about relativism and realism by providing an analysis of the manner in which Platonic metaphors which were first presented in the procreation model of the Timaeus dialogue have evolved over time to influence the philosophical works of both George Berkeley and Emmanuel Kant. In addition, he illustrates the manner in which these ancient Greek metaphors have subsequently evolved to impact the development of the theories of "substance" and "attribute", which in turn have dominated the development of human thought and language in the 20th century. In his The Myth of Metaphor (1962) Turbayne argues that it is perfectly possible to transcend the limitations which are inherent in such metaphors, including those incorporated within the framework of classical "objective" mechanistic Newtonian cosmology and scientific materialism in general. In Turbayne's view, one can strive to embrace a more satisfactory epistemology by first acknowledging the limitations imposed by such metaphorical systems. This can readily be accomplished by restoring Plato's metaphorical model to its original state in which both "male" and "female" aspects of the mind work in concert within the context of a harmonious balance during the process of creation. Postmodernism The term "relativism" often comes up in debates over postmodernism, poststructuralism and phenomenology. Critics of these perspectives often identify advocates with the label "relativism". For example, the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis is often considered a relativist view because it posits that linguistic categories and structures shape the way people view the world. Stanley Fish has defended postmodernism and relativism. These perspectives do not strictly count as relativist in the philosophical sense, because they express agnosticism on the nature of reality and make epistemological rather than ontological claims. Nevertheless, the term is useful to differentiate them from realists who believe that the purpose of philosophy, science, or literary critique is to locate externally true meanings. Important philosophers and theorists such as Michel Foucault, Max Stirner, political movements such as post-anarchism or post-Marxism can also be considered as relativist in this sense - though a better term might be social constructivist. The spread and popularity of this kind of "soft" relativism varies between academic disciplines. It has wide support in anthropology and has a majority following in cultural studies. It also has advocates in political theory and political science, sociology, and continental philosophy (as distinct from Anglo-American analytical philosophy). It has inspired empirical studies of the social construction of meaning such as those associated with labelling theory, which defenders can point to as evidence of the validity of their theories (albeit risking accusations of performative contradiction in the process). Advocates of this kind of relativism often also claim that recent developments in the natural sciences, such as Heisenberg's uncertainty principle, quantum mechanics, chaos theory and complexity theory show that science is now becoming relativistic. However, many scientists who use these methods continue to identify as realist or post-positivist, and some sharply criticize the association. Religious Buddhism Madhyamaka Buddhism, which forms the basis for many Mahayana Buddhist schools and which was founded by Nāgārjuna. Nāgārjuna taught the idea of relativity. In the Ratnāvalī, he gives the example that shortness exists only in relation to the idea of length. The determination of a thing or object is only possible in relation to other things or objects, especially by way of contrast. He held that the relationship between the ideas of "short" and "long" is not due to intrinsic nature (svabhāva). This idea is also found in the Pali Nikāyas and Chinese Āgamas, in which the idea of relativity is expressed similarly: "That which is the element of light ... is seen to exist on account of [in relation to] darkness; that which is the element of good is seen to exist on account of bad; that which is the element of space is seen to exist on account of form." Madhyamaka Buddhism discerns two levels of truth: relative and ultimate. The two truths doctrine states that there are Relative or conventional, common-sense truth, which describes our daily experience of a concrete world, and Ultimate truth, which describes the ultimate reality as sunyata, empty of concrete and inherent characteristics. Conventional truth may be understood, in contrast, as "obscurative truth" or "that which obscures the true nature". It is constituted by the appearances of mistaken awareness. Conventional truth would be the appearance that includes a duality of apprehender and apprehended, and objects perceived within that. Ultimate truth is the phenomenal world free from the duality of apprehender and apprehended. Catholicism The Catholic Church, especially under John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI, has identified relativism as one of the most significant problems for faith and morals today. According to the Church and to some theologians, relativism, as a denial of absolute truth, leads to moral license and a denial of the possibility of sin and of God. Whether moral or epistemological, relativism constitutes a denial of the capacity of the human mind and reason to arrive at truth. Truth, according to Catholic theologians and philosophers (following Aristotle) consists of adequatio rei et intellectus, the correspondence of the mind and reality. Another way of putting it states that the mind has the same form as reality. This means when the form of the computer in front of someone (the type, color, shape, capacity, etc.) is also the form that is in their mind, then what they know is true because their mind corresponds to objective reality. The denial of an absolute reference, of an axis mundi, denies God, who equates to Absolute Truth, according to these Christian theologians. They link relativism to secularism, an obstruction of religion in human life. Leo XIII Pope Leo XIII (1810–1903) was the first known Pope to use the word "relativism", in his encyclical Humanum genus (1884). Leo condemned Freemasonry and claimed that its philosophical and political system was largely based on relativism. John Paul II John Paul II wrote in Veritatis Splendor As is immediately evident, the crisis of truth is not unconnected with this development. Once the idea of a universal truth about the good, knowable by human reason, is lost, inevitably the notion of conscience also changes. Conscience is no longer considered in its primordial reality as an act of a person's intelligence, the function of which is to apply the universal knowledge of the good in a specific situation and thus to express a judgment about the right conduct to be chosen here and now. Instead, there is a tendency to grant to the individual conscience the prerogative of independently determining the criteria of good and evil and then acting accordingly. Such an outlook is quite congenial to an individualist ethic, wherein each individual is faced with his own truth, different from the truth of others. Taken to its extreme consequences, this individualism leads to a denial of the very idea of human nature. In Evangelium Vitae (The Gospel of Life), he says: Freedom negates and destroys itself, and becomes a factor leading to the destruction of others, when it no longer recognizes and respects its essential link with the truth. When freedom, out of a desire to emancipate itself from all forms of tradition and authority, shuts out even the most obvious evidence of an objective and universal truth, which is the foundation of personal and social life, then the person ends up by no longer taking as the sole and indisputable point of reference for his own choices the truth about good and evil, but only his subjective and changeable opinion or, indeed, his selfish interest and whim. Benedict XVI In April 2005, in his homily during Mass prior to the conclave which would elect him as Pope, then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger talked about the world "moving towards a dictatorship of relativism": How many winds of doctrine we have known in recent decades, how many ideological currents, how many ways of thinking. The small boat of thought of many Christians has often been tossed about by these waves – thrown from one extreme to the other: from Marxism to liberalism, even to libertinism; from collectivism to radical individualism; from atheism to a vague religious mysticism; from agnosticism to syncretism, and so forth. Every day new sects are created and what Saint Paul says about human trickery comes true, with cunning which tries to draw those into error (cf Ephesians 4, 14). Having a clear Faith, based on the Creed of the Church, is often labeled today as a fundamentalism. Whereas, relativism, which is letting oneself be tossed and "swept along by every wind of teaching", looks like the only attitude acceptable to today's standards. We are moving towards a dictatorship of relativism which does not recognize anything as certain and which has as its highest goal one's own ego and one's own desires. However, we have a different goal: the Son of God, true man. He is the measure of true humanism. Being an "Adult" means having a faith which does not follow the waves of today's fashions or the latest novelties. A faith which is deeply rooted in friendship with Christ is adult and mature. It is this friendship which opens us up to all that is good and gives us the knowledge to judge true from false, and deceit from truth. On June 6, 2005, Pope Benedict XVI told educators: Today, a particularly insidious obstacle to the task of education is the massive presence in our society and culture of that relativism which, recognizing nothing as definitive, leaves as the ultimate criterion only the self with its desires. And under the semblance of freedom it becomes a prison for each one, for it separates people from one another, locking each person into his or her own 'ego'. Then during the World Youth Day in August 2005, he also traced to relativism the problems produced by the communist and sexual revolutions, and provided a counter-counter argument. In the last century we experienced revolutions with a common programme–expecting nothing more from God, they assumed total responsibility for the cause of the world in order to change it. And this, as we saw, meant that a human and partial point of view was always taken as an absolute guiding principle. Absolutizing what is not absolute but relative is called totalitarianism. It does not liberate man, but takes away his dignity and enslaves him. It is not ideologies that save the world, but only a return to the living God, our Creator, the Guarantor of our freedom, the Guarantor of what is really good and true. Pope Francis Pope Francis refers in Evangelii gaudium to two forms of relativism, "doctrinal relativism" and a "practical relativism" typical of "our age". The latter is allied to "widespread indifference" to systems of belief. Jainism Mahavira (599-527 BC), the 24th Tirthankara of Jainism, developed a philosophy known as Anekantavada. John Koller describes anekāntavāda as "epistemological respect for view of others" about the nature of existence, whether it is "inherently enduring or constantly changing", but "not relativism; it does not mean conceding that all arguments and all views are equal". Sikhism In Sikhism the Gurus (spiritual teachers) have propagated the message of "many paths" leading to the one God and ultimate salvation for all souls who tread on the path of righteousness. They have supported the view that proponents of all faiths can, by doing good and virtuous deeds and by remembering the Lord, certainly achieve salvation. The students of the Sikh faith are told to accept all leading faiths as possible vehicles for attaining spiritual enlightenment provided the faithful study, ponder and practice the teachings of their prophets and leaders. The holy book of the Sikhs called the Sri Guru Granth Sahib says: "Do not say that the Vedas, the Bible and the Koran are false. Those who do not contemplate them are false." Guru Granth Sahib page 1350; later stating: "The seconds, minutes, and hours, days, weeks and months, and the various seasons originate from the one Sun; O nanak, in just the same way, the many forms originate from the Creator." Guru Granth Sahib page 12,13. See also References Bibliography Maria Baghramian, Relativism, London: Routledge, 2004, Gad Barzilai, Communities and Law: Politics and Cultures of Legal Identities, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003, Andrew Lionel Blais, On the Plurality of Actual Worlds, University of Massachusetts Press, 1997, Benjamin Brown, Thoughts and Ways of Thinking: Source Theory and Its Applications. London: Ubiquity Press, 2017. . Ernest Gellner, Relativism and the Social Sciences, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, Rom Harré and Michael Krausz, Varieties of Relativism, Oxford, UK; New York, NY: Blackwell, 1996, Knight, Robert H. The Age of Consent: the Rise of Relativism and the Corruption of Popular Culture. Dallas, Tex.: Spence Publishing Co., 1998. xxiv, 253, [1] p. Michael Krausz, ed., Relativism: A Contemporary Anthology, New York: Columbia University Press, 2010, Martin Hollis, Steven Lukes, Rationality and Relativism, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1982, Joseph Margolis, Michael Krausz, R. M. Burian, Eds., Rationality, Relativism, and the Human Sciences, Dordrecht: Boston, M. Nijhoff, 1986, Jack W. Meiland, Michael Krausz, Eds. Relativism, Cognitive and Moral, Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1982, Markus Seidel, Epistemic Relativism: A Constructive Critique, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, External links Westacott, E. Relativism, 2005, Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy Westacott, E. Cognitive Relativism, 2006, Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy Professor Ronald Jones on relativism What 'Being Relative' Means, a passage from Pierre Lecomte du Nouy's "Human Destiny" (1947) BBC Radio 4 series "In Our Time", on Relativism - the battle against transcendent knowledge, 19 January 2006 Against Relativism, by Christopher Noriss The Catholic Encyclopedia Harvey Siegel reviews Paul Boghossian's Fear of Knowledge Epistemological schools and traditions