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Freedom and Culture Dictatorships exist not only through coercion but also by appealing to certain idealistic elements in people, such as solidarity or the appeal of sharing in the creation of a new system. Public education and press free from government control can be as much a tool for totalitarianism as they are a tool for democracy. They surround the citizens, who in a modern state do not have direct contact with the events that affect them, with "ready made intellectual goods", making them susceptible to propaganda. According to Dewey, the leaders of the American rebellion against the British were motivated by restrictions placed on industry and trade and by high taxation | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Freedom and Culture This was rationalized into the idea that all government not self-imposed is foreign to human nature and human rights. This simple theory of democracy was a product of the simple conditions under which it was formulated: There is a widespread desire in human nature for personal freedom - release from dominion over personal beliefs and conduct. The main threat to freedom is the tendency of government officials to extend their power. Therefore, guarantees against abuse of government power are enough to guarantee freedom. This idea is very influential in the U.S. A view that economic development is having an anti-democratic effect and should be controlled by government is more modern and its existence is an indication that conditions have changed dramatically | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Freedom and Culture Conditions have become more complex, and impersonal forces have been set in motion on unprecedented scale, resulting in loss of personal control over the personal situation. Modern conditions have rendered the assumed harmony between liberty and equality invalid. Also, the tendency toward organization by both labor and capital, that is inherent in economic development, was seen in the original democratic theory as an anti-democratic force. The loss of control motivates both the working class and the capitalists to embrace totalitarian means in the hope of improving security, and distrust of organized labor and capital pushes the public to give more power, as a counterbalance, to a would-be dictator | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Freedom and Culture Can existing institutions be used to cope with modern problems? Socialists who favor non-revolutionary means suggest regulation of industry or ownership of industry by government. Theory and practice, however, do not show that the resulting situation is essentially different from that of capitalism, leaving the question of how to reconcile modern conditions with democracy open. This chapter is a critique of monistic Marxist theory in vogue at the time the book was written. Marxism asserts that social activities and relations are determined solely by economic conditions, rejecting other factors, associated with human behavior, as having any influence | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Freedom and Culture Original Marxist qualification to this position, allowing that existing social structures can have influence on subsequent events, is removed. Beyond economic determinism, Marxism states that all social change is the result of class warfare, which moves the workers toward liberation from past subjugation, and finally creates a classless society. This law is an economic paraphrase of the Hegelian dialectic idealism, in which conflict between ideas results in synthesis and harmony. Marxist theory was a creature of its time, a time when intellectual thought was dealing with social development (or "evolution"), causal necessity, Hegelian philosophy, economically based ideologies and the search for social theories | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Freedom and Culture Marxism is dated by its search for unifying causality, since while the idea of unifying causality was typical of mid 19th century science, it was abandoned in later scientific thought, to be replaced by the idea of invariance, which describes how different phenomena relate to each other, rather than ascribe a single cause for all phenomena. "The inherent theoretical weakness of Marxism is that it supposed a generalization that was made at a particular date and place (and made even then only by bringing observed facts under a premise drawn from a metaphysical source) can for continued resort to observation, and to continual revision of generalizations in their office of working hypotheses | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Freedom and Culture " Acceptance of Marxism was supported by its discussion of contemporary social phenomena - the struggle between capitalists and factory workers, and economic cycles and concentration. In both its structure and in its attraction based on addressing pressing social issues, Marxism is similar to a religious ideology. In the USSR, monistic Marxist theory has been accompanied by the anti-scientific devices of one party control of all communications and persecution of dissenters. Power has been given to a small group to apply the theory in specific cases, giving that group absolute coercive power derived from the absolute principle. This occurrence demonstrates that popular representation, multiple parties and constant criticism of government encourage freedom | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Freedom and Culture Despite the influence of economic factors in politics, these formal devices allow interplay of various tendencies whose result is greatly better than that of a monistic idea. "We cannot continue the idea that human nature when left to itself, when freed from external arbitrary restrictions, will tend to the production of democratic institutions that work successfully... We have to see that democracy means the belief that humanistic culture "should" prevail; we should be frank and open in our recognition that the proposition is a moral one- like any idea that concerns what "should" be." "Science through its physical and technological consequences is now determining the relations between human beings | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Freedom and Culture If it is incapable of developing moral techniques which will also determine these relations, the split in modern culture goes so deep that not only democracy but all civilized values are doomed. A culture that permits science to destroy traditional values but which distrusts its power to create new ones is a culture which is destroying itself." | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8294130 | Freedom and Culture |
Frenemy "Frenemy" (also spelled "frienemy") is an oxymoron and a portmanteau of "friend" and "enemy" that refers to "a person with whom one is friendly, despite a fundamental dislike or rivalry" or "a person who combines the characteristics of a friend and an enemy". The term is used to describe personal, geopolitical and commercial relationships both among individuals and groups or institutions. This term also describes a competitive friendship. The word originates from the aristocratic Mitford sisters, of literary and social fame. The American-based author and activist Jessica Mitford who circulated it, stated it was: "an incredibly useful word…coined by one of my sisters when she was a small child to describe a rather dull little girl who lived near us | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8301203 | Frenemy |
Frenemy My sister and the frenemy played together constantly…all the time disliking each other heartily." "Frenemy" has appeared in print as early as 1953 in an article titled "Howz about calling the Russians our Frienemies?" by the American gossip columnist Walter Winchel in the "Nevada State Journal" From the mid-1990s it underwent a massive hike in usage. A "Businessweek" article stated that frenemies in the workplace are common, even in business to business partnerships. Due to increasingly informal environments and the "abundance of very close, intertwined relationships that bridge people's professional and personal lives .. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8301203 | Frenemy |
Frenemy [while] it certainly wasn't unheard of for people to socialize with colleagues in the past, the sheer amount of time that people spend at work now has left a lot of people with less time and inclination to develop friendships outside of the office." Professional relationships are successful when two or more business partners come together and benefit from one another, but personal relationships require more common interests outside of business. Relationships in the workplace, in a sports club, or any place that involves performance comparing, form because of the commonalities between persons. Due to the intense environment, competitiveness can evolve into envy and strain a relationship | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8301203 | Frenemy |
Frenemy type relationships become routine and common because of the shared interest of business dealings or competition. Sigmund Freud said of himself that “an intimate friend and a hated enemy have always been indispensable to my emotional life…not infrequently…friend and enemy have coincided in the same person”. Frenemies can be divided into different categories based on their behaviors: needs help or a favor, then they can be considered as a one-sided frenemy to the latter person. This person doesn't care about the life of the other person and doesn't have any interest in what is going on with the other. Also, they do not show up in time of the other's need. So, it is a one-sided relationship | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8301203 | Frenemy |
Frenemy friend, makes fun of them, cracks sarcastic jokes about them so frequently that it gets hard for them to tolerate. They discloses their secrets in public. So, that person will eventually start to hate this frenemy. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8301203 | Frenemy |
Right to petition The right to petition government for redress of grievances is the right to make a complaint to, or seek the assistance of, one's government, without fear of punishment or reprisals. In Europe, Article 44 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union ensures the right to petition to the European Parliament. Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany guarantees the right of petition to "competent authorities and to the legislature". The right to petition in the United States is granted by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution (1791). The prohibition of abridgment of the "right to petition" originally referred only to the Congress and the U.S. federal courts | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8313678 | Right to petition |
Right to petition The incorporation doctrine later expanded the protection of the right to its current scope, over all state and federal courts and legislatures, and the executive branches of the state and federal governments. The right to petition includes, under its umbrella, the petition. For example, in January 2006, the U.S. Senate considered S. 2180, an omnibus "ethics reform" bill. This bill contained a provision (Section 204) There are ongoing conflicts between organizations that wish to impose greater restrictions on citizen's attempts to influence or "lobby" policymakers. and the right of individuals, groups, and corporations (via corporate personhood), to lobby the government. Another controversial bill, the Executive Branch Reform Act, H.R | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8313678 | Right to petition |
Right to petition 984, would require over 8,000 Executive Branch officials to report into a public database nearly any "significant contact" from any "private party", a term that the bill defines to include almost all persons other than government officials. The bill defines "significant contact" to be any "oral or written communication (including electronic communication) . . . in which the private party seeks to influence official action by any officer or employee of the executive branch of the United States." This covers all forms of communication, one way or two ways, including letters, faxes, e-mails, phone messages, and petitions | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8313678 | Right to petition |
Right to petition The bill is supported by some organizations as an expansion of "government in the sunshine", but other groups oppose it as an infringing on the right to petition by making it impossible for citizens to communicate their views on controversial issues to government officials without those communications becoming a matter of public record. Ancient and Imperial Chinese dynasties recognised the right to petition for all subjects. Commoners could petition the Emperor to remove local officials. The Huabiao, a ceremonial column common in traditional Chinese architecture, is believed to have originated from signboards set up by ancient rulers to offer an avenue for the public to write petitions | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8313678 | Right to petition |
Right to petition In modern China the use of local petitioning bureaus remains common, however, those who remain dissatisfied still travel to the capital as a last resort to appeal to the central government. The National Public Complaints and Proposals Administration () and local bureaus of letters and calls receive suggestions and grievances. The officers then channel the issues to respective departments and monitor the progress of settlement, which they feedback to the filing parties. If unsatisfied, they can move up the hierarchy to bring complaints to the next higher level. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8313678 | Right to petition |
Declaration of Tokyo The is a set of international guidelines for physicians concerning torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment in relation to detention and imprisonment, which was adopted in October 1975 during the 29th General assembly of the World Medical Association, and later editorially updated by the WMA in France, May 2005 and 2006. It declares torture to be "contrary to the laws of humanity", and antithetical to the "higher purpose" of the physician, which is to "alleviate the distress of his or her fellow human being." The policy states that doctors should refuse to participate in, condone, or give permission for torture, degradation, or cruel treatment of prisoners or detainees | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8356507 | Declaration of Tokyo |
Declaration of Tokyo According to the policy, a prisoner who refuses to eat should not be fed artificially against his will, provided that he or she is judged to be rational. It is the privilege of the physician to practise medicine in the service of humanity, to preserve and restore bodily and mental health without distinction as to persons, to comfort and to ease the suffering of his or her patients. The utmost respect for human life is to be maintained even under threat, and no use made of any medical knowledge contrary to the laws of humanity | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8356507 | Declaration of Tokyo |
Declaration of Tokyo For the purpose of this Declaration, torture is defined as the deliberate, systematic or wanton infliction of physical or mental suffering by one or more persons acting alone or on the orders of any authority, to force another person to yield information, to make a confession, or for any other reason. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8356507 | Declaration of Tokyo |
Duality of structure is one of Anthony Giddens' coined phrases and main propositions in his explanation of structuration theory. The basis of the duality lies in the relationship the Agency has with the Structure. In the duality, the Agency has much more influence on its lived environment than past structuralist theory had granted. The key to Giddens' explanation is his focus on the knowledgeability of the agent and the fact that the agency cannot exist or be analyzed separately from its structure. They can only exist as a duality. The structural properties which he calls modalities help illustrate the dimensions of the duality | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8369046 | Duality of structure |
Duality of structure "By the duality of structure I mean that the structural properties of social systems are both the medium and the outcome of the practices that constitute those systems." The Structure has both rules and resources or constraints and enabling qualities. Language is often used to exemplify these modalities. The system of interaction includes in itself "rules" of the language such as syntax but also leaves room for interpretations or the creation of completely new words. The system of interaction is responsible for maintaining a certain standard of consistency in order for the language to make sense to both the speaker and the interpreter. At the same time, the completeness of the language can always be manipulated and changed through interaction by the agent | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8369046 | Duality of structure |
Duality of structure The phrase is used in Chomsky by John Lyons to illustrate the differences between human and animal communication. It is described there as "two levels of grammatical structure." The first being syntactic and the second being phonemes. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8369046 | Duality of structure |
Social dominance theory (SDT) is a theory of intergroup relations that focuses on the maintenance and stability of group-based social hierarchies. According to the theory, group-based inequalities are maintained through three primary intergroup behaviors: institutional discrimination, aggregated individual discrimination, and behavioral asymmetry. The theory proposes that widely shared cultural ideologies (i.e., legitimizing myths) provide the moral and intellectual justification for these intergroup behaviors. was first formulated in 1999 by psychology professors and researchers, Jim Sidanius and Felicia Pratto | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory The theory begins with the observation that human social groups tend to be organized according to group-based social hierarchies in societies that produce economic surplus. These hierarchies have a trimorphic (3-form) structure. This means that these hierarchies are based on (1) age (i.e., adults have more power and higher status than children), (2) sex (i.e., men have more power and higher status than women), and (3) arbitrary-set, which are group-based hierarchies that are culturally defined and do not necessarily exist in all societies. Arbitrary-set hierarchies can be based on ethnicity (e.g., Whites over Blacks in the U.S.), religion, nationality, and so on | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Human social hierarchies consist of a hegemonic group at the top and negative reference groups at the bottom. More powerful social roles are increasingly likely to be occupied by a hegemonic group member (for example, an older white male). Males are more dominant than females, and they possess more political power (the iron law of andrarchy). Most high-status positions are held by males. is a consideration of group conflict which describes human society as consisting of oppressive group-based hierarchy structures. The key principles of social dominance theory are: The reason that social hierarchies exist in human societies is that they were necessary for survival of inter-group competition during conflict over resources | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Essentially, groups organised in hierarchies were more efficient at combat than groups who were organised in other ways, giving a competitive advantage to groups disposed towards social hierarchies. explains the mechanisms of group hierarchy oppression using three basic mechanisms: These processes are driven by legitimizing myths, which are beliefs that justify social dominance: is a multi-level theory of how societies maintain group-based dominance. Proposed initially by Sidanius and Pratto (1999), the theory assumes that societies are based on social structures in which dominant groups have higher social status, political authority, power and wealth | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Thus, a group-based hierarchy in which dominant groups secure a disproportionate share of the good things in life whiles subordinate groups receives a disproportionate share of the bad stuff. Over time, such structures incorporate into a legitimized myth that serves to perpetuate and maintain this form of group-based hierarchy and creates an ideology that strengthens social dominance, creates intergroup oppression, discrimination and supports prejudice (Pratto & Stewart, 2012). Notably, social hierarchy is a universal feature that marks humanity. However, the nature of these hierarchical differences and inequality differs across cultures and societies. The theory identifies two aspects of myth legitimization | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Hierarchy enhancing legitimizing myth perpetuates inequality and maintains intergroup inequality, whereas hierarchy attenuating legitimizing myth decreases group-based inequalities and ensures equity. Myth legitimation has implications for human rights and social justice. For instance, hierarchy attenuating myths argue for a reduction of the disparities that exist between social groups in their access to resources, power, and legitimacy. Whiles hierarchy enhancing legitimizing myths suggest that some rights and privileges are reserved only for certain groups, serving to increase group-based inequality and social hierarchy | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Scales measuring social dominance orientation correlate robustly across countries with a variety of kinds of group prejudices (including sexism, sexual orientation prejudice, racism, nationalism) and with hierarchy - enhancing policies (Pratto & Stewart, 2012). Social dominance orientation correlates negatively with tolerance, egalitarianism, universalism, humanitarianism, and support for hierarchy - attenuating policies such as human rights (e.g. Pratto, Sidanius, & Levin, 2006 ). Researcher at University of Auckland, John Duckitt, accepts the concept of Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and attempts to pair it to a related set of beliefs, Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory A scale was produced to measure RWA, and it was focused on conventionalism, authoritarian aggression and authoritarian submission. These three core authoritarian characteristics were identified in the sociology book, "The Authoritarian Personality". Duckitt proposes a model in which RWA and SDO are produced by socialization in childhood, by personality, and by worldview beliefs. Punitive socialisation is hypothesised as a cause of social conformity. This conformity is predicted to lead to a view of the world as a dangerous, dog-eat-dog place. These correspond to high–RWA beliefs, and in turn influence ingroup and outgroup attitudes. Unaffectionate socialisation is hypothesised to cause tough-minded attitudes | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory This promotes a view of the world as competitive, similar to the jungle of the evolutionary past. The need to compete is aligned with high SDO, and, again, influences ingroup and outgroup attitudes. These two streams of causation may co-occur. Parenting styles may be both punitive and unaffectionate, and a competitive-jungle worldview is compatible with world–as–a-dangerous-place. Once established, high–RWA beliefs are hypothesised to promote high–SDO beliefs and vice versa. This predicts high correlations between the two, with environmental origins. On top of this, outgroup and ingroup attitudes may reinforce each other | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Duckitt further examines the complexities of the interaction between RWA, SDO and a variety of specific ideological/prejudicial beliefs and behaviour. For instance: Duckitt concludes that RWA and SDO have been well studied, and points out that this way of examining belief-paradigms and motivation-schemas could also be useful for examining anti-authoritarian-libertarian and egalitarian-altruistic ideologies. SDT is influenced by Marxist and socio-biological ideas. Marx described the oppressive hierarchy of hegemonic group(s) dominating negative reference groups, in his examples the bourgeoisie (owning class) dominate the proletariat (working class) by controlling capital (the means of production), not paying workers enough, and so on | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory However Marx thought that the working class would eventually grasp the solution to this oppression and destroy the bourgeoisie in a revolution. Legitimizing myths theory is about ideologies that explain and justify social systems. The term "myth" is meant to imply that everyone in society perceives these ideologies as explanations for how the world works, not whether or not they are true or false (indeed Sidanius and Pratto make no claims as to the truthfulness, morality or fairness of these ideologies). There are two functional types of legitimizing myths: (1) hierarchy-enhancing and (2) hierarchy-attenuating legitimizing myths. Hierarchy-enhancing ideologies (e.g., racism or meritocracy) contribute to greater levels of group-based inequality | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Hierarchy-attenuating ideologies (e.g., anarchism and feminism) contribute to greater levels of group-based equality. People endorse these different forms of ideologies based in part on their psychological orientation toward dominance and their desire for unequal group relations (i.e., their social dominance orientation; SDO). People who are higher on SDO tend to endorse hierarchy-enhancing ideologies, and people who are lower on SDO tend to endorse hierarchy-attenuating ideologies. SDT finally proposes that the relative counterbalancing of hierarchy-enhancing and -attenuating social forces stabilizes group-based inequality | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Various processes of hierarchical discrimination are driven by "legitimizing myths" (Sidanius, 1992), which are beliefs justifying social dominance, such as paternalistic myths (hegemony serves society, looks after incapable minorities), reciprocal myths (suggestions that hegemonic groups and outgroups are actually equal), and sacred myths (the divine right of kings, as a religion-approved mandate for hegemony to govern). Pratto et al. (1994) suggest the Western idea of meritocracy and individual achievement as an example of a legitimizing myth, and argues that meritocracy produces only an illusion of fairness. SDT draws on social identity theory, suggesting that social-comparison processes drive individual discrimination (ingroup favouritism) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Discriminatory acts (such as insulting remarks about minorities) are performed because they increase the actors' self-esteem. Consistent with the observation that, in patriarchal societies, males tend to be more dominant than females, SDT predicts that males will tend to have a higher social dominance orientation (SDO). As such males will tend to function as hierarchy enforcers, that is, they will carry out acts of discrimination such as the systematic terror by police officers (Sidanius, 1992) and the extreme example of death squads and concentration camps. This is supported by evidence such as police officers possessing measurably higher levels of SDO | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory SDT also predicts that males that carry out violent acts have been predisposed out of a conditioning called prepared learning. This learned fear readily enables males to commit acts to groups they fear. John C. Turner and Katherine J. Reynolds (2003) from the Australian National University published in the British Journal of Social Psychology a commentary on SDT titled "Why social dominance theory has been falsified" which outlined six fundamental criticisms based on internal inconsistencies: 1. That the supposed evolutionary basis of the social dominance drive is largely fantasy; 2. That the social and psychological substance of the theory does not follow from and indeed is at odds with the so-called ‘ubiquitous drive’; 3 | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory The meaning and role of ‘social dominance orientation’ (SDO), the trait variable that dominates the research, are rendered problematic by a growing amount of evidence (see Schmitt, Branscombe, & Kappen, 2003, hereafter SBK; Wilson & Liu, 2003, hereafter WL); 4. The BA hypothesis (in which subordinate groups support the hierarchy which oppresses them to the same extent as dominant groups) has already been demonstrably falsified (leading to the unacknowledged adoption of SIT to explain the conditions under which low-status groups will accept or reject the status quo and favour or derogate the dominant group); 5 | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory The hypothesis of ‘ideological asymmetry’ (IA), supposedly an aspect of BA, is in fact patently inconsistent with it and illustrates that attitudes to dominance hierarchies and group inequalities are a function of one’s group identity, interests and position in the social structure rather than any invariant biological drive, just as realistic conflict and social identity theories would expect; 6 | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory That SDT is both reductionist and philosophically idealist in that it seeks to derive all political ideologies, intergroup relations and indeed the whole social structure from one psychological drive or, in the theory’s weaker but no less implausible form, one attitude (SDO), abstracted, reified and distorted to stand for some hard-wired original sin of biology (‘the beast within’). Whereas, in fact, intergroup attitudes are not prior to but follow from social structure; they follow from the beliefs, theories and ideologies which groups develop to make sense of their place in the social structure and the nature of their relationships with other groups. SDO is a product of social life rather than an underlying cause | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Lui and Wilson (2010), conducted research to further examine the role of gender in comparison to levels of social dominance orientation. The study conducted two tests looking at the relationship between gender-social dominate orientation and if it's moderated by strength of gender group identification and found, "strength of gender identification was found to moderate the gender‐SDO relationship, such that increasing group identification was associated with increasing SDO scores for males, and decreasing SDO for females." Therefore this study raised questions about gender as group membership and if it's a different status compared to other group memberships, possibly undermining the theoretical basis of SDT. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Phone sex is a conversation between two or more people on the phone which is sexually explicit and is intended to provoke sexual arousal in one or more participants. As a practice between individuals temporarily separated, it is as old as dial telephones, on which no operator could eavesdrop (early 20th century). In the later 20th century businesses emerged offering, for a fee, sexual conversations with a phone sex worker. The remainder of this article deals with these paid phone sex services. takes imagination on both parties' part; virtual sex is difficult if the operator does not put the images in the head of the caller and the caller must be open to the pleasure as well | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex The sexually explicit conversation takes place between two or more persons via telephone, especially when at least one of the participants masturbates or engages in sexual fantasy. conversation may take many forms, including: guided fantasy, sexual sounds, narrated and enacted suggestions, sexual anecdotes and confessions, candid expression of sexual fantasies, feelings, or love, or discussion of very personal and sensitive sexual topics. Once means of transmitting payment were developed, phone sex turned into primarily a commercial activity, with customers (overwhelmingly male) and sellers (overwhelmingly female). does not involve physical contact between those participating in it | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Couples may choose to engage in phone sex when the inconvenience of distance makes physical intimacy impossible. Due to the potential for emotional intimacy between those who have engaged in phone sex, it is a matter of some debate whether phone sex is to be considered infidelity when involving a person outside of a committed personal relationship. Nevertheless, phone sex should not be confused with prostitution wherein money is exchanged for in-person sexual services or physical interaction. The editor of "High Society" magazine, Gloria Leonard, is credited with being one of the first people to use "976 numbers", then "900 numbers" for promotional purposes and soon as a revenue stream in the adult industry | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Leonard recorded her own voice informing callers of the contents of the next issue of "High Society" magazine before its publication. Later she recorded others such as Annie Sprinkle "talking sexy". Leonard convinced magazine owner Carl Ruderman to purchase more of these numbers and the business began to be successful using the magazine to promote the service. Leonard herself was surprised at the success of these numbers. Originally phone sex services consisted of a managed network of dispatchers (live or automated) and erotic performers. Performers would come to a studio where they received a cubicle, coaching, and cash incentives to keep callers on the line longer. This is the world portrayed in Spike Lee's movie about phone sex, Girl 6 | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex At that time independent phone sex was more dangerous, as Lee's movie portrays. With the progress of technology it became more practical, convenient, and economical for providers to work out of their homes. Human dispatchers — female, except for gay male phone sex — answered the advertised phone numbers, processed payment via credit card, chose who of the available performers in the dispatcher's judgment best matched the clients' fantasy (grandma, black girl, college girl, etc.), and connected the client with the provider. The caller could not see the performer's number. Either could hang up, though some services put economic pressure on providers not to do so. Originally, per-minute billing was provided by phone companies (in the U.S | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex , using 976, then 900 numbers). There was, from some services, an attempt to keep the caller aroused but short of orgasm, so he would spend more money. (This attitude still survives among some providers.) When public (mostly female) pressure forced the phone companies to stop providing this service to sex workers, a transition was made to a manual method: pre-paid blocks of time, 10, 30, 60 minutes, whatever the customer would pay for. The incentives for providers were then reversed; rather than earning money from keeping the customer on the line (orgasm delayed), they earned more from bringing the caller to orgasm quickly, so as to move on rapidly to another call. Unused minutes were rarely usable on a second call | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex The provider provided (say) 10 minutes of service, but got to keep all of the money (say 20 minutes). When the Internet got relatively mature, sale of any sexual service not involving a minor could be made to anyone not a minor. Software platforms were custom written to handle money collection and transfer, connecting caller and sex worker though neither could see anything but the platform's phone number, and metering the connection. Details vary significantly from one platform to another, but the provider may be given a personal page on the platform to use however she (sometimes he) wishes. All have some way for a provider to post a picture and some text | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Big platforms as of 2016 are Niteflirt, TalktoMe, and My Phone Site; the latter also includes provision by which a manager, with the consent of the providers, could have a virtual shop with many providers under them. Foreign (non-US) customers were courted. Customers had a variety of payment options, and pages of providers to choose from, sometimes with voice samples available. In concept they have a lot in common with platforms such as eBay: the seller provides the picture(s), description, and sets the price, a percentage of which is kept by the platform | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex In the sex industry, similar platforms emerged facilitating the selling of used panties and other odoriferous garments, and for "cam" video sessions, in which the customer, for a fee, can direct the woman on the video screen, and for a higher fee, have a private connection (no one can see caller or provider except each other). By the end of the 1980s, nearly all of the major local phone companies in the United States, plus the major long-distance carriers, were actively involved in the adult chat line business. The telephone companies would provide billing services for chat line companies. Typically the telephone companies would bill callers to chat lines and then remit 45% of the money collected to chat line operators | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex The telephone companies placed the chat line charges on a customer's local phone bill. If a customer disputed a charge, the telephone company would usually “forgive” the charge but block the caller from calling any other chat lines. In 1988, the American phone sex industry generated an estimated $54 million annually (for both producers and telecommunications providers), according to the Information Industry Bulletin. By 2007 only Verizon, Sprint and AT&T remained in the chat line business in the U.S. By 2007 Verizon and MCI had merged and only a few chat line companies remained active as a result. Verizon provided billing services to calls made in Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Maine | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex AT&T and MCI offered nationwide collection services, with a cap of $50 per call. In 2002 profits from phone sex were estimated at one billion dollars a year. In 2007 the group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington estimated that phone sex earned U.S. telephone companies close to $500 million per year. The vast majority of modern services in the United States use toll-free numbers whereby clients can dial up to request a call with a particular performer using credit cards, ACH Network systems, and a variety of other billing methods. There are still some services that rely upon premium-rate telephone numbers (e.g | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex , 976 and 900 numbers) for billing purposes, although this practice has been largely abandoned due to the high rate of fraud associated with these lines and the inability to dial 900 and 976 lines from cellular phones. As a direct result, most telephone companies allow their customers to block outgoing calls to premium-rate telephone numbers. In 1996, the FCC changed regulations on 900 numbers to address abuse of these services by minors and fraud concerns. Independent phone sex operators engage in self-promotion | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex This self-promotion can involve a personalized website where the phone sex performer lists their specialties and services, engaging prospects in social media, various methods of advertising (via the traditional methods listed below, or on organized third-party network sites that provide a basic level of privacy for performer and client alike) or surfing of sexually themed chat rooms for interested clients. service providers typically advertise their services in men's magazines, in pornographic magazines and videos, on late-night cable television, and online. Some phone sex services use state-of-the-art customer acquisition techniques such as active database marketing to reach potential clients | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex These advertising methods almost invariably target men, the primary consumers of phone sex services. The major phone sex and adult chat lines spend millions of dollars in advertising every month. Thanks to technology, their marketing departments can track the effectiveness of their advertising campaigns by assigning unique phone numbers to each advertising campaign, regardless if it includes TV, print, online or a combination of all these. Unique numbers might either be toll-free 1-800 numbers or local access numbers in order to accommodate callers who have been targeted in a local advertising campaign. services will usually list all the local numbers on their websites | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Assigning unique phone numbers to each advertising channel allows phone chat companies to measure not only the number of calls that each channel generates but also the price per call, conversion rate, and return on investment. This information can be further analyzed to determine key insights such as the most and least profitable caller's demographics, best and worst times to advertise and ultimately which advertising channels to invest more in and which ones to cut. lines appeared in the UK in the 1980s using premium-rate telephone numbers for adult services with sexual content, with many of the lines playing tape recordings | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex The phone sex market in the UK is closely linked to the pornographic magazine market, and advertising for such services often provides a vital element of a magazine's revenue. Up to a quarter of the page length of some magazines may be devoted to such advertisements. Advertising in newspapers, which had been common in the 1980s, was ended as a result of regulatory changes in 1994 which restricted advertisements to top-shelf adult magazines. At the same time rules were introduced requiring the user to pro-actively opt-in by requesting a pin number. This dramatically reduced the number of calls, and the proportion of the income generated by premium-rate telephone numbers which was associated with adult services fell from 18% in 1992 to 1% in 1996 | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex During the 1990s many companies began to re-route their traffic abroad in an attempt to circumvent the regulations. The industry took to operating from 40 countries worldwide, commonly Guyana and the Caribbean. In 1995 the income generated in this way was $2 billion. The regulations also led to an increase in the use of live call-back services paid by credit cards, which did not fall under the regulator's jurisdiction because they did not use premium-rate numbers. By 2009 the proportion of the UK population that had used phone sex lines was 45%, according to a survey by Durex. By 2013 there were over 2,000 phone sex companies in the UK | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Most phone sex workers are recruited through word of mouth or the internet as the companies are widely forbidden from advertising in mass media. The number of female university students working for phone sex lines in the UK doubled between 2011 and 2013, according to a BBC-commissioned investigation. The industry's regulatory body Phone-paid Services Authority (formerly ICSTIC and PhonePayPlus) monitors and enforces specific community standards in terms of content and price for premium rate numbers. The legality of phone sex businesses was challenged by the U.S. Federal government in July 1988 with the passage of the Telephone Decency Act, which made it a crime to use a "telephone .. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex directly or by recording device" to make "any obscene or indecent communication for commercial purposes to any person," punishable by a $50,000 fine or six months in prison." At the time the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) was responsible for policing 900 numbers for obscenity and indecency. Sable Communications of California filed suit against the FCC in federal court to overturn the Telephone Decency Act. On July 19, 1988, U.S. District Judge A. Wallace Tashima ruled that "the prohibition against 'indecent speech' on 900-number recordings was unconstitutional, though its ban on 'obscene speech' could stand." On June 23, 1989, the U.S | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Supreme Court ruled that obscene speech, even in commercial telephone calls, was not protected, though indecent speech was. Justice Byron White wrote for the high court's majority A phone sex worker is a type of sex worker, sometimes referred to as a "phone sex operator", "fantasy artist", "adult phone entertainer", "audio erotic performer", as well as various other monikers. The most valued attributes of a phone sex professional are his or her voice, acting and sexual roleplay skills, along with the experienced ability to discern and respond appropriately to a broad spectrum of customer requests. Several online companies provide Internet-based phone sex lines | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex These services enable callers to post profiles of themselves and then engage in VOIP-based and other types of online sex. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Bernard Yack (born 1952) is a Canadian born American political theorist. He received his B.A. from the University of Toronto and his Ph.D. in Philosophy from Harvard University, where he was a student of Judith Shklar. Yack has taught at numerous universities including Princeton University, & the University of Wisconsin, Madison. He is the author of works of political and social philosophy such as "The Problems of a Political Animal", and "The Longing for Total Revolution: The Philosophic Sources of Social Discontent from Rousseau to Marx and Nietzsche". His most recent book is entitled "Nationalism and the Moral Psychology of Community". He is currently the Lerman Neubauer Professor of Democracy and Public Policy at Brandeis University. Yack, Bernard | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8388234 | Bernard Yack |
Bernard Yack Nationalism and the Moral Psychology of Community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012. Yack, Bernard. The Fetishism of Modernities: Epochal Self-Consciousness in Contemporary Social and Political Thought. University of Notre Dame Press, 1997. Yack, Bernard. Liberalism without Illusions: Essays on Liberal Theory and the Political Vision of Judith N. Shklar. University of California Press, 1996. Yack, Bernard. The Problems of a Political Animal: Community, Conflict, and Justice in Aristotelian Political Thought. University of California Press, 1993. Yack, Bernard. The Longing for Total Revolution: Philosophic Sources of Social Discontent from Rousseau to Marx and Nietzsche. Princeton University Press, 1986. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8388234 | Bernard Yack |
Kavod HaBriyot Kevod HaBeriyot (; literally in Hebrew: "honor [of/due to] the [God's] creations (human beings)" also variously translated as "individual dignity", "individual honor", or "human dignity" (in a specifically Talmudic sense which may or may not be the same as the secular concept of human dignity)) is a concept of Halakha (Jewish law) originating in the Talmud which permits exceptions to Rabbinic decrees under certain circumstances. This concept has been used in a number of contemporary Jewish religious-law decisions in Orthodox and Conservative Judaism. The nature and scope of the concept is a matter of contemporary dispute. Kevod HaBeriyot is mentioned in the Babylonian Talmud in Berakhot 19b; Shabbat 81b, 94b; Eruvin 41b; and Megillah 3b | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot The term "Kevodo" (his dignity) is used in Beitzah 36b. The Tannaim (rabbis of the Mishnah) and the Amoraim (rabbis of the Talmud) applied the concept of "Kevod HaBriyot" in their interpretations of and rulings on halakhah (Jewish law). The Mishnah explains the importance of the concept as follows: The Rabbis of the Talmud, when they enacted rabbinic decrees, sometimes limited the scope of those decrees to avoid situations when complying with them might lead to a situation they considered undigified and referred to the concept of "kevod habriyot" as the basis for doing so | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot For example, carrying across a private property line is prohibited by a rabbinic prohibition (See eruv), but the Talmud records that the Rabbis created an exception for carrying up to three small stones if needed for wiping oneself in a latrine on the basis of "kevod habriyot" (Shabbat 81b, 94b). Similarly, the rabbis enacted a prohibition on a Kohen from approaching a coffin or graveyard to ensure that the Biblical prohibition on contact with the dead would not be inadvertently violated, but permitted a Kohen to violate this rabbinic prohibition in order to greet a king, again appealing to the principle of "kevod habriyot" as the basis of this exception (Berachot 19b) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot Tractate Beitzah records that the rabbis created an exception of the rabbinic prohibition on creating even temporary structures on Shabbat or major Jewish holidays (to safeguard the Biblical prohibition against building permanent structures) to permit a person alone in a field to align stones to create a temporary latrine, because of "kevodo" ("his dignity) (Beitzah 36b). Although the Rabbis of the Talmud created limited exceptions to their own enactments to prevent indignities, they held that they do not have authority to create exceptions to Divine law recorded in the written Tanakh or received as Oral law in the form of Halakha LeMoshe MiSinai | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot Berachot 19b records a discussion in which a tradition that rabbis have such authority was explicitly considered but rejected. The Shulkhan Arukh, a seminal code of Jewish law, used a dramatic example to illustrate its holding that "kevod habriyot" does not override Biblical prohibitions. It held that an observant Jew who becomes aware of Biblically prohibited clothing should remove it immediately even if it leaves a colleague naked in a public place, illustrating that biblical prohibitions trump even strong considerations of modesty and even great public embarrassment | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot The Halakha in the Shulkhan Arukh goes according to Rav: Shulkhan Arukh, Yoreh De'ah 303:1 "[That it is] Permissible to remove "kilayim" from [his] friend even in [the] marketplace: Mishpat Ivri expert Menachem Elon, in his Encyclopaedia Judaica article on "Takkanot" emphasized the importance of Kevod HaBriyot: In the Encyclopaedia Judaica article on "Honor" Rabbi Louis Isaac Rabinowitz wrote that "So great was 'the honor of God's creatures' regarded that 'God has regard to the dignity of His creatures' (Sif. Deut. 192) and honor annuls even a negative commandment of the Bible (Ber. 19b), especially the honor of the community (TJ, Ber. 3:1, 6a) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot " Most classical poskim, however, maintained in accordance with the opinion in the Talmud that "Kevod HaBriyot" can only justify overriding rabbinic restrictions. The reference to "annulling a negative commandment of the Bible" refers only to the commandment "lo tasur", in other words the command to observe rabbinic restrictions, so the Talmud is in fact saying the same thing but in a deliberately paradoxical way. Rabbi Immanuel Jakobovits held that because the principle of "kevod habriyot" reflects a perspective on values requiring a respect for life, Jewish law prohibits euthanasia | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot Rabbi Eliezer Waldenberg held that wearing a hearing aid on Shabbat represents a modern analogy to classically permitted activities such as carrying stones and hence the principle of "kevod habriyot" overrides the rabbinic prohibitions involved and renders it permitted. Modern Orthodox rabbi Daniel Sperber held that the principle of "kevod habriyot" permits women to be called to a Torah reading in a synagogue service (See support for partnership minyanim). R. Sperber's responsum addressed the traditional view that "halachah" in principle permits a woman to be called but the "honour of the congregation" forbids it. In R | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot Rabbi Sperber's view, "kevod habriyot", the "honour of the individual", can override the honor of the congregation in much the same way that it had been interpreted to override other rabbinic prohibitions. R. Sperber's view has been a controversial one within Orthodox Judaism and has not gained widespread acceptance. Rabbi Aryeh A. Frimer, author of a number of scholarly works on the status of women in Orthodox halakha including "Women and Minyan", wrote a critique of Rabbi Sperber's arguments which he entitled ""Lo Zu haDerekh:" A Review of Rabbi Prof. Daniel Sperber's "Darka shel Halakha" | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot In Rabbi Frimer's view, the concept of "kevod habriyot" can override rabbinic prohibitions under relatively narrow circumstances caused by external factors such as excrement or nakedness, but cannot override a rabbinic prohibition in its entirety. He argued that a rabbinic decree cannot itself be regarded shameful or embarrassing, and that to permit a rabbinic decree to be characterized as an embarrassment would give anyone carte blanche to abrogate any Rabbinic prohibition simply by saying "This offends me." He said "in those cases where acting according to "halakha"...creates the embarrassment, then kevod ha-beriyyot cannot set aside the Rabbinic prohibition. One should be proud to be fulfilling the "halakha"." | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot A more complete and extensively documented presentation of Rabbi Frimer's position has appeared. In December 2006, Conservative Judaism's Committee on Jewish Law and Standards discussed the Conservative understanding of the concept of "kevod habriyot" as applied to the CJLS's decisionmaking in a series of decisions on the Conservative understanding of Jewish law on the subject of homosexuality. A majority of the Committee voted to adopt two very different responsa under its philosophy of pluralism. The two responsa based their different conclusions in part on different understandings of the concept of "kevod habriyot" Rabbis Dorff, Nevins, and Reisner wrote a responsum which supported liberalizing Conservative Judaism's view of homosexual behavior | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot They held that rabbinic prohibitions against homosexual behavior are inconsistent with human dignity as society now understands it. They argued that the Conservative understanding of the principle of "Kevod habriyot" includes general society's evolving understanding of human dignity and that the rabbinic prohibitions involved were inconsistent with human dignity thus understood. Citing R. Daniel Sperber's view that rabbinic prohibitions can be negated by the "kevod habriyot" principle, the responsum declared all rabbinic prohibitions restricting homosexual activity lifted | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot Finding that the principle of "kevod habriyot" could only override rabbinic and not Biblically mandated restrictions, the responsum left in place what it found to be the only Biblically mandated restriction involved, a prohibition on male-male anal sex. Rabbi Joel Roth wrote a responsum which supported maintaining traditional restrictions on homosexual behavior, which was also adopted by a majority of the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards. The responsum analyzed the principle of "kevod habriyot" and held that the rule only permits overriding rabbinic injunctions out of honor or respect for someone else, but not out of one's own honor | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot Rabbi Roth argued that the idea that a person's own honor (as distinct from giving honor to someone else) could justify overriding a rabbinic injunction was not only inconsistent with a fair reading of the history of the concept, but theologically unjustifiable. The responsum argued that the principle behind "kevod habriyot" is the idea that a person can honor God by honoring others, and that this principle does not apply in cases where one's own honor, as distinct from others' honor, is at stake. It held that overriding a rabbinic prohibition because of one's own sense of personal dignity or self-honor would be tantamount to considering one's own honor as more important than God's in matters between oneself and God | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot The responsum also found the Biblically mandated restrictions involved to be more extensive in scope. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
History of fair trade The fair trade movement has undergone several important changes since its early days following World War II. Fair trade, first seen as a form of charity advocated by religious organizations, has radically changed in structure, philosophy and approach. The past fifty years have witnessed massive changes in the diversity of fair trade proponents, the products traded and their distribution networks. Fair trade principles have deep roots in European societies long before the first structured alternative trading organizations (ATOs) emerged following World War II. Many of the fundamental concepts behind fair trade actually show a great resemblance with pre-capitalist ideas about the organization of the economy and society | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The notion of the ‘old moral economy’ is a fitting example of such conceptions. E. P. Thompson, in his work on 18th century England, described a society where "notions of common well being, often supported by paternalistic traditional authorities, imposed some limits on the free operations of the market". Farmers were then not allowed to manipulate prices by withholding their products to wait for price increases. The actions of the middlemen were always considered legally suspect, were severely restricted and the poor were provided opportunities to buy staple foods in small parcels. Fair trade was already seen as a way to address market failures; although the concept mainly revolved around consumer, rather than producer, rights | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade In 1827 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, a moral and economic boycott of slave-derived goods began with the formation of the "Free Produce Society", founded by Thomas M'Clintock and other abolitionist members of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers). In the Free produce movement, they sought to fight against slavery with a new tactic, one that emphasized the value of the honest labor of free men and women, and to try to determine the unseen added costs to goods such as cotton and sugar which came from the toil of slaves. In 1830, African Americans formed the "Colored Free Produce Society", and women formed their own branch in 1831 | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade In 1838, supporters from a number of states came together in the American Free Produce Association, which promoted their cause by seeking non-slave alternates to products from slaveholders, forming non-slave distribution channels, and publishing a number of pamphlets, tracts, and the journal "Non-Slaveholder". The movement did not grow large enough to gain the benefit of the economies of scale, and the cost of "free produce" was always higher than competing goods. The national association disbanded in 1847, but Quakers in Philadelphia continued until 1856 | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade There have been a few instances in which fair trade in the 'old moral economy' was focused on producer rights: as early as 1859, Dutch author Multatuli (the pen name of Eduard Douwes Dekker) questioned the injustice of the colonial and capitalist system towards commodity producers in his novel "Max Havelaar". The fictional tale recounts the story of Max Havelaar, a Nederlandse Trade Company employee, who leaves everything to work in solidarity with local Indonesian workers. This account draws a direct correlation between the wealth and the prosperity of Europe and the poverty of the suffering of other parts of the world. In 1897 The Salvation Army launched the Hamodava Tea Company | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade Hamodava pioneered a fair trade model which sought to pay fair prices to the tea farmers, whilst also offering a scheme by which they could purchase plantation land on a co-operative giving them financial independence. The fair trade movement was shaped in the years following World War II. Early attempts to commercialize in Northern markets goods produced by marginalised producers were initiated by religious groups and various politically oriented non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) and SERRV International were the first, in 1946 and 1949 respectively, to develop fair trade supply chains in developing countries | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The products, almost exclusively handicrafts ranging from jute goods to cross-stitch work, were mostly sold by volunteers in 'charity stores' or 'ethnic shops'. The goods themselves had often no other function than to indicate that a donation had been made. The modern fair trade movement was shaped in Europe in the 1960s. Fair trade during that period was often seen as a political gesture against neo-imperialism: radical student movements began targeting multinational corporations and concerns that traditional business models were fundamentally flawed started to emerge | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The global free market economic model came under attack during that period and fair trade ideals, built on a Post Keynesian economics approach to economies where price is directly linked to the actual production costs and where all producers are given fair and equal access to the markets, gained in popularity. The slogan at the time, "Trade not Aid", gained international recognition in 1968 when it was adopted by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) to put the emphasis on the establishment of fair trade relations with the developing world. In 1965 the first ATO was created: British NGO Oxfam launched "Helping-by-Selling", a program which later developed into Bridge | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The scheme sold imported handicrafts in Oxfam stores in the United Kingdom and from mail-order catalogues with a circulation of almost 100,000 copies. The program was created to support the work of cooperatives and community enterprises in the developing world. The program was highly successful: it remained one of the largest and most influential in the sector and then changed in 2002 as more mainstream retailers were persuaded to carry fair trade products. Globally Oxfam still works in many countries on fair trade programs and runs hundreds of shops across Europe and Australia selling and promoting fair trade goods. In 1969, the first Worldshop opened its doors in the Netherlands | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The initiative aimed at bringing the principles of fair trade to the retail sector by selling almost exclusively goods such as handcrafts produced under fair trade terms in "underdeveloped regions". The first shop was run by volunteers and was so successful that dozens of similar shops soon went into business in the Benelux countries, Germany and in other Western European countries. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, important segments of the fair trade movement worked to find markets for products from countries that were excluded from the mainstream trading channels for political reasons | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade Thousands of volunteers sold coffee from Angola and Nicaragua in Worldshops, in the back of churches, from their homes and from stands in public places, using the products as a vehicle to deliver their message: give disadvantaged producers in developing countries a fair chance on the world's market, and you support their self-determined sustainable development | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The alternative trade movement blossomed, if not in sales, then at least in terms of dozens of ATOs being established on both sides of the Atlantic, of scores of Worldshops being set up, and of well-organized actions and campaigns attacking exploitation and foreign domination, and promoting the ideals of Nelson Mandela, Julius Nyerere and the Nicaraguan Sandinistas: the right to independence and self-determination, to equitable access to the world's markets and consumers. In the early 1980s, Alternative Trading Organizations faced a major challenge: the novelty of some fair trade products started wearing off, demand reached a plateau and some handicrafts began to look "tired and old fashioned" in the marketplace | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The decline of segments of the handicrafts market forced fair trade supporters to rethink their business model and their goals. Moreover, fair trade supporters during this period became increasingly worried by the impact of the fall of agricultural commodity prices on poor producers. Many then believed it was the movement's responsibility to address the issue and to find innovative remedies to address the ongoing crisis in the industry. In the subsequent years, fair trade agricultural commodities played an important role in the growth of many ATOs: successful on the market, they offered a renewable source of income for producers and provided Alternative Trading Organizations the perfect substitute to the stagnating handicrafts market | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The collapse of the International Coffee Agreement in 1989 fueled the extraordinary growth of the fair trade coffee market, providing a powerful narrative for a new breed of fair trade brand that engaged producers directly in consumer operations. Cafédirect is a good example of this new thinking and was the first fair trade brand to be found in UK supermarkets. Dedicated to the mainstream, Cafédirect created focused on consumer engagement and language and built a reputation for quality, justifying its premium positioning with the tag-line "We pay more, so you get the pick of the crop". The first fair trade agricultural products were coffee and tea, quickly followed by dried fruits, cocoa, sugar, fruit juices, rice, spices and nuts | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade Coffee quickly became the main growth engine behind fair trade: between 25 and 50% of the total alternative trading organization turnover in 2005 came from coffee sales. While a sales value ratio of 80% handcrafts to 20% agricultural goods was the norm in 1992, in 2002 handcrafts accounted for 25.4% of sales while commodity food lines were up at 69.4%. The transition to agricultural commodities was further highlighted in 2002, when Oxfam decided to abandon its loss-making handcrafts trading program after 27 years of existence. Oxfam's move had significant consequences on the entire fair trade movement | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade Some ATOs saw this as an opportunity to restructure and partner up with mainstream businesses in an effort to find economic efficiencies and broaden their appeal, while others (such as Alternativ Handel in Norway), unable to adjust to the market and plagued by financial difficulties, were forced to close. Today, many ATOs still exclusively sell handcrafts - which they judge culturally and economically preferable to agricultural commodities. While these are still considered fair trade flagship products, academics have described them as a niche market that now only appeals to relatively small segments of the population, mostly fair trade core supporters who buy products on the basis of the story behind the product | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade "Note: Customary spelling of Fairtrade is one word when referring to product labelling" Sales of fair trade products however only really took off with the arrival of the first Fairtrade labelling initiatives. Although buoyed by ever growing sales, fair trade had been generally contained to relatively small Worldshops scattered across Europe and to a lesser extent, North America. Some felt that these shops were too disconnected from the rhythm and the lifestyle of contemporary developed societies. The inconvenience of going to them to buy only a product or two was too high even for the most dedicated customers. The only way to increase sale opportunities was to start offering fair trade products where consumers normally shop, in large distribution channels | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The problem was to find a way to expand distribution without compromising consumer trust in fair trade products and in their origins. A solution was found in 1988, when the first Fairtrade label, Max Havelaar, was launched under the initiative of Nico Roozen, Frans van der Hoff and Dutch ecumenical development agency Solidaridad. The independent certification allowed the goods to be sold outside the worldshops and into the mainstream, reaching a larger consumer segment and boosting fair trade sales significantly. The labeling initiative also allowed customers and distributors alike to track the origin of the goods to confirm that the products were really benefiting the producers at the end of the supply chain | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |