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Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.Q: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main idea of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)Some legal scholars defend a morally questionable view that defense lawyers' sole obligation to their clients is to provide the best defense, while it is the court's job to determine guilt or innocence. (B)Defense lawyers should put aside personal judgments about their clients' guilt when determining how best to proceed when representing a client. (C)In a democracy, all persons accused of crimes have a right to an attorney who will state the facts, construct sound arguments, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. (D)Lawyers should be mindful of their duty to society as well as to their clients and base the decision as to whether, and how, to defend a client on the facts of the case. (E)Defense attorneys are obligated to defend clients who request their professional services, especially when the attorney is absolutely convinced of the client's innocence. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes the author's attitude toward the twofold obligation introduced in lines 20–23? Answer Choices: (A)confident that it enables defense lawyers to balance their competing responsibilities to the court and to society (B)certain that it prevents defense lawyers from representing clients whom they know to be guilty (C)satisfied that it helps defense lawyers to uncover the relevant facts of a case (D)pleased that it does not interfere with common defense strategies used by defense lawyers (E)convinced that it does not represent a conflict of interest for defense lawyers A: Among A through E, the answer is

Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.Q: Which one of the following sentences would most logically begin a paragraph immediately following the end of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)In keeping with this role, defense lawyers should base their cases upon the foundations of honesty, substantive accuracy and selectivity. (B)Therefore, the practice of law remains morally dubious, in that misrepresentation may achieve acquittal for an attorney's client. (C)Consequently, the defendant's right to legal representation varies from case to case, depending on the severity of the alleged crime and the defense lawyer's personal interpretation of the case. (D)Thus, the lawyers' obligations are threefold— to be faithful to the dictates of the court, society, and themselves by proving their professional worth in securing acquittal for the clients whom they represent. (E)Therefore, judges or other officials of the court should interrogate defense attorneys regarding any prior knowledge they may have of their clients' innocence or guilt. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.Q: According to the passage, the legal scholars mentioned in lines 15–19 believe that it is a defense lawyer's role to be Answer Choices: (A)a source of legal information that can help a jury to reach decisions that are fair and equitable (B)a thorough investigator of all relevant evidence (C)a diligent representative of the client's position (D)a facilitator and expediter of the cause of justice (E)an energetic advocate of the client's right to legal representation A: Among A through E, the answer is

Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.Q: The relationship of the information contained in the two sentences at lines 28–31 to that in the sentence at lines 7–11 can most accurately be described as Answer Choices: (A)no significant relationship because they represent two unrelated factual statements (B)the author's opinion opposing another opinion reported by the author in the earlier lines (C)a hypothetical situation supporting a statement reported by the author in the earlier lines (D)agreement in general with the earlier position but disagreement over the particulars (E)essentially equivalent assertions arising from different perspectives A: Among A through E, the answer is

Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.Q: It can be inferred from the passage that the author holds that a defense attorney who argues in court that a client is innocent Answer Choices: (A)should sincerely believe that the client may be innocent (B)would be right to do so even if the attorney knows that the client is actually guilty (C)is assuming that role of mouthpiece for the client (D)has favored the obligation to the client over that to society (E)has typically not researched the facts of the case thoroughly A: Among A through E, the answer is

Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.Q: The primary purpose of the passage is to Answer Choices: (A)show that ethical dilemmas in the legal profession can complicate the defense lawyer's role (B)argue that the defense lawyer's duty to the court and society complements effective legal representation for the client (C)explain why the actual guilt or innocence of a defendant is not an important issue to many defense attorneys (D)discuss some of the issues that a defense lawyer must resolve prior to accepting a case (E)reveal how the practice of law strengthens the values and principles of democratic societies A: Among A through E, the answer is

Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.Q: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)Proponents of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding disagree about both the goal of multicultural education and the means for achieving this goal. (B)Proponents of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding claim that education should be founded upon an epistemological system that recognizes the importance of the subjective, the intuitive, and the mystical. (C)Proponents of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding claim that it is not enough to refrain from judging non-Western cultures if the methods used to study these cultures are themselves Western. (D)Critics of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding disagree about the extent to which a culture's values are a product of its social and historical circumstances. (E)Critics of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding claim these proposals are not value neutral and are therefore unable to yield a genuine understanding of cultures with a different value system. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.Q: Critics who raise the objection discussed in the second paragraph would be most likely to agree with which one of the following? Answer Choices: (A)The social and historical circumstances that give rise to a culture's values cannot be understood by members of a culture with different values. (B)The historical and social circumstances of a culture can play an important role in the development of that culture's values. (C)It is impossible for one culture to successfully study another culture unless it does so from more than one cultural perspective. (D)Genuine understanding of another culture is impossible unless that culture shares the same cultural values. (E)The values of liberalism cannot be adequately understood if we approach them solely through the methods of Western science. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage as a whole? Answer Choices: (A)Difficulties in achieving a goal are contrasted with the benefits of obtaining that goal. (B)A goal is argued to be unrealizable by raising objections to the means proposed to achieve it. (C)Two means for achieving a goal are presented along with an objection to each. (D)Difficulties in achieving a goal are used to defend several radical revisions to that goal. (E)The desirability of a goal is used to defend against a number of objections to its feasibility. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.Q: The version of multicultural education discussed in the first paragraph is described as "modest" (line 5) most likely because it Answer Choices: (A)relies on the least amount of speculation about non-Western cultures (B)calls for the least amount of change in the educational system (C)involves the least amount of Eurocentric cultural chauvinism (D)is the least distorting since it employs several cultural perspectives (E)deviates least from a neutral stance with respect to differences in values A: Among A through E, the answer is

Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.Q: Given the information in the passage, which one of the following would most likely be considered objectionable by proponents of the version of multicultural education discussed in the third paragraph? Answer Choices: (A)a study of the differences between the moral codes of several Western and non-Western societies (B)a study of a given culture's literature to determine the kinds of personal characteristics the culture admires (C)a study that employs the methods of Western science to investigate a nonscientific culture (D)a study that uses the literary theories of one society to criticize the literature of a society that has different values (E)a study that uses the methods of anthropology and sociology to criticize the values of Western culture A: Among A through E, the answer is

Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.Q: Which one of the following, if true, would provide the strongest objection to the criticism in the passage of the second version of multicultural education? Answer Choices: (A)It is impossible to adopt the perspectives and methods of a culture unless one is a member of that culture. (B)Many non-Western societies have value systems that are very similar to one another. (C)Some non-Western societies use their own value system when studying cultures that have different values. (D)Students in Western societies cannot understand their culture's achievements unless such achievements are treated as the subject of Western scientific investigations. (E)Genuine understanding of another culture is necessary for adequately appreciating that culture. A: Among A through E, the answer is

In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from "bicultural composite authorship." Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.Q: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main conclusion of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)Scholars have tended to overlook the nuances of concepts about identity that existed in some of the early Native American cultures. (B)As demonstrated by early Native Americans, autobiography can exist in a variety of media other than written documents. (C)The Native American life histories collected and recorded by non-Native American writers differ from European-style autobiographies in their depictions of an individual's relation to society. (D)Early Native Americans created autobiographies with forms and underlying assumptions that frequently differ from those of European-style autobiographies. (E)The autobiographical forms traditionally used by Native Americans are more fragmented than European forms and thus less easily recognizable as personal history. A: Among A through E, the answer is

In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from "bicultural composite authorship." Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.Q: Which one of the following phrases best conveys the author's attitude toward the earlier scholarship on Native American autobiographies that is mentioned in the passage? Answer Choices: (A)"failed to address" (line 9) (B)"highly diverse" (line 10) (C)"markedly inclusive" (line 16) (D)"seemingly more fragmented" (line 24) (E)"alien to the European style" (line 51) A: Among A through E, the answer is

In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from "bicultural composite authorship." Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.Q: Which one of the following most accurately conveys the meaning of the phrase "bicultural composite authorship" as it is used in line 5 of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)written by a member of one culture but based on the artifacts and oral traditions of another culture (B)written by two people, each of whom belongs to a different culture but contributes in the same way to the finished product (C)compiled from the writings of people who come from different cultures and whose identities cannot be determined (D)written originally by a member of one culture but edited and revised by a member of another culture (E)written by a member of one culture but based on oral communication by a member of another culture A: Among A through E, the answer is

In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from "bicultural composite authorship." Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes the function of the third paragraph within the passage as a whole? Answer Choices: (A)to refute traditional interpretations of certain artifacts (B)to present evidence that undermines a theory (C)to provide examples that support an argument (D)to contrast several different modes of expression (E)to enumerate specific instances in which a phenomenon recurred A: Among A through E, the answer is

In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from "bicultural composite authorship." Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.Q: The author of the passage refers to "self, life, and writing" (lines 12–13) most probably in order to Answer Choices: (A)identify concepts about which Europeans and Native Americans had contrasting ideas (B)define a word that had a different meaning for early Native Americans than it has for contemporary Native Americans (C)illustrate how words can undergo a change in meaning after their introduction into the language (D)posit a fundamental similarity in the origins of a concept in both European and Native American cultures (E)explain how the assumptions that underlie European-style autobiography arose A: Among A through E, the answer is

In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from "bicultural composite authorship." Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.Q: Which one of the following would be most consistent with the ideas about identity that the author attributes to pre-contact Native American cultures? Answer Choices: (A)A person who is born into one tribe but is brought up by members of another tribe retains a name given at birth. (B)A pictograph that represents a specific person incorporates the symbol for a constellation. (C)A similar ritual for assuming a new name is used in diverse communities. (D)A name given to one member of a community cannot be given to another member of the same community. (E)A decorated shield that belonged to an individual cannot be traced to a particular tribe. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.Q: Which one of the following most accurately states the author's main point in the passage? Answer Choices: (A)Because of their assumption that alcohol is the only active ingredient in wine, beer, and distilled spirits, scientists have previously studied these beverages in ways that obscure their healthful effects. (B)A new study of moderate wine consumption calls into question the belief that premature heart disease is caused solely by the presence of high lipid levels in the bloodstream. (C)Researchers have found that alcohol from moderate wine consumption is absorbed into the bloodstream more slowly than is alcohol from other alcoholic beverages. (D)Although it has long been held that moderate wine consumption has healthful effects, scientific studies have yet to prove such effects definitively. (E)Wine, unlike other alcoholic beverages, appears to have a number of significant healthful effects that may be tied to certain natural compounds found in grapes. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.Q: In the first paragraph, the author most likely refers to the centuries-old belief that wine has healthful effects in order to Answer Choices: (A)demonstrate that discoveries in the realm of science often bear out popular beliefs (B)provide evidence for the theory that moderate wine consumption ameliorates factors that contribute to premature heart disease (C)argue that traditional beliefs are no less important than scientific evidence when investigating health matters (D)suggest that a prevailing scientific assumption might be mistaken (E)refute the argument that science should take cues from popular beliefs A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.Q: According to the passage, each of the following might help to prevent premature heart disease EXCEPT: Answer Choices: (A)an increase in the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot (B)an increase in the body's ability to remove lipids from the bloodstream (C)an increase in the amount of time it takes alcohol to be absorbed into the bloodstream (D)increased activity of a natural compound that reduces blood clotting (E)increased levels of compounds that prevent damage from high lipid levels A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.Q: Which one of the following, if true, would most strengthen the passage's position concerning the apparently healthful effects of moderate wine consumption? Answer Choices: (A)Subjects who consumed large amount of grape juice exhibited decreased thickness of the innermost walls of their blood vessels. (B)Subjects who were habitual drinkers of wine and subjects who were habitual drinkers of beer exhibited similar lipid levels in their bloodstreams. (C)Subjects who drank grape juice exhibited greater platelet adhesiveness than did subjects who drank no grape juice. (D)Subjects who drank excessive amounts of wine suffered from premature heart disease at roughly the same rate as moderate wine drinkers. (E)Subjects who possess a natural clot-breaking compound were discovered to have a certain gene that is absent from subjects who do not possess the compound. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.Q: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would most likely agree with which one of the following statements? Answer Choices: (A)Scientists should not attempt to study the possible healthful effects of moderate consumption of beer and distilled spirits. (B)The conclusion that alcohol affects lipid processing should be questioned in light of studies of moderate wine consumption. (C)Moderate consumption of wine made from plums or apples rather than grapes would be unlikely to reduce the risk of premature heart disease. (D)Red wine consumption has a greater effect on reducing death rates from premature heart disease than does white wine consumption. (E)Beer and distilled spirits contain active ingredients other than alcohol whose effects tend to be beneficial. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.Q: Based on the passage, the author's attitude toward the scientists discussed in the first paragraph can most accurately be described as Answer Choices: (A)highly enthusiastic (B)tacitly approving (C)grudgingly accepting (D)overtly critical (E)clearly outraged A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.Q: In the passage, the author is primarily concerned with doing which one of the following? Answer Choices: (A)advocating a particular method of treatment (B)criticizing popular opinion (C)correcting a scientific misconception (D)questioning the relevance of newly discovered evidence (E)countering a revolutionary hypothesis A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.Q: The author suggests each of the following in the passage EXCEPT: Answer Choices: (A)Greater platelet adhesiveness increases the risk of premature heart disease. (B)The body's ability to process lipids is compromised by the presence of alcohol in the bloodstream. (C)Doctors have access to a natural compound that breaks down blood clots. (D)High lipid levels are dangerous because they lead to increased endothelial cell reactivity and platelet adhesiveness. (E)Moderate wine consumption appears to decrease the thickness of the interior walls of blood vessels. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.Q: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)In his role as a lawyer for the NAACP, Marshall developed a number of strategies for litigation which, while often controversial, proved to be highly successful in arguing against certain discriminatory laws. (B)The litigation strategies that Marshall devised in pursuit of the NAACP's civil rights goals during the 1940s and 1950s constituted significant innovations that have since been adopted as standard tactics for public interest lawyers. (C)Although commentary on Marshall has often focused only on a single ideological aspect of his accomplishments, a reinvestigation of his record as a judge reveals its influence on current divergent political objectives. (D)In his work with the NAACP during the 1940s and 1950s, Marshall adopted a set of tactics that were previously considered a radical departure from accepted practice, but which he adapted in such a way that they eventually became accepted conventions in the field of law. (E)Contrary to the impression commonly given by commentary on Marshall, his contributions to the work of the NAACP have had more of a lasting impact than his achievements as a U.S. Supreme Court justice. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes two main functions of the first sentence of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)It disputes a claim that has often been accepted and summarizes Marshall's achievements. (B)It establishes the passage's main topic and indicates the controversial nature of Marshall's ideologies. (C)It introduces two aspects of Marshall's career and outlines the historical significance of both. (D)It identifies Marshall's better-known achievements and suggests that commentary has neglected certain other achievements. (E)It provides a new perspective on Marshall's achievements and corrects a historical inaccuracy. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.Q: Which one of the following pairs of tactics used by an environmental-advocacy public interest law firm is most closely analogous to the strategies that Marshall utilized during his work with the NAACP? Answer Choices: (A)a decision to pursue a pollution case based on its potential legal implications for a large class of related cases; and testimony by a noted medical authority whose data support the claim that the pollution in question causes widespread medical problems (B)acceptance of a pollution case based on the practical urgency of its expected impact on the environment if a ruling in favor of the plaintiff is rendered; and assignment of the case to the most widely known members of the firm (C)preference for pursuing a series of cases that are to be tried in courts having a record of decisions that are favorable to environmental interests; and taking these cases to judges who strictly uphold constitutional principles (D)acceptance of a pollution damage case based primarily on the potential plaintiff's needs; and careful orchestration of pretrial publicity designed to acquaint the public with the relevant issues (E)thorough and painstaking research of precedents relating to a current pollution case; and consultations with lawyers for the defense regarding a pretrial settlement A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.Q: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that the author views the test case strategy developed by Marshall as Answer Choices: (A)arbitrary (B)inflexible (C)unprecedented (D)necessary (E)subjective A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.Q: The passage provides the most support for which one of the following statements? Answer Choices: (A)The ideological motivations for Marshall's work with the NAACP changed during his tenure on the U.S. Supreme Court. (B)Marshall declined to pursue some cases that were in keeping with the NAACP's goals but whose plaintiffs' likely impression on the public he deemed to be unfavorable. (C)Marshall's tactics were initially opposed by some other members of the NAACP who favored a more traditional approach. (D)Marshall relied more on expert testimony in lower courts, whose judges were more likely than higher court judges to give weight to statistical evidence. (E)Marshall's colleagues at the NAACP subsequently revised his methods and extended their applications to areas of law and politics beyond those for which they were designed. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.Q: Based on the passage, it can be most reasonably inferred that the author would agree with which one of the following statements? Answer Choices: (A)In light of a reconsideration of Marshall's career, it seems that commentary has undervalued both his innovations in litigation strategy and his accomplishments on the U.S. Supreme Court. (B)The most controversial of Marshall's methods was, somewhat paradoxically, the most unequivocally successful part of his overall campaign with the NAACP. (C)Lawyers representing private interests had previously used sociological evidence in court cases. (D)In response to Marshall's successes in NAACP litigations, the first public interest law firms were established, and they represented a radical change from previous types of U.S. law firms. (E)Marshall's techniques lend themselves to being used even for purposes that Marshall might not have intended. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.Q: According to the passage, some legal scholars have criticized which one of the following? Answer Choices: (A)the ideology Marshall used to support his goals (B)recent public interest campaigns (C)the use of Marshall's techniques by politically conservative lawyers (D)the use of psychological statistics in court cases (E)the set of criteria for selecting public interest litigants A: Among A through E, the answer is

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.Q: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements in his paintings, considered simply a parodic reaction to the high-mindedness of later abstract expressionism, is also an attempt to re-create the emotionally powerful work of earlier abstract expressionists. (B)Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements is not solely a parodic reaction to the high-mindedness of later abstract expressionism but also demonstrates an attempt to achieve realistic and nostalgic effects simultaneously in his paintings. (C)Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements obscures the emotional complexity contained in his paintings, a situation that has prevented his work from being recognized as fine art in the expressionist tradition. (D)Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements appears to mark his paintings as parodic reactions to the whole of abstract expressionism when they are instead a rebellion against the high-mindedness of the later abstract expressionists. (E)Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements in his paintings, though a response to the excessive sophistication of the art world, is itself highly sophisticated in that it manages to reconcile pop art and fine art. A: Among A through E, the answer is

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.Q: Which one of the following best captures the author's attitude toward Lichtenstein's work? Answer Choices: (A)enthusiasm for its more rebellious aspects (B)respect for its successful parody of youth and innocence (C)pleasure in its blatant rejection of abstract expressionism (D)admiration for its subtle critique of contemporary culture (E)appreciation for its ability to incorporate both realism and naivete A: Among A through E, the answer is

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.Q: The author most likely lists some of the themes and objects influencing and appearing in Lichtenstein's paintings (lines 38–43) primarily to Answer Choices: (A)show that the paintings depict aspects of contemporary life (B)support the claim that Lichtenstein's work was parodic in intent (C)contrast Lichtenstein's approach to art with that of abstract expressionism (D)suggest the emotions that lie at the heart of Lichtenstein's work (E)endorse Lichtenstein's attitude toward consumer culture A: Among A through E, the answer is

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.Q: Based on the passage, which one of the following would be an example of pop art that is most in keeping with the spirit of Lichtenstein's work? Answer Choices: (A)a painting that uses realistic techniques to represent several simple objects arranged on a table (B)a painting that parodies human figures by depicting them as stick figures (C)a painting that conveys its creator's inner turmoil through the use of bold lines and primary colors (D)a painting that employs vague shapes and images to make a statement about consumer culture (E)a painting that depicts products as they appear in magazine advertisements to comment on society's values A: Among A through E, the answer is

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.Q: Which one of the following, if true, would most challenge the author's characterization of Lichtenstein? Answer Choices: (A)Lichtenstein frequently attended exhibitions by abstract expressionist painters in the 1960s. (B)Lichtenstein praised a contemporary abstract expressionist in the 1960s for producing an atypically emotional painting. (C)Lichtenstein praised an early abstract expressionist for producing emotional paintings. (D)Lichtenstein criticized a pop artist in the 1960s for producing emotional paintings. (E)Lichtenstein criticized a pop artist in the 1960s for producing paintings void of emotion. A: Among A through E, the answer is

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.Q: The primary purpose of the passage is most likely to Answer Choices: (A)express curiosity about an artist's work (B)clarify the motivation behind an artist's work (C)contrast two opposing theories about an artist's work (D)describe the evolution of an artist's work (E)refute a previous overestimation of an artist's work A: Among A through E, the answer is

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.Q: Based on the passage, which one of the following does the author appear to believe about the rebellious aspect of Lichtenstein's work? Answer Choices: (A)It was directed less against abstract expressionism exclusively than against overly sophisticated art. (B)It was directed less against later abstract expressionism than against commercial art. (C)It was directed less against later abstract expressionism exclusively than against abstract expressionism in general. (D)It was an objection to the consumerism of the culture. (E)It was an objection to the simplicity of line and color used by pop artists. A: Among A through E, the answer is

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.Q: Based on the passage, which one of the following can most reasonably be inferred about abstract expressionism? Answer Choices: (A)Over time, it moved from abstraction to realism. (B)Over time, it moved from intensity to lyricism. (C)Over time, it moved from intellectualism to emotionalism. (D)Over time, it moved from obscurity to clarity. (E)Over time, it moved from density to sparseness. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.Q: Which one of the following does the passage identify as being a result of a technological development? Answer Choices: (A)burgeoning scientific research (B)educational uses of broadcasting (C)widespread exchange of political ideas (D)faster means of travel (E)increased access to databases A: Among A through E, the answer is

Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.Q: As used in the passage, the word "democratizing" (line 9) most nearly means equalizing which one of the following? Answer Choices: (A)distribution of tangible and intangible goods (B)opportunity to create new technology (C)accumulation of financial assets in investments (D)participation in the regulation of society through either public or private institutions (E)generally acknowledged social status in a community A: Among A through E, the answer is

Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.Q: Which one of the following most accurately represents the primary function of the reference to maximization of financial success (lines 52–54)? Answer Choices: (A)It forms part of the author's summary of the benefits that have resulted from the technological developments described in the preceding paragraph. (B)It serves as the author's logical conclusion from data presented in the preceding paragraph regarding the social consequences of technological development. (C)It forms part of a speculative hypothesis that the author presents for its interest in relation to the main topic rather than as part of an argument. (D)It serves as part of a causal explanation that reinforces the thesis in the first paragraph regarding the benefits of technological development. (E)It forms part of the author's concession that certain factors complicate the argument presented in the first two paragraphs. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.Q: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that the author would agree with which one of the following statements? Answer Choices: (A)The profits derived from computer technology have accrued to fewer people than have the profits derived from any other technological development. (B)Often the desire of some people for profits motivates changes that are beneficial for large numbers of other people. (C)National boundaries are rarely barriers to the democratizing spread of technology. (D)Typically, investment in technology is riskier than many other sorts of investment. (E)Greater geographical mobility of populations has contributed to the profits of entrepreneurs and investors in technology. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.Q: From the passage it can be most reasonably inferred that the author would agree with which one of the following statements? Answer Choices: (A)The democratizing influence of technology generally contributes to technological obsolescence. (B)Wholly unregulated economies are probably the fastest in producing an equalization of social status. (C)Expanded access to printed texts across a population has historically led to an increase in literacy in that population. (D)The invention of the telephone has had a greater democratizing influence on society than has the invention of the printing press. (E)Near equality of financial assets among people is a realistic goal for market economies. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.Q: Which one of the following most completely and accurately states the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)Evidence shows that the workings of the brain are guided, not by electrical signals, but by chemicals, and that subtle differences among the receptors for these chemicals may permit the selective treatment of certain brain disorders. (B)Evidence shows that the workings of the brain are guided, not by electrical signals, but by chemicals, and that enough similarities exist among these chemicals to allow scientists to classify them as a family. (C)Evidence shows that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically, and that enough similarities exist among these chemicals to allow scientists to classify them as a family. (D)Evidence shows that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically, and that subtle differences among the receptors for these chemicals may permit the selective treatment of certain brain disorders. (E)Evidence shows that receptor molecules in the brain differ subtly from one another, and that these differences can be exploited to treat certain brain disorders through the use of drugs that selectively affect particular parts of the brain. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.Q: Based on the passage, the author's attitude toward the discovery presented in the last paragraph is most accurately described as Answer Choices: (A)certainty that its possible benefits will be realized (B)optimism about its potential applications (C)apprehension about the possibility of its misuse (D)concern that its benefits are easily exaggerated (E)skepticism toward its assumptions about the brain A: Among A through E, the answer is

Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.Q: Each of the following statements is affirmed by the passage EXCEPT: Answer Choices: (A)The secretion of certain chemicals plays a role in neuron communication. (B)The flow of ions through neurons plays a role in neuron communication. (C)The binding of neurotransmitters to receptors plays a role in neuron communication. (D)The structure of receptors on neuron surfaces plays a role in neuron communication. (E)The size of neurotransmitter binding sites on receptors plays a role in neuron communication. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.Q: The author most likely uses the phrase "defined categories of neurons" in lines 55–56 in order to refer to neurons that Answer Choices: (A)possess channels for ions (B)respond to drug treatment (C)contain receptor molecules (D)influence particular brain functions (E)react to binding by neurotransmitters A: Among A through E, the answer is

Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)explanation of a theory; presentation of evidence in support of the theory; presentation of evidence in opposition to the theory; argument in favor of rejecting the theory; discussion of the implications of rejecting the theory (B)explanation of a theory; presentation of evidence in support of the theory; explanation of an alternative theory; presentation of information to support the alternative theory; discussion of an experiment that can help determine which theory is correct (C)explanation of a theory; description of an obstacle to the theory's general acceptance; presentation of an explanation that helps the theory overcome the obstacle; discussion of a further implication of the theory (D)explanation of a theory; description of an obstacle to the theory's general acceptance; argument that the obstacle is insurmountable and that the theory should be rejected; discussion of the implications of rejecting the theory (E)explanation of a theory; description of how the theory came to win scientific acceptance; presentation of new information that challenges the theory; modification of the theory to accommodate the new information; discussion of an implication of the modification A: Among A through E, the answer is

Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.Q: The primary purpose of the passage is most likely to Answer Choices: (A)propose a new theory about the workings of the brain (B)introduce evidence that challenges a widely accepted theory about the workings of the brain (C)describe the approach scientists use when studying the workings of the brain (D)discuss new support for a widely accepted theory about the workings of the brain (E)illustrate the practical utility of scientific research into the workings of the brain A: Among A through E, the answer is

Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.Q: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)The principle of utility maximization provides an economic framework that allows legal scholars to analyze an individual's decision to commit a crime as a rational economic choice that maximizes that individual's expected utility. (B)Legal scholars have found that deliberate criminal acts are motivated by neither external influences nor individual choices alone but that instead both of these factors are important in the decision to commit a crime. (C)The utility maximization principle can be used to quantify the effects both of methods of deterrence that revolve around individual factors and of those that emphasize the impact of societal norms on the decision to commit a deliberate crime. (D)Introduction of the utility maximization principle into the current crime deterrence debate indicates that both sides in the debate offer useful recommendations that can work together in deterring deliberate crime. (E)The utility maximization principle demonstrates that deliberate criminal acts are the result of the rational economic choices of individuals and are not influenced by societal norms or the policies and practices of societal institutions. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.Q: The author mentions "crimes of passion" in line 3 primarily in order to Answer Choices: (A)give an example of a kind of deliberate crime (B)provide a contrast that helps to define a deliberate crime (C)demonstrate that not all crimes can be deterred (D)help illustrate one side of the current debate in the legal community (E)mention a crime that is a product of the influence of societal norms A: Among A through E, the answer is

Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.Q: The explanation of the utility maximization principle in the passage suggests that which one of the following would be least appropriately described as a rational response to economic incentives and disincentives? Answer Choices: (A)In order to reduce his taxes, a waiter conceals a large part of his tip income from the government because he believes that it is very unlikely that this will be detected and he will be penalized. (B)A motorist avoids speeding on a certain stretch of road because she knows that it is heavily patrolled and that a speeding ticket will lead to loss of her driver's license. (C)An industrialist continues to illegally discharge an untreated pollutant into a river because the cost of treatment far exceeds the fine for illegally discharging the pollutant. (D)A government official in an impoverished country risks prosecution for soliciting bribes because rampant inflation has rendered her government salary inadequate to support her and her family. (E)A worker physically assaults his former supervisor in a crowded workplace because he has been dismissed from his job and he believes that the dismissal was unwarranted and unfair. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.Q: Based on the passage, which one of the following scenarios is most similar to some legal scholars' use of the utility maximization principle regarding the crime deterrence debate? Answer Choices: (A)an astronomer's use of a paradox employed by certain ancient cosmologists as a metaphor to help describe a phenomenon recently observed with the aid of new technologies (B)a drawing instructor's use of a law of optics from physics to demonstrate that two lines that appear to diverge actually run parallel to each other (C)a botanist's use of a quotation from a legendary Olympic athlete to make a point about the competitive nature of plants in a forest (D)a judge's use of evidence from anthropology to support a decision in a controversial legal case (E)a mediator's use of a short quotation from a well-known novel in an attempt to set a tone of collegiality and good conduct at the start of a bargaining session A: Among A through E, the answer is

Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)Two sides of a debate are described and a general principle is used to resolve the conflict between them. (B)Two sides of a debate are described and an economic principle is applied to decide between them. (C)Two beliefs are described and a principle is introduced to discredit them. (D)A general principle is described and instantiated by two different ways of solving a problem. (E)A general principle is described and used to highlight the differences between two sides in a debate. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.Q: The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with each of the following statements EXCEPT: Answer Choices: (A)The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to fall if laws requiring stronger punishments for repeat offenders are adopted. (B)The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to increase if efforts to rehabilitate them are ended. (C)The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to decrease if the expected utility of lawful activities decreases. (D)The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to increase if the access of individuals to economic institutions decreases. (E)The rate of deliberate crimes will tend to vary inversely with the level of law enforcement. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.Q: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)The Mexican American tradition of Spanish-language proverb use differs in important ways from the common proverb tradition of Europe. (B)Spanish-language proverbs figure prominently in Mexican American communities, where they are used both to instruct the young and to promote the young's familiarity with their heritage. (C)Most proverbs that are commonly used in Mexican American communities have their origins in either peninsular Spain or the common proverb tradition of Europe. (D)Many people in Mexican American communities use proverbs to teach young people about a wide range of social behaviors and norms. (E)As is illustrated in the Spanish-language tradition, the use of proverbs can serve a wide range of purposes within a community. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.Q: The author provides a translation of a proverb in lines 32–33 primarily in order to Answer Choices: (A)illustrate the relation between proverb use and education about peer-group relationships in Mexican American communities (B)provide an example of the tone of a proverb that is frequently used in Mexican American communities (C)illustrate how a proverb can function as an appeal to traditional wisdom (D)provide an example of how some Spanish-language proverbs can be clearly translated into English (E)illustrate the effectiveness of proverbs as educational tools in Mexican American communities A: Among A through E, the answer is

Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.Q: The passage provides information that most helps to answer which one of the following questions? Answer Choices: (A)In what other areas besides Europe did Spanish-language proverbs currently used in Mexican American communities originate? (B)Are any proverbs that are used frequently in the English-language tradition derived from Mexican American proverbs? (C)What kinds of messages and pieces of wisdom are most often communicated by proverbs in the English-language tradition? (D)In what other ethnic groups besides Mexican Americans do proverbs function to maintain ties to the traditions of those groups? (E)Is the use of proverbs in teaching young people more common in Mexican American communities than in the English-language tradition? A: Among A through E, the answer is

Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.Q: The passage most strongly suggests which one of the following about the use of proverbs? Answer Choices: (A)Proverb use is seldom intended to reinforce community-approved norms. (B)The way in which a proverb is used depends, at least in part, on the community in which it is used. (C)The most frequent use of proverbs in Mexican American communities is for the purpose of regulating peer-group relationships. (D)Proverbs are often used to help teach young people languages. (E)When a proverb is used as an educational tool, it is usually intended to serve more than one purpose. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.Q: The author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements? Answer Choices: (A)Most Mexican American proverbs have their origin in the common proverb tradition of Europe. (B)Mexican American parents are more likely to emphasize the value of traditional wisdom than are most other parents in the United States. (C)There are more Spanish-language proverbs than there are proverbs in the common proverb tradition of Europe. (D)Proverb use in some communities may reflect parental concern that the young will not embrace traditional norms. (E)Most proverbs cannot be accurately translated from one language to another. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.Q: Which one of the following is most strongly implied by the passage? Answer Choices: (A)If a proverb is used to inculcate table manners, then its primary purpose is to maintain ties to an ethnic tradition. (B)The frequent use of proverbs within any community functions, at least in part, to convey a sense of their ethnicity to children within that community. (C)The ways in which Mexican Americans use Spanish-language proverbs are typical of the ways in which Spanish speakers throughout the world use those proverbs. (D)There are some sayings that do not require a verbal context to be understood but whose meaning for each particular use depends on the social context in which that use occurs. (E)The emphasis within Mexican American communities on teaching children about peer-group relationships distinguishes those communities from other communities within the United States. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.Q: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of passage A? Answer Choices: (A)Altruistic behavior is problematic for evolutionary psychology because it tends to diminish the reproductive success of individuals that exhibit it. (B)New evidence may explain the evolution of altruistic behavior in early humans by showing that genes promote their own self-propagation. (C)Altruistic behavior originally served evolutionary purposes that it does not serve today because humans no longer live in small, kin-based groups. (D)Contrary to what critics of evolutionary psychology say, most significant types of human behavior are prompted by genetically selfish motivations. (E)An evolutionary explanation of altruistic behavior may lie in the psychological states brought about in early humans by cues of kinship or familiarity. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.Q: The approaches toward evolutionary psychology exhibited by the two authors differ in which one of the following ways? Answer Choices: (A)The author of passage A is more interested in examining the logical implications of evolutionary psychology than the author of passage B is. (B)The author of passage A is more committed to the principles of evolutionary psychology than the author of passage B is. (C)The author of passage A is more willing to consider nonevolutionary explanations for human behavior than the author of passage B is. (D)The author of passage B is more skeptical of evolutionary theory in general than the author of passage A is. (E)The author of passage B is more critical of the motives of evolutionary psychologists than the author of passage A is. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.Q: According to passage B, which one of the following is an example of a human characteristic for which evolutionary psychologists propose a questionable explanation? Answer Choices: (A)the early human tendency to live in small communities (B)the slow maturation of human offspring (C)forming monogamous families (D)misinterpreting the interests that motivate human actions (E)caring for some things for their own sakes A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.Q: According to passage A, certain types of human behavior developed through evolutionary processes because they Answer Choices: (A)helped spread the genes responsible for those same behaviors (B)prompted individuals to behave unselfishly (C)improved the physical health of individuals who exhibited the behaviors (D)made individuals who exhibited the behaviors more adept at finding food (E)prompted early humans to live in mutually dependent groups A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.Q: How does the purpose of passage B relate to the content of passage A? Answer Choices: (A)The author of passage B seeks to support the main claims made in passage A by presenting additional arguments in support of those claims. (B)The author of passage B criticizes the type of argument made in passage A by attempting to create an analogous argument with a conclusion that is clearly false. (C)The author of passage B argues that the type of evidence used in passage A is often derived from inaccurate observation. (D)The author of passage B maintains that the claims made in passage A are vacuous because no possible evidence could confirm or disconfirm them. (E)The author of passage B seeks to undermine the type of argument made in passage A by suggesting that it relies on questionable reasoning. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.Q: Which one of the following assertions from passage A most clearly exemplifies what the author of passage B means in calling evolutionary psychology a "conspiracy theory" (lines 35–36)? Answer Choices: (A)Evolutionary psychologists seek to examine human behavior from the point of view of the theory of evolution. (B)Altruism presents a difficult problem for evolutionary psychology. (C)An altruistic individual uses valuable resources to promote the well-being of another individual. (D)Genes may promote their self-propagation through actions that appear unselfish. (E)Early humans lived in small, kin-based groups. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.Q: It can be inferred that the author of passage B would regard which one of the following as a mistaken assumption underlying arguments like that made in passage A? Answer Choices: (A)Most of the physical features characteristic of modern humans developed as the result of evolutionary pressures. (B)Any action performed by an early human was necessarily orchestrated by that individual's genes to promote the genes' self-propagation. (C)To explain a type of human behavior in evolutionary terms, it is sufficient to show that the behavior would have improved the reproductive success of early humans. (D)Evolutionary psychology can be used to explain human behavior but not animal behavior, since animal behavior is driven largely by instinct. (E)Most early human behaviors that significantly hindered reproductive success were eliminated by evolutionary competition. A: Among A through E, the answer is

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.Q: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)By drawing on elements from the two opposing strains of Russian literary criticism, Dostoyevsky developed the theoretical apparatus for a new direction in Russian literature. (B)In opposition to the views of the two most prominent groups of Russian literary critics, Dostoyevsky believed that literature should keep itself removed from reality. (C)Dostoyevsky's indictment of the radical Russian critics rested solely on his objection to the radical critics' stipulation that literature be useful to society. (D)In his critical writings, Dostoyevsky championed the freedom of the artist against the narrow constraints imposed by the radical Russian critics' concern with the depiction of reality. (E)Dostoyevsky's position on literature differed sharply from that of the radical Russian critics with respect to the nature of reality, the importance of formal aspects in a literary work, and the utility of art. A: Among A through E, the answer is

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.Q: Which one of the following works most clearly exemplifies writing Dostoyevsky would have deemed "artistic" ? Answer Choices: (A)a fictionalized account based on interviews with patients that illustrates the brutal facts of illness (B)a novel in which the author's ideas are given substance through suitable characters and events (C)a novel in which the author attempted to use allegory to communicate a criticism of feudal society (D)an autobiographical essay in which the author chronicles the outstanding events in his life (E)a short story in which the characters debate how to solve various social problems A: Among A through E, the answer is

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.Q: According to the passage, Dostoyevsky disagreed with the radical critics' view of realism in literature because he believed Answer Choices: (A)reality is not independent of the experiences of individuals (B)realism is unequal to the task of representing political views (C)art should be elevated above the portrayal of reality (D)realism does not in fact facilitate the exposure of social inequities or contribute to the creation of a new society (E)reality is not the crucial source of successful literature A: Among A through E, the answer is

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.Q: In the context of the passage, the description of a work of literature as "useful" mainly refers to its Answer Choices: (A)proficiency at depicting the realm of the fantastic (B)effectiveness at communicating the author's ideas (C)ability to help bring about social change (D)facility for exploding the boundaries of the tangible world (E)capacity to advance a particular theory of literature A: Among A through E, the answer is

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the material presented in the passage? Answer Choices: (A)Three positions are presented and each is elaborated in detail. (B)Three positions are presented and the third is differentiated from the first two in detail. (C)Three positions are presented and the third is differentiated from the second in detail. (D)Three positions are presented and the third is shown to be superior to the first two. (E)Three positions are presented and the third is shown to be inferior to the second. A: Among A through E, the answer is

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.Q: It can be inferred from the passage that Dostoyevsky would most likely have agreed with which one of the following statements about the view held by some Russian critics that art should stand high above the present and everyday? Answer Choices: (A)It is correct because of its requirement that art have a strong element of the fantastic. (B)It is correct because it recognizes that reality is more than just an enumeration of the mundane details of life. (C)It is incorrect because reality must be the foundation of all literature. (D)It is incorrect because it makes no distinction between reality and fantasy. (E)It is incorrect because of its insistence that art further some societal end. A: Among A through E, the answer is

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.Q: Given the information in the passage, Dostoyevsky would have been most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about works of literature? Answer Choices: (A)Only works of literature that are well written can serve a particular political view. (B)Only works of literature that serve a particular political view can be said to be well written. (C)Works of literature that are not well written always attempt to serve a particular political view. (D)A work of literature that is well written cannot serve any particular political view. (E)A work of literature that serves a particular political view cannot be well written. A: Among A through E, the answer is

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.Q: The passage suggests that Dostoyevsky's attitude toward the radical critics' view would be most softened if the radical critics were to Answer Choices: (A)draw a sharper distinction between reality and fantasy when evaluating the content of a literary work (B)put clarity of purpose ahead of formal aspects when evaluating a literary work (C)acknowledge the importance of eliminating elements of concrete reality from literary works (D)recognize the full significance of artistic merit when evaluating literary works (E)explain more fully their demand that reality be depicted as it is A: Among A through E, the answer is

The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.Q: Which one of the following statements most accurately expresses the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)The shift from traditional to digital publishing is typical of the shift from one economic model to a more efficient economic model. (B)Digital publishing is likely to one day rival traditional publishing, but social and economic fiIctors are currently hindering its acceptaoce. (C)Digital publishing will be convenient for readers and profitable for publishers but will also result in a great deal of movement by authors among different publishing houses. (D)Although digital books can now be displayed on computers and handheld electronic devices, consumers will demonstrate that they prefer books printed at the point of sale. (E)Digital publishing will transfonn the economics of the publishing business and in doing so will likely create competitive pressures to pay authors a greater percentage of publishers' net revenue. A: Among A through E, the answer is

The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.Q: The author uses the phrase "whole categories of expense" (lines 30-31) primarily to refer to Answer Choices: (A)the fees collected by literal agents from their clients (B)the price paid to have books printed and bound (C)the royalties paid to authors by their publisbers (D)the costs specific to the retail trade in traditional printed books (E)the total sales ofa book minus the value of those books returned unsold to the bookseller A: Among A through E, the answer is

The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.Q: It can most reasonably be inferred that the aulbor would agree wilb which one oflbe following statements? Answer Choices: (A)Those publishers that fail to embrace the new digital model ofpub1ishing will be uuiikely to remain economically competitive. (B)The primary threat to the spread of digital publishing will be the widespread use of computers aud haudheld devices for reading text. (C)The growth of digital publishing is likely to revitalize the book retail business. (D)Any book will sell more copies ifit is published digitally thau if it is published traditionally. (E)Digital publishing will allow publishers to substantially decrease the amount of money they allocate for advertising their books. A: Among A through E, the answer is

The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.Q: Each of the following is identified in the passage as something digital publishing will dispense with the need for EXCEPT: Answer Choices: (A)warehousing printed books (B)having book covers designed (C)having books shipped to retail stores (D)having unsold books returned to publishers (E)displaying books in retail stores A: Among A through E, the answer is

The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.Q: If the scenario descrthed in the first two paragraphs were to become true, then which one of the following would most likely be the case? Answer Choices: (A)The need for warehousing will shift mainly from that of individual books to that of paper and binding material to make books. (B)The patronage of stores that sell used books will increase significantly. (C)Most publishers will sell their own books individually and will not use distributors or retailers. (D)There will be significantly less demand by publishers for the services of copy editors and book designers. (E)The demand for book-grade paper will decrease significantly. A: Among A through E, the answer is

The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.Q: It can most reasonably be inferred that the author would agree wilb which one oflbe following statements? Answer Choices: (A)The changing literary tastes of consumers will be the main cause of the eventual transition to the new digital model. (B)The ease of keeping books "in print" will be the primary factor in the eventual acceptance of the new digital model. (C)The demauds of literary agents will be the impetus for completing the transition to the new digital model. (D)The development of innovative marketing strategies will ensure acceptance of the new digital model. (E)Widespread familiarily with new ways of storing information will be the primary reason for the acceptance of the new digital model. A: Among A through E, the answer is

The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.Q: The primary purpose of the final sentence of the passage is to Answer Choices: (A)suggest that traditional publishing houses have been too slow to embrace digital publishing (B)provide a broader context that helps to clarDY the situation facing traditional publishers (C)summarize the argument for the claim that digital publishing will likely replace traditional publishing (D)illustrate the primary obstacle facing traditional publishing houses that wish to incorporate digital publishing capabilities (E)recommend a wait-and-see approach on the part of traditional publishing houses A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.Q: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of passage B? Answer Choices: (A)Criminal defendants do not always have a full and fair opportunity to challenge faulty fingerprint evidence when it is used against them at trial. (B)Fingerprint evidence has been shown to be too unreliable for use in eriminal trials. (C)The error rate for fingerprint identification is significantly higher than is generally acknowledged. (D)There are anumberoffundarnentalproblerns in the field of fingerprint identification as it is currently practiced. (E)There is a growing consensus within the legal community that fingerprint evidence is often unreliable. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.Q: The authors would be most likely to disagree about Answer Choices: (A)whether uniformity in the training of fingerprint examiners is desirable (B)the likelihood that a fingerprint examiner will incorrectly declare a match in a given eriminal case (C)whether fingerprint identification should be accorded the status of scientific law (D)the relative merits of the point-counting and holistic methods of fingerprint identification (E)whether different agencies vary in the degree of correlation they require for examiners to declare a match A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.Q: It can be inferred that the author of passage A is Answer Choices: (A)a judge presiding over an appeal of a criminal conviction (B)a defense attorney arguing an appeal of a client's criminal conviction (C)a prosecutor arguing for the affirmation of a guilty verdict (D)a professor of law lectuting to a ctiminallaw class (E)an academic presenting a paper to a group of legal scholars A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.Q: Each passage discusses the relationship between the reliability of the practice of fingerprint identification and which one of the following? Answer Choices: (A)the ability of a criminal defendant to expose weaknesses in the prosecution's case (B)the personal integrity of individual fingerprint examiners (C)differences in the identification practices used by various fingerprint examiners (D)the partial or smudged prints that are typically used as evidence in criminal cases (E)use of the holistic approach to fingerprint identification A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.Q: Which one of the following principles underlies the arguments in both passages? Answer Choices: (A)Courts should be extremely reluctant to reject those forms of evidence that have withstood the test of time. (B)Defendants should have the right to challenge forms of evidence whose reliability has not been scientifically proven. (C)To evaluate the value of fingerprint evidence, one must know how likely it is that partial prints from two different people would match. (D)Fingerprint identification should not be considered to have a low error rate Wlless rigorously conducted tests have shown this to be so. (E)Fingerprint examiners must follow objective standards iffingerprint identification is to be reliable. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.Q: Both passages allude to a method of fingerprint identification in which examiners Answer Choices: (A)rely on a holistic impression of how similar two fingerprints are (B)use computerized databases to search for matching fingerprints (C)count the number of characteristics two fingerprints have in common (D)calculate the odds of two different individuals' sharing certain very rare fingerprint characteristics (E)use computer technology to clariJY the images of smudged or partial fingerprints A: Among A through E, the answer is

Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.Q: Passage B differs from passage A in that passage B is more Answer Choices: (A)optimistic in its conclusions (B)general in focus (C)tentative in its claims (D)respectful of opposing claims (E)dependent on unsubstantiated assumptions A: Among A through E, the answer is

Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as "literature" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique "voices" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.Q: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage? Answer Choices: (A)In Jazz, Morrison has realized a significant artistic achievement in creating the first African American work of fiction whose plot, themes, and setting are all drawn from the world of jazz. (B)Morrison's striking description of a musical ensemble perfurmance containing solo improvisations constitutes an important artistic innovation and makes Jazz an important model for other writers. (C)Although many African American writers have used music as a central metaphor in their works, Morrison's 1992 novel is unique and innovative for using jazz as its central metaphor. (D)Building on the works of many African American writers and musical composers, Morrison has over the years developed an innovative jazzlike style of narration, which she used especially effectively in the novel Jazz. (E)In Jazz, Morrison has succeeded in creating an original and effective narrative strategy that is a literary analogne of Duke Ellington's style of musical composition. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as "literature" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique "voices" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.Q: The author's discussion in the first paragraph proceeds in which one of the following ways? Answer Choices: (A)from a common claim about the arts, to a denial of this claim as applied to a particular artistic tradition, to a hypothesis about a particular individual (B)from a general remark about two art forms, to a similar observation about a particular artistic tradition, to a specific comment about a particular work that exemplifies the prior remarks (C)from a description ofa common claim about two art fonns, to some specific evidence that supports that claim, to an inference regarding a particular individual to whom that claim applies (D)from an observation about a specific art fonn, to a more general claim about the applicability of that observation to other art forms, to a particular counterexample to the first obsetvation (E)from general comments about the arts, to a purported counterexample to the general comments as applied to a particular artistic tradition, to a description of a particular work that bears out the original comments A: Among A through E, the answer is

Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as "literature" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique "voices" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.Q: The author's assertion in lines 11-16 would be most called in 10 question if which one of the following were true? Answer Choices: (A)Even a casual reading of Jazz makes it evident that the author has intentionally tried to simulate a style of jazz performance in the narration of the story. (B)A small number of African American novelists writing earlier in the twentieth century sought to base the form of their work on the typical structme of blues music. (C)All novels about nonliterary arts and artists appear as if their authors have tried to make their narrative styles reminiscent of the arts in question. (D)Depending partly on whether or not it is read aloud, any novel can be found to be somewhat musical in nature. (E)A smaller number of African American writers than of non-African American writers in North America have written novels whose plots and characters have to do with music. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as "literature" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique "voices" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.Q: The information in the passage most supports which one of the following statements regarding Ellington? Answer Choices: (A)Morrison has explicitly credited him with inspiring the style of narration that she developed in Jazz. (B)He prevented his musicians from perfonuing lengthy solos in order to preserve the unity of his compositions. (C)He is a minor character in Morrison's Jazz. (D)He composed music that was originally intended to be performed by the specific musicians he condueted. (E)Though he composed and condueted primarily jazz, he also composed some music of other genres. A: Among A through E, the answer is

Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as "literature" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique "voices" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.Q: The author's primary purpose in the passage is to Answer Choices: (A)analyze and commend the variety of contributions to the art of the novel made by a particular writer (B)contrast a particular AfricanAmerican writer's work with the work of African American practitioners of another art (C)descrthe a particular aspect of one wOIk by a particular writer (D)demonstrate the ways in which two apparently dissimilar arts are, on a deeper analysis, actually quite similar (E)detail the thematic concems in the work ofa particular writer and identifY the sources of those concerns A: Among A through E, the answer is

Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as "literature" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique "voices" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.Q: Each of the following excerpts from the passage exhibits the author's attitude toward the novel Jazz EXCEPT: Answer Choices: (A)"...whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest con1nbutions to North American art" (lines 8-10) (B)"In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told" (lines 17-19) (C)"The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice ....." (lines 19-21) (D)"... Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope ....." (lines 49-51) (E)"By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity ..." (lines 52-54) A: Among A through E, the answer is