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celestial mechanics The branch of astronomy that studies the motions of all types of astronomical objects, including stars, planets, and natural an…
Due to Earth's axial tilt, the celestial equator is currently inclined at an angle of 23.44 degrees with respect to the ecliptic.
An American epic space opera franchise centered on a film series created by George Lucas.STAR WARS, proper noun. A composition of combustible matter used in the heading of rockets, in mines, etc., which, exploding in the air, presents a starlike appearance.STAR, verb. Someone who is dazzlingly skilled in any field.STAR, noun.
Plural of star drive Alternative form of stardrivesSTAR FINCH, noun. (science fiction) A hypothetical process wherein a portion of a star's mass is removed, generally to serve as an energy source.STAR MACROMOLECULE, noun. An extraterrestrial person from a different star system than ours.STAR WARS, proper noun. Hypoxis spp., flowering plants belonging to the family Hypoxidaceae.STAR HEIGHT, noun. Satellite, Scientific, Scientist, Seismometer, Sensation, Session, Sextant, Shooting star, Shuttle, Significant, Simulation, Sir Issac, Size, Sky, Soar, Solar system, Solstice, Space, Space craft, Space station, Spatial, Spectrometry, Spectrum, Spherical, Spinning, Star dust, Stars, Stellar, Storms, Stratosphere, Subatomic, Success, Sun, Sunspot, Super nova, Support, Sustain, Swirling, Syzygy Depending on context the sun may or may not be included.STAR, noun. Most of the constellations we know have been given names, for example Orion the Hunter and the Great Bear. (geometry) A concave polygon with regular, pointy protrusions and indentations, generally with five or six points.STAR, noun.
(astrology) Synonym of the astrological sign.STAR STREAM, noun.
Valued for … The topology of a network whose components are connected to a hub.STAR, verb. (astronomy) (photography) The line of light recorded on a photographic medium when a time exposure is made of a star in the nighttime sky using a camera on a fixed mount, caused by the rotation of the earth during the period of time when the camera's shutter is held open.STAR TREK, proper noun. Aletris spp., flowering plants in the Nartheciaceae family.STAR GRASS, noun. Sicyos angulatus, an annual vine in the cucumber family, native to eastern North America.STAR DRIVES, noun. Delivered to your inbox! (New Age) a person believed to have a reincarnated soul of an extraterrestrial or extradimensional beingSTAR SHELL, noun. inferior. STAR, proper noun. in the mind of another.© 2006-2020 «Word Associations Network». A hamlet in Wales. Any small luminous dot appearing in the cloudless portion of the night sky, especially with a fixed location relative to other such dots.STAR, noun. Indicating the most important performer or role; "the leading man"; "prima ballerina"; "prima donna"; "a star figure skater"; "the starring role"; "a stellar role"; "a stellar performance".Think twice before you speak, because your words and A physical network topology in which all nodes are connected to a central connectivity device (e.g.
(architecture) A vault whose ribs radiate to form patterns reminiscent of starsSTAR VISITOR, noun. An Australian species of estrildid finch, Neochmia ruficauda.STAR FORT, noun. This glossary of astronomy terms contains definitions for some of the most common words used in astronomy, cosmology, astrophysics, and space exploration.
celestial equator The imaginary great circle of a body's celestial sphere that is coplanar with the body's terrestrial equator.
Valued for its decorative shape as well as its flavor. Mark with an asterisk; "Linguists star unacceptable sentences".STAR, adjective. STAR, noun. (chemistry) A macromolecule having a single branch point from which linear chains (or arms) emanate.STAR MACROMOLECULES, noun. (pejorative) a legal or administrative body with strict, arbitrary rulings and secretive proceedingsSTAR CHART, noun. A simple dance, or part of a dance, where a group of four dancers each put their right or left hand in the middle and turn around in a circle.
auxiliary. (computing theory) A measure of the structural complexity of a regular expression, equal to the maximum nesting depth of stars in the expression.STAR JELLY, noun.
Also used commercially as a source of shikimic acid for the production of Tamiflu.STAR APPLE, noun. To appear as a featured performer or headliner, especially in an entertainment program.STAR, verb. (astronomy) A line of stars, originally from a dwarf galaxy, that have been captured by gravitational interaction with the Milky WaySTAR SYSTEM, noun.
(roller derby) The transfer of jammer status to a team's pivot, accomplished by passing a helmet cover marked with a star.STAR PICKET, noun.
Callitriche spp., flowering plants in the Plantaginaceae family.STAR GRASS, noun.
A village in Scotland.
A star-shaped ornament worn on the breast to indicate rank or honour.STAR, noun. The Norfolk Island pine, Araucaria heterophyllaSTAR POLYGON, noun. Futuristic, particularly with respect to things similar in appearance or effect to technology in the Star Trek franchise.STAR TREKKISH, adjective.
The amateur astronomy hobby contains words, labels, and technical terms that may seem be a little confusing for both beginners and the more experienced hobbyists. Antonyms for star.
Alternative spelling of star-crossedSTAR CUCUMBER, noun. (film) A method of creating, promoting and exploiting movie stars in cinema, emphasizing on their images rather than acting.STAR TOPOLOGY, noun.
(military) A type of ammunition shell which bursts to release a shower of stars for illuminating enemy positions etc.STAR SIGN, noun. On Earth, the plane of the celestial equator is the basis of the equatorial coordinate system. | <urn:uuid:a8088638-ab92-4420-b74a-828feb7b88e3> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://adoptfilms.com/blog/6c8831-Words-associated-with-stars | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.86677 | 1,356 | 2.546875 | 3 |
A Research on Herbal and Quality Properties of Lice Local Tobacco as Genetic Source
Keywords:Lice tobacco, tobacco genetic resources, oriental tobacco, local tobacco varieties, Diyarbakır
AbstractTobaccos produced in Turkey are grouped under different names according to the different environmental properties and various characteristics of the regions where they were grown. Lice tobacco is an important local tobacco variety cultivated under Lice-Hazro and Kulp districts conditions. In recent years, a large number of tobacco origin and village populations disappeared from production and faced the danger of extinction. Especially the Lice local tobacco variety has gained a very good adaptation ability against the stress factors of the region. Different environmental factors such as high altitude, stony areas and high temperature, low rainfall and low nitrogen soils have determined the important quality characteristics that distinguish Lice tobacco from other tobacco types. The short plant height and reverse conical plant shape in Lice Tobacco produced in Lice District and around of Diyarbakır draws attention firstly. In Lice tobacco, the number of leaves per plant is 15-17 pieces / plant, the ratio of the length of the leaves to the width (38 cm / 23 cm), the elliptical leaf blade, dark green leaves and plant color, early flowering, the petal color is pinkish red. It is a local variety with high cigarette yield, low nicotine ratio (1-2%), protein nitrogen ratio 1%, total reducing substance ratio 15%, and the highest alkaloid ratio. In this study, the plant and quality characteristics of the local Lice tobacco variety, which has a high degree of genetic diversity, were investigated in farmer conditions and the differences with other Eastern and Southeastern Anatolian tobacco varieties were tried to be revealed.
How to Cite
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. | <urn:uuid:304427c6-ab34-45d5-8460-2ba05465ed45> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://agrifoodscience.com/index.php/TURJAF/article/view/3969 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.922483 | 385 | 2.828125 | 3 |
WYTHE was born in 1726 near Yorktown, Virginia.His
father was a wealthy plantation owner and he grew up in luxury and comfort.When
he reached the proper age he was placed in school but the knowledge that he
obtained was very limited and superficial. Fortunately for young Wythe, his
mother possessed unusual intelligence and she supplemented his early education.By
her assistance, the powers of his mind, which were originally strong and active,
rapidly unfolded.He became well
versed in the Latin and Greek languages, and made commendable achievements in
several of the sciences.
The uncontrolled possession
of a large fortune caused young Wythe to indulge in the extravagant amusements
and pleasures that his wealth made easily obtainable.Losing
his parents at such a rebellious age, he was deprived of their example and
guidance and his literary pursuits were almost entirely neglected.In
1748, upon the death of his wife, the former Ann Lewis to whom he was married
for about a year, Wythe moved to Williamsburg where, at the age of twenty-six,
he became a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses.At
the age of thirty, the principles that had been instilled into his mind by his
parents asserted power over his indulgences and he reformed himself.He
abandoned his youthful follies and applied himself with unrelenting diligence to
studied law under John Lewis, an eminent lawyer and quickly rose to the fore
front of the Virginia bar.In 1755,
he married Elizabeth Taliaferro, whose father had built a dignified house on the
Palace Green that they occupied for many years before it became legally theirs
at his death.He continued to expand
his flourishing law practice and was already a leader in the Virginia bar when
Thomas Jefferson came to Williamsburg to study law under his tutorage.
Wythe continued to exert all his
influence in favor of the independence of the colonies.He
loathed the Stamp Act is credited with writing "Resolutions of
Remonstrance" which was the strongest protest sanctioned by the Virginia
legislature.In 1775, he was elected
to the Virginia provincial congress and in August, was appointed a delegate of
the Continental congress.He openly
supported Richard Henry Lee's fight for independence and he signed the
Declaration of Independence on August 27, 1776.
In 1777, Wythe was elected speaker of the House of Delegates, and during the
same year was appointed judge of the high court of chancery of Virginia. On the
reorganization of the court, he was appointed sole chancellor, a station that he
filled, with great ability, for more than twenty years.
the Revolution Wythe's wealth suffered greatly.His
devotion to public service left him little opportunity to attend to his private
affairs. Due to the dishonesty of his superintendent, he lost most of his slaves
who were placed in the hands of the British.But
by cost-cutting and careful management Wythe was able to payoff his debts and
preserve his financial independence by combining what was left of his estate
with his salary as chancellor.In
1779, he accepted the professorship of law in the College of William and Mary.Wythe
thus became the first professor of law in an American institution of higher
learning.He held this position
until 1790, and in later years when his judicial duties caused him to reside in
Richmond, he had a law school there.Of
his eminent law students, Jefferson worked with him longest, John Marshall and
Henry Clay studied with him briefly.
in his life, Wythe freed all his slaves and provided them a means of support
until they were able to support themselves.In
his eighty-first year, while still fulfilling his duties as chancellor and full
of vitality, he was poisoned.The
death of this learned, liberal and respected man was believed to have been
caused by his grandnephew, George Wythe Sweeny, the chief beneficiary of his
will.Wythe apparently drank some
coffee that had been laced with arsenic.Although
Sweeny was tried for his crime, he was acquitted.
died on June 8, 1806 in Richmond, Virginia, leaving all of his books to his
friend, President Jefferson.
the addition of web pages with historical documents and/or scholarly papers on
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WYTHE, George, signer of the Declaration of Independence, born in Elizabeth City County, Va., in 1726; died in Richmond, Va., 8 June, 1806. His father was a wealthy planter, and his mother, who possessed unusual intelligence and learning, gave him his early education. Under her tuition he became an accomplished Latin and Greek scholar, an excellent mathematician acquired a liberal knowledge of the sciences, and was further instructed at William and Mary; but the death of both parents before he attained his majority and the consequent uncontrolled possession of a large fortune led him into extravagance and
He reformed when he was about thirty years old, studied law under John Lewis, an eminent practitioner, and quickly rose to the front rank at the Virginia bar. Early in life he was chosen to the
House of Burgesses, where he was recognized as one of the leaders, and he continued to serve until the beginning of the Revolution. On 14
November, 1764, he was appointed a member of its committee to prepare and report a petition to the king, a memorial to the house of lords, and a remonstrance to the house of commons on the proposed stamp-act. He drew up the last-named paper, but it so far exceeded the demands of his colleagues in boldness and truth that it was viewed as bordering on treason, and accepted only after much,
notification. From that time he continued to exert all his influence in favor of the independence of the colonies, and in August, 1775, he was appointed a delegate to the Continental congress from Virginia, signing the Declaration of Independence on 4 July of the year.
On 5 Nov., 1776, he was appointed by the legislature, with Thomas Jefferson, Edmund Pendleton, George Mason, and Thomas Ludwell Lee, on
a committee to revise the state laws of British and colonial enactment, and to prepare bills for re-enacting them with such alterations as were required under the new government. Mason and Lee did not serve, but so industrious were the other three members of the committee that on 18 June, 1779, they had prepared 126 bills, which they reported to the assembly. He became
Speaker of the House of Delegates in 1777, the same year was chosen one of the three judges of the chancery court of Virginia, and, on the reorganization of the court of equity, was constituted sole chancellor, which post he held for more than twenty years. Before the close of the Revolution, debts had been incurred between American and British merchants, and the recovery of these was the subject of the 6th article of John. Jay's treaty with Great Britain, but popular
feeling was strong against legal decrees in favor of British claimants. Chancellor Wythe was the first judge in the United States that decided the claims to be recoverable. He lost almost all his property during the Revolution, but he supplemented his small income as chancellor, which was £300 a year, by accepting the professorship of law in William and Mary. which he held in 1779-'89. In the latter year his arduous duties compelled his resignation, and he removed to Richmond, Va.
In December, 1786. he was chosen a member of the convention that framed the constitution of the United States, and he regularly attended its sessions, but, being absent on the last day, failed to sign the constitution,
he was subsequently twice a residential elector. In the latter part of his life he emancipated his slaves, furnishing them with means of support until they learned to take care of themselves. In the eighty-first year of his age, while he was still in the full vigor of his intellect and the exercise of the duties of the chancellorship, he was poisoned. His nephew, George
Wythe Sweeny, was tried for the crime, but was acquitted.
William and Mary gave Judge Wythe the degree of LL.D. in 1790. He was twice married, but his only child died in infancy. Among his pupils were two presidents of the United States, a chief justice, and others who attained high rank in the legal profession. Thomas Jefferson, his law pupil and devoted adherent, said of him in notes that he made in 1820 for a biography of Wythe, which he never completed:
"No man ever left behind him a character more venerated than George Wythe. His virtue was of the purest kind, his
integrity inflexible, his justice exact. He might truly be called the Cato of his country, without the avarice of the Roman, for a more disinterested person never lived. He was of middle size, his face manly, comely, and engaging. Such was George Wythe, the honor of his own and the model of future times."
This site and its contents are not affiliated, connected,
associated with or authorized by the individual, family,
friends, or trademarked entities utilizing any part or
the subject's entire name. Any official or affiliated
sites that are related to this subject will be hyper
linked below upon submission
and Evisum, Inc. review. | <urn:uuid:a46aa905-4d75-4585-9165-4732060ec06f> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://famousamericans.net/presidentjamesmadison.com/john-Marshall.org/JamesMonroe.net/thomas-jefferson.org/Patrick-Henry.net/revolutionarywarhall/THADDEUSKOSCIUSKO.COM/george-Washington.org/jamesmonroe.net/thomas-jefferson.org/georgewythe.org/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.988119 | 2,038 | 2.75 | 3 |
Concrete is an ideal sub floor material, but its porous nature can also lead to problems. Anyone who has worked with flooring and dealt with floor coverings on concrete can relate to any number of issues where moisture and what comes along with it has affected a job negatively.
Concrete is made up of a number of pores within its structure. These pores are perfect paths for moisture to travel from the surrounding soil, through the concrete and into a structure. Alkali salts can also permeate through the slabs when they are dissolved within the moisture vapor. The moisture and the alkali can affect the floor covering, especially if it isn’t noticed for a while. When the substance reaches the surface of the floor, it can cause corrosion, staining and more damage.
Alkali-silica reaction is a chemical reaction that takes place between the silica found in the aggregate within the concrete and the alkaline cement paste. Nicknamed “concrete cancer,” ASR can cause serious cracking problems in the concrete surfaces.
The best way to reduce the risk of alkali reaching the surface of a concrete floor is to limit the alkali metal content of the cement and limit the silica content of the aggregate. Because it is hard to treat ASR, it’s best to use preventative measures so that problems never take place. | <urn:uuid:5e2449e6-d29e-4888-87d5-cbf74da994ba> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://flooristics.com/describe-alkali-reaches-surface-concrete-floor/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.941619 | 278 | 3.109375 | 3 |
Over the past 20 years we have played a key role in the development of the modern understanding of sea clutter culminating in the compound K-distribution model.
Fundamental research into sea surface scattering has lead to a practical capability for the design of detection systems and the evaluation of their performance. This is complemented by a suite of statistical modelling and simulation tools that have contributed to many maritime radar programmes including:
- Nimrod MRA4
- Sea Spray
Low Grazing Angle Scattering
Historically this has been an enigma because the average radar cross section is much higher than expected, the statistics are non-Gaussian and ‘spikes’ produce unwanted false alarms in radar systems.
Research has tended to concentrate on describing these effects. However, in recent years progress has been made in understanding them by the identification of the dominant scattering mechanisms from the ocean surface at low grazing angles.
A physical model incorporating these effects has been developed which agrees with a detailed empirical model based entirely on observation. This understanding is being exploited to develop improved radar detection algorithms. | <urn:uuid:cce690d0-b2a1-4903-86d5-40354d46f25d> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://igenceradar.com/sea_clutter.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.953224 | 217 | 2.65625 | 3 |
How easily write the text of connection string
Create empty file and call it "test.udl". In Windows it be with the icon like in Figure 1. UDL means "Universal data link" and open this file. This post is for registered users only.
Open this file and you will see a window like in Figure 2. By default the tab "Connection" is opened. Here in the field 1 you should write or select server name and instance.
Figure 2. Data Link properties
In the tab "Provider" you should select a provider to connect to SQL server. In figure 3 Microsoft OLE DB Provider for SQL Server is selected. You may need to install specific drivers for some types of SQL Server.
Tabs "Advanced" and "All" are very specific, you may not to use them.
So, in tab "Connection" test your connection and press Ok.
Then open .udl file in Notepad (right click - open with Notepad). This is your connection string:
Provider=SQLOLEDB.1;Integrated Security=SSPI;Persist Security Info=False;Initial Catalog=Tutorial;Data Source=SPDEV\SPDEV | <urn:uuid:359f18c2-8577-4a35-92d8-67ded136d1bc> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://markimarta.com/c/how-easily-write-the-text-of-connection-string/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.824387 | 247 | 2.546875 | 3 |
The New Zealand wars
Why do they matter?
The government and people of New Zealand have been involved in a remarkable number of wars over the past 175 years, though their commitment to most of those wars has been questionable. The wars in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan were conducted reluctantly, in token fashion, and enjoyed little popular support. Earlier wars, in Malaya and Korea were not particularly popular, and were actively opposed by the peace and anti-imperialist movements. The Second World War was the last truly popular war, because it was the last war during which European New Zealanders saw themselves more as part and parcel of the British Empire than as an independent South Pacific nation. Even then it was not an entirely popular war, and the Labour government of the time needed to impose conscription, political censorship and strict laws against sedition in order to maintain political stability and military effectiveness for the duration.
Going back another two decades, from a New Zealand point of view, the First World War, the "Great War" as it was at the time would have been better termed "the Great Imperial War" for it began just a decade after the "high tide" of British Imperial sentiment in New Zealand. British imperialism did not loom large in New Zealand before the 1880s. It developed strongly through the latter years of Queen Victoria's reign, then began to wane through the Edwardian era as New Zealanders began once more to perceive themselves as a separate people, not primarily, necessarily or exclusively British. These changes owed nothing to the personality or character of British monarchs, however. They were a response to changing conditions of the New Zealand economy and increasing wealth which allowed and encouraged the development of "high culture" in the colony. Through the first half the nineteenth century New Zealand produced a broad range of manufactures and primary produce for domestic consumption. Trade, such as it was, was largely conducted with Australia. With refrigerated shipping, the scope of the economy progressively narrowed and became heavily dependent on the export of butter, cheese, frozen meat and wool to Britain, in exchange for British manufactured goods. At the same time, a broad stratum of European New Zealanders had the wealth and leisure to indulge in cultural pursuits which re-connected them to the the attitudes, interests and values of the leisured classes of Great Britain. In these circumstances it is hardly surprising that New Zealanders began to see themselves as subjects of the British empire, and were willing to join in wars which were deemed necessary to defend and expand that empire. The first such was the South African war, now known as the Boer war. New Zealand involvement in the South African war depended entirely on the formation of a class of affluent pastoral farmers, who were committed to the ideals of empire, and who could afford to send their young men, horses and equipage to make war on peasant farmers in a distant land who had no desire to become subject to the British crown. The Boer war marked the high point of mindless, jingoistic, middle class British imperialism in New Zealand. It was to be followed some fifteen years later by the "Great War" or First World War which marked a stage in the remorseless decline of imperial sentiment among New Zealanders of all classes, but most particularly of the working class.
This "Great War" has been singled out by the New Zealand political establishment as the war that supposedly defined the New Zealand national identity. More particularly, one short and ill-fated campaign in this four year war, the Gallipoli campaign, is credited with the birth of a nation. This is curious, because the Great War was not a New Zealand war as such. It was an imperial war in which New Zealand participated almost regardless of its own national interest. Why the Great War, and why the Gallipoli campaign? There is no single answer to that question. Among the reasons that can be given is that the Great War was a relatively popular war in which New Zealanders were seen to be doing their duty by a greater power - in this case, Great Britain. It also followed shortly after, albeit only very shortly after, the peak of imperialist sentiment in New Zealand. Thus a significant fraction of the working class actively resisted military conscription in particular and the war in general, and even among those who served there was some slight, tentative, even ironic expression of a distinctive New Zealand national character and interests during the course of the war. But despite the great loss of life, the Great War did not greatly change New Zealand, in the way that it changed, for example, Russia or Germany which suffered massive political and social upheavals. If we were to think of New Zealand as a tree, it was as though a storm had passed through, ripping off a massive branch. In the first decade after the war the damage was painfully conspicuous, but after the passage of two or three decades the wounds had occluded and the tree had grown back into balance. The Great War did not alter the fundamentals of New Zealand society and neither did it change the direction in which New Zealand was moving, socially, economically, and politically.
Yet New Zealanders are now subject to the myth that not just the Great War, but one particular campaign within that war, fundamentally changed the nature of New Zealand society. In terms of myth-making, the Gallipoli campaign has the advantage that it was war abstracted from the impact upon women, children, old people and civilians in general. There were no villages to be bombed and burned, no women to be raped and no children to be mutilated. Because the campaign was a failure almost from the first day, few enemy soldiers were taken prisoner, and thus New Zealand troops had little opportunity to summarily execute prisoners, a practice which had been their rule during the New Zealand wars, and was still widely followed through the Second World War, the Vietnam war, and the war in Afghanistan. The enemy, the Turks, were people with whom New Zealanders had no connections and to whom they had no sense of obligation. Despite the furious propaganda against "the Hun" the same could not be said of the Germans. Germanic culture was still respected, quite a few Germans had settled in New Zealand, and the monarch himself was of German descent.
In many respects, therefore, Gallipoli is a convenient hook on which to hang the coat of New Zealand "national identity", but in reality it is almost irrelevant to the course of New Zealand history. Despite the cliche, Gallipoli did not change New Zealand "forever". If Winston Churchill had not invaded the Dardenelles in 1915, New Zealand would be little different except for the fact that there would be no public holiday on the twenty-fifth of April. But if British and Australian troops had not invaded the Waikato in 1863 New Zealand would be a dramatically different nation. Most probably it would have developed into a confederation made up of Maori tribes, predominantly European coastal towns in the North Island, and more expansive European settlements in the South. If the development of Maori had continued uninterrupted on its normal course from 1860 onwards, the central North Island, under Maori rule, would be a collectivist society following the Christian faith and supported by a productive agricultural economy. Those characteristics of Maoridom survived the destruction and can still be observed today, but the social and economic damage wrought by the wars is equally evident. European society recovered from the destruction of the Great War in the space of decades. For Maori, whose ruin in the New Zealand wars went much deeper, the process of recovery has taken as many centuries and has yet to reach its end.
It was the New Zealand wars, of which we hardly ever speak, that really defined us as a people and shaped our history. They were unjustified, bloody and brutal, but also the occasion for acts of great courage and compassion. Villages and farms were burned and their occupants slaughtered. Prisoners were executed summarily and indiscriminately, by pistol or tomahawk. Small groups of warriors fought to the death against overwhelming odds. Members of the warring parties risked death to take water to enemy wounded left lying on the battlefield. On occasion the compassion of the victors may have allowed the remnants of a defeated force to escape the battlefield without further loss. These are the wars which truly defined us a nation, yet we do not wish to admit it, because we are not yet ready to confront the truth about ourselves. We have a number of partisan accounts supporting either the "loyalist" or "rebel" side and by implication at least denigrating the opposition, but within the public sphere there has been little attention given to objective, impartial analysis which can explain how we have got to where we are as a people.
In fact, the point we have arrived at is not very far from our point of departure in the nineteenth century. Our civilized society abhors the indiscriminate killing of women and children, along with their menfolk, as happened in the Matawhero massacre and Te Kooti's "apologists" get short shrift from contemporary pundits. But the rules of New Zealand's market society still conform to the primitive ethics of the nineteenth century. When the market condemns parents to a life of poverty, their children must share in the sentence. In nineteenth century New Zealand women, old people and children quickly succumbed to starvation in the absence of adult males, so that those who killed all the men of fighting age, may as well have killed the entire village. All would perish in the end. The same harsh logic applies in the market economy of the present day.
Human society is organic. Even the most resolutely individualist society cannot escape collective responsibility and collective consequences. In theory the principle of personal accountability rules, but in practice the "collateral damage" inflicted by civilised society is indistinguishable from the collective punishment of earlier eras.
The naming of wars: how the "New Zealand wars" became "the Maori Wars" and then "the Land Wars"
The naming of wars reflects the political perspective and the war aims of the participants. Thus the British campaigns in Taranaki and Waikato were "the New Zealand wars" because like "the South African war", the "Indian wars" or the "Canadian wars" they were one of many imperial wars fought in distant lands with the object of adding or securing new territories to the empire. To Maori, however, they were the English wars, because they were wars in which Maori came into violent conflict with the British empire. There is a parallel to the war which the United States, Australia and New Zealand call "the Vietnam war" but which, naturally, is known to the Vietnamese themselves as "the American war". The wars were fought by British regular troops supported by Australian regiments. Very few native New Zealanders, either Pakeha or Maori, fought on the British side in those first campaigns. Those Pakeha who were established in the country tended to be fully engaged in their normal occupations of trading, farming, whaling and forestry. They had no need to risk their lives in a war to deprive Maori of their land, and little interest in a fight to strictly impose Queen Victoria's claim to sovereignty over the Maori people.
The wars only became known as "the Maori wars" later, once European colonists, in particular those of British origin, had become demographically, militarily and politically dominant. There was a massive influx of new English settlers as a consequence of the war and land confiscation. These Europeans had, by and large, little understanding of Maori and no cause to feel gratitude towards, or respect for, the Maori people, as many of the old settlers had. Their loyalties were to the empire, they saw their interests as opposed to Maori, and they regarded Maori as essentially irrelevant to the political future of the colony. This changed attitude was a consequence rather than a cause of the wars. Maori nationalism had suffered a defeat, the British had achieved numerical, political and military superiority, and therefore Maori could be discounted by the new British immigrants in a way that was not possible prior to the war. The result was that the wars came to be known as the Maori wars, which is to say the wars in which "we" (meaning the British immigrants, the majority of whom had never fired a shot in anger) fought and defeated "them", meaning the Maori (or more strictly the Maori nationalists, though the distinction was rarely made).
This post-war perception of the wars as a race war between Maori and English was at odds with the pre-war reality, in which there had been a high degree of mutual dependence between Maori and colonist, and in which Maori were not universally hostile to Europeans and vice versa. Nor were the interests and sympathies of the colonists simply and unambiguously identified with the British crown which had prosecuted the wars in Taranaki and Waikato. The loyalty of the colonists to the British crown was always suspect, and often challenged. From the first, the British government had feared that the New Zealand Company settlers in Wellington might follow a "republican" course. Edward Gibbon Wakefield himself was accused of harbouring republican sentiments, and settlers freely discussed the possibility of transferring their allegiance from Britain to the rising power of United States. The United States, however, had its own problems at this time, with a civil war pending, and would have been in no position to expand its power into the South Pacific.
For reasons of their own, the British colonists later chose to portray themselves as loyal Britons and the principal players, though not the authors, of the wars. On both counts this was a historical fiction. The colonists were not, on the whole, loyal British subjects. After all, they had come to New Zealand to escape the appalling social and economic conditions of Great Britain. The wars were not primarily fought between Maori and colonists. The first phase of the wars, the campaigns against the Taranaki and Waikato tribes were fought by professional British imperial and Australian troops, and the second phase - the campaigns against Te Kooti and Titokowaru - by Ngati Hau, Ngati Porou and Te Arawa and other fighters under the direction of British generals and colonial (more or less Pakeha) officers. Pakeha, on the whole were reluctant to fight. They had better things to do, in both senses of the word, and when Pakeha troops went unpaid and were put on short rations they mutinied.
Racial, tribal, and religious divisions were only factors in the wars. Thus most Europeans aligned with the Crown and most Maori with tino rangatiratanga. Some tribes - for example Te Arawa and Ngati Porou - were in the main on the side of the Crown while others - for example Tuhoe and Ngati Maniapoto - largely supported tino rangatiratanga. On the whole, European Anglicans sided with the Crown, but most Maori Anglicans and many Anglican missionaries sympathised with the tino rangatiratanga, while Catholics and non-conformist Protestants (Methodists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians and so on) tended to be neutral and Pai Marire and Ringatu were, as might be expected, almost universally sympathetic to the cause of tino rangatiratanga. The New Zealand wars were driven by conflict between kawanatanga and tino rangatiratanga, and the one thing that can be said with certainty and without qualification is that all those on one side supported kawanatanga, and all those on the opposite side were fighting for tino rangatiratanga. In other words, they were wars over sovereignty. They were not race wars, tribal wars or wars of religion even though all those factors figured in the conflict.
Since the mid-twentieth century there have been further fundamental changes in New Zealand's trading relations, at the same time as relations between Maori and Pakeha working people lead to a new understanding and a developing sense of common identity. Pakeha no longer call the wars "the Maori wars", because among Pakeha "we" are no longer British, and "they" are no longer "Maori". The Europeans have in some ways reverted to the status quo ante, the thinking and perceptions of the pre-war era. Pakeha do not wish to see the wars as race wars, and they no longer take pride in the battles fought and victories won. They also feel guilt as to the causes of war, which they now portray as "land wars": a struggle between two peoples, Maori and Pakeha, for the rights to the land. They tend to ignore the issue of sovereignty, which was the justification for war on both sides, even though the underlying motivation may have been the acquisition or retention of land by European and Maori respectively.
The struggle for sovereignty: the real casus belli of the New Zealand wars
Disputes over land are a daily occurrence in every land and every jurisdiction. They may lead to angry words or punches thrown, even the presentation of firearms, but not to war unless two competing powers (states or other systems of authority) claim the sovereign right to adjudicate in the dispute. Then, and only then, do we have war. The casus belli is always sovereignty, even if it originates out of a dispute over rights to land. People can and do fight over land, but can only, and do only, go to war over sovereignty. The New Zealand wars were no exception to this rule. The Taranaki wars were sparked by disputes over land purchases but only in the context of Wiremu Kingi's claim to exercise a sovereign right of veto over the alienation of tribal lands. Desire for land influenced the government to invade the Waikato, but the incident which actually provoked the first outbreak of fighting was Governor Grey's demand that all Maori pledge allegiance to the Queen. The incontrovertible fact is that the wars were fought over the competing claims of the British Crown and Maori tribes to the exercise of sovereign authority over the land. In the beginning, the Crown decreed that any Maori to the north of the Waikato who refused to pledge allegiance to the Queen would be expelled from their land. If they had accepted the sovereignty of the Crown, they would presumably have been allowed to remain on their land. But they did not accept, and thus almost the entire Maori population of the Tuakau area was driven off the land, and forced to seek refuge in the Waikato. By the end of the war the Crown had upped the ante, and scores of Maori who refused to swear allegiance to Queen Victoria were being executed without trial or ceremony. Nothing could more clearly confirm that the purpose of the British wars was to impose British sovereignty upon our people by whatever means should be deemed necessary. The issue of sovereignty is only ignored now because if addressed it would have de-stabilizing, even revolutionary, implications for a society which rests on Pakeha and Maori acquiscence to the sovereignty of the British crown.
The only wars of lasting importance to New Zealanders are the wars that were fought right here, in our own land by our own peoples. From a Maori perspective they were not the New Zealand Wars. They were not the Maori wars. They were the British wars, nga pakanga a Ingarangi, the wars which were fought against the British. In future they may become known as the First British Wars, but for the moment the British wars will suffice. It is those wars which really defined our national character, for better or for worse. Yet they are the wars which New Zealanders strive to ignore.
Invasion, conquest, rebellion or civil war?
To come to grips with the question in relation to the New Zealand experience it is necessary to understand the military conditions under which colonial regimes in general come into and pass out of being. The colonisation of Ireland by England, and of Algeria and Vietnam by France are classic cases, in which three distinct phases are evident.
The first phase in the process of colonisation of occupied territories is invasion and resistance, in which the fighting takes place between foreign invading forces and indigenous peoples for whom the vehicle of resistance is the traditional social and political structure and leadership.
The second phase, after conquest, is rebellion (which if successful is styled as a revolutionary war of independence or liberation) against the successfully installed colonial regime. Rebellion is mediated through non-traditional social structures and ideologies, and charismatic popular leaders, and this is what distinguishes it from "last gasp" acts of resistance to invasion. The institutions, ideologies and leadership of rebellions constitute de-facto recognition of the failure of traditional methods of social organisation. The leaders may be of "mixed race" (for example in the case of Ireland, Anglo-Irish) but more commonly they have been educated by and have adopted the culture of the colonial power, particularly in its more radical, anti-authoritarian or revolutionary variants. Thus the Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh, like many other leaders of the anti-colonial movement in the French empire, was French-educated and took up the European revolutionary ideology of Marxism. Peka Makarini, Te Kooti's lieutenant who died in 1870 while in the rearguard of the fighting retreat from Ohinemutu to Te Urewera, qualified on both counts. He was of Maori and European descent and had received a European education and legal training before joining Te Kooti's Ringatu rebel force. Te Kooti himself was educated in a mission school, became a protege of the radical missionary Thomas Grace, adopted many European cultural mores, and founded a religious movement based on the Hebrew scriptures (the Old Testament). Grace had a much greater influence upon Te Kooti that is commonly recognised. From Grace Te Kooti learned to read the Hebrew scriptures as a testament of redemption and liberation, and in his epic guerilla campaign he literally followed in Grace's footsteps, from Turanga, where Grace first served, to Tauranga Taupo, where he established his own mission.
The third phase of civil war which normally follows a war of independence is typically a conflict between the remnants of traditional leadership, most often in alliance with groups which had collaborated with the former colonial power, and the revolutionary forces. Post-independence civil wars wracked Ireland, Vietnam, Algeria and many other nations, including, in slightly different circumstances, the United States.
In this schema the first phase of the New Zealand wars, although categorised by the British as a rebellion, was in fact a classic instance of invasion, resistance and conquest. Pakeha settlers played no significant role in the fighting which was conducted in Taranaki, Waikato and Tauranga by foreign forces (British and Australian regiments and the Royal Navy) against Maori organised within traditional iwi and hapu structures (notwithstanding the novel institution of the Kingitanga), and conducting a classic Maori defense by means of the fighting pa. Pa warfare allowed traditional tribal structures to be retained more or less intact. Warriors could remain with or close to their kaumatua, kui, wahine and tamariki. From a military point of view, the "modern pa" as employed from 1845 onwards was a significant development on the traditional pa, being designed to withstand heavy artillery bombardment. The modern pa also marked a change from traditional wartime social organisation. Unlike the traditional pa, the modern pa was not designed to shelter "non-combatants" (to the extent that the term had meaning) and was not intended for prolonged occupation. It could also be seen as intermediate step between traditional patterns of warfare and the guerilla tactics of Te Kooti and Titokowaru, which from hindsight appear to be the only viable means of defence against the overwhelming superiority in numbers and military equipment of the British forces.
In the guerilla phase of the wars the "rebel" forces needed to cover vast distances at great speed, improvise temporary camps in inhospitable wilderness, and survive on whatever they could find such as fern root, bush rats and wild honey. The young, the old and most of the wahine became an unsustainable burden upon the toa, and were abandoned. In such situations traditional social arrangements and systems of authority, complete with the checks and balances provided by the counsel of the old and the interests of the young, collapsed with unfortunate consequences. In the case of the Te Kooti's Ringatu, it was replaced by a social order which had been created in the prison camp set up by the British in the Chatham Islands. This prison culture is made up almost entirely of men of fighting age, and leadership is assumed by the strongest and the boldest, not necessarily the wisest, and certainly not the most compassionate. It remains a major facet of Maori society to this day, arguably because the British prison system remains a central part of the experience of many Maori men.
The campaigns of Te Kooti and Titokowaru, were non-tribal rebellions under charismatic leaders whose mana was grounded in their military prowess and religious revelations rather than traditional tribal status, and who were guided by the innovative theologies of Pai Marire and Ringatu which in part at least drew upon European Christianity. The rebel military tactics alternated between classical defensive pa warfare and militarily more effective guerilla offensives. But ultimately the rebellions failed because they prematurely devolved into civil war. That outcome can be put down to failures of leadership, vision and strategy by Te Kooti and Titokowaru. Neither leader seemed to fully appreciate that success depended on the willing cooperation of both combatant and non-combatant Maori within their theatre of operations, and, arguably at least, the benign neutrality of Pakeha settlers wherever that might be possible. Te Kooti in particular had fatal premonitions of abandonment and ultimate failure, which served as self-fulfilling prophecy. Despite their boldness, epic qualities of endurance, and military genius, these two leaders failed to rally the mass of Maori, and in particular the Waikato tribes under the leadership of King Tawhiao, to their cause. The record of their meetings with the Kingitanga is instructive. The Ringatu were young, brash and disrespectful; the Kingitanga leaders older, reserved, and with a sense of traditional mana. The same unfruitful dynamic may be seen on many marae to this day, whenever younger political activists or gang members conflict with the older traditional iwi or hapu leaders. If Te Kooti or even Titokowaru had succeeded in gaining broader support, such as from the Kingitanga, the North Island could well have been partitioned into Maori and European states. Instead, both leaders, in different ways, alienated a sufficiently large number of iwi and hapu and individual Maori to destroy their own prospects of success. So rebellion did not transform into a revolutionary war of independence, but passed over into a premature and brutal civil war which deepened the divide between Maori and European, divided iwi from iwi, and within iwi, hapu from hapu.
The Pakeha population was not completely spared the fratricidal struggle, and although few Pakeha were actively engaged on the side of the rebels (Kimble Bent, William Moffitt and Charles Kane being the best known of these), there were more such as Thomas Grace and Josiah Firth who suffered severe recriminations for their sympathy for the Maori cause. Individual Pakeha (for example Thomas Halbert of Poverty Bay) were arrested on charges of collaborating with Maori. It is also a little known fact that in the aftermath of the wars, the lands of Pakeha who had provided aid or comfort to Maori (for example John Cowell and the Lawrie family at Kawhia, John Faulkner at Otumoetai) were confiscated by the Crown, along with vastly greater areas of Maori land. These facts are ignored in the officially sanctioned histories of New Zealand because they challenge the fundamental premise of British sovereignty which is that divisions in New Zealand society have always been race-based, that the Pakeha can be simply identified with the institution of the British crown, and that the wars were a struggle between Maori and Pakeha for control of the land, in which the Pakeha succeeded in subverting the neutrality of the Crown and directing it to their own interests. Yet that doctrine is palpably false in all respects. Without the British crown, and its assumption of sovereignty over New Zealand, there could have been no "New Zealand wars", and New Zealand would have continued along the path of the first four decades of the nineteenth century.
By definition civil war does not directly involve an outside power, although the hand of the former imperial power is almost always evident in civil wars which follow on from revolutionary wars of independence. France was deeply though clandestinely implicated in the Algerian and Vietnamese civil wars and in all the civil wars which have followed since in "France Afrique". The British meddled in the Irish and American civil wars and had a key role in the final civil war phase of the New Zealand wars. The rebellions were suppressed in the name of the British crown, but British regiments were not actively involved in the fighting, which was conducted by Maori forces directed by European officers and funded by European government ministers.
There were three parties to the rebellion cum civil war: the European settlers, the "loyal" Maori (notably the majority of Te Arawa, Ngati Porou, Ngati Kahungungu and Ngati Hau) and lastly the non-tribal rebel forces of Te Kooti and Titokowaru (which included not a few dissident members of Te Arawa, Ngati Porou and other generally "friendly" tribes). Some among the remnants of the old order, the Waikato tribes under the leadership of King Tawhiao, were inclined to support the rebellions, and others vacillated, but the weight of opinion was in favour of remaining non-belligerent, and that was a decisive factor in the final outcome of the war.
So within the space of a dozen years, New Zealand underwent invasion, conquest, and rebellion which swiftly descended into civil war. The country failed to make the transition to independent nationhood as most other British colonies did (the other most prominent exceptions being the predominantly European dominions of Australia and Canada). In fact, the end effect of the New Zealand wars was an increased enthusiasm for colonialism and imperialism among the mass of European settlers (who had, prior to the wars, been at best lukewarm towards the political connection with Britain) and a greater acceptance of British rule among Maori. That failure to follow the normal historical process of de-colonization has given rise to on-going difficulties: unresolved arguments over sovereignty, the absence of an authentic national identity or unifying belief system, and excessive economic, political and military dependence upon foreign powers.
The final denouement of the wars still awaits us. We live in a society in which the majority factions of certain tribes - the British, Ngati Hau, Ngati Porou and Te Arawa - vanquished the majority of Tuhoe, Tainui, Ngaruahine and other tribes in a series of wars and where the British have progressively retained and expanded their power over the other tribes over the succeeding decades. The Crown's "Treaty Settlements" programme, which purports to resolve grievances which have persisted since the wars, amounts to nothing more than a renegotiation of the terms of surrender. The question of sovereignty, the casus belli of the 1860s, is not up for negotiation. In 1863 the Crown demanded that all Maori north of the Waikato pledge allegiance to the British Crown, and on account of their refusal, they were driven off their lands. In 2013 the Crown demanded that the leftwing radical Maori leader Hone Harawira give an oath of allegiance to the Queen, on pain of losing his right to sit in the New Zealand parliament. Harawira, as we know, conceded to the Crown. Few are prepared to take a stand against British sovereignty because of the overwhelming sense of hopelessness and defeat that infects Maori and Pakeha, those of the left and of the right. Meanwhile the Crown continues to pursue the policy of mass immigration which since 1860 has been its most effective means of diluting nationalist sentiment in New Zealand. Latterly Chinese, Indian and other peoples have arrived in great numbers, effectively creating new tribal entities, although it must be remembered that Indian seamen had assimilated into Maori society long before the British assumption of sovereignty in 1840, and Chinese have been present in significant numbers since the 1860s. But like the British who arrived in the mass influx after the New Zealand wars, most of the new immigrants have no understanding of New Zealand history or culture, apart from the official version provided to them by the Crown. New immigrants are required to pledge allegiance to the British Queen, and all but a handful oblige, and thus immigration even of non-British peoples can be employed to perpetuate British rule.
The social and political system remains essentially tribal, with a British hereditary Head of State, but is in denial over its true character, which means that it is incapable of dealing with the challenges posed by new tribal inflows. None of the constituent elements of the national psyche from the time of the wars and beyond - Hahi Mihinare, Pai Marire, Ringatu, Ratana, British monarchism, imperialism, secular liberalism or left-wing radicalism - provide an adequate basis for nationhood. The apologies and compensation of the "Treaty Settlement" programme may help to relieve tensions, but they fail to draw a line under the era of the New Zealand wars. The problem of sovereignty has not gone away, and in fact becomes more pressing as European power and influence declines relative to that of new immigrant communities. The logical way forward is the re-constitution of New Zealand as a Confederation of peoples, in other words a return to something approximating the situation preceding the Treaty of Waitangi, the British assumption of sovereignty, and the brutally divisive New Zealand wars, but taking account of the new demographic and cultural reality. The wars which seemed to have resolved everything, in the long run resolved nothing. It will take an act of imagination that goes well beyond the narrow limits of conventional New Zealand politics to advance the development of an independent and unified nation from where it crashed and burned in the flames of the New Zealand wars.
return to republican home page | <urn:uuid:e8771f12-7002-44ee-bece-2b20a06c9bec> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://republican.co.nz/NewZealandWars.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.974811 | 7,145 | 3.578125 | 4 |
Burrows, David J. “Allie and Phoebe: Death and Love in J. D. Salinger’s The Catcher in the Rye.”Private Dealings: Modern American Writers in Search of Integrity. Rockville, MD: New Perspectives, 1974. 106-14. Print.
“Literary passions were not easily formed among America’s youth in the 1950’s. But during those years many students in high schools and colleges discovered, through J. D. Salinger’s The Catcher in the Rye, that “literature” did not mean the, to them, dull poetry and fiction of their text books. After the novel’s appearance in 1951, its fame began to spread by word-of-mouth, until something of an underground “Catcher cult” existed throughout the country. The speech mannerisms of Holden Caulfield, the book’s protagonist and narrator, were carefully imitated, and a generation of young Americans perceived through Holden the extent to which the world was divided between the “phonies” and the “nice” people, the former comprising the vast majority of the population. Then, in the late 1950’s, young college and high school teachers, themselves having been deeply affected by the book six or eight years earlier, introduced it formally into the classroom, and thus within a decade of its publication it reached the stature of an American “classic”.”
Burrows notes that many attempts to explain Catcher’s popularity have been sociological. Burrows suggests that instead of fear of acquiescence to the adult world of the “phonies” Holden’s clear psychological concern is actually with death. (Burrows almost move in the direction of reader response critique here, but narrowly avoids it, instead going in a psychoanalytic direction.) Burrows reinterprets the scene between Holden and Mr. Antolini, not as sexual perversion, but instead as an instance of Antolini mourning for his own childhood and lost innocence. Burrows discusses the scenes in Catcher in which Holden indicates that he is headed for a “fall” (one with Antolini, and one on his walk uptown where he felt that every step off a curb would send him into the abyss) as evocative of the notion of death and Holden’s spontaneous concern for Phoebe as a result of his own (as yet unrealized, or at least unacknowledged) feelings about Allie. Burrows also notes of Holden a tendency towards perfectionism (as when he was unable to throw the snowball out the window while Ackley is getting ready). Burrows further suggests that this is the driving force behind Holden’s fascination with the static environment of the Museum of Natural History. Burrows also notes that characters such as Maurice and Stradlater are threats not only to Holden’s innocence, but also his integrity.
Perhaps most importantly, Burrows writes, “Holden’s reaction to his awareness of the world’s imperfection and mutability is the formulation of the dream to be the “catcher” of small children, saving them from the knowledge and the dangers of what he is slowly coming to realize is the “given” of life.” (112)
After a brief analysis of the scene where Holden drops Phoebe’s record, Burrows concludes that the “responsibility her assumes toward her [Phoebe], as well as the freedom he realizes she requires, provides a starting point from which he can learn to accept the world’s pervasive mutability.” (113) | <urn:uuid:233f3692-a0fd-4432-b8d4-8a2302a5ef90> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://salingerincontext.org/allie-and-phoebe-death-and-love-in-j-d-salingers-the-catcher-in-the-rye/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.968458 | 769 | 2.5625 | 3 |
|Apache Tuscany Docs 2.x > Index > SCA Overview|
SCA is a standard programming model for abstracting business functions as components and using them as building blocks to assemble business solutions. An SCA component offers services and depends on functions that are called references. It also has an implementation associated it with it which is the business logic that can be implemented in any technology.
SCA provides a declarative way to describe how the services in an assembly interact with one another and what quality of services (security, transaction, etc) is applied to the interaction. Since service interaction and quality of service is declarative, solution developers remain focus on business logic and therefore development cycle is simplified and shortened. This also promotes the development of reusable services that can be used in different contexts. For example, a shopping cart service can be used in a retail application or a travel application without changing. Services can interact with one another synchronously or asynchronously and can be implemented in any technology.
SCA also brings flexibility to deployment. A solution assembled with SCA is deployed as a unit and can be distributed over one or more nodes in the network and can be reconfigured without programming changes.
Applications that adopt SCA programming model can interact with non-SCA applications. Meaning non-SCA application can call into SCA enabled applications and SCA enabled applications can call out into non-SCA enabled applications.
Now let's talk about SCA building blocks and concepts.
The basic building block for SCA is a component. It is the abstraction of a given business function. A component is described with the following attributes:
This is demonstrated below.
Unable to render embedded object: File (component.png) not found.
The implementation of a component can be in any language that is suitable for the user, for example BPEL for business processes or XSL-T for transformations or Ruby for scripting or pure Java. How the services, references, properties and intents are defined for an implementation is specific to that particular implementation type.
As mentioned above, an SCA component may have zero or more references. Refrences in SCA define how SCA components invoke services. The relationship between a reference and a service is typically demonstrated through a line in a SCA diagrams and is referred to as a wire.
The term wire can at the begining seem confusing because you may ask how a wire is realized. There is no physical definition for a wire, it is really derived from the relationship between a Service and its refrence(s) at runtime. This is realized through dependency injection in Tuscany.
An SCA composite consists of components, services, references, and wires that connect them. A composite is the unit of deployment for SCA.
A composite can be viewed as a component whose implementation is not code but an aggregation of one or more components co-operating to provide higher level services. Think of composite as a solution, for example a credit check composite may consist of multiple components that together perform the credit checking work. A composite can also be used within a larger solution, for example credit check can be part of a order processing composite. A composite has the same charactersitics as a component. It provides Services, has References to other dependencies, and can be configured using Properties and can have intent policies in just the same way as an individual components can. In thise case, attributes of some of the components that are embedded in the composite get 'promoted' and becom the attribute of the composite. In the example below, you see a calculator composite which consists of 5 components, a calculator service has references to four components:Add, Subtract, Multiply and Divide.
Unable to render embedded object: File (calc.jpg) not found.
The assembly or wiring is defined in .composite file through Service Component Definition Language (SCDL) that is in XML. For example, calculator.composite would define that calculator component references the other four components.
The artifacts that make up a solution get packaged into what is called a contribution. A contribution can take a number of different forms. For example, it could be a jar file, or it could be a directory tree on the file system. A contribution can contain composites, java classes, BPEL processes, XSD files, wsdl files, etc. An SCA application can be divided into multiple contributions with dependencies between them. In general, some services depend closely on other services and it makes sense to package them together. If services are more independent it is best to package them separately so that they can be reused in different contexts. A contribution is a deployable unit. A solution may require multiple contributions that share artifacts and artifacts can be shared between (imported) between contributions.
Contribution packages get contributed to what is called SCA domain which is the scope of adminstration at runtime. An SCA Domain represents a complete runtime configuration, potentially distributed over a series of interconnected runtime nodes and is a logical view of the running applications or a coherent grouping of components that are working together. An SCA Domain typically represents an area of business functionality controlled by a single organization. For example, an SCA Domain may be the whole of a business, or it may be a department within a business.
Therefore, an SCA domain consists of the definitions of composites, components, their implementations, and the nodes on which they run. Components deployed into a domain can directly wire to other components within the same domain. Communication with services outside of a domain is done through bindings.
SCA Domains can vary in size from the very small to the very large:
In a large domain there may be all sorts of policies about where components can run and how they connect to each other or to external services. However, during development one is not concerned with all this. The code is packaged and made available for deployment. Tuscany SCA Java supports contributions in the form of JAR or filesystem.
Below is an example of domain with two contributions.
Unable to render embedded object: File (domain.jpg) not found.
A binding is used as a means of communication between services and handles the protocols. It defines with what communication method a service can be accessed with or with what communication method it can will access other services. There can be different types of bindings depending on technologies used to develop a solution. For example JMS binding, Webservices binding, Atom binding for web20 interaction, etc.
Services can be configured with different bindings and there can be multiple bindings for a service. Bindings for the services and references get defined declaratively in the .composite file. There is a default binding called binding.sca which when used leaves the choice of binding to the underlying infrastructure by default.
The declarative bindings and the abstraction of protocols from business logic brings agility to SCA applications. This allows SCA applications to be purely focused on business logic and not be contaminated with protocol handling information. It also enables the SCA compositions to grow or change without code modification while also working with applications that are not enabled with SCA.
An enterprise application requires control beyond the business functional capability which can include how security is handled in the enterprise or what transactional capability should be applied to services that are offered. SCA policies define the constraints or capabilities that get applied to services and their interaction. Two types of policies are defined in SCA.
SCA mechanisms for defining policies such as intents and policySets can only be used in the context of a single domain. The fact that policies can be defined declaratively make applications adaptive to the environment that they get deployed into or to changes in the business requirements.
For more information about policy check out the sca policy framework specificationversion=1] | <urn:uuid:e497a6de-f4d2-4334-b3bc-7893e9599e54> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://svn-master.apache.org/repos/asf/tuscany/site/trunk/site-publish/documentation-2x/sca-overview.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.933444 | 1,606 | 2.71875 | 3 |
Friday, September 11, 2015
The science behind 50-degree soil and nitrogen application
Every year we hear a chorus of reminders to wait until soil temperatures at the 4-inch depth are 50°F and trending cooler before applying anhydrous ammonia, and those of us in the manure world tend to echo these comments. That is if you are applying an ammonia rich manure, liquid/slurry hog manure wait until soils start to cool before applying. So, what is the science behind this recommendation, especially for manures?
This recommendation is based on the potential for nitrogen loss. Remember, there are a few forms of nitrogen that can be applied or are found in soils these include ammonia/ammonium, nitrate, and organic nitrogen. Of these forms, all forms can be lost, but ammonia and nitrate tend to be the most mobile.
Ammonia is lost as a gas, so if we are using an ammonia/ammonium fertilizer (like swine manure) it’s important to get the fertilizer into the soil quickly where the ammonia will react with the soil particles and be held, rather than letting it sit on the surface where some of it can be lost to the air. This is why injection or immediate incorporation can be a great technique for getting the most from your manure, it makes sure that we aren’t immediately losing some portion of the nitrogen we are applying.
Nitrate on the other hand is lost with water, especially water moving through the soil to groundwater or tile drains. Nitrate is super soluble, so if water is moving and we have nitrate in our soil, it is probably moving with the water. We tend to have larger rains in the spring coupled with wetter soils from snow melt, this means that if the nitrogen we applied is in the nitrate form there is a high opportunity for it to be lost in the spring.
When it comes to manures, it’s pretty much nitrate free when we apply it, but microbes in the soil will process it and turn it to nitrate. The activity level of these microbes is controlled by how much ammonia is present, the amount of water and oxygen in the soil, and the soil temperature. Although all these variables are important, for now I’m going to focus just on temperature. A good rule of thumb is that microbial activity will double for every 18°F increase in temperature (so if our soil is at 68°F those microbes will be turning the ammonia in the manure into nitrate at about 2x the rate they would if our soil was at 50°F). Often times this means that not only will the microbes have more time to cause the conversion to nitrate, but they might be doing it much faster than if fertilizer application had waited.
So what’s this look like? I did a little exercise where I calculated a term like a degree-day, I’m going to call it activity-days. It is an index that takes into account how many days the microbes in the soil had access to the nitrogen fertilizer and how active they would have been on those days (based on the temperature of the soil). I then took the ratio of how much more nitrification you might expect if you applied at a certain day compared to the amount that you might expect if you applied when the soil reached 50°F. I did this for 12 sites (with a few of these sites having data from a couple of years) and plotted out the relative risk of nitrification compared to application date. What you can see pretty clearly is we start out with a steep slope (relative risk of nitrification decreasing quickly) until we high a relatively risk of around 1 (that would be the soil at a temperature of 50°F). Once with hit this point, generally around the first week of November the relative risk of nitrification decreases much more slowly.
Does nitrogen becoming nitrate mean we are going to lose it? No, it takes rainfall or snowmelt in the spring that will cause a leaching event, but it does increase the risk of loss. Certainly there is a balance between making sure we get our manure applied before the soil freezes and applying two early, but hopefully the graph above illustrates a bit behind the science of the 50°F and cooling recommendation.
As a reminder, Iowa State University Extension and Outreach maintains a statewide real-time soil temperature data map on their website that ag retailers and farmers can use to determine when fall applications are appropriate. The website can be found at http://mesonet.agron.iastate.edu/data/soilt_day1.png. | <urn:uuid:19d7b540-a75c-455f-91cf-0aff58516316> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://themanurescoop.blogspot.com/2015/09/the-science-behind-50-degree-soil-and.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.957 | 945 | 3.140625 | 3 |
Imagine. Create. Inspire. Express.
Gann recognizes the exceptional role that the arts play in culture and community. A Gann arts education promotes self-actualization of the individual artist, cultivation of the creative process, and general arts literacy.
At Gann, young artists learn to take creative risks, to problem-solve, and to communicate in new ways. Music, dance, theater, and the visual arts are critical for stimulating creativity and fostering a greater sense of community — helping students deepen their self-expression and become more open to and mindful of others.
Art Programs at Gann
Black Box Theatre
Sculpture and Ceramics Studio
Drawing and Painting Studio
Music Practice Rooms
Theatre at Gann is a rehearsal for an empowered, engaged and critically conscious life! Through classes and productions, you will learn to collaborate, create, innovate and communicate with their body, voice, mind, and heart.
The Music program at Gann invites students to explore musical expression through courses and ensembles to develop a lifelong appreciation for music in a collaborative, creative, exciting and intellectual setting.
Dance at Gann will inspire you to explore the empowering and intellectual facets of physical expression through movement and choreography.
Media Arts at Gann teaches students to become conscious consumers and producers of media through critical analysis and inquiry. Combining technical skill-building with creative inquiry, the Media Arts curricula at teaches problem solving, effective communication, and compelling storytelling.
Studio Arts provides students with an opportunity to explore their creative and artistic talents in a hands-on studio environment that encourages collaboration, problem-solving, and self-reflection. | <urn:uuid:b6b404b8-ca5c-4c95-b797-fb68e1940bd0> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://vuy8id.kirakiralinda.com/arts | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.910641 | 341 | 2.796875 | 3 |
Knowledge | 2023-09-23
Enhancing Heat Exchanger Performance with Ultrasonic Cleaning Technology
Cleaning heat exchangers is a critical maintenance task in industrial processes. Over time, the metal tubes of a heat exchanger can accumulate various types of deposits and corrosion products, including scale, rust, and other contaminants. These deposits can significantly impede heat transfer efficiency and potentially lead to equipment failure. Utilizing ultrasonic cleaning technology, specifically ultrasonic cleaning machines, has emerged as a highly effective method to address this issue.
A heat exchanger is a vital component in many industrial processes, facilitating the exchange of heat between two fluids. It consists of a shell containing multiple tubes through which one fluid flows, while another fluid circulates outside the tubes. This enables the transfer of heat from one fluid to the other without direct contact, a crucial process in many industries.
However, as the heat exchanger operates over an extended period, the metal tubes can become fouled with various types of deposits. These deposits may include mineral scale, corrosion by-products, oils, and other contaminants. Such accumulation on the tube surfaces hampers heat transfer efficiency and reduces the overall effectiveness of the heat exchanger.
Ultrasonic cleaning machines offer a highly efficient solution for removing these deposits from the metal tubes of a heat exchanger. The technology relies on the generation of high-frequency sound waves that create microscopic bubbles in a cleaning solution. These bubbles implode near the surface of the material being cleaned, dislodging contaminants in the process. This phenomenon, known as cavitation, provides a thorough and precise cleaning action.
The advantages of using ultrasonic cleaning technology for heat exchangers are significant:
Thorough Cleaning Action: Ultrasonic cleaning machines ensure that the cleaning solution reaches every nook and cranny of the heat exchanger's metal tubes, effectively dislodging even stubborn deposits.
Preservation of Metal Integrity: Unlike some traditional cleaning methods which may involve harsh chemicals or abrasive techniques, ultrasonic cleaning is a gentle, physical process that does not compromise the integrity of the metal surfaces.
Restoration of Heat Transfer Efficiency: Post-cleaning, the surfaces of the heat exchanger's metal tubes are restored to a smooth, unobstructed state, allowing for optimal heat transfer efficiency.
Extended Equipment Lifespan: Regular cleaning with ultrasonic technology mitigates the progression of corrosion and wear, extending the operational lifespan of the heat exchanger.
Energy Efficiency Improvement: A thoroughly cleaned heat exchanger operates with higher efficiency, leading to energy savings and reduced operational costs.
In practical application, several key considerations should be taken into account:
Selection of Cleaning Solution: The choice of cleaning solution is crucial and should be based on the type of deposits and the material of the heat exchanger tubes. Compatibility with the metal and effectiveness against the specific contaminants is paramount.
Adjustment of Ultrasonic Power and Frequency: Fine-tuning the ultrasonic cleaning machine's power and frequency settings is essential to optimize cleaning performance for different types of deposits.
Regular Maintenance Cleaning: Scheduled cleaning and maintenance of the heat exchanger are imperative for sustained optimal performance.
Safety Precautions: Safety equipment, such as protective eyewear and gloves, should be worn during the cleaning process to prevent exposure to cleaning solutions and dislodged contaminants.
In conclusion, ultrasonic cleaning machines represent a highly effective and efficient technology for cleaning the metal tubes of heat exchangers. By utilizing the power of cavitation, ultrasonic cleaning ensures thorough and precise removal of deposits and corrosion products, ultimately leading to improved heat transfer efficiency and prolonged equipment lifespan. This technology holds great promise for widespread application in the industrial sector, promising enhanced operational performance and cost savings. | <urn:uuid:e1d954d2-d058-434d-b99d-29b6e8156954> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://www.bwhalesonic.com/knowledge/Enhancing-Heat-Exchanger-Performance-with-Ultrasonic-Cleaning-Technology | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.921623 | 762 | 2.78125 | 3 |
Draw a closed loop through the diagram by connecting some of the dots horizontally or vertically. The loop is not allowed to touch or cross itself. The digits give the number of loop segments directly above, under, or next to the digit. Some puzzles contain wolves and sheep. In these puzzles all sheep are supposed to be contained within the loop (the fence), while all the wolves should be kept outside. More information. | <urn:uuid:030d086f-5714-4e6c-97e4-51e29dfaa9a3> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | http://www.puzzlepicnic.com/puzzle?2298 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.936687 | 83 | 2.828125 | 3 |
A census of the United Kingdom was due to be taken in early 1941 but this never happened because of World War II. A census had been taken in 1931 but, for England and Wales, personal information has been lost, see here for more details and one was taken in 1951 but this leaves a big gap for family historians.
However at the outbreak of the war, National Identity Cards were issued to everyone resident in the United Kingdom and the information recorded has been retained, so in a limited way we do have a 1939 mini census, which partially makes up for the lack of a 1941 census for England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland..
Basic facts about the 1939 National Identity Card
Taken on the night of Friday 29th September 1939.
Details recorded for each person were:
As war approached, preparations were made to enable a national register to be rapidly compiled and identity cards issued. A National Registration Bill was quickly introduced and royal assent given on the 5th September 1939, just two days after the declaration of war and a few days later it was announced that National Registration Day would be Friday September 29th 1939.
Three main reasons were put forward by the government for passing the law in September 1939. The first was the major dislocation of the population caused by mobilisation and mass evacuation and also the wartime need for complete manpower control and planning in order to maximise the efficiency of the war economy. The second was the likelihood of rationing, actually introduced from January 1940 onwards and the third main reason was that the Government needed recent statistics about the population. As the last census had been held in 1931, there was little accurate data on which to base vital planning decisions. The National Register was in fact an instant census and the National Registration Act closely resembles the 1920 Census Act in many ways.
The decision was made to use similar methods as for the census for which planning had started for the 1941 census. Basically 65,000 enumerators across the country delivered forms ahead of the chosen day. On the 29th, householders were required to record details on the registration forms and then on the following Sunday and Monday the enumerators visited every householder, checked the form and there and then issued a completed identity card for each of the residents.
Information gathered for each person was their address, name, sex, date of birth, marital condition, occupation and whether a member of the armed forces or reserves.
Approximately 46 million cards were issued. The identity card had 2 pages and at top of each page the enumerator entered the person's name and their identity card number. This card number consisted of a four letter enumeration district code plus the line number of the schedule that was completed by the enumerator, e.g. for area ABCD, schedule line 24, 3rd person in the household the card number would have been "ABCD 24/3"
On the right hand page of the cards was a space for the cardholder's full postal address and signature
but when originally issued in 1939, there were strict instructions that this should be left blank for now.
"Do nothing with this part until you are told. Nothing whatever must be written on this portion. It is there as a reserve provision for a certain kind of contingency which may or may not arise. If such a contingency does arise the public will be told what to do by broadcast or otherwise.
Even in wartime allowances were made. The Daily Mail reported that members of the Wearside Jewish community who had been celebrating the eight-day Festival of the Tabernacles were allowed to delay for 24 hours the completion of their registration forms because they were forbidden by their faith to use pen or pencil during the festival.
The Daily Mail also warned that anyone neglecting to register may have great difficulty in obtaining a ration book later.
It did emerge subsequently that in some areas, a significant number of mothers had omitted their sons from the registration because they did not want them to be called up for National Service but later came forward to register them when they realised it was needed for ration books.
In December provision was also made to make it possible to exchange an ordinary buff identity card for a green card with room for a photograph and description of the holder; the reason for this was to assist anyone who needed to provide better evidence of their identity where they did not possess any other acceptable document, for example if they required access to enter a protected area under the defence regulations.
Later in late May 1940, presumably as the danger of an invasion increased, instructions were issued that everyone over 16 must now sign and date the card and write their address on the right hand page of the card and also that the card must be carried at all times. In the case of under 16s, the parent or guardian had the responsibility of signing the card and entering the address; under 16s were instructed not to carry the card with them but instead follow advice given earlier of carrying a luggage label or card with them with their name, address and national registration identity number.
Initially, adult identity cards were buff, the same colour as children's cards, but in 1943 when registration and rationing were combined, a blue card was introduced and issued to all adults, replacing their previous cards. A new buff card for children was introduced at the same time but existing children's cards were not replaced apart from when a new card was necessary.
The Identity Card was finally abolished in February 1952, but the identity numbers were used within the National Health Service to give everyone an individual number. People who had a national identity number during the Second World War or just after still had the same number as their NHS identity until a new system was introduced in 1996.
The 1939 Identity Card Information is now in the care of the NHS Information Centre since it was used to form the basis of the NHS Central Register, a list of everyone who is, or ever has been, registered with a General Practitioner in England and Wales since the foundation of the National Health Service in July 1948. Until 1991 a manual (paper-based) system was in operation, since then a computer system known as CHRIS (Central Health Register Enquiry System) has been used.
Guy Etchells who was responsible for the challenge to the Information Commissioner that resulted in the 1911 census for England and Wales being released "early" (well early as far as the government was concerned) also challenged the refusal of the NHS Information Centre to release information taken during the 1939 Identity Card Registration and in late 2009 received a ruling by the Information Commissioner partially in his favour where that information relates to deceased persons.
In response to this and a large number of people following Guy's lead and also making requests, the National Health Service Information Centre introduced at the end of January 2010 a formal service for people to request data held on the 1939 Register for England and Wales. There was a charge of £42 but this service has now ceased as you can get all the information from findmypast and Ancestry.
Identity Card Information for Scotland is not available at findmypast.
For Scotland, there are details here on how you can order an official extract. The charge is £15 for a person search. A copy of the death certificate of the person who is the subject of the enquiry is required if the death of the person was not registered in Scotland.
If no trace is found, then the charge is reduced to the "no trace charge" of £5. Applications should be sent to the General Register Office for Scotland, New Register House, Edinburgh EH1 3YT and you can pay by cheque or credit card.
For Northern Ireland, the records are the responsibility of the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland. There is no formal process set up to obtain data; you will need to make a FOI (Freedom of Information) request to the archives.
We always welcome any comments, suggestions or corrections - you can contact us at the feedback email address on the left | <urn:uuid:0ea0c5e3-a990-47d7-a073-014de55d79c1> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://1911census.org.uk/1939 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.981573 | 1,612 | 3.765625 | 4 |
Welcome to my blog, 19th Century, where we dive deep into the captivating history of this remarkable century. In this article, we unravel the fascinating world of 19th century freak show posters, exploring their visual aesthetics and the stories they tell. Join me on this journey as we uncover the intriguing allure of these curious artifacts.
The Spectacular World of 19th Century Freak Show Posters
The Spectacular World of 19th Century Freak Show Posters offers us a fascinating glimpse into the unique entertainment culture of the time. These vivid and eye-catching posters were an essential part of the freak show experience, luring audiences with their colorful illustrations and bold typography.
During the 19th century, freak shows gained immense popularity as people were captivated by the unusual and extraordinary. These shows featured individuals with physical anomalies, such as bearded ladies, giants, conjoined twins, and individuals with various medical conditions. Freak show posters played a crucial role in attracting audiences, enticing them to witness these “curiosities” firsthand.
These posters utilized striking visual design techniques to create intrigue and excitement. Employing vibrant colors, dynamic lettering, and exaggerated imagery, they aimed to capture the audience’s attention and spark their curiosity. The posters often featured sensationalized descriptions and exaggerated claims about the performers, further fueling public interest.
Moreover, the 19th century was a transformative era for printing technology, allowing for larger and more detailed posters. This innovation enabled the inclusion of elaborate illustrations, showcasing the unique features of the performers and adding to the spectacle.
Despite the controversy and ethical concerns surrounding freak shows today, these posters serve as important historical artifacts. They provide insights into the cultural fascination with the extraordinary and shed light on society’s attitudes towards difference and diversity during the 19th century.
In conclusion, the freak show posters of the 19th century represent a captivating fusion of art and advertising. Their visually striking designs and sensationalized content ensured that these shows captured the imagination of audiences of the time, leaving a lasting impact on popular culture and our understanding of the past.
Circus Freaks: Stories and Tragedies of Circus Freaks, Part 2
Freaks 1932 – In Color
Were there freak shows during the 19th century?
Yes, there were freak shows during the 19th century. These shows were popular forms of entertainment that presented individuals with physical abnormalities or unusual traits as attractions. People with conditions such as albinism, dwarfism, or other physical differences were often showcased in these shows.
Freak shows were typically part of traveling circuses or carnivals, and they would travel from town to town, drawing large crowds curious to see these unique individuals. The performers, often referred to as “freaks” at the time, would display their physical differences on stage, sometimes performing acts or showcasing specific talents.
These shows were often controversial, as they exploited vulnerable individuals for profit and commodified their differences. Many critics argued that it was unethical and dehumanizing to put these individuals on display for public amusement.
Nevertheless, freak shows continued to be a popular form of entertainment throughout the 19th century. It wasn’t until the early 20th century, with changing attitudes towards disability and increased advocacy for human rights, that the public perception of freak shows started to shift. Today, the idea of displaying people with physical differences for entertainment purposes is widely condemned.
What were the freak shows during the Victorian era?
During the Victorian era, freak shows were popular forms of entertainment that showcased individuals with physical abnormalities or unusual talents. These shows, often referred to as “human curiosities” or “oddities,” captivated audiences and were a significant part of the entertainment industry during the 19th century.
Freak shows presented individuals with various conditions such as bearded ladies, conjoined twins, dwarfs, people with physical deformities, and individuals with rare medical conditions. These performers were often marketed as “freaks of nature” or “wonders of the world,” attracting spectators who were both curious and fascinated by their differences.
The shows themselves were typically organized in tents or temporary structures and featured a series of acts or exhibitions. Attendees would pay a fee to enter and witness the display of these unique individuals. Inside the show, spectators would observe the performers through glass cages or on stages, where they would showcase their distinctive characteristics or talents.
While some performers willingly participated in these shows as a means of earning an income, others were exploited by show promoters who took advantage of their differences for profit. Many performers faced exploitation, discrimination, and dehumanization due to their appearance or condition. They were often objectified and treated as mere commodities for public amusement.
The rise of freak shows in the Victorian era can be attributed to several factors. Firstly, there was a growing interest in human differences and a fascination with the strange and unusual. The shows provided a form of escapism and entertainment for the masses, catering to their curiosity about the unknown.
Secondly, the emergence of scientific theories such as Darwinism and the study of human anthropology influenced public interest in observing and categorizing human variations. Freak shows presented an opportunity for the public to witness these differences firsthand, contributing to a sense of spectacle and wonder.
However, as societal attitudes towards disability and diversity began to shift in the late 19th century, the popularity of freak shows declined. People started questioning the ethics behind exploiting individuals based on their appearances, and these shows were increasingly criticized for their exploitative nature.
In conclusion, freak shows were a prominent form of entertainment during the Victorian era, showcasing individuals with physical abnormalities or unique talents. While they attracted large audiences and captured public fascination, these shows also perpetuated exploitation and dehumanization. The decline of freak shows reflected a changing societal perspective on disability and diversity, ultimately leading to their eventual demise.
Which freak show was the most famous?
The most famous freak show in the 19th century was undoubtedly P.T. Barnum’s Barnum’s American Museum in New York City. Barnum, a renowned showman and entrepreneur, established the museum in 1841 and showcased a wide array of human curiosities and oddities that captivated audiences from all walks of life.
Some of the most notable attractions that drew large crowds to Barnum’s American Museum include the Fiji Mermaid, a mummified creature that was claimed to be a hybrid between a fish and a human; the Bearded Lady, who grew a full beard due to a medical condition called hirsutism; and Tom Thumb, the world-famous dwarf performer who became one of Barnum’s star acts.
Barnum’s American Museum gained immense popularity not only for its display of human anomalies but also for its extravagant performances, educational exhibitions, and live shows featuring animals, magicians, and acrobats. The museum became a cultural phenomenon and solidified Barnum’s reputation as the mastermind behind the greatest freak show of the era.
Despite the controversial nature of these shows by today’s standards, it is important to acknowledge that they were products of their time and often provided unique opportunities for individuals with physical differences to gain acceptance, financial stability, and public recognition.
During what year were freak shows popular?
Freak shows became popular in the 19th century, particularly during the mid to late 1800s. These shows featured individuals who were considered “freaks” due to their physical abnormalities or unusual talents. The popularity of freak shows peaked in the 1840s to 1940s, with numerous traveling circuses and sideshows showcasing various unique individuals. These exhibitions often attracted large crowds and were a source of entertainment for the general public, satisfying their curiosity about the unusual and different. However, the ethics and treatment of those individuals featured in freak shows have been widely criticized, leading to the decline and eventual abolition of such displays in the early 20th century.
Frequently Asked Questions
How did freak show posters in the 19th century contribute to society’s perception of marginalized individuals?
In the 19th century, freak show posters played a significant role in shaping society’s perception of marginalized individuals. These posters, which were widely distributed and displayed, highlighted individuals with physical or mental differences and presented them as objects of curiosity and entertainment. The use of bold and eye-catching typography, vivid colors, and sensational language captivated the attention of the public.
By depicting marginalized individuals as “freaks” or “monsters,” these posters reinforced negative stereotypes and perpetuated discriminatory attitudes. They often portrayed individuals with disabilities, deformities, or unique appearances as aberrations, further marginalizing them from mainstream society. The posters appealed to people’s curiosity about the unusual and tapped into the prevailing fascination with exoticism and otherness during that era.
Additionally, these posters created a sense of spectacle and voyeurism around marginalized individuals, reducing them to mere objects of entertainment rather than recognizing their inherent humanity and dignity. Audiences would pay to see these individuals on display, treating them as sources of amusement rather than fellow human beings.
As a result, these freak show posters contributed to the normalization of societal discrimination and prejudice against marginalized individuals, fostering an environment where they were viewed as lesser individuals who existed solely for the purpose of public amusement. This dehumanization further perpetuated societal barriers and hindered any progress towards inclusivity and understanding.
It is important to acknowledge the harmful impact that these posters had on the lives of marginalized individuals, and to strive for a more compassionate and inclusive society that respects the dignity and uniqueness of all individuals, regardless of their differences.
What were the key elements and techniques used in the design of 19th century freak show posters?
In the 19th century, freak show posters used several key elements and techniques in their design:
1. Eye-catching visuals: Freak show posters were known for their bold and attention-grabbing imagery. They often featured illustrations or photographs of the performers, showcasing their unique and unusual physical traits.
2. Exaggeration: These posters employed exaggerated depictions of the performers to emphasize their “freakish” qualities. This was done to captivate the audience and generate curiosity and anticipation.
3. Vivid colors: The use of vibrant and contrasting colors was prevalent in 19th-century freak show posters. Bright hues were utilized to create visual impact and draw attention to the poster amidst the bustling streets.
4. Informative text: The posters typically included detailed text that provided information about the performers, their acts, and the show’s location and time. This text was often presented in bold fonts or in decorative lettering to further enhance its visibility.
5. Sensational language: To increase intrigue and excitement, freak show posters employed sensational and provocative language. They used phrases like “The Human Marvel,” “The Living Wonder,” or “The Unbelievable Spectacle” to entice potential spectators.
6. Ornate borders and embellishments: Many 19th-century freak show posters featured elaborate borders and decorative elements such as floral motifs, scrollwork, or intricate patterns. These added a sense of grandeur and spectacle to the overall design.
7. Placement: Freak show posters were strategically placed in high-traffic areas like city centers, theaters, and public spaces to ensure maximum visibility and reach a wide audience.
These key elements and techniques combined to create visually striking and attention-grabbing posters that aimed to pique the curiosity of the public and entice them to attend the freak show.
How did the popularity of 19th century freak show posters reflect societal attitudes towards entertainment and curiosity during that time period?
During the 19th century, the popularity of freak show posters reflected societal attitudes towards entertainment and curiosity at that time. These posters were often colorful and eye-catching, featuring illustrations or photographs of “freaks” or individuals with physical abnormalities. They were designed to captivate audiences and draw them to the circus or carnival where the freak show was being held.
Societal attitudes towards entertainment during the 19th century were heavily influenced by a sense of curiosity and fascination with the unusual or extraordinary. People were intrigued by the unknown and sought out opportunities to witness things that deviated from the norm. Freak shows offered a window into a world that was considered strange and unfamiliar, satisfying people’s desire for novelty and stimulation. The posters played an essential role in promoting these shows and attracting audiences.
The posters themselves were often exaggerated and sensationalized, using vivid imagery, bold typography, and dramatic language to pique curiosity and intrigue potential visitors. Phrases like “the amazing,” “the incredible,” or “the astounding” were commonly used to describe the featured individuals, heightening anticipation and adding an element of spectacle. Additionally, bright colors and elaborate designs were used to make the posters visually appealing and attention-grabbing.
These posters catered to a society that was seeking entertainment and curiosity in ways that pushed boundaries and challenged societal norms. They created a sense of wonder and excitement, allowing people to indulge in their fascination with the unusual. However, it is important to acknowledge that these shows often exploited individuals with physical differences for profit, contributing to the marginalization and objectification of those deemed “freaks.”
In conclusion, the popularity of 19th-century freak show posters reflected the societal attitudes of that time period, which placed a high value on entertainment and curiosity about the unconventional. These posters were designed to attract audiences by utilizing sensational language, striking imagery, and vibrant colors. However, it is crucial to recognize the ethical implications associated with the exploitation of individuals with physical abnormalities for profit.
In conclusion, 19th century freak show posters provide a captivating glimpse into the peculiarities and curiosities of the era. These posters not only served as advertisements for the shows but also reflected the societal fascinations and prejudices prevalent at the time. They were a visual representation of the spectacle and wonder that 19th-century audiences sought in exploring the unknown and extraordinary.
Through analyzing these posters, we can gain insights into the cultural, social, and historical context of the 19th century. They offer a lens through which we can examine the attitudes towards difference, the concepts of entertainment and spectacle, and the evolving ideas of human curiosity and fascination.
Additionally, these posters tell a story of exploitation and marginalization. While they may be viewed as artifacts of the past, it is crucial to acknowledge the harm they caused to individuals who were often dehumanized and objectified for public amusement. The posters serve as a reminder of the importance of compassion, empathy, and respect for human dignity.
In modern times, the study and documentation of 19th century freak show posters offer valuable insights into our understanding of history and the complex relationships between society, entertainment, and marginalized communities. They prompt discussions on the ethical responsibilities of representation and challenge us to confront our own biases and preconceptions.
Ultimately, the legacy of these posters reminds us of the power of visual culture and its ability to shape perceptions and beliefs. By examining them critically, we can learn from the mistakes of the past and strive for a more inclusive and empathetic future. | <urn:uuid:5aba18ee-543c-4b05-8db7-7069affd7009> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://19thcentury.us/19th-century-freak-show-posters/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.962541 | 3,133 | 3.09375 | 3 |
New Delhi: A team of scientists at Council of Scientific and Industrial Research’s Central Electrochemical Research Institute (CSIR-CECRI), Karaikudi, Tamil Nadu, has developed a flexible low cost, wearable sensor that can monitor the health and physiological status of the human body on the go by just analysing the sweat.
The microfluidic sensor can be used for on the spot monitoring of several biomarkers such as lactate, Sodium, and Potassium simultaneously from sweat samples. It analyses the biomarkers without any transfer of signals. The high-throughput sweat sampling ability of the sensor facilitates continuous capture and transport of the sweat over the surface of the device resulting in real-time analysis.
A fluidic channel in the sensor captures real-time sweat and directs it through the active sensing electrodes for subsequent interference-free analyses. A miniaturized printed circuit board collects cross-talk-free sensor responses without the need for wires.
The team led by Dr.Vinu, who is a recipient of the INSPIRE Faculty Fellowship instituted by the Department of Science & Technology, Government of India, has published a report on their work in the journal ‘ACS Sensor’.
They are also exploring other biofluids such as saliva and fluid in tissues for such monitors as they contain abundant chemical markers that could reflect the underlying physiology of the human body. Besides, they are working on developing wearable energy storage devices for powering wearable electrochemical sensors.
The team, among other things, has developed a solid-state flexible and stretchable supercapacitor as an energy buffering element for powering a wearable pulse rate sensor. A report on the work was published in Nano Energy journal. | <urn:uuid:dd1c77fb-e7fa-4e5a-82f4-ed2b2ffb8cf8> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://24x7headlinestoday.com/csir-scientists-develop-sensor-to-monitor-health-status-on-the-go/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.931418 | 349 | 2.828125 | 3 |
Juneteenth, celebrated every June 19th for over 150 years, is the oldest nationally celebrated commemoration of the ending of slavery in the United States. The day marks the official end of slavery in the US. Even though President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, enslaved people in Texas were only made aware of their freedom two years later, on June 19th, 1865. Juneteenth has been commemorated by African American families ever since, and President Joe Biden signed a bill making it the newest federal holiday in 2021.
This year, we asked graduate research fellows from the Racial Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion in Science Education project to share what Juneteenth means to them and how they celebrate the day.
Juanita: It means true independence from enslavement.
Veronica: Juneteenth is not merely symbolic: it actually marks the ending of physical slavery in this country. Though slavery had ended legally, some slaves had not yet received word that they had been “freed.” Juneteenth marks the day those slaves were finally informed that they were in fact free.
Juanita: I do have memories of celebrating Juneteenth and discussing the importance of this day because of history. My family would read articles and discuss the impact they had on our culture.
Veronica: Where I am from in Denver, each year there is an annual Juneteenth celebration. As a child I went to the parade each year, and enjoyed the two day festival that followed. Though I understood the significance of Juneteenth as a child, I did not understand the gravity…I wasn’t aware of how significant our celebration was. The parade involved step teams, speakers, activists, dancers, community organizations, etc. One year, I met Al Sharpton there [when he] marched in the parade. I still have that picture. The two-day festival covered the historic Five Points community (where Duke Ellington and others played when they came to Denver). There were more African American merchants, cooks, business owners, creatives, and activists there than one could imagine. I remember Juneteenth being a celebration of freedom, and we did not only mark it with a parade. We celebrated by exercising the skills we were able to use to make a living after we were liberated. There was almost a rebellious nature in our celebration. We were parading our liberation, and enjoying cooperative economics: keeping our money within our community.
Juanita: I didn’t react. I believe that this holiday was rich and meaningful without government interference.
Veronica: My reaction initially was excitement, because it meant that the government was finally acknowledging its role in subjugating people of color. There could be no more pretending. Almost immediately though, I felt angry. It was only a matter of time before white business owners would commercialize the celebration, and attempt to capitalize on our jubilee.
Juanita: I haven’t changed the way I celebrated this holiday. I attend festivals and support Black businesses as I did before the change.
Veronica: Over the years the Juneteenth celebration in Denver has shrunk, much of which is due to gentrification. They have raised booth fees, and it is increasingly difficult for Black businesses to participate. Needless to say, this prevents a valuable opportunity for white business owners to participate in the market part of the festival. (This defeats the purpose.) We do not have a Juneteenth celebration in my current city.
Juanita: During June, I become more intentional about supporting as many Black businesses as possible. I explain the holiday to my children, and I attend festivals so that my children can see the broadness of Black talents, culture, and history in the making.
Veronica: There are two things that I will be doing this year to commemorate Juneteenth.
Juanita Crumbly-Franklin is a doctoral candidate at Tennessee State University. Juanita’s research interest is in the pedagogical content knowledge of elementary school teachers.
Watch Juanita discuss her research in more depth, share her thoughts on racism in science education, and give valuable advice to science students:
Veronica Wiley is a doctoral candidate at Jackson State University. Veronica’s research interest is in educational leadership and administration as well as resistance pedagogy.
Watch Veronica discuss her educational journey and her work in anti-racist science education:
You can also hear Veronica’s advice about teaching, studying, and anti-racism: Veronica Wylie Shares Her Challenges and Advice About Teaching, Studying, and Antiracism[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]
Q&A with Annette Gordon-Reed, the Carl M. Loeb University Professor at Harvard: A model for nation in family celebrations of Juneteenth – Harvard Gazette | <urn:uuid:d6feea3a-d5cb-40bc-a4db-3af205fbecde> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://about.labxchange.org/blog/celebrating-juneteenth-with-rdeise-research-fellows | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.969813 | 988 | 4.09375 | 4 |
Goal 3. Target 3.7
By 2030, ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health-care services, including or family planning, information and education, and the integration of reproductive health into national strategies and programs.
Goal 3. Target 3.7
Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights as agreed in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development and the Beijing Platform for Action and the outcome documents of their review conferences.
The purpose of this website is to introduce and promote disability-inclusive accessible SRHR in Bangladesh by developing a resource hub, showcasing the efforts and outcomes of the organizations, academicians, researchers who are working in the field “Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR)” or “Rights of Persons with Disabilities”.
Comprehensive education, information, and service on sexual and reproductive health is a critical element of sexual and reproductive health rights. Persons with disabilities themselves consider information on sexual and reproductive health not just as a need, but as their right, including the right to information and services on contraception and to make choices on what method to use, and the right to be free from sexual violence.
Despite being a right, in Bangladesh, persons with disabilities often do not have equal access to information, education, and services related to sexual and reproductive health, sexuality, and relationship, thus hampering their ability to make informed decisions about these issues. It is because, SRHR is a relevantly new area for Bangladesh that has only been recognized by the government as well as the development sector, the development sector putting much more emphasis on it, especially those working towards better living or working conditions of its targeted population.
When it comes to persons with disabilities, SRHR becomes an unexplored territory even though people with disabilities have the same sexual and reproductive health needs as others.
Although the Government of Bangladesh has already taken some legislative steps towards improving the situation of persons with disabilities, most of these steps does not entail SRHR when many countries around the world have taken remarkable steps to incorporate the SRH needs of persons with disabilities. There are many important corners of SRHR that need to be addressed for a person with a disability to survive, sustain and flourish in both the public and private spheres of life, to find his or her place in society.
Article 25 (a) of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD)
The CRPD declares that persons with disabilities should have the same range, quality and standard of free or affordable health care and programs as provided to other persons, including in the area of Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) and population-based public health programs.
This study explores the barriers and impediments that women and girls in Bangladesh are facing that make it difficult for sexual and reproductive rights (SRR) to be realized. While the country mandates inclusion of curricula on sexuality and reproductive health (SRH) in formal and non-formal education sectors, the matter is generally weakly addressed, resulting in young people of 10-19 (constituting one third of the entire population in Bangladesh) who have limited knowledge of SRH issues including contraception, sexuality, family planning and sexually transmitted diseases.
As there is no reliable data and documents on the SRH needs of persons with disabilities living in Bangladesh; therefore, this guideline has been developed in a generalistic way following several international models. It does not picture completely evidence-based claims of its own, rather identified key sectors and issues that deserve first attention by reviewing several relevant national and international documents. Also, this guideline proposed a few generic possible interventions focusing on the general overall conditions as the first step of action through an intensive desk review. | <urn:uuid:44d7488b-eba0-4efc-aa94-6e87388c78e1> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://accessiblesrhr.org/?ref=disabilitydebrief.org | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.954033 | 760 | 2.640625 | 3 |
Common law marriage is a legal concept that recognizes a marital relationship between two individuals who have not undergone a formal ceremony or obtained a marriage license. This article provides a comprehensive overview of common law marriage, exploring its historical background, states that recognize it, requirements for its validity, dissolution procedures, and its status in New York State. Additionally, it discusses the relevance of common law marriage in prenuptial agreements and addresses common misconceptions.
I. Historical Background of Common Law Marriage:
- Common law marriage originated from English legal traditions, where informal unions were considered valid and recognized.
- In the United States, common law marriage was prevalent during the colonial era and served as an essential institution in frontier regions where formalities were difficult to fulfill.
- As time progressed, many states enacted statutes to regulate and define common law marriage.
II. States Recognizing Common Law Marriage:
- Alabama: Requires mutual consent, capacity, and public declaration of marriage.
- Colorado: Requires mutual agreement, cohabitation, and holding themselves out as married.
- District of Columbia: Recognizes common law marriages from other jurisdictions but does not allow new ones.
- Georgia: Requires mutual agreement, cohabitation, and the intent to be married. No new ones since 1/1/97
- Idaho: Requires mutual consent, cohabitation, and public declaration. No new ones since 1/1/96
- Iowa: Requires mutual consent, continuous cohabitation, and public acknowledgment.
- Kansas: Requires mutual consent, cohabitation, and holding themselves out as married. Both must be over 18
- Montana: Requires mutual agreement, cohabitation, and public acknowledgment.
- New Hampshire: Recognizes common law marriages from other jurisdictions but does not allow new ones.
- Oklahoma: Requires mutual consent, cohabitation, and holding themselves out as married.
- Pennsylvania: Requires mutual consent, cohabitation, and a reputation of being married.
- Rhode Island: Recognizes common law marriages established before 01/01/1906.
- South Carolina: Requires mutual agreement, cohabitation, and public declaration.
- Texas: Requires mutual consent, cohabitation, and holding themselves out as married. Must register at county courthouse and if no longer togehter there is a rebuttable presumtion that there was no marriage
- Utah: Requires mutual consent, cohabitation, and an agreement to be married. Must be recorded at county courthouse and there must be a determination during the relationship or no more than 1 year after separation.
III. Requirements for a Valid Common Law Marriage:
Note that, for a marriage of any kind, each state will have requirments such as minimum age, which would have to be satisfied even in a common-law marriage. Also, based upon the US Supreme Court decisision of Obergefell v Hodges, states which allow common-law marriages must allow same sex partners the right to use common-law marriage.
- Mutual consent: Both parties must agree to enter into a marital relationship.
- Cohabitation: Living together as a married couple.
- Public acknowledgment: Holding themselves out as married before the community.
IV. Legal Documentation and Common Law Marriage:
- Unlike a traditional marriage license or certificate, states that recognize common law marriage generally do not issue specific legal documents to validate the existence of a common law marriage.
- The validity of a common law marriage is typically determined by evaluating the evidence presented, such as joint tax returns, shared bank accounts, or testimonies from family and friends.
V. Dissolution of Common Law Marriage:
- The dissolution process for a common law marriage is generally similar to a traditional marriage and requires a legal divorce or annulment.
- Parties seeking to dissolve a common law marriage must go through the appropriate legal procedures, including filing for divorce, division of assets, determination of support, and child custody arrangements, if applicable.
VI. Common Law Marriage in New York State:
- New York does not recognize common law marriages established within the state.
- However, New York will recognize a valid common law marriage established in another jurisdiction if it meets the legal requirements of that jurisdiction.
- To dissolve a common law marriage recognized in New York
- State, individuals must follow the dissolution procedures applicable to traditional marriages, such as filing for divorce or pursuing an annulment.
VII. Relevance of Common Law Marriage in Prenuptial Agreements:
- When drafting a prenuptial agreement, a previous common law marriage can be a relevant factor for consideration.
- The attorney should ascertain whether either party has been involved in a common law marriage, as it may affect property division, spousal support, or inheritance rights.
- Including specific provisions addressing the recognition or non-recognition of common law marriage can provide clarity and protect the parties’ interests.
VIII. Common Misconceptions and Myths about Common Law Marriage:
- Timeframe: Common law marriage does not require a specific duration of cohabitation. It is the combination of mutual consent, cohabitation, and public acknowledgment that establishes the marriage.
- Holding Out as Married: Merely referring to each other as husband and wife in social situations or using the same last name does not automatically create a common law marriage. It requires a broader public recognition of the relationship.
- Divorce: Dissolving a common law marriage requires legal procedures, similar to a traditional marriage. Merely separating or ceasing cohabitation does not terminate the marriage.
Conclusion: Common law marriage, although recognized in some states, is not universally accepted throughout the United States. Understanding the legal requirements, recognition, and dissolution procedures specific to each state is crucial for couples involved in such relationships. In New York State, while common law marriages formed in other jurisdictions may be recognized, no new common law marriages can be established within the state’s boundaries.
As family law attorneys, it is essential to consider the existence of previous common law marriages when drafting prenuptial agreements, ensuring the protection of clients’ rights and interests. It is also important to understand that, while people who are considered to be married in another state through common law marriage, should qulify for social security spousal benefits, social secuirty survivor and death benefits, and should be able to inherit property from their former spouses according to new york law, it may be necessary to prove the status of the former common law marriage, so that it is even more important that there be a valid will which will avoid problems in obtaining proof.
The same issues can come up if someone dies without a will and new york courts have to determine who the children of the marriage are, in the absence of a wedding ceremony or court documents.
By debunking common myths and misconceptions, and being alert to the ramifications of any possisble prior common law marriage, we as family law atttorneys can provide accurate information and guide individuals through the complexities of common law marriage and its implications in family law matters. | <urn:uuid:81f89319-094a-4d7d-a807-944859260c11> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://affordable-uncontested-divorce.com/common-law-marriage/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.937146 | 1,452 | 3.078125 | 3 |
Why April 24 is Still Relevant
For the Armenian Nation, April 24 is a solemn day of remembrance, contemplation, and determination to achieve justice that has eluded us for over a century. It is a day when faith is reinforced and hope seems to progress towards actualization. It stands at a crossroad providing us with options as to what methods of action to adopt. It is a time to take stock of past struggles, failures, and successes dotted on the road to Ararat. In this journey of ups and downs, optimism should guide us, because the alternative portends a dark abyss from which one cannot elevate oneself to see the light at the end of the tunnel. Here, famous Armenian-Russian sea painter Ivan Ayvazovski’s canvasses should serve as an example. Many of them portray men and vessels struggling against threatening high waves in tempests raging under gloomy clouds. But they invariably radiate hope for a safer and a brighter future in an emergency arrangement evincing God’s omnipotence and omnipresence.
Giving up is not an option; it empties us of our soul, meaning, and purpose. It x-rays us to show only a skeleton deprived of existential rights. But emotions and mental exercise should walk hand-in-hand with concrete plans for sustainability as constituent members of a nation that is currently seeking solutions to its myriad problems. A key factor for success is to educate young generations with objective and realistic history lessons which instill pride, but not empty rhetoric. Another essential is to prepare healthy citizens cognizant of their rights and responsibilities within a just and democratic system. The list goes on.
For ethnic identity preservation, the Family comes first. Our homes are living, breathing museums that link the past to the present to the future. Heirlooms, oftentimes taken for granted, are actually story tellers that convey messages to all generations within the household. Any object from a dowry may kindle interest in one’s self-discovery and trigger further exploration, thereby retrofitting the Armenian pivot for posterity. When combined, these and other suggestions/solutions will tell us why April 24 is still relevant, why the struggle for justice is worthwhile to carry on, and why reclaiming Ararat, Ani, Van, and the rest of the rich land once owned and inhabited by our ancestors is a real possibility.
Vahram L. Shemmassian, Ph.D.
Director of the Armenian Studies Program at California State University | <urn:uuid:e974fcfc-2381-4513-813c-ed019462ff34> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://amaa.org/why-april-24-is-still-relevant/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.942349 | 511 | 2.96875 | 3 |
Since the Taliban took over Afghanistan in Aug. of 2021, the country has
been reeling from poverty, natural disaster, and isolation from the
Millions of people across Afghanistan continue to suffer for lack of basics, a
breakdown of infrastructure along with widespread hunger and disease.
The risk of Cholera and other contagious diseases, and the increasing
reach of famine threatens to undermine the basic well-being of generations
Add to that, the plight of women who have seen opportunities dwindle and
basic rights reduced to a limited indoor domestic subsistence. Across the
cities women & girls are unable to go to school and work which in turn has
decimated the role of NGOs who have had a major role in providing badly
needed help to Afghan people – all of which exacerbates the nation’s
Afghanistan’s literacy rate at the height of the US occupation was just over
50% for men and just under 30% for women. Today those rates have
plummeted while families endure starvation, unemployment and lack of
access to schools and jobs. Upwards of 90% of the Afghan population now
subsist below the poverty line, and according to a report by UNDP, those
numbers has risen to 97% by the end of 2022.
As a part of our commitment to offer educational resources to people
across Afghanistan we’ve partnered with ‘Herat Online School’, a UK-
based social impact nonprofit with the mission of empowering Afghan youth
through education. Formed by Angela Ghayour in response to Taliban’s
ban on girls’ education upon takeover of Afghanistan, ‘Herat Online School’
has set out to create equity in educational opportunity, encourage critical
thinking, and build capacity for Afghan youth to take control of their future.
We at ‘A More Balanced World’ consider this kind of partnerships as central
to the goal of expanding the spirit of a more just world and look forward to
collaborations at multiple levels between the two entities.
Make a Contribution
We invite you to join us in making a lasting impact on the life of the most vulnerable in our communities. | <urn:uuid:fc964848-5d31-4d0b-863e-300d171b0237> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://amorebalancedworld.org/more-balanced-world-afghanistan/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.935542 | 454 | 2.609375 | 3 |
Polyploidy is a captivating phenomenon where nature goes a little wild with the number of chromosomes in an organism. Join us on a journey into this extraordinary world, as we unravel the mysteries of polyploidy in a way that even non-biochemists can understand.
What is Polyploidy?
Understanding the Extra Chromosome Phenomenon
In simple terms, polyploidy refers to the condition when an organism has more than the usual pairs of chromosomes. Think of chromosomes as tiny instruction manuals that determine the characteristics of living beings. Usually, organisms have two copies of each chromosome, but in polyploidy, there's an extra dose of genetic material.
The Impact of Polyploidy on Organisms
Enhancing Traits and Unleashing Genetic Diversity
This extra genetic material can lead to exciting and sometimes surprising changes in plants and animals. It's like having extra ingredients in a recipe – it can alter the final product in intriguing ways. Polyploidy often results in larger, more robust organisms with unique features, adding a touch of flair to the genetic mix.
Polyploidy in Plants
Strengthening Plant Vitality and Creating New Species
In the plant world, polyploidy can have significant impacts. It can make plants heartier, more resistant to diseases, and capable of thriving in diverse environments. Sometimes, it even leads to the creation of entirely new plant species with extraordinary characteristics.
The Origins of Polyploidy
Natural Occurrence and Scientific Manipulation
But why does polyploidy happen? It can occur naturally through occasional mistakes during cell division, turning out to be happy accidents that result in a fresh burst of genetic diversity. Scientists have also discovered ways to intentionally induce polyploidy in the lab, allowing them to explore new possibilities in agriculture, horticulture, and genetic research.
An Introduction to the Potential Polyploid Pot Revolution
Delving Deeper into Polyploidy and Its Implications in Cannabis Cultivation
In the world of cannabis cultivation, polyploidy has gained attention for its potential to revolutionize the industry. Polyploid cannabis, often referred to as "polyploid pot," holds the promise of enhanced traits and characteristics that can redefine the cannabis experience. By manipulating the number of chromosomes in cannabis plants, breeders can unlock unique attributes that may lead to improved yields, potency, and even novel cannabinoid profiles.
Imagine cannabis strains with increased vigor, larger flowers, and improved resistance to pests and diseases. Polyploid cannabis opens doors to new possibilities, allowing breeders to explore uncharted territories and develop innovative varieties that push the boundaries of what the plant can offer.
Dive into the World of Polyploid Cannabis!
At Amsterdam Marijuana Seeds (AMS), we're at the forefront of the polyploid cannabis revolution. Our latest blog post, " An Introduction to The Polyploid Pot Revolution," delves deeper into the concept of polyploidy and its implications for cannabis cultivation. Discover the science behind polyploidy, learn about the techniques used to induce polyploidy in cannabis plants, and explore the exciting potential of polyploid weed.
Join us on this journey of genetic exploration and innovation. Visit our blog and read our comprehensive guide to the potential polyploid weed revolution. Uncover the untapped possibilities and be inspired to embrace the future of cannabis cultivation. | <urn:uuid:4ed5c197-3fbb-45bc-92f5-f0464da1dd81> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://amsterdammarijuanaseeds.com/blog/post/polyploidy-genetic-duplication | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.894491 | 698 | 3.453125 | 3 |
Combes was an engineer, pastoralist, politician and painter, was born on 6 September 1830 at Fonthill-Gifford, Wiltshire, England, son of William Combes, farmer and surveyor, and his wife Anne, née Bracher. Combes was educated at the Ecole des Mines and the Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers, Paris; later he studied civil and mechanical engineering. He migrated to Victoria in 1851 and prospected and worked as an engineer at Ballarat and Bendigo. In 1854 he returned to Paris for two years training in scientific engineering and studied free-hand and water-colour drawing. In 1855 he was appointed commissioner to the Paris International Exhibition and engineering aide to Louis Napoleon; later he assisted Count de Gasparin and Evelyn Denison (Lord Ossington) in the agricultural section of the exhibition. In 1856 at Harpford, Devon, he married Harriette, daughter of William Hare of Exeter. In 1857 Combes returned to Victoria as an engineer. In 1858 he joined the New South Wales public service; he was mining engineer and surveyor at Forbes in 1862 and later at Lucknow and Glanmire where he bought land and built Glanmire Hall. In 1865 he was chairman of the Court of Appeal established by the Gold Fields Act, and in 1870 a royal commissioner inquiring into the operation of the Act.
By 1870 Combes was well known in the central western district of New South Wales and had been attracted to James Martin’s form of protection to native industries. In 1869 he failed to win the Bathurst seat but succeeded in 1872. As a ‘Martinian’ he was opposed to Henry Parkes who became premier in 1872. Combes soon emerged as a ‘strong but serene’ debater with a touch of invective and a sense of humour. Disturbed by bushranging activities on the central goldfields he moved an amendment in June 1874 disapproving the premature release of several prisoners, including Frank Gardiner; the government was saved by the Speaker’s casting vote. In November Combes revived the question after Parkes had produced an Executive Council minute in which Governor Sir Hercules Robinson was alleged to have criticized improperly some members of parliament. The ensuing debate raised constitutional issues on the exercise of the prerogative of mercy, the relationship of the Legislative Assembly to the governor and the right of petition, and resulted in the resignation of the government.
Combes did not contest the elections, but in 1877-79 he was member for Orange and generally a supporter of John Robertson though he retained his protectionist views. Robertson made him secretary for public works from August to December 1877 and he helped to ‘set the disorderly Department in order’. In 1878 he was appointed executive commissioner at the Paris International Exhibition, and was required to report on educational developments in Europe and England including kindergarten and technical training; his absence led to his seat being declared vacant in February 1879 and some troublesome questions about his expenses, but his work earned him the C.M.G. and membership of the Legion of Honour. By this time he was also a member of the Society of Civil Engineers of France, and an associate of the Institution of Civil Engineers of England. In August he won the seat of East Macquarie and held it until 1885. In 1880 he was a commissioner for New South Wales at the Melbourne International Exhibition. In 1891-95 he was a member of the Legislative Council. Combes was not an active legislator, but he was an effective local member and contributed significantly to the development of colonial public works and education policy.
Meanwhile Combes had developed his artistic skill. In 1879 he directed the art section of the Garden Palace Exhibition. The Bulletin, 23 April 1881, described him as the ‘best amateur painter in Sydney and the wonder [is] … that the prosy mechanical engineer can find time to indulge in the “seraph ecstasy” of a pictorial ideal’. He showed his work in London galleries and at the Paris salon. In 1883 he was on the committee of the New South Wales Academy of Art, formed in 1871, and president of the Art Society of New South Wales. Apparently through his efforts, the government in 1874 granted £500 towards the formation of an art gallery useful to students, a step said to mark the foundation of the Art Gallery of New South Wales. Combes was appointed one of the five trustees to administer the fund. When the trust was reconstituted in 1876 he was abroad, but in England he persuaded the trustees to spend their entire annual grant of £500 on Ford Madox Brown’s ‘Chaucer at the Court of Edward III’, the first oil painting bought by the gallery and still one of its most prized works.
Combes’s painting was highly regarded in London and Paris and he was a member of the Royal Institute of Water-colour Painters, but he did not seek a colonial reputation. To the gallery he helped to found and to direct for twenty years he gave only one work, an etching of one of his paintings. In 1895 his family gave the gallery ‘La Perouse, Botany Bay’, a water-colour of which a large version in oils had won honourable mention at the Paris salon. It was hung in an ‘English’, not an ‘Australian’ gallery for many years and later lent to Vaucluse House.
In 1883-89 as president of the Board of Technical Education Combes helped to raise the standard of trades and professional training; he visited Europe in 1885 and his report on overseas technical education was a stimulus to its development in all Australian colonies. In 1889-90 in London he successfully negotiated the publication of Parkes’s Fifty Years in the Making of Australian History (London, 1892). Combes died at Glanmire Hall on 18 October 1895, and was buried in the Church of England section of the Waverley cemetery. His wife had died in 1883. Of their three sons and three daughters, Alice Herminie was a gifted water-colourist, and Frances Selina James, who married Alfred Ivatt, published over the name ‘Lee Ivatt’ between 1910 and 1931 four volumes of verse and a story for children.
A portrait bust by Simonetti is in the Art Gallery of New South Wales.
Exchange rates are only indicative. All orders will be processed in Australian dollars. The actual amount charged may vary depending on the exchange rate and conversion fees applied by your credit card issuer.
Join our exclusive mailing list for first access to new acquisitions and special offers. | <urn:uuid:7f0d6240-c75a-4db5-8f08-5f47ff95ea7b> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://antiqueprintmaproom.com/biographies/edward-combes-1830-1895/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.982767 | 1,389 | 2.8125 | 3 |
This webinar was recorded.
Presenters: Dr. Mary Beth Fitts, Assistant State Archaeologist, NC Office of State Archaeology
Allyson Ropp, Historic Preservation Archaeology Specialist, NC Office of State Archaeology
The hurricanes of 2018 devastated coastal North Carolina. Not only did they cause significant damage to property and infrastructure, Florence and Michael also impacted coastal cultural resources, including archaeological sites and cemeteries. In response to these storms, the National Park Service is providing emergency supplemental funds to support preservation efforts, including surveys to assist in planning for future storms. The North Carolina Office of State Archaeology (OSA) received funding for two projects that will document and assess cultural resources in the coastal counties of North Carolina.
Join OSA archaeologists Mary Beth Fitts and Allyson Ropp to see how OSA’s Shorescape and Coastal Historic Cemetery Survey Projects have been designed to document important places in counties impacted by Hurricanes Florence and Michael in 2018. Unlike most surveys of coastal resources, these projects are adopting a holistic approach to the archaeology of maritime lifeways by simultaneously investigating resources on the shoreline, within the littoral zone, and submerged in adjacent waterways. This approach will not only provide a baseline for understanding differential climate change and storm effects on dry and waterlogged sites; it will broaden our understandings of coastal communities’ political economies and experiential realms. In addition to identifying the context and goals of these projects, this talk will discuss the prioritization models OSA is using to implement these surveys, which have been designed to identify at-risk sites associated with North Carolina’s maritime industries and African American communities, and the role of these efforts to build upon the Office of State Archaeology’s Sea Level Rise Project. | <urn:uuid:388d7301-a881-41e1-ad4e-5d22f18e8219> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://archaeology.ncdcr.gov/events/2021-10-19/submerged-nc-near-shore-arch | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.930032 | 361 | 2.5625 | 3 |
Jakub Husník was born on 29 March 1837 in Vejprnice, near Pilsen. He was a Czech painter, art teacher and inventor of the improved photolithography method. Husník was one of the ten children of forester. After the attendance of the schools in Hlavatice and Benešov, he completed the Prager six-form high school. In 1853, he entered into the painter academy. He studied in Antwerp with professor Joseph Henri François van Lerius. After his return, he was active in the church of Uhříněves. In 1863, he became a teacher at the High School in Tábor. In 1877, he was appointed as the art professor at the material High School. After one year, he also opened an independent workshop for lithography.
Together with professor Schwarz, he examined the "wet process" when developing photographs. He first discovered the "double tone photograph". In 1893, he perfected the three-colored reproduction for the printing and announced first patents. Husník wrote specialized books concerning his inventions. In 1907, Husník became an honorary member of the photographic society in Vienna and Berlin.
Jakub Husník died on 26 March 1916 in Prague. | <urn:uuid:a8e826b0-1593-478c-904a-bf19dcf69451> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://archiv.radio.cz/en/static/inventors/husnik | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.982463 | 268 | 3.09375 | 3 |
The expedition of Garcia Jofre de Loaisa left Spain for the Moluccas (Maluku Islands, Indonesia) on 24 July 1525, to open up the spice trade initiated by the Magellan expedition. Of the seven ships under Loaisa originally, only four entered the Pacific - via the Strait of Magellan, on 26 May 1526. A few days later, they were separated by a storm. One ship, the Santiago, made her way to Mexico; another, the San Lesmes, was not heard of again; and the remaining two, the Santa Maria del Parral and Santa Maria de la Victoria, crossed the Pacific independently. The documents on these microfilms concern the fitting out and dispatch of the expedition, accounts of the expedition's proceedings, and claims for salaries by dependents of expedition members who died in the Moluccas or on the voyage out. Details of contents are given for each reel, however, a more comprehensive listing, including names etc., is available from the Pacific Manuscripts Bureau on request.
The original documents are arranged in bundles or 'patronatos'. The information given is a translated and edited version made by the PMB from that contained on pp.78-91 of the Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, No.32, Lisbon 1966. Patronato 37, Documents 11-33: Doc.11: Madrid, 3 April 1525 - remarks on Loaysa's men by Council of the Indies. Doc.12: Toledo, 13 May 1525 and Santo Domingo, 10 May 1538 - royal letters; orders and instructions. Doc.13: Instructions to royal officers (who were also members of royal treasury - factors, accountants etc.). Doc.14: Madrid, 5 April 1525; Instructions to Hernando de Bustamente. Doc.15: Madrid, 5 April 1525; Instructions to Diego Ortiz. Doc.16: Toledo, 13 May 1525; Instructions to Diego de Covarrubias. Doc.17: Contributions to expedition, names, amounts. Doc.18: Madrid, 5 April 1525 - Appointment of Alonso de Tejada. Doc.19: Undated account of voyage. Doc.20: 13 July 1526 and 31 July 1526; Will and inventory. Doc.21: 18 September 1526, 2 financial docs.Doc.22: 4 June 1527, Account of San Gabriel. Doc.23: 17 February 1528 petition for salaries. Doc.24: Tidore, 11 June 1528 - account of voyage by Hernando de la Torre. Doc.25: Madrid, 5 November 1529 - Royal decree re payment. Doc.26: Tidore, 28 October 1528 - Account of relations between fleet and Portuguese in Moluccas. Doc.27: Cadiz, 10 May 1529 - Account of expedition by Don Rodrigo de Acuna. Doc.28: Toledo, 29 January 1529 - Royal decree re Moluccas. Doc.29: n.d. - Law suit re salary. Doc.30: Palencia, 17 September 1534 - Declaration by sailor of the Santa Maria de la Victoria. Doc.31: n.d. - Account of voyage and events in Moluccas. Doc.32: 1535 - Account of several survivors of expedition describing how their diaries, books, maps etc. were confiscated on arrival in Lisbon. Doc.33: Valladolid, 25 October 1536 - Declaration by a Greek sailor, Francisco de Paris, on events of the voyage. | <urn:uuid:a37107a6-0a12-4ec3-b1ab-314edd035f9d> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/pambu/catalogue/index.php/informationobject/browse?sort=endDate&sf_culture=es&view=table&languages=en&topLod=0&sortDir=asc&media=print | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.909977 | 734 | 2.515625 | 3 |
It is hard to argue the importance that being a strong collaborator, an articulate communicator, a self-directed learner, and a creative problem solver has on a person’s success in today’s world. In fact, a recent analysis by Valerie Strauss from the Washington Post on an article written by Cathy Davidson highlighting how Google culled data to determine the most important qualities of its top employees and found that the top seven were non-academic cognitive competencies, or success skills. Coaching, communicating and listening, empathy, critical thinking, problem solving, and making connections across complex ideas all came out on top.
In a competency-based system, we must hold both academic competencies AND these deeper learning competencies, or success skills, as integral in preparing our graduates to be successful in work, college, and life.
But how have our schools historically helped students progress in these areas? Quite simply, we haven’t. In the words of one student in relation to these competencies, “I got a bad grade on (collaboration), but I never knew what it meant, and I was never told what I needed to do differently to get better at it.”
New Hampshire, for the past three years, has been focusing on how these incredibly important deeper learning competencies can be levers for students’ success. As we have shared in a number of articles (for example, please see first, second, third, and fourth in a series of articles reflective of the integration of these competencies in a school), it has become crystal clear the impact this increased focus integrating what we in New Hampshire call “Work Study Practices” into curriculum, instruction, and assessment has had in and out of the classroom.
The impetus for this deeper dive into these competencies came about from the first year of New Hampshire’s PACE (Performance Assessment of Competency Education) effort. Recognizing that these non-academic competencies were critical to success in a competency-based system, it was included as part of the PACE process. But the four original participating schools soon found out just how varied their approaches were, and how limited our understanding in this arena was.
The Center for Innovation in Education, with then Deputy Commissioner Paul Leather and Mariane Gfroerer, from the Department of Education, enlisted me to facilitate a small cohort of educators across PACE schools to begin to explore what it might look like to integrate our Work Study Practices into curriculum, instruction, and assessment within teachers’ classrooms.
Year 1 involved participating educators going through a facilitated 2Revolutions course module based upon the Essential Skills and Dispositions (Lench, Fukada, and Anderson, 2015). This course provided teachers with guided opportunities to explore and develop, based upon this resource, their own skill level related to Communication, Collaboration, Creativity, and Self-Direction, and better understand the progression of learning involved to go from Beginner to Emerging Expert within a given skill.
Teachers were then asked to “test” a hypothesis related to something they thought might make a difference for their learners within these essential skills. The resulting efforts produced rubrics, goal-setting exercises, explicit instruction of one or more of the WSP, as well as explicit inclusion of one or more of the WSP throughout a unit. All participating teachers (about 75) came together at the end of the year to “share their learning”. This became one of the strongest aspects of our approach, as participants “borrowed” ideas and artifacts from one another to assist in deepening their own work with their own students in the coming year.
One of the highlights of the first year was a project that four teachers within the Sanborn Regional School District undertook as part of research related to NGLC’s MyWays Student Success Series. Sanborn Teachers Terry Bolduc (5th grade teacher), Jill Lizier (1st grade teacher), Nicole Woulfe (6th grade teacher), and Heather Warr (Speech and language pathologist) all participated in a rigorous research project with support from co-authors Dr. Grace Belfiore and Dave Lash around the explicit instruction of these skills and how it impacted student learning. This work would help to influence our recognition that students’ metacognition, their self-awareness and ability to monitor and adapt, was critical in developing increasing development of any of these skills.
The deeper we went, however, the more questions we began to ask. One of the questions we faced at the end of Year 1 was around scale. We wanted to continue to deepen the work of the cohort that went through the ES & D course, yet also provide an opportunity for new folks to access the course and other modules of interest. Again, the New Hampshire Learning Initiative partnered with 2Revolutions to develop differentiated pathways for teams in schools, based upon readiness, but also upon the unique strengths and areas for growth of each district.
As we headed into our third year this past September, we were explicitly integrating the WSP within all efforts. They are thoughtfully and mindfully woven throughout any of the competency-based efforts that are occurring in New Hampshire. Within PACE, they are being included as an integral component. Within our Assessment for Learning Project (ALP) effort, NG2: Collaborative Learning Design, they are integral in both the K-2 Unit Replacement work and the K-12 Student Exhibition work. In our career pathways, ELO, and CTE work, Work Study Practices are a major component of a student’s learning plan. In short, WSP are the gears that drive any of our competency-based and personalized efforts in New Hampshire, as outlined in the graphic below.
I believe that the work that will be done this year specific to the Work Study Practices effort will have a great impact on how we support schools moving forward. For example, Epping School District, based upon their work within the WSP Cohort the past two years, developed a thoughtful and detailed plan to roll out Work Study Practices to their community (article on this work forthcoming), with students taking the lead on collecting evidence as demonstration of their growth within these competencies, shared at student-led conferences. We are beginning to look at student evidence of learning in an attempt to better understand the developmental progression of our learners specific to these competencies, and teachers are building and refining the rubrics to try to capture that learning in a meaningful way. And, we are closely monitoring the impact of student goal-setting, as we see this as an integral component of assessment FOR learning, with students being at the center of this process.
Additionally, we will be collaborating with JFF (Jobs for the Future) to begin to research and gather qualitative and quantitative data on specifically how our work is benefiting students in the classroom. These analyses will have a great impact on how we continue to scale this integral effort across our state and beyond.
We look forward to continuing to learn from others engaged in this work and to sharing our successes and pitfalls as we strive to meet each learner where he or she is. This collaboration will help us all to support learners everywhere in their journey to attain the necessary knowledge and skills to be successful in their career, college, but most importantly, in life.
- Our Quest to Personalize Competency-Based Learning in New Hampshire
- Connecting the Dots: Aligning Efforts to Support Teachers and Students in New Hampshire
- Where Students are Our Students, Not Mine or Yours
Jonathan is the Director of Innovative Projects for the New Hampshire Learning Initiative, overseeing the personalized and competency-based work related to NG2: Next Generation Collaborative Learning Design and the State of New Hampshire’s efforts integrating Work Study Practices into curriculum, instruction, and assessment.
Formerly, Jonathan was principal of Memorial Elementary School in Sanborn Regional School District in New Hampshire. Under his leadership, Memorial became a nationally recognized model professional learning community (PLC) on All Things PLC (allthingsplc.info) and competency-based learning elementary school.
Jonathan lives with his wife and three children on the New Hampshire Seacoast. You can follow Jonathan via Twitter @jvanderels | <urn:uuid:bf365546-6014-48e0-a353-f2e00922473d> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://aurora-institute.org/cw_post/highlighting-deeper-learning-competencies-in-new-hampshire/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.964878 | 1,698 | 2.59375 | 3 |
In mammals, the diaphragm divides the body cavity into the abdominal cavity, which contains the viscera (e.g., stomach and intestines) and the thoracic cavity, which contains the heart and lungs. The inner surface of the thoracic cavity and the outer surface of the lungs are lined with pleural membranes which adhere to each other. If air is introduced between them, the adhesion is broken and the natural elasticity of the lung causes it to collapse. This can occur from trauma. And it is sometimes induced deliberately to allow the lung to rest. In either case, reinflation occurs as the air is gradually absorbed by the tissues. Because of this adhesion, any action that increases the volume of the thoracic cavity causes the lungs to expand, drawing air into them.
- During inspiration (inhaling), the external intercostal muscles contract, lifting the ribs up and out. This is accomplished by the contraction of the diaphragm muscle, which draws it down. During expiration (exhaling), these processes are reversed and the natural elasticity of the lungs returns them to their normal volume. At rest, we breath 15–18 times a minute exchanging about 500 ml of air.
- In more vigorous expiration, the internal intercostal muscles draw the ribs down and inward and the the wall of the abdomen contracts pushing the stomach and liver upward. Under these conditions, an average adult male can flush his lungs with about 4 liters of air at each breath. This is called the vital capacity. Even with maximum expiration, about 1200 ml of residual air remain.
The table shows what happens to the composition of air when it reaches the alveoli. Some of the oxygen dissolves in the film of moisture covering the epithelium of the alveoli. From here it diffuses into the blood in a nearby capillary. It enters a red blood cell and combines with the hemoglobin therein. At the same time, some of the carbon dioxide in the blood diffuses into the alveoli from which it can be exhaled.
|Component||Atmospheric Air (%)||Expired Air (%)|
|N2 (plus inert gases)||78.62||74.9|
Central Control of Breathing
The rate of cellular respiration (and hence oxygen consumption and carbon dioxide production) varies with level of activity. Vigorous exercise can increase by 20–25 times the demand of the tissues for oxygen. This is met by increasing the rate and depth of breathing. It is a rising concentration of carbon dioxide — not a declining concentration of oxygen — that plays the major role in regulating the ventilation of the lungs. Certain cells in the medulla oblongata are very sensitive to a drop in pH. As the CO2 content of the blood rises above normal levels, the pH drops
. Those rare people who inherit two defective genes for alpha-1 antitrypsin are particularly susceptible to developing emphysema. | <urn:uuid:004a0b59-09fc-45a3-90d2-0207e8115200> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://bio.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Introductory_and_General_Biology/Biology_(Kimball)/15%3A_The_Anatomy_and_Physiology_of_Animals/15.02%3A_Gas_Exchange/15.2A%3A_Human_Respiratory_System | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.9103 | 610 | 3.84375 | 4 |
Why Our Status Quo Failed and Is Beyond Reform
By Charles Hugh Smith
In this book, I will explain why the status quo—the current pyramid of wealth and power dominated by the few at the top—has failed and why the system is beyond reform.
Though we’re assured our status quo offers equal opportunity to all, the reality is our status quo exists to protect the privileges of the few at the expense of the many.
Why can't our status quo be reformed? There are two primary reasons: 1) those benefiting from the current arrangement will resist any reforms that threaten their share of the pie—and 2) reforms that actually address the structural flaws will bring the system down.
This is unwelcome news to privileged insiders, but it is good news for the planet and everyone else.
Why has the status quo failed? Let’s begin by examining the six great problems facing humanity.
Entrenched poverty 2. An economic model of expanding consumption in a world of finite resources 3. An economic model that relies on wages to distribute the output of an economy 4. A political-economic model of centralized banks/states managing economies 5. An economic model that depends on ever-expanding credit, i.e. borrowing from the future, to fund today’s consumption 6. A crisis of purpose and meaning.
We can constructively view these six problems as facets of one central problem: sustainably managing the planet’s resources so the basics of prosperity are available to everyone in the global economy.
These six problems are generally viewed through the prism of ideologies that were formulated in past eras.
Regardless of the ideological starting point, Problems 2, 3, 4 and 5 are generally viewed as the solution to Problem 1, entrenched poverty.
The ideological differences boil down to debates over how best to spur growth of consumption and wages, and what role the state and its central bank play in boosting growth with easier credit.
How did models that have been widely viewed as solutions become problems? Let’s briefly explore each of the six problems.
We understand entrenched poverty intuitively: It’s a poverty born of systemic inequalities of capital, education and resources. We also intuitively understand that inequality generates poverty. If inequality is rising as a consequence of the way the status quo is structured, the only possible output of the status quo is poverty: not just a poverty of income, but of opportunity to own the sources of wealth, what is known as capital.
The stranglehold that elites have over national economies is a key cause of wide-spread poverty.
The ultimate sources of poverty are a lack of paid work and productive capital that is owned by the many rather than the few.
The conventional solution to poverty is economic growth:
That this idea is no longer working is not just a matter of bad luck or poor execution. Its core solutions—expanding consumption, credit and state power—actively increase poverty rather than alleviate it.
Even if the state and market boost credit and consumption, this will only speed the collapse of systems that no longer function.
An Economic Model of Expanding Consumption in a World of Finite Resources.
It seems painfully obvious that Planet Earth and its resources are finite. Yet it is only recently in human history that the scale of human consumption has reached the point where vast ecosystems such as the world’s oceans are in danger of collapse.
The dominant metaphor of industrial civilization is the machine, and we have applied this metaphor to the natural world:
But the natural world is an ecosystem, not a machine, and ecosystems operate by different rules than machines.
Conventional economics assume controlling inputs (interest rates, credit, etc.) will yield the desired output (permanent growth). But these mechanistic models have failed, for the reason that economies and societies are ecosystems, not simplistic machines.
Humans are designed to solve local depletion of resources by moving on.
For the first time in human history, moving to a new locale is no longer a solution. There is no place left to move to.
Fossil fuels have given humanity an immense pool of energy slaves that we use to do work that is beyond mere human muscle.
This has fostered the illusion that there are no limits on our consumption:
Cheap fossil fuels have enabled the expansion of inefficient and wasteful systems such as centralized bureaucracies and the ideology of consumerism.
Once energy is expensive/ in short supply, these foundations of the status quo no longer make financial sense.
The current era of low energy costs will end, as demand soars when prices are low and expanding production depletes what is left of the cheap-to-access oil.
Central banks can print limitless sums of money, but they can't print limitless amounts of energy, phosphate, lithium, wild fish, etc.
The status quo model that makes expanding consumption the foundation of prosperity is failing for profoundly systemic reasons.
It is failing because its assumptions—cheap substitutes are always available, cheap energy is limitless and machines can solve any shortage—have intrinsic limits. This reality deeply offends many people because it violates their core belief in no limits. There are no limits on the expansion of credit and money issued by central banks, but there are limits in the finite real world.
The number of new jobs created by the rise of digital software is dwarfed by the number of jobs being lost.
The prime directive of capitalism is the accumulation of capital: enterprises that fail to accumulate capital go bust.
In this environment, capital is no longer able to reap big profits, and companies will be under even more financial pressure to lower costs by replacing human labor with automation.
The structural decline of profits is not a temporary phenomenon—it is a permanent feature of the current version of global capitalism.
If both wages and profits are in permanent decline, so too are state revenues. This leads to a sobering conclusion: wages are no longer an adequate means for distributing a nation’s income.
Clearly, the status quo policies of deficit spending and monetary stimulus have failed.
There is no other possible result of elite-dominated economies other than rising inequality and poverty.
In these economies, the mechanics of democracy may be acted out for public-relations purposes.
Any group that attempts to wrest power away from the elites is ruthlessly suppressed or marginalized.
Centralization is the leverage elites need to establish and maintain control of the nation’s income and wealth.
Unfortunately, centralized, hierarchical institutions fail.
Higher education has eroded to the point that there is no accountability for its failure.
This is total systemic failure.
Student loans have created a vast class of student debt-serfs who must pay interest on their loans for much of their productive lives by a political system that serves financial elites.
This is a thoroughly corrupt system in which institutions have lost their way but retain expertise in enriching insiders.
The state and central bank have institutionalized the speculative excesses of financialization to further their own power at the expense of the majority whose wealth and income have been strip-mined by financialization.
There is no possible outcome of this system other than collapse.
The way the status quo creates and distributes money insures that wealth becomes concentrated in the hands of the few
Once this arrangement takes hold, democracy dies. This is the status quo in a nutshell.
The loss of purpose, meaning, positive social roles and community are not unique to any one nation or culture; they are manifesting across the globe, despite rising wealth and material well-being.
The status quo is not only failing to solve humanity’s six critical problems—the status quo is itself the problem.
The only way to solve these problems is to create an alternative system with entirely different foundations, values and processes.
In the status quo, all money is created and distributed at the top of the power/wealth pyramid—by central banks, the Treasury and private banks. The only way anyone in the bottom 99.5% of the pyramid can get any of this new money is to borrow it from a bank at a high rate of interest. Only the wealthy and powerful have access to the nearly free money issued by central banks. The financial Aristocracy can borrow essentially limitless amounts of money at 1% and use it to:
Buy assets elsewhere in the world yielding 5% or more.
Buy back corporate stocks, pushing stock prices higher and reaping billions of dollars in profits
Outbid everyone without access to the central bank’s nearly free money for income-producing assets such as rental housing
Loan money to students, people buying auto and homes or charging purchases on credit cards, etc. at rates that that are as high as 10% or even 20%.
No one in the bottom 99.5% of the wealth/power pyramid can borrow money for 1% and then use the money to lock in immense profits.
If money is created and distributed at the top of the wealth/power pyramid, the only possible result is the rich get richer and everyone else gets poorer
This is why the only possible result of the status quo is rising wealth inequality and poverty.
Central banks and Treasuries are political institutions, and as a result the flow of new money is ultimately a political process.
Though central banks claim to be above the political fray, private interests can influence the distribution of the central bank-issued credit money with relatively modest sums of lobbying.
The wealthy buy political influence. They have a monopoly on all new money, which flows only to private banks and financiers.
All the income-producing assets end up in the hands of the wealthy.
If we don't change the way we create and distribute money, we change nothing.
None of the existing money systems address the root causes of inequality and poverty. This is because money is considered to be apolitical.
But as I have shown, money is always and everywhere intrinsically political
What is needed is a mechanism that ties the creation of money to the one thing people mired in poverty have, which is their time and labor.
In the carefully choreographed universe of the status quo, poverty has nothing to do with how money is created and distributed.
The fact that every conventional money system generates poverty is attributed not to the money system but to external factors.
The only way to wrest control from elites is to take the power to create and distribute money away from them.
The status quo has two solutions for every problem: the market and the state. Whatever the market can't fix, the state can fix. These are the only recognized systems and the only recognized solutions.
Attempting to solve every problem with the market and the state destroys the planet and the economy.
Since the status quo doesn't measure life-cycle costs, the future value of what’s been destroyed to reap short-term profits, well-being or sustainability, the result is a destructive tyranny of maximizing profit today.
There is nothing in the structure of markets that incentivizes sustainable prosperity for all. The belief that the invisible hand of self-interest will inevitably foster a sustainable economy is magical thinking.
Neither the market nor the state has any solution for the systemic replacement of human labor by automation and commoditization’s relentless downward pressure on profits.
The state, firmly in the grasp of self-serving elites and vested interests, serves those interests, not the common good.
The will spend just enough bread and circuses to keep the populace politically passive. The rest of state revenues are devoted to paying interest on the state’s ballooning debt and rewarding the elites and vested interests that control the state.
The status quo is based on the faith that profits and employment will always expand, and as a direct result so will state revenues. As we have seen, these dynamics have reversed, and both profits and employment are in structural decline.
The status quo (neoliberal) fantasy is that every good and service can become a profitable market of transactions and wages which generate tax revenues for the state.
The problem with the neoliberal/state fantasy is that only the top 5% of households can afford the lifestyle without going deeply into debt.
The idea that the market and state can transform every aspect of human activity into a profitable venture that generates tax revenues for the state is not just detached from reality—it ignores what’s actually important: sustainable well-being.
Capital has no loyalty to anything but its own expansion, and the damage it leaves in its wake is of no concern to the owners of capital.
Measuring inflation and deflation locally is meaningless in a globalized economy.
Globalization creates imbalances that fuel a perpetual instability that gradually impoverishes every sector other than global capital, which being mobile, can exploit the imbalances for its own profit.
We identified four global models that the status quo holds up as solutions but which have become our most destructive systemic problems.
An economic model of expanding consumption in a world of finite resources
An economic model that relies on wages to distribute the output of an economy.
A political-economic model of centralized states managing economies An economic model that depends on ever-expanding credit
Each of these models is breaking down for structural reasons.
We are now in a position to see that the source of inequality and poverty is the centralization of wealth and power in finance and the state--specifically, the institutionalization of centralized control of money and credit and the leverage this centralization of power and wealth offers self-serving elites.
To understand why this is so, we turn to the ontological imperative of a system or institution. The ontological imperative of the state is to expand its control.
Once the State has expanded beyond the control of the citizenry, it becomes the target of those seeking to leverage its power to their own personal advantage.
The ontological imperative of capital is to secure profits by limiting competition and gaining access to the central bank’s money spigot. The cheapest way to secure profits is to influence the state to limit competition and be first in line to the central bank’s money spigot.
The ontological imperative of privileged elites is to skim as much of the national income as possible. This is how nations fail: centralized power attracts elites who then steer the state and its central bank to serve their interests, at the expense of everyone below the apex of power.
How economies function is based on a simple theoretical binary: there are only two analytic camps to choose from, capitalism or Marxism. Both systems have failed in the real world.
In effect, both economic orthodoxies are blind to the two key realities governing our future: automation and the limits on consumption imposed by a finite planet.
Markets have no incentives or mechanisms for creating social orders to replace those that have been dismantled, other than the market itself.
Whatever yields more profit and expands capital by any means is superior and thus inevitable.
This dismantling of existing orders is not even understood as destruction; the market reduces the process of destruction to a cost of doing business.
Not only do markets not recognize any value in the social orders being destroyed; they are viewed as hindrances to more profitable modes of production.
Democracy and political legitimacy do not register as having value in the market.
Given the imperative of the market, democracy and political legitimacy are hindrances rather than treasures, and this is the source of the status quo’s teleological imperative to maintain facades of democracy and political legitimacy in the public sphere.
The pathologies generated by the market are internalized within each individual as a loss of purpose, meaning, self-worth and selfhood.
The failure to create value in the market is perceived as a personal failure rather than the failure of the system.
Stripped of the financial rewards of work, the unemployed are also deprived of purpose, meaning and a positive role in society.
This ceaseless disruption of the social order generates an deep-seated insecurity that the status quo can never erase.
That this artificial, unsustainable and deeply impoverished system is incapable of constructing a healthy, productive social order is of no concern to those profiting from the ascendency of the market.
The language of neoliberalism takes pieces of classical capitalism and transforms them into a moral system that is presented as the solution to every social or economic problem.
These concepts act as a sort of linguistic poison that reduces everything in human existence to a speculative drive for private gain.
No sense can be made of anything except as the workings of a speculative market that places a premium on maximizing private gain.
Neoliberalism doesn't simply make room for markets; the end-point of this system is concentrated wealth and power that rigs the market to benefit the few at the expense of the many.
This is feudalism but without the stability and relative security of feudalism. The debt-serfs cannot depend on lifelong employment or shelter.
The implicit moral imperative of neoliberalism is very simple: maximizing profit is the highest good. Amarket in which participants seek to maximize their private gain is the ideal solution to all problems.
Affirming one’s value and identity are difficult in an institutional setting, but they become nearly impossible for those who have no paid position in the workforce.
It is assumed to be not just the way the world works, but the only way it could possibly work.
The system offers one source of selfhood, identity and self-worth: what we consume, buy, wear and present to the world. Consumerism is held out as the one source of self that is accessible and that we can control.
The end-state of unsustainable systems is collapse.
Leaders face a no-win dilemma: any change of course will crash the system, but maintaining the current course will also crash the system.
The initial stage of collapse is decay: services become unreliable; shortages appear, households react defensively by hoarding essentials and cash, and the state increases its repression of dissent.
When the privileged class locks up all the top rungs for its cronies, the status quo crumbles under the weight of incompetence, while the best and the brightest drop out of the economy or seek outlets for their ambition elsewhere.
The status quo can decay for quite some time before systems break down. The key takeaway here is the process of collapse is inevitable.
In conclusion: the belief that the status quo is sustainable is a fantasy.
I hope after reading this book you now realize the collapse of the status quo is necessary to save what’s left of the planet and clear the way for more sustainable systems to arise.
Solutions abound. We just need to reach for them. | <urn:uuid:ca7ccf71-8155-4882-836a-ec1d9a7b5578> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://blocl.uk/activism/whyourstatusquofailed | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.944522 | 3,830 | 2.734375 | 3 |
What is Upatre?
Upatre is a piece of malicious software that downloads and executes other malware.
The name ‘Upatre’ comes from User Agent string “UPdATes downloadER” used by the malware. We have been observing Upatre infections since 2013 at the Quick Heal Threat Research lab. The curious thing here is that, attackers running Upatre campaign have compromised routers globally and are using them to deliver the payload.
Upatre is distributed using 2 techniques:
In the first technique, the malware is sent inside a ZIP file as an attachment in the email.
The email asks the recipient to open the attachment; when opened the file appears with a PDF icon. Most users would think that this is a PDF file and will not think twice before opening it.
As soon as the user clicks on the file, the malware gets executed.
In second technique, attackers use a specially crafted malicious MS Word file as an attachment. The file contains a macro – which when opened, the user is prompted to enable the macro. This macro contains the code to download and execute Upatre. Thus, if the user enables the macro, the code runs in the background and Upatre gets downloaded and executed in the targeted machine.
Once Upatre gets executed in the infected machine, it downloads another malware. In our findings, we have seen it downloading a malware known as TrojanPWS.Dyzap / Dyre – a banking Trojan. It steals user’s banking credentials and relays the information to the attacker.
We have been observing many variants of Upatre. And all those variants can be classified into 2 major categories based on their behavior:
Variant 1 – Drops a copy in %temp% directory and executes it.
Variant 2 – Creates a process “svchost.exe” and injects a code into it.
In case of variant 1, the malware first checks if it is running from %temp% directory or not. If not, it will first drop itself in the %temp% directory with a random name, deleting the original file.
In case of variant2, the malware creates the process “svchost.exe” and injects its malicious code into it using a stealthy technique.
The injected code then performs the task of Upatre.
Upatre also brings malicious URL/IP’s in encrypted form and decrypts them at run time.
It then connects to these URLs one by one and downloads another malware. The downloaded malware is kept in an encrypted form. Upatre decrypts this malware and executes it. We are observing that it is downloading a banking Trojan which we detect as TrojanPWS.Dyzap / Dyre.
TrojanPWS.Dyzap / Dyre
The Trojan steals the victim’s banking credentials and sends the information to the attackers. Once executed in the system, it first checks if it is running from %system% directory. If not, it drops its copy in the %system32% directory with a random name and executes from there. It also adds a scheduled task and thus keeps running at fixed intervals. Some variants also inject their code into genuine processes like explorer.exe and svchost.exe to hide their presence from the user.
Dyzap is an advanced banking Trojan which uses the Man-in-the-Browser technique to steal online banking user names and passwords. It monitors the following web browsers to intercept banking transactions so that it can send the stolen credentials to the attacker:
Also, we have seen it targeting major banks such as ICICI, CITI, HSBC, and other major financial institutions.
There is a typical pattern in which Upatre’s network communication takes place. It consists of 3 stages:
Upatre abuses legitimate websites to retrieve the victim’s public IP address. In most cases, the malware is able to retrieve this information from “icanhazip.com“.
However, we have also seen some variants abusing “checkip.dyndns.org” and other similar services. Thereafter, Upatre encrypts the attained IP address and sends it to C&C server along with other machine details such as username, OS version, Service Pack, etc.
Upatre then connects to the malicious URLs/IPs one by one to download another malware. The malware is kept in an encrypted format on these URLs to avoid getting detected by any network level scanning systems. After successful download, Upatre decrypts this malware, executes it and deletes itself.
C&C communication and Payload Distribution
Malware often use compromised websites to host and distribute malicious software.
However, this time, attackers have gone a step further by hacking wireless routers to deliver its payload, mainly Trojan.Dyre or Trojan.Dyzap.
There are thousands of compromised routers – particularly routers powered by MikroTik and Ubiquiti, communicating with the botnet and distributing other malware.
Possible reasons behind the compromised routers can be:
Although, the focus of Upatre is mainly on MikroTik and Ubiquiti routers, any router could be compromised to carry out this attack, if it is left in a state that can be easily exploited by hackers.
Safety Measures to Take
Default credentials observed in case of Ubiquiti router:
Default credentials observed in case of Mikrotik router:
The following graph shows Upatre’s detection over the last 6 months – it shows that the malware was on the rise in the month of Aug to Sep 2015.
At Quick Heal, we have captured around 18,000 unique URL strings till date. Since multiple files are hosted on a single router, we have 900 unique IP addresses. The following map shows the statistics of compromised routers in the most affected countries.
Upatre is a serious threat to both businesses as well as individuals. And with the use of compromised routers, it can be seen how complex and advanced cyber threats have become. Best security practices and awareness can help us stay protected from such threats. Although the main payload of the malware is Dyre/Dyzap, we have seen it downloading other malware in the past such as Zbot/Zeus and Gameover, which are banking Trojans.
We strongly recommend users to use Quick Heal Safe Banking feature to stay protected from this malware and other such banking related threats. Also, it is essential that you keep all your passwords safe and updated, including those of the devices that are connected to the Internet.
Quick Heal Threat Research and Response Team.
Contributing Subject-matter Experts:
Preeti Kulkarni | Indrajeet Kavitake | Swapnil Patil | <urn:uuid:38cae639-d2b6-41cc-a3a4-91ccc77a2f70> | CC-MAIN-2023-50 | https://blogs.quickheal.com/the-curious-case-of-upatre/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679099281.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20231128083443-20231128113443-00000.warc.gz | en | 0.921414 | 1,385 | 2.765625 | 3 |
Born in 1840 in the Ural Mountain town of Votkinsk, Russian Empire, Peter Ilyich Tchaikovsky was the second of six children. From his early years he showed a different quality than his siblings. He maintained an unusual charm and sensitiveness, which caused a sense of vulnerability.
Musically, his talents became apparent during these formative years. When he was eight years old, he was known to reproduce on the piano arias from W. A. Mozart’s Don Giovanni that he had heard from an orchestration of the work. He became passionate about music, but his family, particularly his father Ilya Petrovich, did not believe music represented a respectful profession. Petrovich, went so far as to enroll his son in boarding-school in Saint Petersburg when they moved there following his Governmental appointment as a mine manager.
It is believed that the young Tchaikovsky, having received tender caring by his family, was treated more sternly by his teachers. This treatment supposedly created the low spirit that pervaded the composer throughout his life.
After his boarding-school education, his parents placed him in School of Jurisprudence in St. Petersburg. Soon thereafter, Peter’s mother passed away suddenly from a cholera attack. The event traumatized the young Peter. He responded to her death by attempting his first musical composition in her honor. The early portion of Peter’s life provides a glimpse into his later musical works. His melodies reflect his depression and pessimism that remained evident throughout his life.
An outwardly shy and reserved individual, Tchaikovsky became capable of strong inner strength and maintained a powerful conviction to compose masterful music. He most likely would have provided a psychologist with a rather compelling subject and his distraught nature is reflected throughout his music.
Next week: In part 2 of Tchaikovsky 101, we will examine the opera Eugene Onegin and the turbulent stage of Tchaikovsky’s life that surrounded the work. The composer’s mental state around the time reflects a change in the opera’s tone compared to his earlier operas. Eugene Onegin represented a desire to escape from his depression.
Alexander Poznansky. “Tchaikovsky: The Quest for the Inner Man” (New York: Maxwell Macmillan, 1991), 3-17.
Edwin Evans. Tchaikovsky (London: Temple Press, 1935), 53.
Part 1: Tchiakovsky’s Life
Part 2: Eugene Onegin
Part 3: The Nutcracker
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