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BigLAM: BigScience Libraries, Archives and Museums 83

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I Intermedle not with discoursing (in quo orbe magno sumus) or what Signe or Planet doth governe in that great Orbe, nor who is Divisor, or what Signe is profectionall of every Orbe; a taske too hard, and not to be performed in a Pamphlet: Nor doe I speake any thing in this Discourse of the Conjunction of Permutatio Saturni & Iovis de triplicitate in triplicitatem, mutationem significat regnorum & Sectarum, Escuid. fol. 15. The permutation of Saturne and Iupiter out of one triplicity into another, signifies a change of Kingdomes and Sects. Saturne and Jupiter 1642/3 nor of any precedent Eclipse, either Solar or Lunar; nor of the influence of the last Comet we beheld in 1618. which is now strongly in operation in all or most places of this Kingdome; I hold my selfe meerely to the Ingresse of the Sun into the first point of Aries, and according to that little knowledge I have, send out into the world these ensuing lines. Seeing fixed Signes possesse the Angles of the figure, at the time of the Sun his entrance into the Ram, I hold the positure of heaven erected for that moment of time sufficient whereupon to ground my succeeding judgment for the whole yeare, I am warranted in so doing by Guido Bonatus, fol. 527. Quando Sol intrat Arietem, si ascendens est signum fixum, illa revolutio continet in se omnes quartas illius anni: This is also the opinion of some that have Commented upon Ptolomey; but Ptolomey himselfe who meddled not with this manner of judgement, gave direction to erect foure Scheames for every yeare, for discovery of the seasons of the yeare, which hee principally intended; viz. one Figure for the Vernall quarter upon the Sunne his entrance of Aries: the second, upon the Sunnes ingresse into Cancer: the third, upon the Sunnes entrance intoLibra; the fourth, when he entred Capricorne: the former words speake this English; When the Sunne entersAries, if the Signe ascending be fixed, that onely Revolution will serve to judge all the Quarters of the yeare by; of this opinion is Leupoldus in Libro de Revolutionibus; Si ascendens in revolutione est fixum sufficit pro anno toto figura quam fecisti: si est commune fac duas, si est mobile fac quatuor: If the ascendent in a revolution be fixed, it sufficeth for the whole yeare; if common, erect two figures, if moveable, make foure: I conceive more might naturally be deduced from the former position, then is fit to be publiquely knowne to the world. If the rules of Astrology faile me not, or God Almighty cloud not my understanding, and so make me uncapable of judgement, some more then ordinary action and accidents shall this yeare happen in our Clymate, which is England; and in our neerest adjoyning neighbour Countries, which are Scotland, Ireland, France, Denmarke, the United (perhaps disjoynted) Provinces, as also in the Dominions of his Majesty of Spaine, in Flanders, and Brabant: The Celestiall Scheame it selfe is very strange, all the Angles being fixed, the Moone and Mars in fixed signes; the Sunne, Saturne Venus and Iupiter being all in the Equinoctiall and Cardinall signeAries the ascendant of England, as if by this their position they pointed out wee should have action enough, and variety of it, &c. onely Mercury the father of lyes and untruths, and scandalous Pamplets is in a Common signe, as if he intended all this whole yeare to vex us with flying reports, continuall feares, false alarums, untoward speeches, contradictory newes, lying messengers, and cozening Accomptants, Receivers, Treasurers, and the like, &c. There doth succeed this ingresse of the Sun, two Conjunctions of Mars with Saturne and Jupiter commonly called lesser Conjunctions; of both which I may occasionally speake, for in their seasons they will instrumentally put forward the actions decreed by Almighty God for this yeare. At the time of the Suns ingresse, I finde the Moone in the tenth house seperated from an opposition of Mars; Accidunt rixæ, mali rumores, dolores, mortes, effusiones sanguinis, falsa testimonia : Bethem Apho. 37. The Moone seperated from Mars, we heare of brangling, ill rumours, sadnesse, death, the effusion of blood, false witnesses; she then applies to a trine aspect of Venus and Jupiter, which in the starry language tels us, that from Christmas untill our Lady day, there will be many hot skirmishes, and much bloodshed in those unseasonable times of the yeare, and principally in the This was fulfilled by the defeat the two brave Knights, Sir Thomas Fairfax, and Sir William Brereton gave to the Irish in the North West of this Kingdom. North West parts of this Kingdom. And these stirring actions may be produced, by reason that Saturne and Mars the 12. of January come to a Quadrate aspect, and Mars and Jupiter on the sixt of February: Now if these Quadrate aspects of the three superiors, do in these dirty times stirre up any hostility or action, what will they do about the latter end of May, in June, and July, when they meet in Conjunction? at those times expect to heare of war, slaughter of men, division, Towns besieged, some taken, some plundered, some relieved, &c. The precedent aspects being in Cardinall signes, shew the actions of this winter to be greater then may easily be conceived, and of greater This I conceive fulfilled by the accesse of the Scottish Army. concernment then at present we imagine: yet after some stormes the defluction of the Moone from a malignant Planet and aspect, to a milde fortune by a benigne trine, tels us of a seeming probability or willingnesse to Accomodation of peace I thinke it was in February a Message came of peace.. And yet I cannot finde it more then a likelihood of Unity, for the Proposer hereof, or Proposers, the Articles, propositions or the like, which either are or shall be framed, and are signified by Venus, and Jupiter, who behold the tenth house with trine aspect, which is of love and affection: but I say, for as much as neithe Venus or Jupiter do behold the ascendant, which hath signification of the publique State. I frame this Conjecture, that not onely they that shall frame these propositions, but the It was so conceived, by many. Articles themselves shall have more in them, which may advance the desires of those signified by Medium Cœli, then the good of the people signified by the ascend. So that although in February, March, April, an May, and part of June, some Propositions or overtures for a peace or Treaty may be made, yet without a miracle all Treaties end in We have found it too true. smoake and vapour; for it may be feared the Treaty Teeaty is brought on to protract time, by those that are signified by the tenth house, that wish not well to the government of this Kingdom, they having hopes of forces from Ireland in April and May, and from France in July and other seasons, also from Denmarke ayde is expected, and from another Prince of lesser fame and quality, and therefore not so much mistrusted. If any beliefe or Credit is to be attributed to Annuall Revolutions, nothing but We all know what distractions here was with the Independants, &c. division, dissention, bloodshed, murther, backbiting Sir Greenfield and others make this good. treachery, poisoning, distraction, and fraction will be at the Courts of Princes and else where, each one mistrusting one another, many being faulty, and long ere any be discovered, murmuring secretly each at other, so that it may be feared God hath sent downe into our English Court and Common wealth, that destructive and Martiall Angell, which incited the enemies of God to destroy each other. But let us be sory for what shall exactly see and finde true in this kinde, and endeavour an Union amongst our selves. There are also this yeare two Solar Eclipses, and they of long duration and great, though not visible in our Horizon; yet in a time of generall distemper they will operate and adde fuell to the fire: The first is in the ninteenth degree of Pisces, neare the Cuspe of the fifth house in the Revolution, where Mercury and Cauda draconis are placed: That may point out the continuance of our Domestique troublesome wars by the subtilty, cunning and plotting of a woman, or women rather; Secretaries, slie knaves, witty and well spoken: Magni prestantisq; viri interritum, latrocinia, et rapinas terræ marique promiscuas minitatur: Proclus, it threatens the death or destruction of some eminent person, thefts and pillaging in a promiscous manner, as well by Sea as by Land. The second Eclipse is in August, in the ninth degree of Virgo: Calamitosum regis alcujus exitum & stragem arguit; famen, pestem, & seditiones mortalium: It argues a Tragicall end and discomfiture of some certaine King, Prince, or great man; and Hunger, Famine, the Plague, sedition or suddaine rising of men, with many miseries I forbeare to relate, cruelty, oppression, inhumanitie of the souldier, and that many Maritime Townes will be in great jeopardie, and sustaine much damage, it points out many sea fights, the death or destruction of some Empresse, Queene, Princesse, noble-woman or the like in our Europeian part of the world. Both the Revolution it selfe and the former Ecclipse acquaint us, that some Embassadour or Embassadours, Agents, Commissioners or the like from forraigne parts will arrive here to negotiate an accomodation, and in conclusion they may be discovered, or it will be doubted and mistrusted, they deale not so candidly as may or might be expected: Here have since arrived some Embassadours. And indeed I find this will be a yeare of discoverie of friends from foes; as well at Court as in Common-wealth; a full discovery will be made of one eminent person at Court, and perhaps of an other some where else, that is a starke knave or knaves to the poore kingdome of England: Is not Mercurie Lord of the 11th. and an assistant to his Majestie at Court: and is not he dissembler enough and traitor besides that hath his significator with cauda draconis. I cannot say this is the man, or these the very men, but I say the most mischievous of all is such a man; one that hath formerly been imployed as Agent, Negotiator, Commissioner, Secretarie, or Embassadour, and is of stature pretty tall, of a swarty, sallow or Sun-burnt complexion, a thin visage and ill countenance, but of a deepe and pestilent understanding, he is not fluent in his speech, but covetous and envious, &c. But sith Mercurie is with Cauda Draconis, and in a double bodied signe, he may represent more then one, or many, one whereof may be a seeming Saint, though really an arch Atheist, one of high stature, big joynted, aged, and yet not much more or less then sixty, one of much outward sobrietie and gravitie, &c. It doth appeare by the trine aspect which Venus and Jupiter and Saturne have to the medium Cœli, and the existence of the Moone in the tenth, that those parties signified by the 10th house may expect in these their affairs the assistance of three or foure Kings or States, or ayde of men, ammunition and money from so many Countries; but I find not that those forces shall opportunely serve their occasions, or much improve their undertakings, for let us consider both Jupiter and Venus are cadent, and neither of them so dignified; that is so flush, as to spare such considerable supplies as may effect the thing intended; I shall speake more of this in the sequell. Doe not I evidently see, and may not a moderate Astrologer perceive, that their owne domestike servants shall betray them at home, and their correspondents abroad deceive them and falsifie their promises; is not Mercurie their significator peregrine, in detriment and in no support of any planetary aspect. Every Prince or State that intermeddles will be full of feare and suspition, that in assisting such persons as are signified by the M:Cœli, they may plucke an old house over their heads, viz. they may unhappily give libertie to their own subjects to rise in Armes for their just priviledges: But the reason of this judgement is drawne from that Apho. of Cardane in Seg. 2. 187. Conjunctionis locum revolutionem præcedentis, quo in loco ab ascendente fuerit revolutionis annis considera, nam magna evenient juxta domus naturam. Consider the place of the new Moone preceding the Annuall Revolution, and also in what place of heaven it is in from the ascendant, for great matters shall come to passe according to the nature of that house. The Conjunction preceding the Revolution is in the degree neare Mercurie in our Scheame, and he was Lord of the Regall house at time of the conjunction: The Ecclipse it selfe was partly in the seventh house, retarding it's effects the longer, that is, untill May, June and July; but will it end in July? Oh no: then, &c. The position of the Moone in the 10th house in conjunction with Cor leonis, doth assure us that the greatest State actions of Europe this yeare will be mannaged by a woman or women, or men of feminine deportment and spirit, but as both Venus is peregrine and cadent, and the Moone is afflicted by Mars, out of the 4th house, and a signe fixed; so either sicknesse, or some casuall accident, afright or amazement, or vengeance from heaven, may prosecute her or them to their graves, and so cause them to finish their dayes in a miserable condition: These women are in part described, one of a haughty masculine spirit and courage, tall and fleshie, fat and faire, of flaxen haire, &c. this is presented by the Moone; The second signified by Venus in Ariete should give the complexion to be browne and ruddie, somewhat obscure, because under the earth, of middle stature, excellent spirit and temper, crosse and wilfull, of a sad browne haire, sickly, because Venus is in detriment and in 6[deg] decaying in name and fame, because the Sun affords no aspect unto her &c. The third should be signified by Jupiter, or her conditions at least, though he is masculine: A Ladie of goodly proportion clouded in the world, for Jupiter is departing out of Aries into Taurus, where he hath little dignitie, she is freckle faced, and some blemish in one of her fore-teeth, or impediment in her breath, perhaps it stinkes. But now againe I find Mars is absolutely (Dominus Anni) the Moone doth participate, because of her strength and locall being in the tenth house. The signe of Scorpio represents the Commonaltie or vulgar people, Mars and the Moone their Superiours, Governours, Commanders, or better sorts of people. Mars and the Moone are in opposition and in fixed signes, how much doe I feare discord and division in May, June or July, these Planets fore-shew some such thing; God grant no distractions may ever appeare amongst them: More might be said. This yeare the Sun properly and naturally, doth signifie Soveraignty, Royaltie, Monarches and Monarchies, and in effect all the Kings or the principall Rulers of Europe; for the signe ascending being of long ascensions, we shall scarce find any other ascendant or culminating signe then what we have alreadie in our owne Horizon, though we reduce the Suns ingresse to almost any latitude in Europe. It is true the Moone accidentally hath some signification of majestie. Esse Regum à Sole, Saturno, & Planeta existente in decima. Hermes. Apho. xxiij. Take the signification of Kings or Princes from the Sun, Saturne, and the planet casually posited in the 10th house. Yet Mars is absolutely strongest for all the yeare, some moneths excepted, words of some concernement, if rightly apprehended, else not to be expounded. But let us make use of our scheame and collect the judgement of our Authors, Aspicies si decima domus fuerit Leo, & utrum tunc Mars aspicit Solem vel decimam, vel si fuerint Sol & Mars corporaliter juncti, tunc inquit timetur interfectio Regis sive Principis cujusdam illo in anno, & si vis scire unde, vide in qua domo Mars est, & ab illa domo est causa sceleris. Guido. fol. 522. See if the 10th house be the signe of Leo, and if Mars behold either the house, or be in conjunction with the Sun, if such a thing or aspect happen, it may be doubted a King or certaine potent Prince will be in danger of killing that yeare; if you will know from whom; see in what house Mars is, and require the cause from thence, &c. Mars is now in the 4th, Accidet ergo hæc illi ab aliquo qui veniet etra terram, viz. this mischiefe shall chance to the King or Prince or great person from one borne in another Country: A good Caveat to Princes must entrust no forraigners with the safeguard of their persons and bodies, the judgement would stretch further, that they arme no forraigne borne Prince for feare of deceit and treacherie: Accidit in puncto quod non speratur in anno: A mischiefe soone happens, when it's effected, no bodie is willing to owne the perpetration. The judgement is not improbable nor what followes immediately grounded upon great reason in Art, because the Sun is going to the conjunction of Saturne; Accidet regi cuidam angustia timebiturá, ne ----- Rex illo in anno; Guido. fol. 522 Extreme griefe of mind shall infinitely oppresse a Prince this yeare, and it may be doubted some mischiefe may befall the said Prince. He that knows how to apply the rules of Art to judgement, may frame a shreud supposition, let him consider what Saturne is naturally, what house he is Lord of, and in what house he is posited. The truth is, either a Ladie, Embassadour, or great Commander shall wonderfully torment som Europeian Prince; or with their Councels united shall bring abundance of reluctancy to some person of Regall discent: Some ill newes may come to those Princes that have children, concerning either the death, sicknesse, or some dire accident to one or more of them; the same that I say to Kings, Princes or Dukes, I say to Earles and other great Gentlemen, in a time of generall infelicity, what eyes hath the bullet of a musket or Cannon, or the edge of a cutting sharpe sword. I must ingeniously confesse the positure of heaven is averse to Monarchy, nor doth it flatter the Commonalty: both shall suffer and smart: a happie peace were much to be desired, for si Mars in revolutione Anni in Angulo, & aspexerit ascendens, significat sanguinem, & gravius, & in omni terra in cujus signo fuerit ejus lumen, vel oppositio vel quartus aspectus: Guido. fol. 521. If Mars in the revolution of a yeare be in an angle, he signifies bloud shed and to purpose, and in every countrey to which he casteth his quadrate or opposite aspect, or to the country subject to the signe he possesseth at that moment of the revolution. If this prove true, my judgement must faile, if Italy this yeare be not in some broyles, Valachia magna, Muscovia, Transilvania, Swethland, Westphalia, Bavaria, Piemont, some countries that lie neare the Alpes, Apulia, Gallia togata; some part of Greece and Turkie, Polonia magna, Lorraine, a great part of Germanie, Ireland, although Iupiter passe through Taurus; France will hardly be excused, or Denmarke stand for a cypher: A proper goodly Noble-man of red or flaxen haire will vex or disturbe the North or North-west or West of Scotland, and perhaps some others the South. I heare some such thing hath hapned. But those active gallants must beware: I meddle not with Portingall whose King I much honour; he's like to keepe what he hath: Nor with some Cities of Holland and Zealand, who may perhaps have cause to murmurre ere the Sunne againe returne to Aries, 1645. I write cordially, I will flatter no Nation or people: what art informes I must write; I say there will be fraction and faction, not onely and altogether at or in the Courts of Princes, but in their countries and dominions amongst their Subjects and meaner people: Rome and Venice looke to it carefully, is there no treason hatching against you, no private counsell to plunge both cities in warre, either this Pope Barbarino, or some magnificent Clergy-man will be in danger of death this yeare; why not made away in a tumult or strangled. Let not the Aurangian Family thinke it selfe excluded this yeare, from perturbation, mistrust, jealousie; if from further mischiefe. Guido. fol. 552. Catalonia and Norway are subject to Scorpie, ergo, &c. Si Mars fuerit corporaliter junctus Saturno (as the last day of May you may find them) significat diminutionem status divitum ac magnatum & malè se habebunt invicem cives illius Regionis, & pauca erit inter eos pietas & misericordia. Guido. fol. 552. When in a yeare you find Mars corporally joyned to Saturne, the wealth of the Nobilitie and of great persons is extreamely impoverished, the Citizens generally of the Region have much adoe, small is the charity or mercie which men use one towards another: Si Mars sit junctus Saturno, significat bellum & effusionem sanguinis, & multitudinem febrium, & etiam quartanas febres, & pestilentias in partibus orientalibus & significat juvenes & quod cadet inter divites & magnates Guerræ atq mutua interfectio ex ferro. If Mars be joyned to Saturne, he premonisheth of Warrs to ensue, and the effusion of Christian bloud, many violent Feavers of all kinds, quartan Agues, pestilence in the East-parts, and that the Nobilitie and great men of Gentry shall fall at division amongst themselves, and one kill or destroy another: When could these rules have been more aptly applyed, then in these distempered times; the cause or provocation which now incites to kill, was formerly in a time of peace concluded in wrangling words, in this sence understand me. Mars in revolutione in signo aerio significat injurias, So saith Messahalah lib.1. cap. 45. Mars in the revolution of a yeare in an aery signe foreshews injury oppression and tyranny: which is confirmed by Hispalensis, Mars in signo humanæ figuræ erunt bella, sanguinis effusiones, mortes ense vel igne; Mars as now posited, doth portend shedding of blood by sword and fire &c. The reason hereof I conceive to bee, because aery signes produce words and winde, which usually provoke men to further quarrell. There are some conceive and that rationally that Saturnus being Lord of the third and combust, doth stirr up a multitude of theeves and high-way robbers. Intrabit districtio et Angustia super nobiles; Guido. fol. 555. Distresse, sorrow, and anguish of mind shall terrifie the Nobilitie and Gentry of this and other Kingdomes. So many Axiomes and Aphorismes of the learned against the Gentry and Nobility, doth seeme exceedingly to stirr up many afflictions unto them in their estates, fortunes and persons; Caution is good; wee can never bee too wise, especially in a troublesome time. Be things as they may, Si Saturnus fuerit in quinta, significat abortivos illo in anno plus solito, et detrimentum filiorum, et contentiones cum legatis, et nuntiis, et quod ipsi non bene perficient quod sua interest. Guido. Fol.562. Saturne in the fift house causeth more abortives then usually have been, the destructions of many mens sons or children, much tergiversation with Embassadours and forraigne Agents, and that they performe not what may bee expected from them: Let our State see to this if any Embassadours come over unto us this yeare, and let people be carefull of their children, and midwives of women in travell. The more I behold the heavens, the greater mischiefe do I feare; but knowing God can in a moment reconcile us, I am more sparing in Art; yet let none take it ill I predict what I do upon the positive rules thereof. But sith Saturnus and Mars come the first time to a meeting since the ninth lesser Conjunction of Saturne and Iupiter, 1642/3. now in this present yeare, and in the sixt house of heaven, here may be some especiall notice taken of it, for according to the immediate action depending on this little or lesser This conjunction is the last day of May. Conjunction, you shall, I say, see wonderfull alterations to succeede; Some would imagine, because it fals in the sixt house, that it should signifie extreme sicknesses, much destruction to mankinde, &c. without good consideration, it may puzzle an easie judgement: my opinion is thus, that as both Iupiter and Venus in figura Mundi were by place in the sixt house, so their benevolent presence may and will diminish the malitious influence of the two uno infortunes, especially if that Aphorisme be true, Quicquid ligat Saturnus, solvit Iupiter; quicquid ligat Mars, solvit Venus: Almans. prop. 36. Iupiter cures where Saturne hurts, and Venus where Mars; and this is true in any magicall naturall conclusion. It is true, the Conjunction succeedes the Worlds figure, and yet I conceive it shall produce no such plague or fearefull diseases as some have dreamed; it may produce great weaknesse in peoples fights; the head-ach more then ordinary, and stoppings at the brest, and much slimy fleagme in the throat, but that it should shew a sicknesse, I meane a plague generally, I cannot fore-see: for Mars being in his owne house, hath great dominion of Saturne, and if we beleeve Almansor proposit 7[deg]. The conjunction of these two planets, doth cause suddaine stormes, hail, thunder, tempests, &c. Quando duæ conjunguntur infortunæ, sit ex eis fortuna perfecta. The Conjunction of the two infortunes, becomes a fortune. It must be warily understood, some evill they will doe, but not so much as otherwayes they would, had neither of them been well dignified. But because Aries is a beastiall signe, and the Conjunction is in the sixth House, I conceive it imports much stirring and preparation to Action in a Military way; and causeth the Souldier to desire fight and service, and for that Mars is Lord of the ascendant in figura Mundi, and Saturne of the fourth, which signifieth Townes, Castles, Forts, &c. neare upon the time of the Conjunction or in Iune. A Towne will be taken by those that had Mars their significators in the worlds figure, &c. it tels us of detriment, hinderance, losse, consumption and destruction of foure-footed beasts, both greater and smaller, and especially of those are most usefull for man, as the Oxe, the Horse, Cow, Asse, the Hog, Sheepe, Deere, Conny, &c. it threatens mens servants male and female, young and old. By which it appeares how great losse and dammage the industrious Countrey-Farmer and Husbandman shall sustaine, by loosing, and the taking away of such goods and servants as are most usefull for him. But shall the Countrey Farmer, or day-labourer loose all, it is said by some, that Iupiter in Ariete, &c. threatens and points out Nobles, Judges, Lawyers, Gentlemen, Bishops, Deanes, Clergy-men in generall, Doctors, Proctors, Atturneyes, Phisitions, Surgeons, some Commanders in Chiefe, of all sorts of men and Citizens some, or many of every kinde shall participate in this generall losse, either in their persons or fortunes, and of this let every Reader be sure, &c. In many parts of this Kingdome it shall come to passe one neighbour shall be very carefull to preserve somewhat for another, but it shall so fall out, he that indeavours preservation for his neighbour shall in the meane time runne the hazard of loosing his owne, so much oppression and inhumanity shall in probability fall upon us this yeare. Video paucitatem substantiarum & curiositatis inter magnates; Guido. fol. 565. I judge the Nobility and Gentry shall not be so flush of money as to buy bables and trifles: the pressing Calamities of this yeare may be so extreme, God grant them money to furnish themselves with bread and necessary Conveniences: Let Punctillos alone. These Arabicall Conclusions may this yeare be well verified, the times considered; for sith all the Angles are fixed, and the Moone and Mars strong in Angles, the Chelæ chelæ in the ascendant, and Cor Leonis in the tenth, the Sun impedited of Saturnus; Iupiter and Venus weake and cadent; I see no probability of concluding any peace this yeare; I am of opinion there will be strong action and warre all this whole yeare, and that there will be fighting enough and too much. Let me be pardoned: feci: I assure you there's a mysterie, who is he can tell it? But Astrologers use to say, when Mars is in the fourth house, and in a house of Saturnus, Significat exspoliationem mortuorum positorum in sepulchris & suffossionem parietum & ablationem aliarum rerum per modum latrocinii; significat exercitium hominum in lucrando & extorquendo pecuniam undecung, poterunt per modum dominationis non licitæ, per falsas attestationes, & per verba malitiosa, & patientur homines pericula & tribulationes. Guido. fol. 570. viz. we may justly feare in this ensuing yeare, the robbing, spoiling and defacing of the sepulchers or monuments of the deceased, the undermining and breaking or demolishing of stone wals and buildings; the unruly taking away of other mens goods by way of filching, theevery and shirking, we also foresee a kind of trade amongst men in getting and extorting moneys per fas & nefas, after a domineering fashion or commanding way altogether illegall, by false informations and suggestions of evill words, by which meanes men shall suffer infinite dammage, tribulation, and other personall afflictions, &c. If Mars be in the fourth house, much death followes by sword and sicknesse, and these beginnings may be or begin in the North and end in the South; & hoc crede mihi est valdè timendum. Nor shall the South West and West escape without plenty of bloudshed, poverty, and plundering, &c. Guido. fol. 573. Crede. Si Mars fuerit in Aquario (as he now is) significat gravitates atq tribulationes venturas hominibus, & abundabunt nives, & pluviæ, & frigus in suo tempore, sive suis temporibus, & minuetur Annona & vinum atq butyrum in partibus occidentalibus, & in terra quæ dicitur negotiatorum, & significat mortem sive mutationem regis sive dominatoris illius regionis in qua tu revolveris annum. If Mars be in Aquarius, he portends grievous afflictions and tribulations shall come upon men, and that snow, raine and cold shall abound in their seasons, there shall be great scarcitie of provision for man and beast, as also of Butter and the like in those Westerne parts from whence it was formerly transported by the Merchant; either the death of the King of that Countrey where you set that revolution is to be feared, or some mutation of principall Governour; we have now many severall Governours, let there be a change of twenty, so that God blesse our Soveraigne Charles King of England, which I hope he will, and indeed the Arabians, whose words these are, had in every their severall Countries a petty King, so that the words might almost annually be fulfilled amongst them, or once in three yeares; but I see not how it can have relation to our Kings in Europe in the strictnesse of the letter: it may threaten some casualty in my opinion, or some suddaine amasement or fright to some Europeian King, Prince, or the like, &c. There will be a sensible alteration in many mens estates by reason of their children; let it be understood rightly, and the Sun shall not the second time run into or thorough Aries ere children and kindred act their parts and that to purpose, &c. and in truth the Sun in the fifth impedited of Saturne sheweth this. I must now fall upon a necessary people signified to the world by Mercury, who represents Secretaries, Scribes and Clerks of all sorts (& à consiliis regum) as also Messengers, Agents, Trumpetters, but above all Accomptants, Treasurers, Receivers of money publike and private, but whether any of these be really honest, I matter not; there are many of these shall receive this yeare a just sentence for their cozening, cheating, and corrupt accounts, and for shirking the Common-wealth and State. Above all observe that Mercury is in the house of Iupiter, this tels me a spade is a spade, viz. that the This I mean of those that under pretence of Religion, get fat places, but have no honesty to use them, whereby the State suffers. greatest Professour makes not alwayes the truest accounts: Me thinkes I see them in Iuly, August, September, and October quake, and pray that God might send some Angell to take their accounts. Let me prophetically tell these Accomptants, our State will narrowly sift out their knavery, though most cunningly under the vaile of Religion they would shuffle off all calling to question, untill doomes day: As long as ye live trust none of those that prolong time: Latet anguis in herba: I love the honest man but hate the knave. Had not the Starres given me tongue and judgement, I had been silent. Altercationes verborum toto hoc anno inter homines plus solito. Guido. More words jangling and wrangling then matter all this whole yeare, but to little purpose, unlesse to prolong our disturbances, which as yet are not come to their height. But let us come neerer home, and I hope without offence, seeing I finde the Moone in the tenth house neare Conjunction of the noble Star Basilicus in Tryne to Iupiter and Venus, I do collect Astrologically that those signified by the tenth house, by their Agents or Embassadours shall obtain assistance and supply from some Countries lying Eastward and Southward, and also from other parts, I meane, beyond the Sea: But if my judgement be not muddy, Some say that the valiant Swanley hath effected part of this upon the Irish. Mars who represents the Commonalty, their Officers, Sea-men, Ships, &c. being in opposition to the Moone, who represents the ships that shall transport that assistance, I say its probable, the Publique Ships or Souldiers belonging to the Common-wealth shall meet with part of the Ammunition, men, and money, and either sinke or take them; perhaps ship-wrack may cast away some, &c. Questionlesse, because Iupiter and Venus do both behold the Moon in the tenth house, and the Mid-heaven it selfe; Divers States, Kings, or Princes, and Princesses (because of the Moone in the tenth) living East and South from London will endeavour an Assistance all they can. But all their significators the Moone excepted are ill placed, whereby it may be knowne some would, but cannot; others will casually finde impediment, so that few will performe so much assistance as is and will be requisite for the enterprise in hand; and yet aide will come, for the Moone will performe it. Here's much matter to be performed this yeare, its no sleepie or drowsie time; Cum Luna in nocte fuerit in decima, significat effectum rerum ex parte regis & mulierum, & erit hoc citò, sed res in utrisq temporibus non erit durabilis. Guido. fol. 388. When the Moone by night is in the tenth house, Kings shall have their desires performed by the sollicitation of women, and that suddenly, but what they act either by day or night, shall be of no continuance; From which it may be collected, that the Queens or great Ladies or Europe shall mannage the most materiall affaires of this yeare, and lend or send support to those whom they thinke are wanting thereof. But as the mindes of men are variable, I feare many shall finde the Resolutions of great Ladies this yeare more mutable. What shall I say, its probable that in Iune, Iuly, or August, men, ammunition, or money may seasonably come to those that want it. Every planet hath some signification in one kinde or other, so hath the Dragons head and taile, though they are no planets but Nodes. Caput in Virgine, destructionem messium & cæterarum frugum, & paucitatem omnium verum quæ metuntur, & casum vermium in arboribus & destructionem eorum quæ remanserint à prima destructione, etiam postquam fuerint reposita in locis in quibus credentur salvari sive custodiri. Guido. fol. 590. Caput in an Annuall revolution in Virgine tels us of the destruction of our harvest and others fruits, and much scarcitie of such commodities as are sold by measure, that Vermine and Caterpillers shall consume our fruits and abound on the trees, and what the Caterpiller leaves at one time, another sort of destructive creature will spoile at another: as also the losse, spoiling and wast of that corne, fruit or other graine which men have stored up in such places as formerly gave safety to their Commodities; so that little securitie is likely to be in our Chambers for houshold-stuffe or goods, as little in our barnes for our corn, and the like uncertainty in our Store-houses for necessary provision, or in our ware-houses for fruit and other Commodities. Cauda draconis saith, the souldier shall extend his power and rule over his Prince or Commander, and that many gallant and brave fellowes called Gentlemen and Noblemen will shift their habitations and dwellings to avoide the sentence and punishment due unto them for offences committed, and especially for feare of imprisonment, which they extremely desire to avoide: there will be also much babling, many provocations and words to stirre up new Sects and Ceremonies in Religion, so that it seemes here will be worke enough; generally Cauda draconis in the fift, Tristabuntur homines causa filiorum, & quod portabunt homines sua vestimenta vetera. Guido, fol. 595. Men shall be extremely perplexed for losse of their sons and children, and many men shall be so put to it, they will be inforced to runne away with old clothes; Let me not live if Guido was not in this a very Prophet, for omitting the impoverishment of many by the Souldier, very many besides by reason of infinite taxes and pressures have made no new Clothes a long time, if it happen these to run, they must necessarily trudge with old clothes. Bella excitat Mars si fuerit in Revolutione anni in Angulo figuræ Cœli quocunque. Leupoldus, lib. 5. de Revo. Mars in any Angle in figura Mundi, or yeares Revolution, excites mens mindes to war and contention; you must understand, if in a time of peace he be so posited, he provokes men to much law suit, the Nobility to private Duels, the Gentry to envie and siding one against another: the Countrey Farmer to many unjust molestations, one towne against another: For as raine in Summer though it descend in good quantity, doth not then by reason of the drinesse of the ground, presently cause a floud; so neither in a peaceable time doth Mars operate more then I have said, but now in an outragious time and of warre it selfe, we must take the words literally; But if the same Authour speake truth, Victor erit, &c. He shall be Victor or overcome, who, &c. Si Saturnus fuerit vel in quadrato, oppositione vel conjunctione Solis, Regibus significat damna & infirmitates quæ accident in hominibus & in substantiis eorum, sed si Mars fuerit in quarto & humano signo, accidet in hominibus effusiones multi sanguinis & litium, & bellorum, & erit generale, & erit fortius in fine Anni. Haly, 362. fol. If Saturne be either in Conjunction, square or opposition to the Sun, he demonstrates much sufferings unto Kings or great Princes in their fortune and worldly estate, but if Mars be in the fourth, and in a humane signe, there will happen to men much slaughter, many warres and controversies, and these calamities or misfortunes shall be generall, and most forcible towards the latter end of the yeare. What Part of England this present sixth of January, 1644. is free or cleare from one oppression or other, ere the latter end of the yeare, my heart trembles to thinke what shall happen in the West parts of this Kingdome; for as Mars in Geminis the last yeare afflicted that Country and Confines, so doe I much more feare him this yeare by reason of his positure in Aquarius, so that I doubt he may oppresse their maritime maritine or Sea-Townes to purpose, their fertile grounds and pleasant meadowes. The Souldier will devoure and consume their stately houses and principall Palaces, fire, warre, and the Canon may exspoliate espoliate , &c. Let us looke to Dunkirke, and it to its selfe: yet let us not slight those English coasts that lye towards the coasts of Normandy: Its not probable any Army shall enter the East and South-East parts of this Kingdome, though at severall times such a thing may be endevoured. Those counties beyond Trent where the Elevation of the Pole is more than 54. are like to be the Tennis-ball of fortune harbouring both friends and enemies at one time, yet at length, if division hinder not, the enemy is beaten into a narrow compasse. August will informe you more, September and October very much; Iune and Iuly will have plentifull action, &c. If no Authours had charactered this yeare for such a blacke one, my own experience, though but small, would have made me doubt some terrible fate to be neer approaching. For upon perusall of many of my friends Nativities, and upon examination of their Hylegiacall places, I have found most of their Significators to have uncomfortable Promittors in one kind or other, intimating either danger, death, or destruction to their persons, or dammage to their estates and fortunes, all which could not be, if we did not already, and must further suffer under the generall fate now impending over England. And indeed our sufferings are more sharp and terrible by reason the ascendant of this years revolution is neare the degree of the Comet in 1618 whose operation is now strongly in full force over all England, and is wandring towards the more Northerne Clymates, viz. Scotland, Denmarke, Sweden, Polonia, Russia, &c. but because in my Astrologicall Discourse of the effects of that conjunction of Saturne and Iupiter 1642/3, I am copious, I forbeare further mention. The ascendant of this yeares revolution is the signe culminating at time of that conjunction; it is also the ascendant, when Saturne and Mars meet 31. May: by all which we are forewarned in the heavenly language, how great, how many, how terrible and variable the acts and warres of this yeare shall be: But shall we only suffer, or have the sword onely drawne in our Kingdome? Oh Germanie, Germanie, looke to thy selfe and confines, neighbours and friends in Iuly, August, or September. Be not too confident thou populous France, somewhat is neare thee, &c. Spaine tremble, yet halfe an age, thou hast many enemies; few are thy friends, ten moneths hence, Transilvania will rise and Hungaria fight. The Polonian may goe neare to spoile his quiet and happinesse, &c. But many will wonder I am so extravagant, or why this yeare I speak so much of warre. I find Mars is Lord of the yeare, Ergo ex intemperato Martis ardore, ac rubrabilis cui præst, vehementi commotione in animis hominum excitantur intemperatæ scilicet commotiones, quas incompositæ quoque actiones, violentique inconsiderati sequuntur affectus, unde ira, temeritas, &c. and all those doubts and feares which so much oppresse us, and terrifie the fancies of people at this time, so that we cannot believe one another, be the matter projected never so reall. The North-west parts and North-East quarters of this kingdome shall infinitely suffer by our combustions this yeare; in those Countries and in the West, there may be many a fight. But if I understand the Scituation of England aright, the most eminent and materiall grand action or fight may happen not much above 20.miles from Coventry; and yet I confesse there's probability that neare to the City of Bath in the West of England, there may be a mortall combate and a pitch field fought, greatly to the disadvantage of the looser: there's also many other Towns in the West where, and neare unto which places there will be some hot and memorable service. He that carries the day in the first fight, and prosecutes the victorie wisely in the second fight, he I say may say and sing, Actum est; for he may obtaine a Lawrell Garland, &c. Monethly Observations. Let us heedfully observe what followeth after the conjunction of the Sunne and Saturne the 10th of March. Verified. Sir Iohn Meldram at Newarke upon Trent, upon the 21. had his defeate: The 29. the honourable Sir William Waller and Sir William Belfore, that resolute brave man, beate the Hoptonians. Observe the Conjunction of the Sunne and Iupiter the 17. of April, and the actions of the 23,25,26. April. Her Majestie went from Oxford towards Bristol or Exceter the same day; Verified. and that day newes came to London of the Parliaments forces their victorie at Selby; about the 25. of April: Sir Iohn Gell beate Goring in Derbishire. About the 20. day the Scottish Armie and the Lord Fairfax that brave Lord met. Aprill. If our Armies be neare there will be blowes, or some rascall Irish will land to fight for his Majestie, and the Protestant cause: Some Popish assistance or men, ammunition or mony may come by sea for his Majestie, &c. Irish keepe at home, unlesse you can swallow a Cannon or wade over the Sea. I am informed certainly that divers Irish have landed this month, whether any ammunition have come, I have not heard, or whether such a destinie follow the Irish; time will manifest. Verified. May. In May we have various newes, some good, some bad, report that a great woman is dead: about the middle some overtures, or propositions for peace, or Embassadours, &c. Observe who is in danger the latter end of May upon the conjunction of Saturne and Mars 31. at what time our Armies will be neare the enemie and they us; let the publike Armie take heed of treacherie, mutinie and false information of some Country peasant: Ladies begin to be fearefull after the square of Saturne and Venus, the sextill of Sol and Saturne, some great person goes to looke after his wife. Whether the Ladyes at Oxford were not frighted upon his Excellencyes approaching to Oxford iudge. The renowned Massy hath been this moneth in many skirmishes: I am perswaded many in Oxford would. I feare there will be many skirmishes this moneth towards the latter end thereof; let us not be terrified with the first newes, the second may prove better: Oh division and distraction: Some are good for nothing else: Gentlemen and Nobles shift your habitations. Iune. Iune begins with sad newes to some bodie and broken heads: 4th day an opposition of the Moone to Saturne and Mars, and the quadrature of Saturne and Mercurie, will prove unluckie, opening the way to much mischiefe, fighting and action; some accomptants or publicke Receivers would faine shuffle and protract time, and it brings newes out from the North not very good; presently after comfortable newes. Lancashires ill fortune at Bolton makes this good. A King looseth a friend, presently after another State have a losse; some treacherous men or letters are taken or discovered: Some Ammunition or men comming for England may be met with; perhaps feare of a plot: God blesse the London Army; more aide comes: the latter part of Iune hath action where Armies are neare; Some Army may move Southward, and a generall or principall Commander is either taken prisoner, or in danger, if his horse trot not or be slaine. Iuly. The first weeke in Iuly may prove bloudie enough, and fatall to some great Officer; some more Irish will be jogging for England: A great person fals sick, &c. What comes from the East, and who moves Eastward. Many flying reports of some skirmishing at sea, and aboundance of lying newes in London. Some missives, or thoughts or talke of peace, Iuly 26. there's a conjunction of Iupiter and Mars, neare the degree of the 8. house of the figure of the world It portends much slaughter and bloudshed.. The Irish may curse their comming; some Agent or Embassadours for treatie. Sudden Commotions, mutinies and many brave Gallants slaine as well noble as others: Judges and Lawyers have ill successe: the precedent conjunction fore-tels a battell or fight; God prevent it: if private division hurt not all is well: the Sextill of the Sunne and Iupiter promiseth assistance from Ireland; and it is the tryne of Iupiter and Venus that moves for some treatie, either by Embassadours or others. As strange newes from forraigne parts, and yet it comforts many. August. The beginning of August is full of frights, fights and amazements, they now may meet that have not a great while; Saturne is Retrograde; Planeta Retrogradus est, ut vir infirmus, stupefactus, sollicitus, Bethem. Aph.2. A Retrograde planet is like a man infirm, amazed carefull; our English Proverb expresseth the words excellently. A man as it were frighted out of his wits: Some bodie growes worse and worse, now some get Townes, Castles and forts, other doe loose whole Countries, 11th day, Iupiter enters Gemini, and the 12th day the Sun and Iupiter meet by quadrate; as the one shewes good to the City of London in my judgement, so the aspect either captives or kils some Commander, A galloping nagge is better then no horse at all. 17. day Venus she is Retrograde, this Retrogradation is a thing against nature; some great Ladie mistrusts her health and safety: an opportune time to question money receivers: good newes is welcome: the barbarous Irish may smart: Ecclipse of the Sun the 21th day. Some young Commanders must either die or be taken: I wish unitie in the Citie ever. 31. Aug. a square of Mars and the Sun; the Moone carries the light to Saturne: Now motion in the West: A man or a Mouse: more blowes, and Townes surrendred. A fight is likely to be neare some Citie or Towne. God blesse Kings and Princes, Generals of Armies; we may heare some ill newes or messages, who is in danger latter end of August or September. September. September 8th day, Jupiter becomes Retrograde, Nobles and Gentlemen, some Clergie and Lawyers disperse themselves, and find out new places or habitations, we heare some bodie dies or flies; some manner of sicknesse breakes out (not much of the plague) a kind of unknowne disease, lying in the head, eyes, and stomach or brest, women are still crost and vext: there's opposition of Saturne and Mercurie 14. day: much dammage to the Country Farmer in his cattle, corne and commoditie: the Plunderers rove up and downe: if they be questioned (I mean) the publike and private Receivers, they will be found guiltie; be sure to looke to the old; goe to the root, feare not: falsenesse in Clarkes and Secretaries, some private letters opened: an old knave and a fox is found out. The month shews much stirring and action, fighting enough, if not set field. Where fights are, men loose their lives, some shipwracke or strange gales of wind: opposition of Sunne and Saturne, some wicked designe against England: strange weather, all in extreames: and more losse to the Farmer in the West: Venus is direct; and Mars enters Cancer about 27. day: A good gale of wind, and God blesse us. October. The first full Moone in October opens the passage to the last grand opposition of Sol and Saturne: our misery continues: without Gods mercies our sorrowes increase; our men fight some private dissention: Are the Welch mad: I hope no division in Scotland or betwixt us: Let us love, we live; disjoint, both are undone. 8. day Jupiter he enters Taurus by Retrogradation; the Irish mutter, and perhaps are frighted: the tryne of Jupiter and Venus seeme to intend some hopes of accomodation, if not exchange of prisoners: We may feare an Hericano about 27. or 28. Octo. A new Moone in Octo. may endanger some peoples lives at sea, and do mischiefe at land, Tempus periculosum: will not the actions of this new Moone be fatall, it should; it's in the degree ascendant of the yeare, 29. Mars is running madd and must be Retrograde; theeves and high-way men good store; and men run from one place to another: Do not Plunderkins breake into Scotland. November I like not November, what strange weather here is: and yet we cannot be at rest: here's probability that many great persons shall suffer, but whether death or losse of limmes and goods, God onely knows: Men are called to account; Justice must now be done, and rich or poore must answer at the barre of Justice: Some may loose their heads upon opposition of Sol and Jupiter: Great Ladies suffer in health: Mercurie affords variety of false newes, 23. Novemb. or thereabouts. The many aspects of the Planets and they i l, shew some extreame treason, treachery or the like, and some sea towne obtained or surrendred by falsenesse: many blowes where parties are neare, and many men drowned. December. God be mercifull unto this moneth: upon the opposition of Mars and the Sunne; aboundance of ill weather, and some person or other, souldier or great man may breake his thigh, or his right arme: Many Mercurian Scribes and money Receivers may be still found out and punished; here's old slashing by fits. ---- The yeare ends not our troubles without Gods great mercie. Will there not be much sea fighting this yeare? Who may run away in September or October? What man or City is frighted in December? --- Neare to the times limited by me will the most memorable accidents of this yeare happen, almost a miraculous accident, greater then hath hapned this many a yeare, will either happen in the end of this or beginning of the next. I have been sparing to write any thing of the West of England, the unluckie surrender of Bristol having prolonged our troubles: but as it was unfortunately lost, so it may as opportunely be recovered by a more noble hand: Nor doe I meddle with a principall City or Town that will be in danger of firing; or with some others to be sieged, taken and plundered: I pretermit many judgements which might have set out this discourse, I conclude the whole in few words. A troubled and divided Court: An afflicted Kingdome. A City neare a great plague, yet doe I not find out this to be a yeare of much plague in London; there are many Cities and Townes may precede us in this misfortune, We hasten and make easie passage. I leave, for I must not. France may find worke at home: an opportunity is expected. Scotland must scuffle; matters are not ripe. Spaine and the noble Austrian Family are sinking, but not totally. The united Provinces had need of good advice, &c. Italy will have much adoe to make up breaches. The Hungarians and Transilvanians will rise in Armes. Poland may feare, and expect the Tartar. Russia Wologda will be engaged. The Swede will have both hands full. Denmarke, it seemes may remember Tychos prediction. Ireland will fall into discontent: and Wales will unwillingly be drawne to farther service. Poore Wales. This is all I have thought fit to commit to print, for this yeare, 1644. here's lesse then I could have delivered, more I durst not, the key is easily found by the judicious: it's no more mine but the worlds, to which I commit it.

Science

THE ACCIDENTS BELONGING In particular to England, and generally to many Countreys of Europe: Astrologically handled for this present yeare 1644. By W.L.

Merlinus Anglicus junjor: the English Merlin revived; or, His prediction upon the affaires of the English Common-wealth [...]

SciA1653

I Here present you with a plain Discovery of that prudentiall Contrivance for the more advantageous setting out of Lands, which I have formerly acquainted you with, and as you know offered in vain to some of the Company of Drayners of the great Fen, as I had opportunity; That so I may not onely gratifie your Publique-heartednesse and great Zeal for the Common good, and testifie my willingnesse to be doing some good in my generation, as God shall enable me, but that I may in some sort be blamelesse to all Posterity, though those Lands be not well divided or sub-divided, since I have not onely offered my assistance, such as it is in private, but do here (and suppose not altogether too late) freely offer it to the consideration of all men that are, or may be concerned in the same, or the like nature, of what better use Lands divided, or subdivided, according to the Plats here intended to every mans view may be found or esteemed. And lest any mistake should be in the not rightly understanding my meaning, or the nature of the thing, give me leave to trouble the World with a few of my Reasons for, or apprehensions of that Advantage or Conveniency, which may be more had and obtained by following this Example. I have been called to a more then ordinary use of, and love to all sorts of Husbandry, and particularly to Agriculture, wherein God hath been graciously pleased to recompence my Zeal, and indeavour with an increase of knowledge and experience in the wayes of managing Agriculture and Husbandry; in all its parts; and that not onely according to what is commonly known and practised, but by some Additionals, which if well accepted, and rightly pursued would tend exceedingly to the prosperity, honour and plenty of this whole Nation; but of this, as I have formerly acquainted you more largely (for you have thought fit to hint it to the World in your Reformed Husbandman) I shall therefore proceed and say, that that dear and even nationall affection which I have to Husbandry, above all other employments among men, may (perhaps) have occasioned my further enquiry into these affairs; and by those observations to which I have given my selfe more then every man, I may have attained to farther in sight then every man hath troubled himself to take, which I freely present to my Native Countrey, at least so much as concerns the matter here in Question; namely, The setting out of Land, as to the best Forme. I have observed that all or most part of the Lands, Lordships, Mannors, Parishes, Farmes, and particular Grounds, or Closes in England are not (or rather were not at that time past, when they were first) set out in any good Forme; too much of England being left as waste ground in Commons, Mores, Heaths, Fens, Marishes, and the like, which are all Waste Ground; but some more, some lesse; some being made a little better use of then others; but all capable of very great Improvement, as not now yielding (not one of forty of them through England) the one fourth part of that profit either to private or publique, which they are respectively capable of. I have observed in all places in England the great inconveniences that come by the Want of Enclosure, both to private and publique, the irregularity of these Lands that are inclosed, the frequent, and (as things now stand in relation to time past, and Land already set out) unremediable intanglements or intermixture of Interest of severall persons in the same Common, in the same Field, in the same Close, nay sometimes in the same Acre. The inconvenient passages made or allowed between divers grounds, and that not onely, when they belong to severall men, but even when one man is owner of divers grounds; and the truth is, either he that is possest of Lands, is a Lord or Tenant; if Lord, he seldome alters that Form he found his Lands in, whether he received them by Inheritance, or purchase; and if but Tenant, he would count it (for the most part) lost labour, although he did indeed understand both the inconvenience and the right remedy: but I fear neither Lord nor Tenant do so, or at least so, as to lay to heart the Crosses or Losses they or their neighbours do too frequently sustain meerly upon this accompt, or are too carelesse or desperate of the remedie. I have observed the carelessenesse and wickednesse of Servants and bad neighbours both; which a man shall be sure to meet, let him remove as often, and to what place he will. I have observed the proneness most of Cattel & Poultry to break into forbidden places, but above all others, commonly kept in England not to speak of Deer and Goats, or of wilde fowl, or the like) Swine, Coneys, and Pigeons, (and some sorts of Poultry, at some seasons) are most inclined to and frequent actors of mischief, and that so great, that men dare hardly consider it seriously, but let it passe to avoid vexation. Who is it that lives a Countrey-life, but knowes, or may know, and upon enquiry finde, that one pair of old Pigeons eates of one sort or another of Corn, and grain in the year at least 6 bushels, & that there are almost (if not altogether) as many such pairs of Pidgeons, as there are men, women and children in England, and it is plain, they can get none, but either of what you have sowne, or of what you should reap, or of the sheadings in the field, which were better bestowed on your Swine or Poultry, or out of your barne, or rick, or threshing-floor, from whence I suppose you cannot well spare it, or from the manger, standing racks, or dunghill, all which your pigs and hens must want so much. I conclude as to this Creature, that there is no such enemy to the prosperity of England, of his bigness so little taken notice of, or that yields so little return; may I dare affirm, that all the beasts & fouls in England, (wilde fowl, which we cannot so easily prevent, and Swine, and Coneys, which yet return abundantly more profit excepted) do not equalize the losse and damage suffered by this one sort of small birds; but let this serve by way of digression, for the truth is, the Contrivance here principally intended is for the better casting out of Lordships or Farmes in point of Forme, and doth no other way remedy this, but as it contracts your businesse into a close order, making it as easie to discover, and chase away this enemy in one ground, as in another, which is not commonly to be done in other places. The next destructive Cattel are Coneys, they will eat down the Corn at the first coming up, sometimes to its destruction, they will eat it down all along till Harvest; and if it yet prosper in part, they will stand on their hinder legs, and crop off the ear just at the bottome, and leave the straw standing, I have seen severall fields in a considerable part so served, they will destroy young Woods, by eating the bark away round about a foot high, and in good meadow and pasture make a thousand crosse paths, and in all grounds dig holes under the roots of trees, corn, & c. to a very great prejudice; and this evill is something the worse, in that there is no Fence in the common way against them, but the dog or gun, which is not alwayes allowed, yet to do this little beast right, it is not his fault but his Masters, or those that keeps him in no better order, for I do affirm, that few Creatures under heaven, (as they may be managed) turn to greater profit to the Owners, and yet may they be kept (all things considered) cheaper, and (in a manner) free from doing any hurt to his Owners, or their Neighbours; and so become a most pleasant, profitable, harmlesse creature. And thus to manage this Creature is most properly to be done by such, whose Lands are divided, or sub-divided into some such Forme as these Charts expresse, and in such a Farme it is not uneasie to make these Creatures to do some especiall services even in his life-time. The third most harmfull beast is the Swine, a Creature so ravenous, that children are scarce safe from a lean sow that hath pigs, and for her to eat her own pigs is no very strange thing; and to eat your Turkeys or Goslings a thing often seen. And as Swine are ordered, there is hardly any thing safe from them; how will they break through almost any hedge, not onely eat, but root up & destroy the Corn abundantly, as likewise any grass, trees, plants, or whatever corn is in their way, or they can come at: what and how great and frequent are the losses abroad, and the nasty inconveniencies at home occasioned by this Creature: And herein they differ, and are worse then all other Cattle, that when they are in the corn they are not easily seen, and (if their owners or keepers misse them not) as too many of those that are called poor people, will not onely willingly not misse them, but (I have seen it, and suffered by it) will on set purpose drive them thither by which means they will sometimes get a haunt of a piece of corn, and go into it so cunningly, that a man can scarce finde where, but being a good way in, they will destroy wholly great spots of a rod or two together, and when a man shall discover them, he had almost as good let them alone, for without a dog they will but play bo-peep, and be running from place to place, but trample down and spoil more, and so they will do a good while also, though you have a dog. Seriously, Sir, I suppose, that though the Hog being fat, and dead is excellent meat, and of so large a body, and good price that he may be worth some pounds, yet there is not one Hog of ten, but (besides the corn given him; after put up to fat) hath one way or other lost, spoiled, destroyed, or devoured twice his price. Most of which inconveniences, as well the nastinesse as the dammage is almost totally prevented by the right Use of this Contrivance, which if, I may truely say, that with some additions to the Common, or for the better management of this Cattle, they are of exceeding Use and Profit equall to Cowes, Sheep, or any other, if not much beyond; but indeed all Cattle almost depend so necessarily on one anothers fellowship, that he that keeps one hath good reason to keep all; (but if any alone, Sheep.) The fourth necessary sort of Creature fit to be about a Farme, is Poultry of all sorts; whether Water-fowl, as Geese, Ducks, & c. or Land-fowl, as Turkeys, Hens, &c. The first sort are of speciall Use, and require more care then charge in the keeping, which care is eased very much by this Contrivance, and those many ill turns, not unusually done by Geese, prevented with an opportunity given to breed or keep many more without charge. The second sort are exceeding profitable, if bred and fed according to a safe and orderly Rule in a place convenient, allowing a large walk, yet preventing the harme they are apt to do. I am assured both by reason and experience, that very great profit above all charge may be had without much trouble by them that keep great store of these sorts safe and well, which I conceive will be much facilitated by this Contrivance. All other greater Cattel, as Horses and Mares, &c. Buls, Cowes and Oxen, &c. and all sorts of Sheep, as they are apt to run into every Meadow, better pasture, or corn-grounds they can come at: so are they easier seen or prevented; and besides, it troubles a man lesse to make satisfaction to his Neighbour, or to bear his own losse patiently, when he considers, that such Cattel many times (though not alwayes) are the better for what they have eaten, and may shortly one way or other make him some amends, either by their fat, or Fleece, or milk, or labour, or the like, whereas all the Pigeon, the lean Hog, or the Coney gets irregularly is meerly lost. And the evill Contrivance and Inter-mixture of wayes and Interests in most places of England is a speciall reason, which many, even of the more Ingenious sort of men, that would fain yet do not attempt or endeavour those many, great, and visible wayes of better improvements that are in nature, and in view, and that because they have no place secure enough, but may every day one before the other expect, that the carelesnesse or wickednesse of their Neighbours, or their own children, or servants (yea, and by mistake sometimes themselves) may let in all or any sorts of these beasts or fowls, (worst of all Hogs or Coneys, which in the common way have most liberty and opportunity) to destroy all their labours and charges in an instant; therefore say they (not very wisely nor industriously though) it is better sit stil then rise up and fall. Whereas if English men would be resolutely and ingeniously industrious by this, or some other, or better Contrivance, Way, or Means (which I shall gladly subscribe to, when I see it) those dangers may be avoided, and this Nation become in an age or two, as much (almost) beyond what it now is, as it now is beyond Scotland for fertility, or Ireland for good Husbandry. And we need hardly be beholden to any Nation under heaven for any of their Commodities, except SpanishWines and Spices, or some such things, of which we have no simple necessity. I have observed, that in most parts of England, especially in Champion Countreys, the Pastures lie neer home, and the Woods, Meads, and Corn-land lie at a great distance. And something like it in inclosed grounds also, and that it is common to go through one Close into another, whereas it is plain, that the corne or grasse in the first Close is liable to be eaten and troden down by the Cattle that passe to and again to the Close beyond it. It is also very plain, that all Cattle that are well, lusty, and not of imediate Use, are able to carry themselves to a greater distance, but that Wood, Corn, Hey, or the like, require much time, charge and pains to remove them; I appeal therefore, whether it be not fitter to send such Cattle further off, and have your Corn and Hey, (and Wood too, if need be) neerer home. And for your young, sick or weak, or infected Cattle in this Contrivance, there is provision made for such; as also for your Milch-Cowes at Milking-time, so well, that till I see some better I rest contended with this. I have observed, that when the foul or home-sted is too neer the dwelling house (as it is in most places) it makes the Inhabitants liable to many inconveniences, and offensive sights and smels, as well within doors, as without: but here I refer my selfe whether that evil is not remedied, and yet the Barns, Stables, &c. neer enough for inspection, which is all the reason for their being neer; for as you have it in this Contrivance, you may at all times with ease view and take accompt of your businesse, and yet be as neat and sweet as in a Burgemasters house in Holland. Finally, here your house stands in the middle of all your little world (which you may build as your purse and fancy directs, though I could say soemthing as to that in particular, which I take to be as effectuall if need were) enclosed with the Gardens and Orchards, refreshed with the beauty and odour of the blossomes, fruits and flowers, and the sweet melody of the chirping birds, that again encompast with little Closes, that all young, weak, or sick Cattle may be fostered under your own eye without losse or inconvenience, and all bound together as with a girdle, (and surely never had the old proverb, ungirt, unblest, a fitter or fuller sense or application) and all that covered again, as with a fair large cloak of Meadow and Tillage, to which you may commit the corner pasturage, the Cape if you please, or the Sleeves to the Coat (for a Coat as well as a Cloak will serve to cover either knavery or foolery) of old customes or negligence. Here you have your Bake-house Brew-house, Darie, or the like, your Barns, Stables, and Out-houses in such apt places as may serve indifferently for all your occasions. And no one ground to passe through into another, no probability of being trespassed upon by others, or by your own, but the most perfect tight and ample Use of every foot of ground inclosed entire, by all which (I doubt not) will make good what I have sometimes affirmed; that besides all other waves of Improvement that may be farther added, this alone in meer point of Contrivance is enough to improve the value of your Estate one half part; viz. that if it were really worth 100li. per annum before, it will thus become as really worth 150li. per annum , and the charge in casting it into this forme, (especially where no fences are already) little more, in some cases not so much, though I must tell you, you cannot spare in any case more unhappily then here. And besides profit, the ease and pleasure will be better felt then exprest in words. Very much more might be said in order to this, but it would too farre exceed the bounds of a Letter, and it is also not amisse to see how the World will accept or reject this first: From the hands of him, who subscribes himself ever.

Science

A DISCOVERY For New DIVISIONS, OR, Setting out of LANDS, as to the best Forme: Imparted in a Letter to Samuel Hartlib, Esquire.

A discoverie for division or setting out of land, as to the best form.

SciA1666

HOw abstruse a subject in Philosophy, the Flux and Reflux of the Sea hath proved hitherto, and how much the same hath in all Ages perplexed the Minds even of the best of Naturalists, when they have attempted to render an Account of the Cause thereof, is needless here to represent. It may perhaps be to more purpose, to take notice, that all the deficiencies, found in the Theories or Hypotheses, formerly invented for that End, have not been able to deterre the Ingenious of this Age from making farther search into that Matter: Among whom that Eminent Mathematician Dr. John Wallis, following his happy Genius for advancing reall Philosophy, hath made it a part of his later Inquiries and Studies, to contrive and deduce a certain Hypothesis concerning that Phænomenon, taken from the Consideration of the Common Center of Gravity of the Earth and Moon, This being by several Learned Men lookt upon, as a very rational Notion, it was thought fit to offer it by the Press to the Publick, that other Intelligent Persons also might the more conveniently and at their leisure examine the Conjecture (the Author, such is his Modesty, presenting it no otherwise) and thereupon give in their sense, and what Difficulties may occur to them about it, that so it may be either confirm'd or laid aside accordingly; As the Proposer himself expresly desires in the Discourse, we now, without any more Preamble, are going to subjoyn, as it was by him addressed, by way of Letter, from Oxford to Mr. Boyle April 25. 1666. and afterwards communicated to the R. Society, as follows: YOu were earnest with me, when you last went from hence, that I would put in writing somewhat of that, which at divers times, these three or four years last past, I have been discoursing with your self and others concerning the Common Center of Gravity of the Earth and Moon, in order to salving the Phænomena as well of the Seas Ebbing and Flowing; as of some perplexities in Astronomical Observations of the Places of the Celestial Bodies. How much the World, and the great Bodies therein, are manag'd according to the Laws of Motion, and Statick Principles, and with how much more of clearness and satisfaction, many of the more abstruse Phænomena have been salved on such Principles, within this last Century of years, than formerly they had been; I need not discourse to you, who are well versed in it. For, since that Galilæo, and (after him) Torricellio, and others, have applied Mechanick Principles to the salving of Philosophical Difficulties; Natural Philosophy is well known to have been rendered more intelligible, and to have made a much greater progress in less than an hundred years, than before for many ages. The Seas Ebbing and Flowing, hath so great a connexion with the Moons motion, that in a manner all Philosophers (whatever other Causes they have joyned with it) have attributed much of its cause to the Moon; which either by some occult quality, or particular influence, which it hath on moyst Bodies, or by some Magnetick vertue, drawing the water towards it, (which should therefore make the Water there highest, where the Moon is vertical) or by its gravity and pressure downwards upon the Terraqueous Globe (which should make it lowest, where the Moon is vertical) or by whatever other means (according to the several Conjectures of inquisitive persons,) hath so great an influence on, or at least a connexion with, the Sea's Flux and Reflux, that it would seem very unreasonable, to seclude the consideration of the Moons motion from that of the Sea: The Periods of Tides (to say nothing of the greatness of them near the New-moon and Full-moon) so constantly waiting on the Moon's motion, that it may be well presumed, that either the one is governed by the other, or at least both from some common cause. But the first that I know of, who took in the consideration of the Earth's motion, (Diurnal and Annual) was Galilæo; who in his Systeme of the World, hath a particular discourse on this subject: Which, from the first time that I ever read it, seemed to me so very rational, that I could never be of other opinion, but that the true Account of this great Phænomenon was to be referred to the Earths motion, as the Principal cause of it: Yet that of the Moon (for the reasons above mentioned) not to be excluded, as to the determining the Periods of Tides, and other circumstances concerning them. And though it be manifest enough, that Galilæo, as to some particulars, was mistaken in the account which there he gives of it; yet that may be very well allowed, without any blemish to so deserving a person, or prejudice to the main Hypothesis: For that Discourse is to be looked upon onely as an Essay of the general Hypothesis; which as to particulars was to be afterwards adjusted, from a good General History of Tides; which it's manifest enough that he had not; and which is in a great measure yet wanting. For were the matter of Fact well agreed on, it is not likely, that several Hypotheses should so far differ, as that one should make the Water then and there at the Highest, where and when the other makes it at the Lowest; as when the Moon is Vertical to the place. And what I say of Galilæo, I must in like manner desire to be understood of what I am now ready to say to you. For I do not profess to be so well skilled in the History of Tides, as that I will undertake presently to accommodate my general Hypothesis to the particular cases; or that I will indeed undertake for the certainty of it, but onely as an Essay propose it to further consideration; to stand or fall, as it shall be found to answer matter of Fact. And truly had not your importunity (which is to me a great Command) required me to do it, I should not so easily have drawn up any thing about it, till I had first satisfied my selfe, how well the Hypothesis would answer Observation: Having for divers years neglected to do it, waiting a time when I might be at leisure throughly to prosecute this design. But there be two reasons, by which you have prevailed with me, at least to do something. First, because it is the common Fate of the English, that out of a modesty, they forbear to publish their Discoveries, till prosecuted to some good degree of certainty and perfection; yet are not so wary, but that they discourse of them freely enough to one another, and even to Strangers upon occasion; whereby others, who are more hasty and venturous, comming to hear of the notion, presently publish something of it, and would be reputed thereupon, to be the first Inventers thereof: though even that little, which they can then say of it, be perhaps much less, and more imperfect, than what the true Authors could have published long before, and what they had really made known (publikely enough, though not in print) to many others. As is well known amongst us as to the business of the Lymphatick Vessels in Anatomy: the Injection of Liquors into the veines of Living animals; the Exhibiting of a straight line equal to a crooked; the Spot in Jupiter, whence his motion about his own Axis may be demonstrated; and many other the like considerable Inventions. The other Reason (which, with me, is more really of weight, though even the former be not contemptible) is, because, as I have been already for at least three or four years last past diverted from prosecuting the inquiry or perfecting the Hypothesis, as I had thoughts to do; so I do not know, but like Emergencies may divert me longer; and whether I shall ever so do it, as to bring it to perfection, I cannot determine. And therefore, if as to my self any thing should humanitus accidere; yet possibly the notion may prove worth the preserving to be prosecuted by others, if I do it not. And therefore I shall, at least to your self, give some general account of my present imperfect and undigested thoughts. I consider therefore, that in the Tides, or the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, besides extraordinary Extravagancies, or Irregularities, whence great Inundations or strangly high Tides do follow, (which yet perhaps may prove not to be so meerly accidental as they have been thought to be, but might from the regular Laws of Motion, if well considered, be both well accounted for, and even foretold;) There are these three notorious Observations made of the Reciprocation of Tides. First, the Diurnal Reciprocation; whereby twice in somewhat more than 24 hours, we have a Floud and an Ebbe; or a High-water and Low-water. Secondly, the Menstrual; whereby in one Synodical period of the Moon, suppose from Full-moon to Fullmoon, the Time of those Diurnal Vicissitudes doth move round through the whole compass of the Nychthēmeron, or Natural day of twenty four hours: As for instance, if at the Full-moon the full Sea be at such or such a place just at Noon, it shall be the next day (at the same place) somewhat before One of the clock; the day following, between One and Two; and so onward, till at the New-moon it shall be at midnight; (the other Tide, which in the Full-moon was at midnight, now at the New-moon coming to be at noon;) And so forward till at the next Fullmoon, the Full-sea shall (at the same place) come to be at Noon again: Again, That of the Spring-tides and Neaptides (as they are called;) about the Full-moon and Newmoon the Tides are at the Highest, at the Quadratures the Tides are at the Lowest: And at the times intermediate, proportionably. Thirdly, the Annual; whereby it is observed, that at sometimes of the year, the Spring-tides are yet much higher than the Spring-tides at other times of the year: Which Times are usually taken to be at the Spring and Autumne; or the two Æquinoxes; but I have reason to believe (as well from my own Observations, for many years, as of others who have been much concerned to heed it, whereof more will be said by and by;) that we should rather assign the beginnings of February and November, than the two Æquinoxes. Now in order to the giving account of these three Periods, according to the Laws of Motion and Mechanick Principles; We shall first take for granted, what is nowadayes pretty commonly entertained by those, who treat of such matters; That a Body in motion is apt to continue its motion, and that in the same degree of celerity, unless hindred by some contrary Impediment; (like as a Body at rest, to continue so, unless by some sufficient mover, put into motion:) And accordingly (which daily experience testifies) if on a Board or Table, some loose incumbent weight, be for some time moved, & have thereby contracted an Impetus to motion at such a rate; if that Board or Table chance by some external obstacle, or otherwise, to be stopped or considerably retarded in its motion, the incumbent loose Body will shoot forward upon it: And contrarywise, in case that Board or Table chance to be accelerated or put forward with a considerably greater speed than before, the loose incumbent Body, (not having yet obtained an equal Impetus with it) will be left behind, or seem to fly backward upon it. Or, (which is Galilæo's instance,) if a broad Vessel of Water, for some time evenly carried forward with the water in it, chance to meet with a stop, or to slack its motion, the Water will dash forward and rise higher at the fore part of the Vessel: And, contrarywise, if the Vessel be suddenly put forward faster than before; the Water will dash backwards, and rise at the hinder part of the Vessel. So that an Acceleration or Retardation of the Vessel, which carries it, will cause a rising of the Water in one part, and a falling in another: (which yet, by its own weight, will again be reduced to a Level as it was before) And consequently, supposing the Sea to be but as a loose Body, carried about with the Earth, but not so united to it, as necessarily to receive the same degree of Impetus with it, as its fixed parts do; The acceleration or retardation in the motion of this or that part of the Earth, will cause (more or less, according to the proportion of it) such a dashing of the Water, or rising at one part, with a Falling at another, as is that, which we call the Flux and Reflux of the Sea. Now this premised, We are next, with him, to suppose the Earth carried about with a double motion; The one Annual, as (Fig. 1.) in BEC the great Orb, in which the Center of the Earth B, is supposed to move about the Sun A. The other Diurnal, whereby the whole moves upon its own Axis, and each point in its surface describes a Circle, as DEFG. It is then manifest, that if we suppose, that the Earth moved but by any one of these motions, and that regularly, (with an equal swiftness;) the Water, having once attained an equal Impetus thereunto, would still hold equal pace with it; there being no occasion, from the Quickening or Slackening of the Earths motion, (in that part where the Water lyeth) for the Water thereon either to be cast Forward or fall Backward, and thereby to accumulate on the other parts of the Water: But the true motion of each part of the Earths surface being compounded of those two motions, the Annual and Diurnal; (the Annual in BEC being, as Galilæo there supposeth, about three times as fast as a diurnal motion in a great Circle, as DEF;) while a Point in the Earths surface moves about its Center B. from G. to D. and E. and at the same time, its Center B. be carried forwards to C; the true motion of that Point forwards, is made up of both those motions; to wit, of B to C, and of G to E; but while G moves by D to E, E moves backward by F to G, contrary to the motion of B to C; so that the true motion of E, is but the difference of BC, and EG: (for, beside the motion of B, the Center G is also put forward as much as from G to E; and E put backward as much as from E to G:) so that the Diurnal motion, in that part of the Earth, which is next the Sun, as EFG, doth abate the progress of the Annual, (and most of all at F;) and in the other part, which is from the Sun, as GDE, it doth increase it, (and most of all at D.) that is, in the day time there is abated, in the night time is added to in the Annual motion, about as much as is GE, the Earths Diameter. Which would afford us a Cause of two Tides in twenty four hours; the One upon the greatest Acceleration of motion, the Other upon its greatest Retardation. And thus far Galilæo's Discourse holds well enough; But then in this it comes short; that as it gives an Account of two Tides; so those two Tides are alwayes to be at F and D; that is, at Noon and Midnight; whereas Experience tells us, that the Time of Tides, moves in a moneths space through all the 24. hours. Of which he gives us no account. For though he do take notice of a Menstrual Period; yet he doth it onely as to the Quantity of the Tides; greater or less; not as to the Time of the Tides, sooner or later. To help this, there is one (Vid. Vid. Riccioli Almagest. novum, Tom. 1. lib. 4. cap. 10. n. 111. pag. 216.2. Jo. Baptista Balianus) who makes the Earth to be but a secondary Planet; and to move, not directly about the Sun, but about the Moon, the Moon meanwhile moving about the Sun; in like manner as we suppose the Earth to move about the Sun, and the Moon about it. But this, though it might furnish us with the foundation of a Menstrual Period of Accelerations and Retardations in the compound motion of several parts of the Earths surface; yet I am not at all inclined to admit this as a true Hypothesis, for divers Reasons, which if not demonstrative, are yet so consonant to the general Systeme of the World, as that we have no good ground to disbelieve them. For 1. The Earth being undeniably the greater Body of the two (whereof there is no doubt to be made it cannot be thought probable, that this should be carried about by the Moon, lesser than it self: The contrary being seen, not onely in the Sun, which is bigger than any of the Planets, which it carryes about; but in Jupiter, bigger than any of his Satellites; and Saturne, bigger than his. 2. As the Sun by it's motion about it's own Axis, is with good reason judged to be the Physical cause of the Primary Planets moving about it; So there is the like reason to believe, that Jupiter and Saturne moving about their Axes, are the Physical cause of their Satellites moving about them, which motion of Jupiter hath been of late discover'd, by the help of a fixed Spot discern'd in him; and we have reason to believe the like of Saturne. Whether Venus and Mercury (about whom no Satellites have been yet observed) be likewise so moved; we have not yet the like ground to determine: But we have of Mars; from the Observations of Mr. Hook made in February and March last, and by him communicated to the Royal Society, and since Printed in the Transactions, published Apr. 2. 1666. consonant to the like observations of Jupiter, made by him in May. 1664, and since communicated to the same Society; and then published in the Transactions, of March. 6. then next following. Now that the Earth hath such a motion about its own Axis (whereby it might be fitted to carry about the Moon) is evident by its Diurnal motion. And it seems as evident that the Moon hath not; because of the same side of the Moon alwaies turned towards us; which could not be, if the Moon carried the Earth about: Unlesse we should say, that it carries about the Earth in just the same Period, in which it turnes upon its own Axis: Which is contrary to that of the Sun carrying about the Planets: the shortest of whose Periods, is yet longer than that of the Suns moving about its own Axis. And the like of Jupiter, shorter than the Period of any of his Satellites; if at least the Period of his conversion about his Axis, lately said to be observed, prove true. (Of Saturn we have not yet any Period assigned; but it's likely to be shorter, than that of his Satelles.) And therefore we have reason to believe, not that by the Moons motion about its Axis the Earth should be carried by a contemporary Period (whereby the same face of the Moon should be ever towards us;) but that by the Earths revolution about its Axis in 24. hours, the Moon should be carried about it in about 29. dayes, without any motion on its own Axis: And accordingly, that the Secondary Planets about Jupiter and Saturn, are not (like their Principals) turned about their own Axis. And therefore I am not at all inclined to believe, that the Menstrual Period of the Tides with us, is to be salved by such an Hypothesis. In stead of this, that Surmise of mine, (for I dare not yet, with confidence give it any better name,) of what I have spoken to you heretofore, (and which hath occasioned this present account which I am now giving you,) is to this purpose. The Earth and Moon being known to be Bodies of so great connexion (whether by any Magnetick, or what other Tye, I will not determine; nor need I, as to this purpose;) as that the motion of the one follows that of the other; (The Moon observing the Earth as the Center of its periodick motion:) may well enough be looked upon as one Body, or rather one Aggregate of Bodies, which have one common center of Gravity; which Center (according to the known Laws of Staticks) is in a streight Line connecting their respective Centers, so divided as that its parts be in reciprocal proportion to the Gravities of the two Bodies. As for Example; Suppose the Magnitude (and therefore, probably, the Gravity) of the Moon to be about an One and fourtieth part of that of the Earth; (and thereabouts Hevelius in his Selenography page 203. doth out of Tycho, estimate the proportion; and an exact certainty is not necessary to our present businesse.) And the distance of the Moons Center from the Center of the Earth, to be about fifty six semidiameters of the Earth, (as thereabouts he doth there estimate it, in its middle distance; and we need not be now very accurate in determining the numbers; wherein Astronomers are not yet very well agreed.) The distance of the Common Center of Gravity of the two Bodies, will be from that of the Earth, about a two and fourtieth part of fifty six Semidiameters; that is, about 56/42 or 4/3 of a Semidiameter; that is about 1/3 of a Semidiameter of the Earth, above its surface, in the Air, directly between the Earth and Moon. Now supposing the Earth and Moon, joyntly as one Body, carried about by the Sun in the great Orb of the Annual motion; this motion is to be estimated, (according to the Laws of Staticks, in other cases,) by the motion of the common Center of Gravity of both Bodies. For we use in Staticks, to estimate a Body, or Aggregate of Bodies, to be moved upwards, downwards, or otherwise, so much as its Common Center of Gravity is so moved, howsoever the parts may change places amongst themselves. And accordingly, the Line of the Annual motion, (whether Circular or Elliptical; of which I am not here to dispute,) will be described, not by the Center of the Earth (as we commonly estimate it, making the Earth a Primary and the Moon a Secondary Planet,) nor by the Center of the Moon, (as they would do, who make the Moon the Primary and the Earth a Secondary Planet, against which we were before disputing:) But by the Common Center of Gravity of the Bodies, Earth and Moon, as one Aggregate. Now supposing ABCDE to be a part of the great Orb of the Annual motion, described by the Common Center of Gravity, in so long time as from a Full-Moon at A to the next New-Moon at E; See Fig. 2. and 3. (which, though an Arch of a Circle or Ellipse, whose Center we suppose at a due distance below it; yet being but about 1/25 of the whole, may well enough be here represented by a streight Line:) the Center of the Earth at T, and that of the Moon at L, must each of them (supposing their common Center of Gravity to keep the Line AE) be supposed to describe a Periphery about that Common Center, as the Moon describes her Line of Menstrual motion. (Of which I have (in the Scheme) onely drawn that of the Earth; as being sufficient to our present purpose; parallel to which, if need be, we may suppose one described by the Moon; whose distance is also to be supposed much greater from T than in the figure is expressed, or was necessary to expresse.) And in like manner EFGHI, from that New-moon at E, to the next Full-moon at I. From A to E (from Full-moon to New-moon,) T moves (in its own Epicycle) upwards from the Sun: And from E to I, (from New-moon to Full-moon) it moves downwards, toward the Sun. Again, from C to G, (from last quarter to the following first quarter,) it moves forwards according to the Annual motion; But from G forward to C, (from the first Quarter to the ensuing last Quarter,) it moves contrary to the Annual motion. It is manifest therefore, according to this Hypothesis, that from Last quarter to First quarter (from C to G, while T is above the Line of the Annual motion) its Menstrual motion in its Epicycle adds somewhat of Acceleration to the Annual motion; and most of all at E, the New-moon: And from the first to the last quarter (from G forward to C, while T is below the Line of the Annual motion,) it abates of the Annual motion; and most of all at I, or A the Full-moon. So that in pursuance of Galilæo's Notion, the Menstrual adding to or detracting from the Annual motion, should either leave behinde, or cast forward, the loose waters incumbent on the Earth, (and thereby cause a Tide, or accumulation of Waters;) and most of all at the Full-moon and New-moon, where those Accelerations or Retardations are greatest. Now this Menstrual motion, if nothing else were superadded to the Annual, would give us two Tides in a moneth, and no more; (the one upon the Acceleration, the other on the Retardation;) at New-moon and Full-moon; and two Ebbs, at the two Quarters; and in the Intervals, Rising and Falling water. But the Diurnal motion superadded, doth the same to this Menstrual, which Galilæo supposeth is to do to that Annual; that is, doth Add to, or Substract from, the Menstrual Acceleration or Retardation; and so gives us Tide upon Tide. For in whatsoever part of its Epicycle, we suppose T to be; See Fig. 4. yet because, while by its Menstrual motion the Center moves in the Circle LTN; each point in its surface, by its diurnal motion moves in the Circle LMN: whatever effect (accelerative or tardative) the Menstrual would give, that effect by the Diurnal is increased in the parts LMN (or rather lMn. the Semicircle) and most of all at M: but diminished in the parts NOL (or rather nOl) and most of all at O. So that at M, and O, (that is when the Moon is in the Meridian below or above the Horizon,) we are to have the Diurnal Tide or High-water, occasioned by the greatest Acceleration or Retardation, which the Diurnal Arch gives to that of the Menstrual: which seems to be the true cause of the Daily Tides. And withall gives an account, not onely why it should be every day, but likewise, why at such a time of the day; and why this time should in a moneth run through the whole 24 hours; viz. because the Moons coming to the Meridian above and below the Horizon, (or as the Seamen call it, the Moons Southing, and Northing,) doth so: As likewise of the Spring tides and Neaptides. For, when it so happens, that the Menstrual and Diurnal Accelerations or Retardations, be coincident, (as at New moons and Full-moons they are) the effect must needs be the greater. And although (which is not to be dissembled) this happen but to one of the two Tides; that is, the Night-tide at the Newmoon (when both motions do most of all Accelerate,) and the Day-tide at Full-moon (when both do most Retard the Annual motion;) Yet, this tide being thus raised by two concurrent causes; though the next Tide have not the same cause also, the Impetus contracted will have influence upon the next Tide; Upon a like reason, as a Pendulum let fall from a higher Arch, will (though there be no new cause to occasion it) make the Vibration on the other side (beyond the Perpendicular) to be also greater: Or, of water in a broad Vessel, if it be so jogged, as to be cast forward to a good height above its Levell, will upon its recoyling, by its own gravity, (without any additional cause) mount so much the higher on the hinder part. But here also we are to take notice, that though all parts of the Earth by its Diurnal motion do turn about its Axis, and describe parallel Circles; yet not equal Circles; but greater neer the Æquinoctial, and lesser near the Poles, which may be a cause why the Tides in some parts may be much greater than in others. But this belongs to the particular considerations, (of which we are not now giving an Account:) not to the general Hypothesis. Having thus endeavoured to give an account of the Diurnal and Menstrual Periods of Tides; It remains that I endeavour the like as to the Annual. Of which there is, at least, thus much agreed; That, at some times of the year, the Tides are noted to be much higher, than at other times. But here I have a double task; First, to rectify the Observation; and then, to give an account of it. As to the First; It having been observed (grosly) that those high Tides have used to happen about the Spring and Autumn; it hath been generally taken for granted (without any more nice observation) that the two Æquinoxes are the proper times, to which these Annual high Tides are to be referred; And such causes sought for, as might best sute with such a Supposition. But it is now, the best part of twenty years, since I have had frequent occasions to converse with some Inhabitants of Rumney-marsh in Kent; where the Sea being kept out with great Earthen walls, that it do not at high water overflow the Levell; and the Inhabitants livelyhood depending most on grazing, or feeding Sheep; they are (as you may believe they have reason to be) very vigilant and observant, at what times they are most in danger of having their Lands drowned. And I find them generally agreed, by their constant Observations, (and Experience dearly bought) that their times of danger are about the beginning of February and of November: that is, at those Spring Tides which happen near those times; to which they give the names of Candlemass-stream and Allhallond-stream: And if they scape those Spring-tides, they apprehend themselves out of Danger for the rest of the year. And as for March and September (the two Æquinoxes) they are as little solicitous of them, as of any other part of the year. This, I confess, I much wondred at, when I first heard it; and suspected it to be but a mistake of him, that first told me, though he were indeed a person not likely so to be mistaken, in a thing wherein he was so much concerned: But I soon found, that it was not onely his, but a general observation of others too; both there, and elsewhere along the Sea coast. And though they did not pretend to know any reason of it, (nor so much as to enquire after it;) Yet none made doubt of it; but would rather laugh at any that should talk of March and September, as being the dangerous times. And since that time, I have my self very frequently observed (both at London and elsewhere, as I have had occasion) that in those months of February and November, (especially November) the Tides have run much higher, than at other times: Though I confess, I have not been so diligent to set down those Observations, as I should have done. Yet this I do particularly very well remember, that in November 1660. (the same year that his Majesty returned) having occasion to go by Coach from the Strand to Westminster, I found the Water so high in the middle of King-street, that it came up, not onely to the Boots, but into the Body of the Coach; and the Pallace-yard (all save a little place near the West-End) overflow'd; as likewise the Market-place; and many other places; and their Cellars generally filled up with Water. And in November last, 1665. it may yet be very well remembred, what very high Tides there were, not onely on the Coasts of England, (where much hurt was done by it) but much more in Holland, where by reason of those Inundations, many Villages and Towns were overflow'd. And though I cannot so particularly name other years, yet I can very safely say, that I very often observed Tides strangely high about those times of the year. This Observation did for divers years cause me much to wonder, not only because it is so contrary to the received opinion of the two Æquinoxes; but because I could not think of any thing signal at those times of the year: as being neither the two Æquinoxes, nor the two Solstices, nor the Sun's Apogæum and Perigæum; (or Earths Aphelium and Perihelium;) nor indeed, at contrary times of the year, which at least, would seem to be expected. From Alhollandtide to Candlemass being but three months; and from thence to Alhollandtide again nine months. At length it came into my mind, about four years since, that though there do not about these times happen any single signal Accident, which might cast it on these times, yet there is a compound of two that may do it: Which is the Inequality of the Natural day (I mean that of 24. hours, from noon to noon) arising at least from a double cause; either of which singly would cast it upon other times, but both joyntly on those. It's commonly thought, how unequal soever the length be of the Artificial dayes as contradistinguished to nights, yet that the Natural Day, reckoning from noon to noon, are all equal: But Astronomers know well, that even these dayes are unequal. For, this Natural Day is measured not onely by one intire conversion of the Æquinoctial, or 24. Æquinoctial hours, (which is indeed taken to be performed in equal times,) but increases by so much, as answers to that part of the Sun's (or Earths,) Annual motion as is performed in that time. For, when that part of the Æquinoctial, which (with the Sun) was at the Meridian yesterday at noon, is come thither again to day, it is not yet Noon (because the Sun is not now at the palce where yesterday he was, but is gone forward about one degree, more or less) but we must stay till that place, where the Sun now is, comes to the Meridian before it be now Noon. Now this Additament (above the 24 Æquinoctial hours, or intire conversion of the Æquinoctial) is upon a double account unequal. First, because the Sun, by reason of its Apogæum and Perigæum, doth not at all times of the year dispatch in one day an equal Arch of the Ecliptick; but greater Arches neer the Perigæum, which is about the middle of December; and lesser neer the Apogæum, which is about the middle of June: As will appear sufficiently by the Tables of the Sun's Annual motion. Secondly, though the Sun should in the Ecliptick move alwaies at the same rate; yet equal Arches of the Ecliptick do not in all parts of the Zodiack answer to equal Arches of the Æquinoctial, by which we are to estimate time: Because some parts of it, as about the two Solsticial Points, lie nearer to a parallel position to the Æquinoctial, than others, as those about the two Æquinoctial points, where the Ecliptick and Æquinoctial do intersect; whereupon an Arch of the Ecliptick, neer the Solsticial points answers to a greater Arch of the æquinoctial, than an Arch equal thereunto neer the Æquinoctial points: As doth sufficiently appear by the Tables of the Suns right Ascension. According to the first of these causes, we should have the longest natural daies in December, and the shortest in June, which if it did operate alone, would give us at those times two Annual High-waters. According to the second cause, if operating singly, we should have the longest daies at the two Solstices in June and December, and the two shortest at the Æquinoxes in March and September; which would at those times give occasion to four Annual High-waters. But the true Inequality of the Natural Days, arising from a Complication of those two causes, sometimes crossing and sometimes promoting each other: though we should find some increases or decreases of the Natural daies at all those seasons answerable to the respective causes (and perhaps of Tides proportionably thereunto:) yet the longest and shortest natural daies absolutely of the whole year (arising from this complication of Causes) are about those times of Allhallontide and Candlemas; (or not far from them) about which those Annual High-tides are found to be: As will appear by the Tables of Æquation of Natural daies. And therefore I think, we may with very good reason cast this Annual Period upon that cause, or rather complication of causes. For (as we before showed in the Menstrual and Diurnal) there will, by this inequality of Natural daies, arise a Physical Acceleration and Retardation of the Earths Mean motion, and accordingly a casting of the Waters backward or forward; either of which, will cause an Accumulation or Highwater. 'Tis true, that these longest and shortest daies, do (according to the Tables, some at least) fall rather before, than after Alhallontide and Candlemas (to wit the ends of October and January;) but so do also (sometimes) those high Tydes: And it is not yet so well agreed amongst Astronomers, what are all the Causes (and in what degrees) of the Inequality of Natural daies; but that there be diversities among them, about the true time: And whether the introducing of this New Motion of the Earth in its Epicycle about this Common Center of Gravity, ought not therein also to be accounted for, I will not now determine: Having already said enough, if not too much, for the explaining of this general Hypothesis, leaving the particularities of it to be adjusted according to the true measures of the motions; if the General Hypothesis be found fit to be admitted. Yet this I must add, (that I be not mistaken) that whereas I cast the time of the daily Tydes to be at all places, when the Moon is there in the Meridian; it must be understood of open Seas, where the water hath such free scope for its motions, as if the whole Globe of Earth were equally covered with water: Well knowing, that in Bayes and In-land-Channels, the position of the Banks and other like causes must needs make the times to be much different from what we suppose in the open Seas: And likewise, that even in the Open Seas, Islands, and Currents, Gulfs and Shallows, may have some influence, though not comparable to that of Bays and Channels. And moreover, though I think, that Seamen do commonly reckon the time of Highwater in the Open Seas, to be then, when the Moon is there in the Meridian (as this Hypothesis would cast it:) Yet I do not take my self to be so well furnished with a History of Tides, as to assure my self of it; much less to accommodate it to particular places and cases. Having thus dispatched the main of what I had to say concerning the Seas Ebbing and Flowing: Had I not been already too tedious, I should now proceed to give a further reason, why I do introduce this consideration of the Common Center of Gravity in reference to Astronomical Accounts. For indeed, that which may possibly seem at first to be an Objection against it, is with me one reason for it. It may be thought perhaps, that if the Earth should thus describe an Epicycle about the Common Center of Gravity, it would (by this its change of place) disturbe the Cælestial motions; and make the apparent places of the Planets, especially some of them, different from what they would otherwise be. For though so small a removal of the Earth, as the Epicycle would cause (especially if its Semidiameter should not be above 1 1/3 of the Earths Semidiameter) would scarce be sensible (if at all) to the remoter Planets; yet as to the nearer it might. Now though what Galilæo answers to a like Objection in his Hypothesis; (that its possible there may be some small difference, which Astronomers have not yet been so accurate, as to observe) might here perhaps serve the turn; Yet my answer is much otherwise; to wit, that such difference hath been observed, and hath very much puzzeled Astronomers to give an account of. About which you will find Mr, Horrocks (in some of his Letters, whereof I did formerly, upon the Command of the Royal Society, make an Extract) was very much perplexed; and was fain, for want of other relief, to have recourse to somewhat like Keplers amicable Fibres, which did according to the several positions of the Moon, accelerate or retard the Moon's motion; which amicable Fibres he had no affection to at all (as there appears) if he could any other waies give account of those little inequalities; and would much rather (I doubt not) have embraced this Notion of the Common Center of Gravity, to salve the Phænomenon, had it come to his mind, or been suggested to him. And you find, that other Astronomers have been seen to bring in (some upon one supposition, some upon another) some kind of Menstrual Æquation, to solve the inequalities of the Moon's motion, according to her Synodical Revolution, or different Aspects (of New-moon, Full Moon, &c.) beside what concerns her own Periodical motion. For which, this consideration of the Common Center of Gravity of the Earth and Moon, is so proper a remedy (especially if it shall be found precisely to answer those Phænomena, which I have not Examined, but am very apt to believe) that it is so far from being, with me, an Objection against it, that it is one of the reasons, which make me inclinable to introduce it. I must before I leave this, add one Consideration more, That if we shall upon these Considerations think it reasonable, thus to consider the Common Center of Gravity of the Earth and Moon; it may as well be thought reasonable, that the like Consideration should be had of Jupiter and his four Satellites, which according to the Complication of their several motions, will somewhat change the position of Jupiter, as to that Common center of Gravity of all these Bodies; which yet, because of their smallness, may chance to be so little, as that, at this distance, the change of this apparent place may not be discernable. And what is said of Jupiter, is in the like manner to be understood of Saturne and his Satelles, discovered by Hugenius: For all these Satellites are to their Principals, as so many Moons to the Earth. And I do very well remember, in the Letters forecited, Mr. Horrocks expresseth some such little inequalities in Saturnes motion, of which he could not imagine what account to give, as if (to use his Expression) this crabbed Old Saturn had despised his Youth. Which, for ought I know, might well enough have been accounted for, if at that time the Satelles of Saturn had been discovered, and that Mr. Horrocks had thought of such a motion as the Common Center of Gravity of Saturn and his Companion, to be considerable, as to the guiding of his motion. You have now, in obedience to your Commands, an Account of my thoughts, as to this matter, though yet immature and unpolished: What use you will please to make of them, I shall leave to your prudence, &c.

Science

An Essay Of Dr. John Wallis, exhibiting his Hypothesis about the Flux and Reflux of the Sea.

An essay of Dr. John Wallis, exhibiting his hypothesis about the flux and reflux of the sea [...]

SciA1674

WHether the Earth move or stand still hath been a Problem, that since Copernicus revived it, hath much exercised the Wits our best modern Astronomers and Philosophers, amongst which notwithstanding there hath not been any one who hath found out a certain manifestation either of the one or the other Doctrine. The more knowing and judicious have for many plausible reasons adhered to the Copernican Hypothesis: But the generality of others, either out of ignorance or prejudice, have rejected it as a most extravagant opinion. To those indeed who understand not the grounds and principles of Astronomy, the prejudice of common converse doth make it seem so absurd, that a man shall as soon perswade them that the Sun doth not shine, as that it doth not move; and as easily move the Earth as make them believe that it do's so already. For such Persons I cannot suppose that they should understand the cogency of the Reasons here presented, drawn from the following observations of Parallax, much less therefore can I expect their belief and assent thereunto; to them I have only this to say, 'Tis not here my business to instruct them in the first principles of Astronomy, there being already Introductions enough for that purpose: But rather to furnish the Learned with an experimentum crucis to determine between the Tychonick and Copernican Hypotheses. That which hath hitherto continued the dispute hath been the plausibleness of some Arguments alledged by the one and the other party, with such who have been by nature or education prejudiced to this or that way. For to one that hath been conversant only with illiterate persons, or such as understand not the principles of Astronomy and Geometry, and have had no true notion of the vastness of the Universe, and the exceeding minuteness of the Globe of the Earth in comparison therewith, who have confined their imaginations & fancies only within the compass and pale of their own walk and prospect, who can scarce imagine that the Earth is globous, but rather like some of old, imagine it to be a round plain covered with the Sky as with a Hemisphere, and the Sun, Moon, and Stars to be holes through it by which the Light of Heaven comes down; that suppose themselves in the center of this plain, and that the Sky doth touch that plain round the edges, supported in part by the Mountains; that suppose the Sun as big as a Sieve, and the Moon as a Chedder Cheese, and hardly a mile off. That wonder why the Sun, Moon, and Stars do not fall down like Hail-stones; and that will be martyr'd rather then grant that there may be Antipodes, believing it absolutely impossible, since they must necessarily fall down into the Abyss below them: For how can they go with their feet towards ours, and their heads downwards, without making their brains addle. To one I say, thus prejudiced with these and a thousand other fancies and opinions more ridiculous and absurd to knowing men, who can ever imagine that the uniformity and harmony of the Celestial bodies and motions, should be an Argument prevalent to perswade that the Earth moves about the Sun: Whereas that Hypothesis which shews how to salve the appearances by the rest of the Earth and the motion of the Heavens, seems generally so plausible that none of these can resist it. Now though it may be said, 'Tis not only those but great Geometricians, Astronomers and Philosophers have also adhered to that side, yet generally the reason is the very same. For most of those, when young, have been imbued with principles as gross and rude as those of the Vulgar, especially as to the frame and fabrick of the World, which leave so deep an impression upon the fancy, that they are not without great pain and trouble obliterated: Others, as a further confirmation in their childish opinion, have been instructed in the Ptolomaick or Tichonick System, and by the Authority of their Tutors, over-awed into a belief, if not a veneration thereof: Whence for the most part such persons will not indure to hear Arguments against it, and if they do, 'tis only to find Answers to confute them. On the other side, some out of a contradicting nature to their Tutors; others, by as great a prejudice of institution; and some few others upon better reasoned grounds, from the proportion and harmony of the World, cannot but imbrace the Copernican Arguments, as demonstrations that the Earth moves, and that the Sun and Stars stand still. I confess there is somewhat of reason on both sides, but there is also something of prejudice even on that side that seems the most rational. For by way of objection, what way of demonstration have we that the frame and constitution of the World is so harmonious according to our notion of its harmony, as we suppose? Is there not a possibility that the things may be otherwise? nay, is there not something of probability? may not the Sun move as Ticho supposes, and the Planets make their Revolutions about it whilst the Earth stands still, and by its magnetism attracts the Sun, and so keeps him moving about it, whilst at the same time [mercury] and [venus] move about the Sun, after the same manner as [saturn] and [jupiter] move about the Sun whilst the Satellites move about them? especially since it is not demonstrated without much art and difficulty, and taking many things for granted which are hard to be proved, that there is any body in the Universe more considerable then the Earth we tread on. Is there not much reason for the Hypothesis of Ticho at least, when he with all the accurateness that he arrived to with his vast Instruments, or Riccioli, who pretends much to out-strip him, were not able to find any sensible Parallax of the Earths Orb among the fixt Stars, especially if the observations upon which they ground their assertions, were made to the accurateness of some few Seconds? What then, though we have a Chimera or Idea of perfection and harmony in that Hypothesis we pitch upon, may there not be a much greater harmony and proportion in the constitution it self which we know not, though it be quite differing from what we fancy? Probable Arguments might thus have been urged both on the one and the other side to the Worlds end; but there never was nor could have been any determination of the Controversie, without some positive observation for determining whether there were a Parallax or no of the Orb of the Earth; This Ticho and Riccioli affirm in the Negative, that there is none at all: But I do affirm there is no one that can either prove that there is, or that there is not any Parallax of that Orb amongst the fixt Stars from the Suppellex of observations yet made either by Ticho, Riccioli, or any other Writer that I have yet met with from the beginning of writing to this day. For all Observators having hitherto made use of the naked eye for determining the exact place of the object, and the eye being unable to distinguish any angle less then a minute, and an observation requisite to determine this requiring a much greater exactness then to a minute, it doth necessarily follow that this experimentum crucis was not in their power, whatever either Ticho or Riccioli have said to the contrary, and would thence overthrow the Copernican System, and establish their own. We are not therefore wholly to acquiess in their determination, since if we examine more nicely into the observations made by them, together with their Instruments and wayes of using them, we shall find that their performances thereby were far otherwise then what they would seem to make us believe. The Controversie therefore notwithstanding all that hath been said either by the one or by the other Party, remains yet undetermined, Whether the Earth move about the Sun, or the Sun about the Earth; and all the Arguments alledged either on this or that side, are but probabilities at best, and admit not of a necessary and positive conclusion. Nor is there indeed any other means left for humane industry to determine it, save this one which I have endeavoured to make; and the unquestionable certainty thereof is a most undenyable Argument of the truth of the Copernican Systeme; and the want thereof hath been the principal Argument that hath hitherto somewhat detained me from declaring absolutely for that Hypothesis, for though it doth in every particular almost seem to solve the appearances more naturally and easily, and to afford an exceeding harmonious constitution of the great bodies of the World compared one with another, as to their magnitudes, motions, and distances, yet this objection was alwayes very plausible to most men, that it is affirmed by such as have written more particularly of this subject, that there never was any sensible Parallax discovered by the best observations of this supposed annual motion of the Earth about the Sun as its center, though moved in an Orb whose Diameter is by the greatest number of Astronomers reckoned between 11 and 12 hundred Diameters of the Earth: Though some others make it between 3 and 4 thousand; others between 7 and 8; and others between 14 and 15 thousands; and I am apt to believe it may be yet much more, each Diameter of the Earth being supposed to be between 7 and 8 thousand English miles, and consequently the whole being reduced into miles, if we reckon with the most, amounting to 120 millions of English miles. It cannot, I confess, but seem very uncouth and strange to such as have been used to confine the World with less dimensions, that this annual Orb of the Earth of so vast a magnitude, should have no sensible Parallax amongst the fixt Stars, and therefore 'twas in vain to indeavour to answer that objection. For it is unreasonable to expect that the fancies of most men should be so far streined beyond their narrow dimensions, as to make them believe the extent of the Universe so immensly great as they must have granted it to be, supposing no Parallax could have been found. The Inquisitive Jesuit Riccioli has taken great pains by 77 Arguments to overthrow the Copernican Hypothesis, and is therein so earnest and zealous, that though otherwise a very learned man and good Astronomer, he seems to believe his own Arguments; but all his other 76 Arguments might have been spared as to most men, if upon making observations as I have done, he could have proved there had been no sensible Parallax this way discoverable, as I believe this one Discovery will answer them, and 77 more, if so many can be thought of and produced against it. Though yet I confess had I fail'd in discovering a Parallax this way, as to my own thoughts and perswasion, the almost infinite extension of the Universe had not to me seem'd altogether so great an absurdity to be believed as the Generality do esteem it; for since 'tis confessedly granted on all hands the distance of the fixt Stars is meerly hypothetical, and not founded on any other ground or reason but fancy and supposition, and that there never was hitherto any Parallax observed, nor any other considerable Argument to prove the distances supposed by such as have been most curious and inquisitive in that particular, I see no Argument drawn from the nature of the thing that can have any necessary force in it to determine that the said distance cannot be more then this or that, whatever it be that is assigned. For the same God that did make this World that we would thus limit and bound, could as easily make it millions of millions of times bigger, as of that quantity we imagine; and all the other appearances except this of Parallax would be the very same that now they are. To me indeed the Universe seems to be vastly bigger then 'tis hitherto asserted by any Writer, when I consider the many differing magnitudes of the fixt Stars, and the continual increase of their number according as they are looked after with better and longer Telescopes. And could we certainly determine and measure their Diameters, and distinguish what part of their appearing magnitude were to be attributed to their bulk, and what to their brightness, I am apt to believe we should make another distribution of their magnitudes, then what is already made by Ptolomy, Ticho, Kepler, Bayer, Clavius, Grienbergerus, Piff, Hevelius and others. For supposing all the fixt Stars as so many Suns, and each of them to have a Sphere of activity or expansion proportionate to their solidity and activity, and a bigger and brighter bodied Star to have a proportionate bigger space or expansion belonging to it, we should from the knowledge of their Diameters and brightnesses be better able to judge of their distances, and consequently assign divers of them other magnitudes then those already stated: Especially since we now find by observations, that of those which are accounted single Stars, divers prove a congeries of many Stars, though from their near appearing to each other, the naked eye cannot distinguish them; Such as those Stars which are called Nebulous, and those in Orion Sword, and that in the head of Aries, and a multitude of others the Telescope doth now detect. And possibly we may find that those twenty magnitudes of Stars now discovered by a fifteen foot Glass, may be found to increase the magnitude of the Semidiameter of the visible World, fourty times bigger then the Copernicans now suppose it between the Sun and the fixt Stars, and consequently sixty four thousand times in bulk. And if a Telescope of double or treble the goodness of one of fifteen should discover double or treble the said number of magnitudes, would it not be an Argument of doubling or trebling the former Diameter, and of increasing the bulk eight or twenty seven times. Especially if their apparent Diameters shall be found reciprocal to their Distances (for the determination of which I did make some observations, and design to compleat with what speed I am able.) But to digress no further, This grand objection of the Anticopernicans, which to most men seem'd so plausible, that it was in vain to oppose it, though, I say, it kept me from declaring absolutely for the Copernican Hypothesis, yet I never found any absurdity or impossibility that followed thereupon: And I alwayes suspected that though some great Astronomers had asserted that there was no Parallax to be found by their observations, though made with great accurateness, there might yet be a possibility that they might be mistaken; which made me alwayes look upon it as an inquiry well worth examining: first, Whether the wayes they had already attempted were not subject and lyable to great errors and uncertainties: and secondly, Whether there might not be some other wayes found out which should be free from all the exceptions the former were incumbred with, and be so far advanced beyond the former in certainty and accurateness, as that from the diligent and curious use thereof, not only all the objections against the former might be removed, but all other whatsoever that were material to prove the ineffectualness thereof for this purpose. I began therefore first to examine into the matter as it had already been performed by those who had asserted no sensible Parallax of the annual Orb of the Earth, and quickly found that (whatever they asserted) they could never determine whether there were any or no Parallax of this annual Orb; especially if it were less then a minute, which Kepler and Riccioli hypothetically affirm it to be: The former making it about twenty four Seconds, and the latter about ten. For though Ticho, a man of unquestionable truth in his assertions, affirm it possible to observe with large Instruments, conveniently mounted and furnished with sights contrived by himself (and now the common ones for Astronomical Instruments) to the accurateness of ten Seconds; and though Riccioli and his ingenious and accurate Companion Grimaldi affirm it possible to make observations by their way, with the naked edge to the accurateness of five Seconds; Yet Kepler did affirm, and that justly, that 'twas impossible to be sure to a less Angle then 12 Seconds: And I from my own experience do find it exceeding difficult by any of the common sights yet used to be sure to a minute. I quickly concluded therefore that all their endeavours must have hitherto been ineffectual to this purpose, and that they had not been less imposed on themselves, then they had deceived others by their mistaken observations. And this mistake I found proceeded from divers inconveniencies their wayes of observations were lyable to. As first from the shrinking and stretching of the materials wherewith their Instruments were made, I conceive a much greater angle then that of a minute may be mistaken in taking an altitude of fifty Degrees. For if the Instruments be made of Wood, 'tis manifest that moyst weather will make the frame stretch, and dry weather will make it shrink a much greater quantity then to vary a minute: and if it be Metal, unless it be provided for in the fabrick of the Instrument accordingly, the heat of Summer, when the Summer observations are to be made, will make the Quadrant swell, and the cold of Winter will make it shrink much more then to vary a minute: Both which inconveniencies ought to be removed. Next the bending and warping of an Instrument by its own weight, will make a very considerable alteration. And thirdly, the common way of Division is also lyable to many inconveniencies: And 'tis hardly possible to ascertain all the subdivisions of Degrees into minutes for the whole Quadrant, though that be not altogether impossible. But I will suppose that they did foresee, and in some manner prevent all these inconveniencies, especially Ticho and Riccioli, who seem to have been aware thereof. But there was one inconvenience which was worse then all the rest, which they seem not to have been sufficiently sensible of, from whence proceeded all their own mistakes, and their imposing upon others, and that was from their opinion that the sight of the naked eye was able to distinguish the parts of the object as minutely as the limb of the Quadrant (of what largeness soever) was capable of Divisions; whereas 'tis hardly possible for any unarmed eye well to distinguish any Angle much smaller then that of a minute: and where two objects are not farther distant then a minute, if they are bright objects, they coalesce coa'ess and appear one, though I confess, if they be dark objects, and a light be interposed, the distance between them shall be visible, though really much less then a Second; and yet notwithstanding, my first assertion stands good; for though a bright object, as a candle or light at a distance, or a Star, or the like, can be seen by the eye, though its body do really not subtend an Angle of one third, yet it proceeds from a radiation (that is, from reflection and refraction together) in the air and in the eye, whereby the body thereof is represented to the naked eye some hundred times bigger then it really is. That this is so, any one that will but carefully examine will find it true. It was, I doubt not, their extraordinary desire and care to be exact, that caused them to make their Instruments so large, and to subdivide them to such an exactness, as to distinguish, if possible, to Seconds; And I question not but that they used their utmost indeavour in directing the sight to the object: but since the naked eye cannot distinguish an Angle much smaller then a minute, and very few to a whole minute, all their charge and trouble in making and managing large Instruments, and in calculating and deducing from them, was as to this use in vain. Hence I judged that whatever mens eyes were in the younger age of the World, our eyes in this old age of it needed Spectacles; and therefore I resolved to assist my eyes with a very large and good Telescope, instead of the common sights, whereby I can with ease distinguish the parts of an object to Seconds: and I question not but that this way may be yet made capable of distinguishing much more curiously, possibly even to some few Thirds. This invention removed that grand inconvenience which all former observations were spoiled with: but there remained yet further this difficulty, How to make an Instrument large enough for this purpose, that I might be assured did not shrink, nor warp, nor stretch so much as to vary a Second; for such is the nature of all Materials that can be made use of for Instruments of the bigness I designed this, that 'tis almost impossible to make a moveable Instrument that shall not be subject to a variation of divers Seconds: It was therefore my next inquiry where I might fix this Archimedean Engine that was to move the Earth. For the doing of which, I knew 'twas in vain to consult with any Writer or Astronomer, having never then heard of any person that had ever beore that time had any thoughts thereof: and when I first propounded it to the Royal Society, 'twas look'd upon as a new thought, and somewhat extravagant, and hardly practicable, until upon hearing my explication, and the various wayes how it might be reduced into practise, it was at length judged possible, and desirable to be tryed. I propounded therefore to them the several ways that it was possible to be performed, and what method was to be observed in every one of them, and somewhat of the conveniencies in each of them; for having seriously meditated upon the Inquiry, I quickly thought of many expedients for the doing thereof. As first, I had thoughts of making use of some very great and massy Tower or Wall that were well setled, or of some large Rock or Hill whereunto I might fix my Glasses, so as to take the exact altitude of some eminent Star near the Pole of the Ecliptik, when at its greatest height, at two differing times of the year; to wit, about the Summer and Winter Solstice, to see if possibly I could discover any difference of altitude between the first and second observation. But to accomplish this (besides the vast difficulty there would have been to have measured such an Angle to the accurateness requisite, if at least it were desired to have the Angle of altitude to Minutes and Seconds, which ought also to have been repeated as oft as any observation had been made for fear of setling or swelling, &c.) I was destitute of such a convenience near my habitation; besides, had I had my wish, I sound that 'twas lyable to an inconvenience that would wholly overthrow my whole design, which I knew not well how to avoid: Namely, to that which hath hitherto made even the very best observations of Parallaxes ineffectual and uncertain, the refraction of the Air or Atmosphere, which though it could have been but very little at the greatest altitude of the Pole of the Ecliptick, yet it might have been enough plausibly to have spoiled the whole observation, and to have given the Anticopernicans an opportunity of evading the Arguments taken from it, especially upon the account of the differing constitution of the Atmosphere in June and December, which might have caused so much a greater refraction of the same altitude at one time then another, as would have been sufficient to have made this observation ineffectual for what it was designed. Adde to this, that it would have been no easie matter to have set the Glasses or Telescope exactly against the Meridian, so as to see the highest altitude of any Star near the Pole of the Ecliptick distinctly to a Second. The like difficulties I found if observations were made of the greatest altitude of the Pole of the Ecliptick in June and December, or the least altitude of the same in December and June. For besides all the uncertainties that the Instruments, be they what they will, are liable to, the grand inconvenience of the refraction of the Air, which is enough to spoil all observations if it be intermixed with uncertainty, in the former is considerable, and in the later intolerable. Having therefore examined the wayes and Instruments for all manner of Astronomical observations hitherto made use of, and considered of the inconveniencies and imperfections of them; and having also duly weighed the great accurateness and certainty that this observation necessarily required: I did next contrive a way of making observations that might be free from all the former inconveniencies and exceptions, and as near as might be, fortified against any other that could be invented or raised against it. This way then was to observe by the passing of some considerable Star near the Zenith of Gresham Colledge, whether it did not at one time of the year pass nearer to it, and at another further from it: for if the Earth did move in an Orb about the Sun, and that this Orb had any sensible Parallax amongst the fixt Stars; this must necessarily happen, especially to those fixt Stars which were nearest the Pole of the Ecliptick. And that this is so, any one may plainly perceive if he consider the annexed Scheme, Fig. 1. where let S represent the Sun placed as it were in the center of the Planetary Orbs, ABCD an imaginary Orb of the fixt Stars of the first magnitude, whose center for demonstration sake we will suppose the Sun. Let [aries] [cancer] [libra] [capricornus] represent the Orb in which the Earth is supposed to move about the Sun, obliquely projected on the Paper. Let [capricornus] represent the Earth in Capricorn, and [cancer] the Earth in Cancer, let 1 2. 1 2. represent the imaginary Axis of the Earth, keeping continually a parallelism to its self, and let [capricornus] ABCD [cancer] represent an imaginary Plain passing through the center of the Star at D in the Solstitial Colure, and the two centers of the Earth in [capricornus] and [cancer], and C represent the Zenith point of Gresham Colledge at noon, when the Earth is in Cancer, and A the Zenith point of the said Colledge at midnight in the aforesaid Orb ABCD when the Earth is in Capricorn, 'tis manifest therefore that since the Poles of the Earth, the Poles of the Ecliptick, and the Zenith points of the Earth at noon, when in Cancer, and at midnight, when in Capricorn, are all in the same Plain; and that the Axis of the Earth keeps alwayes its parallelism, and that the Angles made by the Perpendiculars of Gresham Colledge, with the Axes are alwayes the same, that the aforesaid Perpendiculars of the said Colledge shall be parallel also one to another, and consequently denote out two points in the abovesaid Orb A and C as far distant from each other as the parallel Lines A [capricornus] and C [cancer] are, and consequently the point A shall be farther from the Star in D, and the point C shall be nearer to it, when in the Meridian near the Zenith of London, and consequently if the said Star be observed when in the Meridian of the place abovesaid, if there be any such difference considerable, it may be found if convenient Instruments and care be made use of for the observation thereof: and the difference between the Angle A [capricornus] D, and the Angle C [cancer] D, will give the parallactical Angle [capricornus] D [cancer] of the Orb of the Earth to the fixt Star D of the first magnitude. The same demonstration will hold mutatis mutandis, supposing the Star be not in the Meridian or Plain abovesaid, but in some other Meridian, as any one upon well considering the nature of the thing it self may easily prove, if the observation be made when the Zenith passes by the Star at midnight, and at mid-day. But the nearer the Zenith of the place of observation passeth to the Pole point of the Ecliptick, the better; The Angle of Parallax being still the more sensible. Therefore the best place to compleat this observation were in some place under the Polar Circles, as in Iseland, where the Zenith of the place at the times abovesaid, must consequently pass at one time to the North side of the Pole of the Ecliptick, and at the other on the South side, and the Zenith of March and Sept. must pass through the very Pole-point it self. Now it falling out so, that there is no considerable Star in that part of the Heavens nearer the above said Plain, and nearer the Zenith point of Gresham Colledge in that Plain, then the Bright Star in the head of the Dragon, I made choice of that Star for the object by which I designed to make this observation, finding the Zenith point of Gresham Colledge to pass within some very few minutes of the Star it self; the declination thereof according to Riccioli being 51[deg]. 36[min]. 7[sec]. and the Plain the Star and Pole of the World, making an Angle with the aforesaid Plain but of 2[deg]. 52. 36, the right ascention thereof being according to Riccioli 267[deg]. 7[min]. 24[sec]. And that this may be made a little plainer, let us suppose in the third Figure, the North part of the Heavens projected stereographical upon a Plain to which the Axis is perpendicular. Let p represent the Pole, e the Pole of the Ecliptick, l the bright Star in the head of Draco, and let accc represent an imaginary Circle described by the Zenith of Gresham Colledge among the fixt Stars in June, and bddd a like Circle described by the said Zenith in December, and efff a like Circle described as above in March, and ghhh in September. It is very evident that the true distances of the Zeniths in that part of the Meridian which is next the Pole of the Ecliptick, to wit, in the head of the Constellation Draco, shall be to the true distances of the said Zeniths in that part which is furthest from the said Pole, to wit, near the constellation of Auriga in consequentia, as the sign of 75 degrees to the sign of 14[deg]. 54[min], and the variation of the Zeniths, or the Angle of Parallax here at Gresham Colledge, to the Angle of Parallax in Iseland, or any other place under the Pole of the Ecliptick, or Artick Circle is, as the sign of seventy five to the sign of ninety or the Radius. This will be very evident if we consider in the second Scheme; AB to represent the Diameter of the great Orb: AC and BD the perpendiculars of Iseland, or some other place under the Polar Circle. GA, HB the perpendiculars of Gresham Colledge in Draco: and LA, MB the perpendiculars of the same place to the Solstitial Colure near Auriga, the several distances CD, GH, IK, LM, will be as the signs of 90[deg] | 75[deg] | 66[deg]. 30[min] | 14[deg]. 54[min] |. to wit, as the Lines or Cords AB. AO. PB. QB. I might have made observations of the distances of the transits of our Zenith from any other Star as well as from this of Draco, and the same Phenomena might have been observed, taking care to make one of the observations when the Star is in the Zenith at midnight, and the other when the same Star is in the Zenith at noon or mid-day; and upon this account when I next observe, I design to observe the transits of our Zenith by Benenaim, or the ultima caudæ ursæ majoris, it being a Star of the second magnitude, and having almost as much declination as Gresham Colledge hath latitude. The principal dayes of doing which will be about the 4 of April, when out Zenith passeth by the said Star at midnight, and the 7 of October, when it passeth by it at noon or mid-day: the reason of all which will be sufficiently manifest to any one that shall well consider the preceeding explanation. This Star I would the rather observe, because as it is placed so as that the Parallax thereof will be almost as great as of the Pole of the Ecliptick in Iseland, or under the Artick Circle, so it being a Star of the second magnitude, and consequently perhaps as near again as one of the fourth, the Angle of Parallax will be near about twice as big, and the Star it self much more easie to be seen in the day time. This will be very easie to be understood, if we consider in the first Scheme the differing distances of the Orb ABCD, in which we may suppose the Stars of the second magnitude to be fixt, and of the Orb alphabetakappadelta, in which we may suppose the Stars of the fourth magnitude, and abcd in which we may suppose those of the third magnitude, and ABCD in which we may suppose those of the first; for if the Stars are further and further removed from the Sun, according as they appear less and less to us, the parallactical difference found by observation must necessarily be less and less, according as the observation is made of less and less Stars. The reasons then why I made choice of this way of observing will be easie to any one that shall consider that hereby, first, I avoid that grand inconvenience wherewith all ancient and modern observations have been perplext, and as to Parallax insignificant, and that is the refraction of the Air or Atmosphere. How great an inconvenience that was is obvious, since 'tis certainly much greater at one time then another, and never at any certainty; and secondly, 'Tis not equally proportionable, for sometimes the refraction is greater at some distance above the Horizon, then in or nearer to the Horizon it self, and sometimes the quite contrary, which I have very often observed; and this to so exorbitant a difference, as to confound all Hypothetical Calculations of Tables for this purpose. This ariseth from the uncertain and sudden variations of the Air or Atmosphere, either from heat and cold, from the thickness and thinness of Vapours, from the differing gravity and levity, from the winds, currents, and eddyes thereof, all which being not so well understood by what way, and in what degree, and at what time they work and operate upon the Air, must needs make the refraction thereof exceedingly perplext, and the reduction thereof to any certain theory fit for practice, a thing almost impossible. Now if we are uncertain what part of the observed Angle is to be ascribed to refraction, we are uncertain of the whole observation as far as the possible uncertainty of refraction. Let me have but the liberty of supposing the refraction what I please, and of fixing the proportional decrease thereof according to the various elevation of the Rayes above the Horizon; I will with ease make out all the visible Phenomena of the Universe, Sun, Moon, and Stars, and yet not suppose them above a Diameter of the Earth distant. Now in this observation there is no refraction at all, and consequently be the Air thicker or thinner, heavier or lighter, hotter or colder, be it in Summer or Winter, in the night or the day, the ray continually passeth directly, and is not at all refracted and deflected from its streight passage. In the next place, by this way of observing I avoid all the difficulties that attend the making, mounting, and managing of great Instruments: For I have no need of Quadrant, Sextant, or Octant, nor of any other part or Circle bigger then a Degree at most; nor have I need to take care of the divisions and subdivisions thereof, nor of the substance whether made of Iron, Brass, Copper, or Wood, nor whether the parts thereof shrink or swell, or bend or warp, to all which the best Instruments hitherto made use of, have been some wayes or other lyable. And notwithstanding the vast care and expence of the noble Ticho about the making, fixing, and using his great Instruments; yet I do not find them so well secured from divers of these inconveniences, but that they were still subject to some considerable irregularities. Nay, notwithstanding the seemingly much greater curiosity and expense of Hevelius, and his infinite labour and diligence in the compleating and using of his vast Apparatus of Astronomical Instruments, I do not find them so well secured, but that some of the causes of errors that I have before mentioned, may have had a considerable effect upon them also; especially if they were supposed to measure an Angle to some few Seconds, as I shall hereafter perhaps have more occasion to manifest. Now, if the Instruments of Ticho and Hevelius, (who had certainly two of the most curious and magnificent Collections of Astronomical Instruments that were ever yet got together or made use of) were subject to these uncertainties, What shall we say of all that other farrage of trumpery that hath been made use of by most others? We see therefore the necessity of the conjunction of Physical and Philosophical with Mechanical and Experimental Knowledge, how lame and imperfect the study of Art doth often prove without the conjunction of the study of Nature, and upon what rational grounds it was that Sir John Cutler, the Patron and Founder of this Lecture, proceeded in joyning the contemplation of them both together. The next thing was the Instrument for the making of this observation, such a one as should not be lyable to any of the former exceptions, nor any other new ones that were considerable. To this purpose I pitched upon a Telescope, the largest I could get and make use of, which I designed so to fix upright, as that looking directly upwards, I could be able certainly to observe the transits of any Stars over or near the Zenith, and furnishing it with perpendiculars and a convenient dividing Instrument, I should be able not only to know exactly when the Star came to cross the Meridian, but also how far it crossed it from the Center or Zenith point of Gresham Colledge, either towards the North, or towards the South. All which Particulars, how I performed, I shall now in order describe, and this somewhat the more distinctly, that such as have a desire to do the like, may be the more ready and better inabled to proceed with the same. First then (finding a Tube would be very troublesome to the Rooms through which it past, especially if it were placed pretty far in the Room, and that one wanted so free an access as was necessary if it were planted nigh the wall, and that there was no absolute necessity of such an intermediate Tube, supposing there were a cell to direct the eye fixt to the Eye Glass, and that there were some short cell to carry the Object Glass in at the top, so as to keep it steady, when raised upward or let downwards, the light in the intermediate Rooms not at all hindring, but rather proving of good use to this purpose for seeing the Mensurator) I opened a passage of about a foot square through the roof of my lodgings (see the Fourth Figure) and therein fixt a Tube aa perpendicular and upright, of about ten or twelve foot in length, and a foot square, so as that the lower end thereof came through the Ceiling, and was open into the Chamber underneath: This Tube I covered with a lid at the top q, housed so as to throw off the rain, and so contrived, as I could easily open or shut it by a small string nop, which came down through the Tube to the place where I observed. Within this perpendicular Tube aa, I made another small square Tube bb, fit so as to slide upwards and downwards, as there was occasion, and by the help of a skrew to be fixt in any place that was necessary: Within this Tube in a convenient cell c, was fixt the Object Glass of the Telescope (that which I made use of was thirty six foot in length, having none longer by me, but one of sixty foot, and so too long to be made use of in my Rooms) the manner of fixing which was this: The Glass it self was fixed into a cell or frame of Brass, so exactly fitted to it, that it went in stiff; and to fill up all the Interstitia's, there was melted in hard Cement; this cell had a small barr that crossed under the center of the Glass, or the aperture thereof; in which barr were drill'd two small holes at equal distance from the middle of the Glass, through which the upper ends of the two perpendiculars dd were fastned; and in the fixing this brass cell or frame into the square Tube that was to slide up and down, care was taken to make the barr lye as exactly North and South as could be, though that were not altogether so absolutely necessary to this observation. These perpendiculars dd fastned to the barr hung 36 foot and better in length, and had at the lower ends of them two balls of lead ee as big as the Silks could bear, by which the lowest parts of this Instrument were adjusted, as I shall by and by explain. But first, I must acquaint the Reader, that I opened a so perpendicularly under this Tube a hole rr a foot square in the floor below, which with shutters could be closed or opened upon occasion; by this means I had a perpendicular Well-hole of about forty foot long, from the top of a to the lower floor ss. Upon the second floor ss I fixed the frame that carried the Eyeglass and the other Apparatus fit to make this observation. I made then a Stool or Table, such as is described in the same Fourth Figure ihhi, having a hole through the top or cover thereof hh, of about nine inches over; the middle of which I placed as near as I could perpendicularly under the middle of the Object Glass in the cell above, and then nailed the frame fast to the floor by the brackers ii, that it could not stir; underneath the cover of this Table I made a slider gg, in which was fixed in a cell an eye Glass f, so as that I could through the eye Glass moved to and fro, see any part of the hole in the Table that I desired, without stirring the stool from its fixtness. This was necessary, because many Stars which were forerunners of this Star in Draco, and served as warning to prepare for the approaching Star, went pretty wide from the parallel that passed over our Zenith; by this means also I took notice of the Star it self, at above half a degree distance from the Zenith to the East, and so followed the motion of it with my eye Glass, and also with my measuring Clew, and at the same time told the Seconds beat by a Pendulum Clock, and so was very well prepared to take notice of all things necessary to compleat the observation, but might have been otherwise surprised by the suddain approach and swift motion of the said Star. The measuring Instrument or Mensurator was a round thin plate or circle of Brass, delineated in the Seventh Figure, the aperture ab of which was about nine inches over, crossed in the middle by two very small hairs ab and cd, which served to shew the Zenith point at e, by which the Star was to pass; there were also two other small hairs fg and ih drawn parallel to that which was to represent the East and West line, that past under our Zenith, these cut the Clue that represented the Meridian, or North and South Line at the places k and l, where the perpendicular points were made by the two long plumb lines: This Instrument was produced on the side a to n, ne being made fifteen times the length of em, so that em being one inch and two thirds, en was twenty five inches: at n the line ne was crost by a rule of about 3 1/2 foot long op, which from the point n was divided each way into inches and parts, each inch being subdivided into thirty parts, which served to determine, though not precisely, the Seconds on the line cd, for a minute of a degree to a thirty six foot Glass, being very near one eighth part of an inch, and this eighth part, by the help of the Diagonal, being extended to two whole inches upon the three foot Rule op, it became very easy to divide a part of cd, which subtended a minute into sixty parts, and consequently to subdivide it into Seconds. Now though the sixtieth part of an eighth of an inch be very hardly distinguishable by the naked eye, yet by the help of looking through the Eyeglass placed in the cell, and so magnifying the Objects at the Mensurator more then sixteen times, 'tis easie enough to distinguish it. But to proceed, I had one small arm mt in the Mensurator, to which the Diagonal thred was fastned at the point m, which served for the more nice subdivisions into Seconds; The other Diagonal thred which was fastned at u, served for such observations where so great niceness was not so necessary, distinguishing only every four Seconds. The points where these Diagonal threds were fastned, were exactly over the line ab, and the distances em and eu were an inch and two thirds, and five inches. There is somewhat of niceness reqisite to the fixing these Diagonal threads (which is very material) at m and u, and that is that there be a small springing slit to pinch the hair fast exactly over the line ab, so that the point of its motion may be precisely in the said East and West line, and not sometimes in it, and sometimes out of it, which it is apt to be, if the Diagonal line be fixt in a hole, and move round in it. This was the Mensurator by which I measured the exact distance of the Stars from our Zenith: it may be also made use of for the measuring the Diameters of the Planets; for the examining the exact distances of them from any near approaching fixt Stars; for measuring the distances of the Satellites of Jupiter and Saturn from their discks, for taking the diameters and magnitudes of the spots of the Moon, and for taking the distances of approaching Stars, and for many other mensurations made by Telescopes or Microscopes, if it be so placed as to be in the focus of the Object Glass and Eye Glass. I could here describe at least thirty other sorts, some by the help of screws, others by the help of wedges, some after the way of proportional Compasses, others by wheels, others by the way of the Leaver, others by the way of Pullies, and the like; any one of which is accurate enough to divide an inch into 100, 1000, 10000 parts if it be necessary; but I must here omit them, they being more proper in another place, and shall only name one other, because I sometimes made use of it in this observation, which is as simple and plain as this I have described, and altogether as accurate; but for some accidental circumstances in the place where I made my observation, was not altogether so convenient as the former. This Mensurator then is made thus: take a Rule of what length it seems most convenient for the present occasion, as two, three, or four foot long, represented by ab in the Eighth Figure, divide this into 100, 1000, 10000 equal parts, with what accurateness 'tis possible, between the points ab. On the top of this Rule, at each end fix two cross pieces gh and ef, then from the two cross pieces ef and gh, strain two very fine and even clues, as Silkworms clues, curious small hairs, or the like, so as that they cross each other at n, and be distant at o and p, an inch, or any other certain measure desired. Let this Rule, bezelled on each side, slip in a frame between two cheeks q and r, upon the top of which strein another small hair as st. This frame must be fastned to the Telescope, so as st may lye in a due position to the Eye Glass of it. Now in the time of observation the frame qr being fastned to the Telescope as above, by sliding the Rule ab to and fro, you give upon the line st any length desired, which is noted out by the line st upon the rule; for if op be put one inch, then xy will be 494/1000 of an inch, and if op be the subtense of 10 minutes, then xy will be the subsense of 4[rangle]94; this is so plain, simple, and easie, that as any ordinary Workman will be able to make it, so I doubt not but every Reader will, without more application, understand both the description and use thereof. I shall return therefore to the description of the former Mensurator. The next thing then is the way of fixing this Mensurator, so as to set the threads in their due posture, that is East and West, and North and South, and that they cut each other under the middle of the Glass. This last was that which had the most of difficulty in the whole Experiment. For the performing of this, I removed the slider underneath the Table that carried the Eye Glass, and also the Mensurator, and suffered the plumb lines to hang down through the aperture of the Table, and that the Balls might come the sooner to their perpendicularity, I suffered them to hang into a vessel of water, deep and wide enough, that they might not touch either side or bottom. This expedient of hanging the plumbets in water I mention, because without it 'tis not to be imagined how much time is lost be expectation of the settlement of the said perpendiculars, and how very apt they are to be made to vibrate by the little imperceptible motion of the Air, and by any small hair or other impediment how apt to be put out of their perpendicularity: which by the way makes me very fearful that all common Instruments have hitherto been lyable to very great errors, by the unaccurate hanging of their plumb lines, being made for the most part to hang and play against the side of the Instrument. By this means they would soon come to hang perpendicularly, and be so detained when in that posture; not being apt to be stirred by the motion of the Air, or their own swing; and whilst thus steady, I fixed two small arms of Brass, such as are described in the Seventh Figure by zz, zz, which had small holes at the extreams, with a small slit on the side to admit or emit the plumb line as there was occasion; one of these is more at large described in the Sixth Figure. Now the plumb line being let into the middle of this, I did with all the accurateness I could so fix the said arm, that the plumb line past exactly through the middle of the hole y. When I was sufficiently satisfied that the plumb line past exactly through the middle of the trying arms, I fixed those arms zz, zz, and removed the plumb lines, then I laid the Mensurator ll in the Fourth Figure, upon the surface of the Table, and took great care that the crosses k and l in the Seventh Figure, lay exactly under the middle of the holes in the arms, which having done by the help of certain screws, I fixt the Mensurator fast to the Table, and prepared for the observations, putting in the slider gg in the Fourth Figure, that carried the cell f, and lying down upon a Couch (k of the Fourth Figure) made purposely for this observation, I could look directly upward, and with my left hand move the Cell and Eye Glass so as to find any Star which passed within the hole of the Table, and at the same time with my right hand I could move the Diagonal thread (rm of the Seventh Figure) so as to find exactly how far distant from the Zenith e, either Northwards or Southwards, the Stars past the Meridian dc, and giving notice to my Assistant to prepare, he upon the sign given took notice exactly by a Pendulum Clock to the parts of a Second when the said Stars past, and also took notice what division the Diagonal thread mr cut upon the Rule op. With all these difficulties I was forced to adjust the Instrument every observation I made, both before and after it was made, which hath often made me wish that I were near some great and solid Tower, or some great Rock or deep well, that so I might fix all things at once, and not be troubled continually thus to adjust the parts of the said Instrument; for whoever hath that opportunity will, I question not, especially if the lines of his Mensurator be made of the single clues of a Silkworm, with much ease discover plainly a change of the distance of Stars of the greater magnitude from the Zenith, in a much shorter time then six moneths. This variation also will be much more easie to be dicovered, if instead of a thirty six foot Glass, there be made use of one of four times that length, to wit, one of one hundred fourty four foot; and if instead of a Tower some deep and dry Well be made use of, such as I have seen at a Gentlemans house not far from Bansted Downs in Surry, which is dugg through a body of chalk, and is near three hundred and sixty foot deep, and yet dry almost to the very bottom: For such a one is much less subject to any kind of alteration, either from the settling towards this or that side, which most Towers and high Buildings, whether new or old, are lyable to: This also is safe from bending and shaking with the wind, which I find the strongest Houses, Towers, and Walls, if of any considerable height, are apt to do, nor would the wind have any power to swerve the perpendiculars, which 'tis almost impossible to prevent in high Buildings above ground. But this I can only wish it were performed, but cannot hope to have any opportunity of Doing it my self. But certainly the discovery of the observation will abundantly recompense those that have the curiosity to make it. Having thus resolved upon the way, and prepared the Instruments fit for the observation, I began to observe the Transits of the bright Star in the head of Draco; and alwayes both before and after the observation, I adjusted the Mensurator by the Perpendiculars, that I might be the more certain of the exactness of the Instrument; for I often found that when I came to examine the Instrument, a day, or two, or three, or more, after a former observation, that there had been wrought a considerable change in the Perpendiculars, in so much as to vary above a minute from the place where I left them, which I ascribe chiefly to the warping of the Tube that rose above the roof of the House, finding sensibly that a warm day wou'd bend it considerably towards the South, and that a moist Air would make it bend from the quarter of the wind: But yet I am apt to think there might be somewhat also of that variation ascribable to the whole Fabrick of the Roof, and possibly also to some variation of the Floors; but yet I never found these variations so sudden, as to be perceptible in the time of a single observation, finding alwayes the preceding and subsequent adjustings to answer. The first observation I made was the Sixth of July, 1669. when I observed the bright Star of Draco to pass the Meridian Northwards of the Zenith point of the Mensurator, at about two Minutes and twelve Seconds. The second observation I made was upon the Ninth of July following, when I found it to pass to the Northwards of the said Zenith or cross of the Mensurator, near about the same place, not sensibly differing. The third observation I made upon the Sixth of August following; then I observed its transitus North of the aforesaid Zenith, to be about two Minutes and six Seconds. The last observation I made upon the One and twentieth of October following, when I observed it to pass to the North of the Zenith, at one Minute and about 48 or 50 Seconds. Inconvenient weather and great indisposition in my health, hindred me from proceeding any further with the observation that time, which hath been no small trouble to me, having an extraordinary desire to have made other observations with much more accurateness then I was able to make these, having since found several inconveniencies in my Instruments, which I have now regulated. Whether this Zenith so found out upon the Mensurator, be the true Zenith of Gresham Colledge, is not in this inquiry very material (though that also I designed to examine, had not an unhappy accident broken my Object Glass before I could compleat the observation) for whether it were, or were not, it is certain that it alwayes had the same position to the true Zenith, the Object Glass and Perpendiculars having not been in all that time removed out of the Cell, whence if the said Object Glass were thicker upon one side then upon the other (which is very common and very seldome otherwise) and consequently deflected the ray towards the thicker side, and so made the Perpendicular of the Mensurator to lye on that side of the true Perpendicular, that the thicker side of the Object Glass respected, yet it being alwayes so if the transitus of the Star varied from this false Perpendicular, it must also vary from the true one. The manner how I designed to examine and find out the true Perpendicular, is this, which is the way also of adjusting of Telescopical sights, as I shall afterwards have occasion to shew. Having marked the four sides of the Glass, the North with N, the East with E, the South with S, and the West with W, about the first of June I begin to observe and measure the true distance of some remarkable fixt Star, as of this of Draco from the Zenith found one night when the side N of the Glass stood North. Then I change the side of the Object Glass, and put the North side Southwards, and the South, Northwards, and observe the Transitus of the same Star the next night, and note down the same; the third night following I put the East side or E North, and observe the transit of the same Star over the Meridian; and the fourth night I put the West side or W North, and observe the transit of the said Star. Now by comparing all these together, it will be very easie to deduce what the false refraction of the Object Glass is, and which way it lyes, and consequently to regulate the apparent Zenith by the true one. But this only by the by. 'Tis manifest then by the observations of July the Sixth and Ninth: and that of the One and twentieth of October, that there is a sensible parallax of the Earths Orb to the fixt Star in the head of Draco, and consequently a confirmation of the Copernican System against the Ptolomaick and Tichonick. Before I leave this Discourse, I must not forget to take notice of some things which are very remarkable in the last observation made upon the 21 of October. And those were these. First, that about 17 minutes after three a-clock the same day, the Sun being then a good way above the Horizon, and shining very clear into the Room where I lay to observe, and having nothing to screen off the rayes of light, either in the Room where I was, or in the next Room through which I looked, I observed the bright Star in the Dragons head to pass by the Zenith as distinctly and clearly as if the Sun had been set, though I must confess it had lost much of the glaring brightness and magnitude it was wont to have in the night, and its concomitants were vanisht: The like I found it divers other dayes before, when I observed it, the Sun shining very cleer into both the aforesaid Rooms, which by the way I suppose was the first time that the fixt Stars were seen when the Sun shin'd very bright, without any obscuring of its light by Eclipse or otherwise. And though we have a great tradition that the Stars may be seen with the naked eye out of a very deep Well or Mine in the day, yet I judge it impossible, and to have been a meer fiction, without any ground: For the being placed at the bottom of a Well doth not at all take away the light of the Atmosphere from affecting the eye in and near the Axis of vision, though indeed the sides thereof may much take off the lateral rayes; but unless the radiation of the false rayes of the Star be brighter then that of the Air, the true rayes from the body are so very small, that 'tis impossible the naked eye should ever be affected by them. For in the second place, by this observation of the Star in the day time when the Sun shined, with my 36 foot Glass I found the body of the Star so very small, that it was but some few thirds in Diameter, all the spurious rayes that do beard it in the night being cleerly shaved away, and the naked body thereof left a very small white point. The smalness of this body thus discovered does very fully answer a grand objection alledged by divers of the great Anti-copernicans with great vehemency and insulting; amongst which we may reckon Ricciolus and Tacquet, who would fain make the apparent Diameters of the Stars so big, as that the body of the Star should contain the great Orb many times, which would indeed swell the Stars to a magnitude vastly bigger then the Sun, thereby hoping to make it seem so improbable, as to be rejected by all parties. But they shall by this means examine the Diameter of the fixt Stars, will find them so very small, that according to these distances and Parallax they will not much differ in magnitude from the body of the Sun, some of them proving bigger, but others proving less; for the Diameter of the parallactical Circle among the fixt Stars, seems to exceed the Diameter of the Star almost as much as the Diameter of the annual Orb of the Earth doth that of the Sun. And possibly longer and better Telescopes will yet much diminish the apparent bulk of the Stars by bringing fewer false rayes to the eye that are the occasion of the glaring and magnifying of the said bodies. It may for the present suffice to shew that even with this Glass we find the Diameter of this Star considerably smaller then a Second, and the Parallax we judge may be about 27 or 30 Seconds. It will not therefore be difficult to find many Stars whose Diameters shall be less then a two hundredth part of this Parallax, as possibly upon more accurate observation this very Star may be found to be. Now we find that the Diameter of the Orb of the Earth is but two hundred times bigger then the Diameter of the Sun in the Center thereof; and therefore if the parallactical difference be found to be two hundred times more then the visible Diameter of the Star, the Star will prove but of the same magnitude with the Sun. This Discovery of the possibility and facility of seeing the fixt Stars in the day time when the Sun shines, as I think it is the first instance that hath been given of this kind, so I judge it will be a discovery of great use for the perfecting Astronomy; as first, for the rectifying the true place of the Sun in the Ecliptick at any time of the year; for since by this means 'tis easie to find any Star of the first, second, or third magnitude at any time of the day, if it be above the Horizon, and not too near the body of the Sun: And since by a way I shall shortly publish any Angle to a Semicircle in the Heavens, may be taken to the exactness of a Second by one single observator: It will not be difficult for future Observators to rectifie the apparent place of the Sun amongst the fixt Stars to a Second, or very near, which is one hundred times greater accurateness, then has hitherto been attained by the best Astronomers. The like use there may be made of it for observing any notable appulse of the [moon], [jupiter], [saturn], [mars], and [venus], to any notable fixt Star that shall happen in the day time, which may serve for discovering their true places and parallaxes. The Refractions also of the Air in the day time may by this means be experimentally detected. I should have here described some Clocks and Time-keepers of great use, nay absolute necessity in these and many other Astronomical observations, but that I reserve them for some attempts that are hereafter to follow, about the various wayes I have tryed, not without good success of improving Clocks and Watches, and adapting them for various uses, as for accurating Astronomy, compleating the Tables of the fixt Stars to Seconds, discovery of Longitude, regulating Navigation and Geography, detecting the proprieties and effects of motions for promoting secret and swift conveyance and correspondence, and many other considerable scrutinies of nature: And shall only for the present hint that I have in some of my foregoing observations discovered some new Motions even in the Earth it self, which perhaps were not dreamt of before, which I shall hereafter more at large describe, when further tryals trya's have more fully confirmed and compleated these beginings. At which time also I shall explain a System of the World differing in many particulars from any yet known, answering in all things to the common Rules of Mechanical Motions: This depends upon three Suppositions. First, That all Cœlestial Bodies whatsoever, have an attraction or gravitating power towards their own Centers, whereby they attract not only their own parts, and keep them from flying from them, as we may observe the Earth to do, but that they do also attract all the other Cœlestial Bodies that are within the sphere of their activity; and consequently that not only the Sun and Moon have an influence upon the body and motion of the Earth, and the Earth upon them, but that [mercury] also [venus], [mars], [saturn], and [jupiter] by their attractive powers, have a considerable influence upon its motion as in the same manner the corresponding attractive power of the Earth hath a considerable influence upon every one of their motions also. The second supposition is this, That all bodies whatsoever that are put into a direct and simple motion, will so continue to move forward in a streight line, till they are by some other effectual powers deflected and bent into a Motion, describing a Circle, Ellipsis, or some other more compounded Curve Line. The third supposition is, That these attractive powers are so much the more powerful in operating, by how much the nearer the body wrought upon is to their own Centers. Now what these several degrees are I have not yet experimentally verified; but it is a notion, which if fully prosecuted as it ought to be, will mightily assist the Astronomer to reduce all the Cœlestial Motions to a certain rule, which I doubt will never be done true without it. He that understands the nature of the Circular Pendulum and Circular Motion, will easily understand the whole ground of this Principle, and will know where to find direction in Nature for the true stating thereof. This I only hint at present to such as have ability and opportunity of prosecuting this Inquiry, and are not wanting of Industry for observing and calculating, wishing heartily such may be found, having my self many other things in hand which I would first compleat, and therefore cannot so well attent it. But this I durst promise the Undertaker, that he will find all the great Motions of the World to be influenced by this Principle, and that the true understanding thereof will be the true perfection of Astronomy.

Science

AN ATTEMPT To prove the Motion of the EARTH BY OBSERVATIONS.

An attempt to prove the motion of the earth from observations [...]

SciA1683

SO plausible and favourable hath the Hypothesis of various Ferments, congenial to and perpetually resident in the various parts, principally in the Viscera of Sanguineous and more perfect Animals, seemed to many of the Virtuosi of this our inquisitive age; that they have not doubted to ascribe to them a powerful energy and necessary influence in all the divers Motions, all the Mutations, all the Concoctions, all the Secretions, and other operations instituted by Nature in such Animals, either for the conservation of them in their single beings, or for the propagation of their respective Species. Nor is it easie for us to name any particular function, any action, though really and manifestly Organical, which the Sectators of this Hypothesis will not presently attribute to some peculiar Ferment lurking and operating in the part, by which that action is done, and conferring (forsooth) somewhat of efficacy toward the doing of it: as if the organical constitution of that part were insufficient to the function and uses for which it was designed, without the help and cooperation of a Specific Ferment; or as if the whole Animal Oeconomy depended upon no other Harmony but that of numerose Fermantations. In a word, they make them only not Omnipotent. As Heraclitus the Ephesian dreamed [panta psychōn einai kai daimonōn plērē] that all places are full of Spirits and Dæmons, that presided over human actions: Diogen. Laert. in vita Heracliti. So these Gentlemen imagine all the parts of Animals to be full of I know not what Spiritual Ferments, that by occult influence regulate and diversifie their functions. And this Comment many have endeavoured to assert by their Writings, with as much confidence, as if the verity of it were evident, either from cogent reasons, or by Autopsy: when in truth they are no more able to prove by solid Arguments, or by sensible demonstration, the existence of many of their imaginary Fermentative liquors or Spirits in the dissected parts, to which they are pleas'd to consign them; than Heraclitus was able to exhibit to mens sight any one of his Dæmons. I say, many of their imaginary Ferments; I do not say, any. Because the Acid Phlegm found in the Stomachs of various Animals, may perhaps so far emulate the nature of a Ferment, as to deserve the same name. For being endowed with an incisive, penetrating, and dissolving faculty; 'tis not improbable but it may conduce to the dissolution and liquation of solid meats, and together with the drink, serve, as a fit Menstruum, to extract the laudable and alimentary parts of them, ad modum tincturæ. But this liquation of solid meats in the Stomach, seems to be effected by motions placid, gentle, and imperceptible in the state of health; not by those violent commotions and irrequiet agitations that always proceed from, and accompany Ferments properly so call'd, during their working: as all men that enjoy good health, feed soberly, and keep a regular course of diet, may easily observe in themselves. And therefore this Acid Phlegm cannot properly, and in Philosophical strictness, be referr'd to the family of Ferments. The same may with equal reason be said also of the Bile and Pancreatic juice commixt in the Duodenum. They may perhaps conduce somewhat to the farther attenuation and exaltation of the Chyle; they may also promote both the separation of the Nutritive from the Excrementitious parts of the same Chyle, and the insinuation and permeation of the former through the coats or membranes of the Guts into the milky veins: all this they may do, and yet not by way of Fermentation, whereof there is neither necessity, nor sense in statu sanitatis; and to argue from a preternatural state to a natural, is a Paralogism. Now if neither of these two so much celebrated Ferments, hath any more right to that denomination, than what is precariously derived from some remote and slender analogy or semblance imagined to be betwixt their nature, qualities, and effects, and those observed in genuine and true Ferments; as certainly neither of them yet appears to have: What ought we to think of all the rest of invisible Ferments supposed to reside in places, where hitherto they have never been found? Why may we not, till they shall be by Anatomical and other convincing experiments shewn to us, believe that they have existence no where, but in the brains of fancyful men? For my part, I blush not, even in this venerable Assembly of most Learned men, where I have as many Judges as Auditors, openly to profess my self to be of this belief: because de non apparentibus, & de non existentibus eadem ratio est; and because I have heard an eminent Member of this first and more ancient Royal Society, a man renowned over all Europe for his Philosophical and Anatomical Writings, deliver this judgment of the multiplicity of Natural Ferments fancyed to be in the body of an Animal, that they were a new-found asylum ignorantiæ. I say, of Natural Ferments; lest what I have said should be detorted to the exclusion of Præternatural Fermentations, which I do not deny to be incident sometimes to the bloud and other humours of the body, more signally in Fevers, and some other acute diseases: though perhaps not so often as vulgar Physicians imagine. What I have hitherto said, may perchance seem to some of my Auditors to be a digression; and they may be apt to think, that I have made my first step in a wrong path. I am therefore obliged, in my own defence, to advertise them, that having proposed to my self to enquire strictly into the natural necessity or Mechanical reasons of the Motions of the Bloud; and finding the aforesaid Comment of Ferments lying, like a block, in my way: I thought it concern'd me rather to remove than to leap over it, and leave it for others to stumble at. For, some there are, and those too, men whose names are deservedly celebrated for their profound knowledge both in Anatomy and the Mathematicks, who in their books have professedly taught, that even the bloud it self, the seat of life, also undergoes a certain natural Fermentation in the heart, lungs, and greater arteries, as necessary to its perfection and vitality. Joan. Alphons. Borellus de Motu Animal. part. 2. pag. 76. Willisius de Ferment. A doctrine, which to me (I profess) seems very improbable, and inconsistent with the wisdom of Nature. Improbable; First, Because of all the various liquors found in the body of an Animal, in statu Naturæ, the bloud seems of it self least prone to Fermentation; which is incident chiefly, if not solely, to new and musty liquors: whereas the greatest part by much of the bloud is old, and by repeated Circulations well defæcated in its proper Emunctories, and by insensible transpiration; and by consequence needs no Fermentation. True it is indeed, that new Chyle is ever now and then brought into the rivulet of the bloud, out of the common cistern thereof, by the ductus thoracicus and the Subclavian vein, for a recruit: but in a quantity so small (a few drops perhaps at once; for more will not be found to bear a just proportion, either to the capacity of the common Receptacle of the Chyle, which is but little, or to the narrowness of the Pipe leading from thence to the Subclavian vein) as cannot in reason be thought sufficient to perturb and excite a fermentation in the bloud, with which it is mixt. If a greater quantity of Chyle were mixt with the bloud at one time; certainly the bloud would soon lose its native purple, and put on the white livery of the Chyle, especially in the descending part of the Vena cava, where the commixture is first made: which yet no Anatomist (for ought I know) hath ever observ'd. Secondly, When Ferments are commixt with liquors consisting of heterogeneous particles, they are generally slow in exerting their power, and by degrees insinuate and diffuse their active particles through the whole mass, before they can so far prevail, as to raise an universal commotion and tumult in them; as common experience testifies: but the newly commixt Chyle and bloud are in a moment, at most in the space of a few pulses of the heart, rapt out of the Vena cava, first into the right Ear, and then into the right Ventricle of the heart; so that here is no morula, no competent space of time given, to excite an actual fermentation. Thirdly, Here is wanting also convenient place. To all Fermentations is required fit room, wherein the liquors may have liberty to undergo an impetuose commotion and agitation of all their dissimilar and contrasting particles; nor will the Must of Wine it self ever ferment, if it be kept in close and strong casks, as appears from the making of Stum: but the Vena cava, the Heart, and Arteries are fill'd with bloud even to distention, till by their Systole they squirt it forth, and then in the next moment they are replenished. What room then is left for the bloud to ferment in? Seeing therefore that the bloud is by its own constitution unapt to ferment, as bearing a greater analogy to the nature of Milk, than to that of Wine, whatever the Willisians have said to the contrary; and seeing that neither the small supplies of Chyle which it daily receives, are sufficient to induce, nor the shortness of the time in which it passes through the præcordia, nor the want of convenient room, permit a fermentation: what reason have we to assent to their opinion, who teach, that a fermentation of the bloud is necessary to its perfection and vitality? especially if we farther consider, that the same opinion is also Inconsistent with the Wisdom of Nature. Whose custom always is, to institute the most direct and compendious methods, for the attainment of her ends; nor ever to use many instruments, where one may suffice, to effect what she hath design'd: abhorring to multiply things, without inevitable necessity. To this her admirable Wisdom then it is injurious, to imagine, that when she had ordained in the bloud a certain placid, regular, and benign motion, by which all the heterogeneous ingredients or constituent parts of it, should be so agitated among themselves, as by their mutual conflict to produce an alternate expansion and contraction, from whence a vital heat results, and upon which original life continually depends: she should notwithstanding institute a second intestine motion, to be at the same time, in the same subject performed, viz. a Fermentation; which seems unnecessary at best, and which probably might not only hinder, and impugn, but also destroy the former. A Fermentation would indeed raise a tumultuous agitation of the same dissimilar elements of the bloud: but such as would be violent, irregular, and of a far different manner from the Vital Mication. But not to insist now upon the manifest disparity of these Two Motions, which may more opportunely be collected from what I shall soon say of the genuine and true one; let it be supposed at present, that both may operate in the same manner, and produce the same effects in the bloud, as to the attenuation and comminution of the grosser, viscid, and unagile parts; and the facilitation of the expansive efforts of the Spiritual, volatile or elastic: yet still it will remain to be inquired, why Nature should institute Two Motions, where either of the two might singly do her work as well, if not better. If therefore any defendent of this opinion, which I have here, en passant, impugned, shall vouchsafe so far to illuminate my gloomy understanding, as to solve this Problem: I shall acknowledge the favour, and recant my opposition of it. Mean while, I will suspend the farther consideration thereof, and now address my self to the more important part of my present province, the true and undoubted Motions of the Bloud, viz. the Mication, and the Circulation: by both which, though divers in their origines and kinds, yet mutually helping each other, and conducing the one to the accension as it were of original life, the other to the distribution of influent life, the bloud is perpetually moved in the vessels that contain it. By the FORMER of these, the vital spirits, or if you please the elastick particles of the bloud, now passing through the Ventricles of the heart, from their own natural force or expansive energy, endeavour to expand or unbend themselves; while the grosser and viscid parts resist that endeavour to expansion, by compressing them. Hence instantly, and by natural necessity, arises a certain Colluctation or mutual striving betwixt the expansive motion or endeavour of the Vital Spirits, on one part, and the renitency of the grosser parts of the bloud, on the other. And from this Colluctation, an actual heat is quickly excited or kindled in the bloud: actual heat being nothing else but an expansive luctation of the particles of the body or subject in which it is, as I professedly labour'd to evince from various instances, and a strong chain of propositions, when I first had the honour to sit in this Chair. Moreover, because this expansive luctation is not violent, nor unequal, nor irregular, nor consequently noxious or hostile to the nature of the bloud; but on the contrary always (in statu Naturæ) moderate, equal, regular, amicable, and tending not only to the conservation of the bloud, but also to the exaltation of all its faculties and operations: and because it proceeds from an internal principle, from the energy of the vital spirit contain'd in and ruling the bloud, or (if this be more intelligible) from the Elasticity of the aereal particles commixt with the bloud: therefore the brisk motion or heat thence resulting, is also vital. For in that very expansive motion of the bloud, doth the formal reason of life originally consist: which Theorem also I have formerly, in this place, endeavour'd to explicate and establish. This admirable motion, from the various notions or conceptions which Learned men have formed of it in their minds, hath acquir'd various names. By some it is call'd motus sanguinis intestinus sive spontaneus, because it arises from an internal principle, the expansive endeavour of the spirituose, or elastic parts of the bloud, and to distinguish it from the circular motion, which is impress'd by an external Movent, viz. the Heart. By others, Motus fermentationis vitalis, from the similitude they fancyed between it and common fermentations: but improperly, for the reasons by me just now alledged. By others again Alphons. Berellus de mot. animal. , motus oscillatorius, from the resemblance it hath of the Oscillation or swinging of a Pendulum, whose motion describes a Cycloid Christianus Hugenius, de Motu horologii oscillatorii , part. 1, and by others Glisson. lib. de ventriculo & intestin. & Charleton, Oeconomiaelig; Animalis exercitat. 6. , Micatio sanguinis, the panting, or reciprocal expansion and compression of the parts of the bloud. Of these denominations, the two last seem to me more fully and emphatically than the rest to signifie the nature and manner of the thing denominated; as equally comprehending the double motion in a single appellation. Wherefore I intend hereafter to use these promiscuously, when there shall occur to me any occasion of mentioning the same motion. Mean while, I proceed to The LATER motion, the CIRCULATION of the Bloud; the most noble and most useful of all modern inventions, first obscurely hinted (as some think) by Cesalpinus, but afterward with prodigious sagacity, most exact judgment, and happy diligence investigated, and with such convincing evidence demonstrated by our immortal Dr. Harvey, that now the verity thereof is no longer doubted of in the world. In Exercitat. Peripatet. I wish the same were as well understood, as it is generally acknowledged: and lest I be thought only to wish this excellent knowledge, and of so great importance to Physicians, I will now again do my best devoir to explain so much of the mystery, as I my self have formerly left not sufficiently explicated: omitting to recite what is vulgarly taught in the Schools and Books of Anatomists, and touching only those things, which have been either pretermitted, or not rightly explicated by others, concerning the Causes, Mechanical modes, and circumstances of this life-conserving motion. There intervenes (ye know) a double pause or respite, which by Anatomists is call'd perisystole cordis, between the two contrary motions of the heart; one betwixt the diastole and the systole, another betwixt the systole and the diastole: and this of absolute necessity, because it is impossible, that the same body should perform two contrary motions, without a morula or space of time, how short soever, be interposed betwixt them. Ye know also, that the force impelling the bloud, which is the Compression of the heart, doth not act continually, but interruptedly or per vices, short and almost isochronic or equal quiets interposed: So that the bloud express'd by the heart, doth not flow thence in a continued course, as rivers and fountains do, that are without intermission carried on by the weight of their waters; but gush forth and stop alternately, though this vicissitude be exactly regular, and proceeds in a constant order. Now these things considered, it may seem consentaneous to conclude, that the motion of the bloud cannot be continuus, since two pauses or quiets are interposed betwixt every two pulsations or Systoles of the heart, during each of which the motion ceases: but on the contrary ought to be esteem'd and call'd an interrupted and mixt motion. And yet notwithstanding the verisimilitude of this conclusion, I doubt not to lay down and expose to your examination this This perhaps may sound like a Paradox: but that shall not a-whit discourage me from asserting it, while I remember that remarkable sentence of Minutius Felix (in Octavio) Inest & in incredibili verum, & in verisimili mendacium. Though it be true and evident, that the heart doth not, in the time of its pauses, express any Bloud into the Arteries, yet it is not true, that the bloud contain'd in the Arteries, in the Viscera, in the habit of the body, and in the Veins, doth at the same time stagnate, and stop its course: but on the contrary is always carried on in its journey, though with unequal velocity. First, the Verity of this appears in the Arteries. For the afflux of bloud from the heart being wholly intercepted, either by a Ligature applied to the aorta at its original, or by cutting out the heart it self, as is commonly done in Frogs and Vipers; we see, that nevertheless the bloud wherewith the Arteries were fill'd, is by degrees squeez'd out, so that they are soon after left altogether empty. And doubtless this exinanition of the Arteries happens, because they by their own spontaneous motion constringe themselves, and contracting their Circular Fibres, express the bloud into the habit of the parts: and are at the same time compress'd also by the contraction and tension, or the peristaltick motion of all the Muscles of the Body. From the observation of this vulgar Phænomenon, viz. the emptiness of the Arteries in dead bodies; the Ancients perhaps took occasion to believe and teach, that not bloud, but only Vital Spirits are contein'd in the Arteries. Secondly, this appears also in the Veins. For, that the bloud doth continually flow on in them likewise, not only when it is urged forward by the Arterial Bloud pursuing it, but even in the time of the hearts pauses; is evinced from this, that then the bloud runs on through the trunk of the Vena cava to replenish the right Ventricle of the heart. But why do I mis-spend time in alledging reasons to prove a truth that is manifest to sense in Phlebotomy? no sooner is a Vein open'd, than the Bloud flows forth with a swift stream, and while the wound is open, continues to flow without pauses or interruption, which is a demonstration of the thing proposed, viz. of the continual motion of the Bloud in the Veins. Being thus assured of the effect, let us proceed to investigate the Causes; which are not equally evident, nor can we hope certainly to solve this Problem, without enquiring the Mechanical reason of the continual motion of the Bloud through the Veins. This therefore I will now attempt to do. That Nature hath instituted no immediate Communication betwixt the Capillary Arteries and the Capillary Veins, per anastomôsin, is manifest to sense, and now acknowledged by all Learned Anatomists: and therefore it cannot stand with reason to imagin that the Bloud in its Circular course is emitted immediately out of the Arteries into the Veins, these vessels being separate. And though we opine, that there is some secret communication betwixt the extreme Orifices of the Arteries and those of the Capillary veins, by the intermediate Spongy substance of the flesh, Viscera, and glandules, or by the Cribrose substance of the Bones, as by the Pores of a Pumice stone: yet we are still to seek, by what motive force the bloud may be carried on from those intermediate Porosities, and insinuated into the veins. First, because 'tis consentaneous, that the impulsive force, whereby the Systole of the heart squirts the Bloud into the Arteries, is by degrees weakned, and at length languid in those streights of the extreme vessels, and of the intermediate Porosities. Secondly, Because the Orifices of the Capillary veins cannot continue always open and dilated; their consistence being not hard and bony, but membranose, soft and slippery; so that they are apt to be closed by conniving, and consequently to hinder the ingress of the bloud newly arrived. Thirdly, Because here we can have no recourse to the compression of the Viscera, and the Muscles, whereby the bloud should be squeez'd into the Orifices of the Capillary veins; for we see, that the bloud is suckt up by the Capillary veins, not only when the Muscles are invigorated and upon the stretch, but also when they are quiet and relaxed, and do not exercise their compressive power; as is most evident in sleep, when the Circulation proceeds without intermission. This is confirm'd from hence, that in the Brain, in the Medullary substance of the bones, where no compression can be admitted, the Capillary veins receive the bloud as freely as in the softer flesh it self. Seeing then that the effect cannot be denied, viz. that all the bloud effused out of the Arteries is after absorpt and carried off by the Veins, to be brought back again into the heart; and seeing also that this is not effected by way of Attraction, there being no such thing as attraction in Nature, as I have more than once elsewhere proved: we are compell'd to assert, that the Bloud is imbibed by the Capillary Veins for the same reason, and by the same Mechanick action, by which Syphons, Sponges, Filtres, Chords, and all Porose bodies are penetrated by water with which they are moistned: which power is no other than the gravity of the fluid it self, which is augmented by the impetus of its proper motion, and by the impulse communicated to it from external force. So the motive force of Gravity, which the bloud can want no more than water can, when it finds the small chanels of the Capillary veins open (for they can never be so closely constringed by the flagging and connivency of their thin membranes, as to leave no entrance for a fluid; as appears in the Pores of Ropes how hard soever twisted) must of necessity overcome the weak resistence of the streights in all Filtres and Porose bodies: and consequently the bloud may be insinuated into the Capillary veins by a Mechanic action like that of Filtration. If this proposition be true, the greatest difficulty occurring in the whole mystery of the Circulation of the bloud, is now at length solved. The bloud having in this manner passed the aforesaid streights, and entred into the Canales of the small veins, by the same motive force, whereby it was insinuated (for such an ingress is not possible without motion) may be advanced a little farther in its way by its proper force, and by external force, and also by the impulse of the new bloud following behind; as we see water suckt up by a Filtre, to be carried on to the end of the list. Afterward, because many small veins meeting together, make one wider ductus or pipe; and because in this larger pipe the former impulsive force of necessity grows more and more languid and faint by degrees, and by consequence the motion of the bloud is retarded: therefore it stands in need of some auxiliary forces, to be carried on the rest of its journey. These are, First, the force by which the Circular Fibres of the Veins, that naturally have a peristaltic virtue, contract themselves always after they have been stretch'd, as all Nervose and other tensile bodies are observ'd to do: Secondly, The Compression of the Veins by the weight of the Circumambient air or Atmosphear, and the Elastic virtue of the air inspired: Thirdly, The Tonic motion of the Muscles, when they act; together with the various motions of the Viscera, and of humours discurrent through the body; all which more or less compress the veins. Now, that the manner how this compression promotes the continual decurse of the bloud in the Veins, may be the more fully and clearly understood; I will take liberty to lay down this We here behold in the Grural vein slit open from end to end, certain Valves placed at unequal distances in the inside of the Vein: Figure I. which for demonstration sake are accurately represented in this Figure expos'd to sight. Figure II. These Valves (ye see) are nothing but half pockets of a membranose substance, or little bladders affixt to the sides or walls of the Vein, and resembled by AONMP. and BONQR. They are found sometimes single, sometimes in pairs placed one opposite to the other, and laterally touching each other; as at NO. the convex tops of which pair respect the Capillary beginnings of the Veins beyond HL; but the Orifices of their cavities PO, RO, open toward the heart, have respect to the parts IK. Now I am to demonstrate, that from this structure and situation of the Valves, it is necessary that the Bloud be protruded toward the heart. Imagine then, that the same portion of the Vein HMQL is replete with bloud; and because by the circular Fibres of the Vein itself, and by the ambient Muscles, and perhaps also by the gravity of the Atmosphear, one part of the Vein is constringed after another all along; it must be, that the lateral walls ST come nearer to each other toward V: and then the Vein so girded will lose its Cylindrical form, and be turn'd into two little funnels, HVL, MVQ; which are less capacious than the former Cylinder, and therefore the bloud which was contained in the spaces VHS, and VLT, will be expell'd out of the Orifice HL; but the remaining quantity of bloud contained in the spaces VSM, and VQT, will be squeez'd without the Orifice MQ, toward IK. It appears then, that from the abovementioned compression of the sides or walls of the Vein, the bloud is express'd in equal quantity to the opposite parts; and this would certainly happen, if the Valves were removed. But because to the walls of the Vein within, MP, QR, are fastned two Valves; it is necessary, that the bloud impuls'd by a compression made in ST, be forced through the narrow chink NO; because the yielding fluid contain'd in the cavities of the Valves, and urged by the advenient bloud, is constringed, and thrust out of them; and then instantly the sides of the Valves, that before touched each other, NO, receding one from another, leave an open way, by which the flux of bloud coming on from MSTQ, may be insinuated, and pass forward beyond AB. Again, after the bloud hath passed the confines of the Valves PO, RO, there necessarily follows a restriction of the little chink NO. For, the bloud it self must, by reason of its heavy bulk, and fluidity, fill the little baggs of the Valves, and so their soft and pliable sides being dilated till they mutually touch, ought closely to shut the rimula NO. Moreover, because the Vein is not constringed in all its parts at the same time, but part after part successively; therefore after the bloud is transferr'd beyond the Valves within the little funnel ABCD, there follows a constriction of the walls AD, BC, in the same time, in which ST is not constringed. And because by reason of the close shutting of the rimula NO, half the bloud, that was contain'd in the spaces EAG, FBG, cannot flow back toward AB, finding the obstacle AOB fill'd with bloud, and retain'd by the Valves; it is compell'd with a reflex motion, like that of a Tennis-ball rebounding from the wall, to flow toward DC: and since by the same compression, the Bloud that was contain'd in the spaces EDG, FCG, is protruded beyond DC: therefore a double quantity of bloud is in the same time, in which the compression is made, expelled through that same aperture DC: but when a double quantity of a fluid is in the same time emitted at the same Orifice, it must run out with a double Velocity. Thus is our Proposition verified. And as to single Valves; from what hath been said of the use of double, it may easily and genuinely be inferred, that they also help to promote the course of the bloud, though but half so much as the double. Wherefore Natures wisdom is admirable in placing single Valves both at less distance one above another, and for the most part where the Cavity of the Vein is a little narrower, or where a less Vein laterally exonerates it self into a greater: in both which cases the necessity of this demonstrated acceleration of the motion of the Bloud, seems to be less. In the trunk of the Vena cava no valves are found; as well because of its ample Cavity, as because of its contiguity to the trunk of the great Artery, by whose pulsations it cannot but be somewhat compress'd, and consequently the Bloud flowing through it, proportionately promoted. In the Jugular veins also none have yet been observed; probably because in them the bloud descends swiftly enough, from its own weight and fluidity. In small veins they are not placed; unless in the Coronary veins of the heart, just at the place where they empty themselves into the right Ventricle of the heart: and of these too the use is, not to promote the course of bloud, of which there is no need in so small a circuit; but only to prevent the reflux of it out of that Ventricle, in the systole of the heart, as appears from their situation, and from their conformation. Nor are any found in the Arteries, in which the bloud, with mighty force impulst by the constriction of the heart, and of the Arteries, needs no additional machine to accelerate its motion: except those that are placed in the inlet and outlet of the left Ventricle, to obviate the regurgitation of the bloud into the arteria venosa, and out of the aorta into the left Ventricle; and the two very little Valves fited in the two Coronary Arteries, at their origine from the aorta, to prohibit the regress of the bloud into the aorta. ¶ [because] If this Artifice of the Valves affixt within the veins be so necessary to promote the reflux of the bloud toward the heart; certainly he that first discovered them, deserves to be remembred with honour. But who was that fortunate man? Fabricius ab Aquapendente put in his claim to the glory of the invention, as wholly due to himself; in these very words. Tractatu 4. de venar. Ostiolis. De his itaque [ostiolis nempe venarum] locuturus, subit primùm mirari, quomodo ostiola hæc, ad hanc usque ætatem, tam priscos, quàm recentiores Anatomicos adeo latuerint; ut non solùm nulla mentio de ipsis facta sit, sed neque aliquis prius hæc viderit, quàm Anno Domini Septuagesimo quarto supra millesimum & quingentesimum, quo à me summa cum lætitia inter dissecandum observata fuere. But Padre Fulgentio professly ascribes the invention to that prodigy of Wisdom, Learning, and Virtue, Padre Paolo the Venetian: at the same time openly accusing Aquapendens of disingenuous arrogance and theft, for challenging to himself the honour of having first discovered the Valves, to which he had no right; and for stealing the glory due only to Father Paul. The sence of his impeachment is this. In vita Patris Pauli. "The whole Tractate concerning the Eye, which passeth under the name of Aquapendens, or at least so much of it as contains new and rare Speculations and Experiments, is the work of Padre Paolo; whereof I have had speech with some, that were eye-witnesses, and knew that a due part of the praise was not attributed to him that deserv'd it all. But much more in another matter of more moment, which was the finding out of those Valvulæ, those inward shuts or folds that are within the Veins. Of which argument I do not find, that any, either ancient or Modern, hath made mention; because it was a thing unthought of till these times, when Aquapendens moved the question in a publick Anatomy. But there are still living many eminent and Learned Physicians, among whom are Santorio, and Pietro Asselineo a Frenchman, who certainly know, that it was no Speculation, nor invention of Aquapendens, but of Padre Paolo. Who considering the weight of the bloud, grew into an opinion, that it could not stay in the Veins, except there were some bunch to hold it in, some folds or shuttings, at the opening and closing of which there was given a passage and necessary Æquilibrium to life. And upon his own natural judgment he set himself to cutting with more accurate observation, and so found out those Valves, &c. " Having thus faithfully recited the Pleas of these two great men, I leave it to you to decide the controversie, and to fix the Laurel on the head of which of the Competitors you please. For my part, if my judgment were considerable, I should declare my self on Padre Paolo's side, as to the invention; and allow to Aquapendens the honour of being the first that by writing made the thing known to the world. Understand me, I beseech you, only of the Valves themselves, not of the true use of them, which neither Aquapendens, nor the Father had the happiness to discover. Not Aquapendens; because of the two uses by him assign'd to these Valves (which he most improperly named Ostiola) namely the corroboration of the Veins, which might otherwise be by the bloud every where distended and broken into varices; and the retardation of the bloud in the Veins, that so all parts of the body might have time to take in their due shares of bloud, for their nourishment, and not have their meat (forsooth) snatcht away before they have fill'd their bellies: of these two mighty uses, I say, neither is true, and both are raised upon this Supposition, that the course of the bloud is out of the greater and superiour Veins into the smaller and inferiour; which is most evidently false even by the testimony of the sight. But lest I be thought, either not well to understand, or to misrepresent his meaning; I am obliged to recite his own words. Aquapend. Tract. 4. de Venar. Ostiolis. Nam cùm in varicibus, in quibus aut laxari, aut rumpi Ostiola par est, plus minusve dilatatas semper venas conspiciamus; dicere proculdubiò tutò possumus, ad prohibendam quoque venarum distensionem fuisse Ostiola à Summo Opifice fabrefacta, &c. Thus far then I have done him no wrong. He proceeds. Erat profectò necessaria Ostiolorum constructio in artuum venis, quæ non exiguæ, sed vel magnæ, vel moderatæ sunt magnitudinis; ut scilicet sanguis ubique eatenus retardetur, quatenus cuique particulæ alimento fruendi congruum tempus detur, quod alioqui propter artuum declivem situm consertim ac rapidi fluminis instar in artuum extremitates universus conflueret, ac colligeretur, idque tum harum partium tumore, tum superpositarum marcore. Here also I have faithfully interpreted his words, and ye see that he thought the contrivement of the Valves necessary to retard the motion of the bloud, because he took it for granted, that the bloud descended through the greater Veins into the less: grossly erring in both opinions. For, that the former is false, we have seen demonstrated from the construction and situation of the Valves themselves: and that the latter also is false and absurd, is known to all who understand any thing of the Circulation of the Bloud. To these errors he hath in the same Page added a third much more extravagant; which is, that the bloud is by a flux and reflux perpetually carried forward and backward in the Arteries. For, attempting to give the reason, why Nature hath framed no Valves in the Cavities of the Arteries, he saith; Arteriis autem ostiola non fuêre necessaria, neque ad distensionem prohibendam, propter tunicæ crassitiem, ac robur neque ad sanguinem remorandum, quòd sanguinis fluxus refluxusque in Arteriis perpetuò fiat. It appears then, that this famous Anatomist, who in many other things deserved well of the Commonwealth of Physicians; had no just title to the honour of having first invented the true and genuine use of the Valves: nay, that he understood no more the Mechanic reason of their conformation, than if he had never heard of or seen them. Nor in truth did Father Paul (whom yet I never can mention without secret veneration) if the aforerecited account, and what follows immediately after, given by his most intimate friend during his life, and after his Historian, Fulgentio, be true and full. For in Fulgentio's narration of the manner how the Father came first to find out the Valves, there is this passage. "And upon his own natural judgment he set himself to cutting with more exquisite observation, whereupon he found out those Valvulæ, and the right use of them; which do not only stop and hinder the bloud from dilating it self by its weight into the Veins (as we observe in some crooked and swell'd knots) but also that bloud running up and down with so much liberty, and in so great quantity, it might easily suffocate the natural heat of those parts, which ought to receive their nourishment from it." Whence it is plainly apparent, that the Father also attributed a double use to the Valves: one, the very same with the former dreamt of by Aquapendens, who probably borrowed it of the Father; viz. to prevent the dilatation of the bloud into Varices, by stopping its impetuous motion up and down in the Veins: the other, quite contrary to Aquapendens's second use, viz. to prevent a surfeit of the parts upon too much bloud, and an extinction or suffocation of their natural heat by that excess; whereas Aquapendens fear'd they would be famisht, if the Valves did not detain their food, as Tantalus is feign'd to be. Now if these were truly the Father's Sentiments concerning the Valves, certainly he had no right conception of Natures design in making them; as may be collected from the precedent demonstration of their true use. To come then to a conclusion, and draw all the lines of this scrutiny to a point; since it is evident, that neither Father Paul himself, nor his disciple Aquapendens had a right notion of the proper use of the Valves; and that both believed the bloud to flow out of the greater Veins into the less, which the Fabric and situation of the Valves plainly contradict: it necessarily follows, that neither of them could be Author of that much more noble and more difficult invention of the CIRCULATION of the bloud, which it was morally impossible for any man to deduce from their absurd opinions concerning the use of the Valves, and the glory of which is wholly due to that incomparable man Dr. HARVY. Who by admirable Sagacity of Spirit, by numerose Experiments and Observations Anatomical, and by assiduous Meditation, perhaps also by the secret Manuduction of Fate, that had reserved the secret for his knowledge, attained at length to the invidiose felicity of finding it out, and revealing it to the world. I wonder therefore that some men of not obscure names in the Catalogue of Anatomists, have shewn themselves so ungrateful and envious toward this immortal man, as to ascribe this divine invention to Padre Paolo: I mean, Joh. Walæus and Tho. Bartholinus. The former of whom doubted not to write thus. Joh. Waæus epist. 1. de motu Chyli & Sanguinis. Vir incomparabilis Paulus Servita Venetus Valvularum in venis fabricam observavit accuratiùs, quam magnus Anatomicus Fabricius ab Aquapendente postea editit, & ex ea Valvularum constitutione aliisque experimentis hunc sanguinis motum [puta Circularem] deduxit, egregioq; scripto asseruit, quod etiamnum intelligo apud Venetos asservari. Ab hoc Servita edoctus vir doctissimus Gulielmus Harveius sanguinis hunc motum accuratiùs indagavit, inventis auxit, probavit firmiùs, & suo divulgavit nomine. The other had the confidence to affirm, that Veslingius had communicated to him, as a secret never to be revealed (forsooth) to any third person, that the Circulation of the bloud was the invention of Father Paul the Servite, who had written a book of it, which was in the custody of Fulgentio at Venice. Thom. Bartholin. epist. Medicinal. centur. 1. epist. 26. To refute this palpable fiction, to what I have already said of Father Paul's ignorance of the right use of the Valves, I need add only this, that if Fulgentio had had in his hands any such Manuscript of the Fathers, as these Detractors have imagined; 'tis wonderful strange he should never so much as mention either that or the Circulation in his whole History of the Father's life; when of all the subtle Speculations and discoveries of natural secrets by him attributed to the Father, nothing would have so much conduced to the propagation of his glory, as that. Here therefore I put an end to this long digression, to which the necessary contemplation of the Valves gave an inviting occasion, and which, being intended only to do right to the venerable memory of Dr. Harvy, all lovers of truth, as well as all Members of this Noble Society will (I presume) easily pardon. ¶ [therefore] Having inquired into the velocity of the motion of the bloud in the Veins, and the mechanic causes thereof; let us next consider the velocity of the motion of the same bloud in the Arteries. For the clearer understanding of which I lay down this Third Proposition, Evident it is even to sense, that all the veins of a Sanguineous Animal taken together, are larger or more capacious, perhaps in a quadruple proportion, than all the Arteries put together: and the whole mass of bloud runs through all both Veins and Arteries, which mass in full-grown men commonly exceeds not 18, or 20 pints: and though the Veins, by reason of their transparent coats, always appear full of bloud, yet a man may doubt, whether the Arteries also be always full; that is, whether they only give passage to the bloud in the time of the pulsation, and then in the time of their quiet remain wholly empty, or not. To resolve this doubt therefore, I say, that the Arteries, if they were wholly empty in the intervals of their pulsations, then being laid naked to the sight, they would appear constringed and lank, like chords extended: but our eyes assure us, that on the contrary they retain their round and plump figure, and being press'd by the finger resist the pressure; neither of which can possibly consist with a total exinanition. Again, the Veins being laid naked, if, after the pulsation of the heart, the Arteries remain'd empty; then certainly would the pipes of the Veins by the quantity of 5 pints of bloud crouded into them more than what they are proportion'd to contain, be distended at least a third part more than they ought: but this is sensibly false, for their coats are not distended beyond their usual rate. Ergo, the Arteries are at no time wholly empty. Moreover, in Animals whose Arteries are transparent, as in Snakes, Vipers, Eels, Froggs, &c. we may from their Purple or bluish colour perceive the Arteries to be full of bloud. Which is alone sufficient to evince, that the Arteries do not remain empty after the pulsation of the heart, but contain at least a 4th part of the whole mass of bloud, which in a man is about 5 pints. Yet farther, the Arteries, in the moment of their pulsation, are highly turgid, when yet not above 3 ounces of bloud is emitted into them by the Systole of the heart. Therefore, if before the Systole the Arteries were wholly empty, a space 20 times greater than their bulk is, would inevitably be filled by the 3 ounces of bloud emitted by the heart: but this certainly is impossible without such a rarefaction of the bloud, which no man of common sense will admit. Therefore to replenish so great a vacuity in the Arteries, there must come into them five pints of bloud, either from the heart, or back, out of the Veins: but neither of these is possible in nature. Let us add, that 3 ounces of bloud emitted by the Systole of the heart, cannot fill a space greater than half a foot of the next Arteries to the heart. Therefore, if the Arteries were empty before the Systole; truly all the rest of the Arteries would remain empty also in the following Systole; and consequently could not beat at the same time with the heart, and the Circulation of the bloud through them would be interrupted or discontinued, contrary to the mechanic necessity thereof. In fine, we are convinced by common experience, when an Artery, whether it be great or small, is cut, the bloud is in every pulsation squirted out with mighty violence. Now it is impossible this should happen, unless all the Arteries were full of bloud all along from their beginning to their end; because the violence of the stream of bloud gushing from the incision, hath no other efficient cause, but the protrusion of the bloud coming on behind and urging the antecedent. But in the following pulsation there is an accession of no more than 3 ounces of bloud; which cannot by its quantity replenish half the capacity of the Arteries. Therefore unless there remain, after every pulsation, 5 pints of bloud in the Arteries, they cannot be made turgid again in the following pulsation. So that nothing is more certain or more evident than this, that in a living Animal the Arteries are never empty. Quod erat ostendendum. From the præcedent Theorem naturally arises this Consectary: That after the pulsation of the heart, there remains in the Arteries the 4th part of the whole mass of bloud conteined in the body of an Animal; and in a man commonly about 5 pints: and that the proportion of bloud expressed by the Systole of the heart into the Arteries, is about one twentieth part of the bloud contain'd in them. As also that 3 ounces of bloud ejected out of the heart into the Arteries, fill a space in the Arteries next to the heart no greater than half a foot, namely so much as is triple, or quadruple to the latitude of the Ventricles of the heart. Because in the same time are absolved all these motions, viz. the dilatation of the Pores of the heart, the restriction of its Cavities by the swelling inward of the walls of the Ventricles, the expulsion of the bloud contein'd in the Ventricles, the motion of the expulsed bloud in the Arteries, and the promotion of the mass of bloud præexistent in them, caused by the urgency of the new bloud coming on out of the heart: all these actions, I say, are performed in the same time. And it appears, that the three former operations are performed with the same velocity in the heart, because the Fibres of the heart, by reason of their abbreviation, are with the same motion moved through the same space of the amplitude of the Ventricles, through which they are moved by restringing the same Ventricles, and squirting out the bloud that was conteined in them. And the two last operations likewise are performed with the same velocity. For look how much space the bloud expelled out of the heart runs through in the Arteries, just so much space must the mass of bloud præexistent in them be driven through, in the same time; because one part of the bloud must give way to another urging it forward, as fast as that comes on behind. But if the motion of the constriction of the heart be compared with the progressive motion of the bloud in the Arteries; then doubtless they will not be found to be of equal velocity: because the former motion, viz. of the constriction of the heart, is made through a space equal to the latitude of the Ventricles of the heart, which at most excedes not 3 inches breadth: but the space through which the 3 ounces of bloud expressed out of the heart, run in the Arteries, is equal to the length of half a foot. Therefore the space will be triple at least to the space of the former motion: and yet both these motions are performed in the same time. Ergo, the motion of the bloud in the Arteries is threefold swifter than the motion of the heart, that causes it. Quod erat propositum. I add this remark, that the motion of the bloud in the Arteries is always the same, whether the three ounces of bloud emitted into them out of the heart, exactly fill the space dilated in them; or whether any portion of it be after their repletion expell'd out of them. For in both cases, the bloud præexistent in the Arteries, is just so much promoved in its course, as 3 ounces newly emitted take up of space, which run through more of length than half a foot. ¶ [because] Here I cannot fairly decline to encounter a vulgar error, that stands in my way. Which is, That the bloud is expelled out of the Orifices of the Arteries into the substance of the Parts, by no other cause but the constriction of the Heart. To refute which I will assert this To the pulsation of the heart two effects are subsequent, viz. the repletion of the Arteries by the bloud emitted into them, and the expulsion of the same bloud out of them into the habit of the parts. Now certainly these two operations cannot be performed together or at the same time; because the former is done by dilatation, and the other by constriction of the same Arteries, which two contrary motions cannot be coincident. Wherefore it is of absolute necessity, that the repletion of the Arteries be precedent, and the evacuation be subsequent. But the repletion cannot be made without a violent distention of the transverse or circular Fibres of the Arteries, and we all know, that all the Fibres of vessels, no less than those of the Muscles, of the Guts, Stomach, Tendons, Membranes, and the like Fibrose parts, naturally resist distraction, and have a power of contracting themselves after extension. Yea more, we see that all Fibres even in their natural posture are somewhat upon the stretch: for when they are cut, they instantly shorten themselves toward both ends: which would not happen, if they had been constituted in a middle state betwixt laxity and extension, as a Bow unbent is quiet, suffering neither contraction nor distraction of its parts. Now if all Fibres even in their natural state suffer some degree of stretching; certainly when the Arteries are replenisht with bloud, their cavity must be dilated; and in the dilatation of their cavity, their transverse or circular Fibres must suffer much more stretching, than they did before. And because to this dilatation of the Arteries a constriction immediately succeeds, which is not possible to be effected without an abbreviation of the circular Fibres of the Arteries; and because that abbreviation or contraction is connatural to the Fibres themselves: therefore it is impossible, that the Arteries, after that violent stretching caused by their repletion and turgency, should not exercise, by natural necessity, that mechanic power they have of contracting themselves, by vertue of their circular Fibres girding them inward: and equally impossible, that the Arteries should so contract themselves, without expelling at the same time out of their Orifices, the bloud that dilated them. Whence it appears beyond dispute, that the spontaneous constriction of the distended Arteries is the cause of the expulsion of the bloud out of them into the substance of the parts; contrary to their opinion, who ascribe this expulsion only to the Systole of the heart. ¶ [because] The natural method of acquiring Science, ye know, is to begin from things more known, and then to advance to things less known; to procede from effects to their causes. Seeing therefore that we are now certain that the bloud in Aminals is carried by a perpetual circular motion through all parts of the body; our next business is to enquire, what are the Causes of this admirable motion, as well the final as the efficient. I begin from the final; it being a question worthy our consideration, why or to what end Nature, all whose counsels and actions are ordained by an infinite wisdom, hath instituted this rapid Circulation of the bloud. Constant it is even from common experience, that whenever the bloud is quiet or ceases from motion, whether within or without the body of an Animal, the red and grumose part of it soon curdles, and is separated from the serose or albumen: and so the constitution or contexture of it is dissolved and corrupted: whereas on the contrary, while the bloud continues in perpetual motion within its vessels in the body of a living Animal, so long the ordinate mixture of its elements, due temper, and vital constitution of it is conserved; for mechanical reasons in our ensuing discourse to be explained. It seems then, that such a mixture of the constituent parts of the bloud, upon which the vitality of it doth necessarily depend, cannot be otherwise conserved, than by a continual agitation and concussion made in the vessels, first by the heart, with strong force impelling the bloud through the Arteries; then, that impulsive force languishing by filtration in the spaces intermediate betwixt the Arteries and Veins; next in the Veins, by the constriction of their circular Fibres, by the compression of the Muscles, and the Viscera, and the inspired air. All which compressions would not suffice, were not Valves placed commodiously within the Veins, by which the motion of the bloud is accelerated, and a farther conquassation of it made. And here we meet with a fair occasion to reflect upon the mutual Anastomôses of the Capillary Veins, and the infrequent distribution of Valves in one and the same Vein: for both these contribute also their proportions toward the end now under our disquisition. For, the texture of the Veins being indeed lax and soft, yet such as may by virtue of their circular Fibres be constringed and contracted: hence it is, that by the bloud regurgitating in those tracts of the Veins, that have no Valves, by the great quantity and force of its regurgitation or recoiling, the lowest part of the Vein is much dilated; and on the contrary the highest part is contracted: So that the bloud being by this reflux, though inobservable, agitated and conquassated, may revive its due commistion, and conserve its vital constitution. It appears then, the defect of Valves also hath its use. Within the cavities of the Arteries (as I said before) no Valves are placed, because the grand force, by which the bloud is impell'd through them, is more than sufficient to conquassate and commix it, by wedging in as it were the more fluid albugineous particles among the red grumose particles, that from both sorts comixt per minimas moleculas (as they say) and yet mutually reluctant, the Vital Mication, or Oscillatory intestine motion of the bloud may be continued. So then here is neither need of, nor place for a Fermentation. Now from the consideration of these things premised, I conclude, that the Circulation of the Bloud was instituted for the conservation of its requisite temper and vital constitution: Which was to be inquired, and which leads us to Which being certainly so great, that the whole mass of bloud runs its circular race in the twentieth part of an hour, or thereabouts, even in a sedentary and sedate man; as hath by many been demonstrated from the quantity of bloud commonly contein'd in the body, from the number of Pulses made in an hour, and from the quantity of bloud exprest by every pulse of the heart: and we having already seen what advantage redounds to the bloud it self from this velocity: our curiosity spurs us on to enquire also, what other scopes or ends Nature may probably be conceived to have proposed to herself, when she instituted this so rapid motion; or what emoluments and benefits from thence redound to the Oeconomy of the whole body. Of these the first seems to be this, that in every pulsation of the heart, a great quantity of bloud is effused and protruded out of the Capillary Arteries into the habit of the parts, for their refocillation by influent life (of which I have formerly discoursed copiosely in this place.) For, by how much swifter the motion of any liquor or other fluid through a pipe or canale is, so much a greater quantity of it is, in equal time, effused at the Orifice thereof; as hath been ingeniously demonstrated by B. Castellus: Lib. de aqua fluxu. and therefore the bloud is, like a full and rapid torrent, impelled into the Pores of the flesh and Viscera. The second is the energy of the stroke, with which the bloud projected by the heart, dashes against the same extreme parts: which energy is composed of the degree of velocity, and of the quantity of bloud impulsed, as that excellent Mathematician Jo. Alphonsus Borellus hath fully demonstrated. Tract. de vi percussion. Cord. prop. 28. By this stroke it is, that the newly emptied and conniving porosities of the Muscles and Viscera are forced open and replenished with the impulsed bloud, that communicates to them vital heat and fresh vigor: and that the torpid, useless, and excrementitious particles there remaining, are protruded and expelled, partly through the pores of the skin, partly through vessels destined to their transportation and expulsion. So that by this rapid rushing in of the bloud, nature attains to not only a reviving of the solid parts of the body, but also to the expurgation of the bloud it self from its unprofitable and excrementitious parts, in the Emunctories ordained for that office. A third advantage is, that by the same rapid velocity of the bloud, and its vehement intrusion into the narrow meatus of the parts; the current thereof dislodges, rinses away, and carries with it many other amoveable particles of various kinds, Saline, Sulphureous, &c. principally the reliques of the nutritive and nervose juices brought thither from the brain; which though unprofitable now to the refection and invigoration of the parts in which they were left, may yet be of some use to recruit and conserve the Crasis of the bloud, and to expedite the secretion of its excrements. This artifice of nature we may more easily comprehend, by observing, that the foreign particles now mentioned are extricated and rinsed away by the bloud, not in ample vessels, but after the egress of the bloud out of the Capillary Arteries, in the intermediate spaces betwixt them and the Capillary Veins, where end innumerable small Canales, some of which bring in the nutritive and nervose liquors, others export the superfluous and less profitable particles of them; which small pipes are, like the Capillary roots of plants, almost every where disseminated into the fleshy parts, into the Viscera, and (most frequently) into the glandules. And this seems to be done, to the end that so many particles of these spiritual and noble juices, being rinsed away by and commixt with the bloud, may advance and conserve the due consistence and constitution of it. Now of these three considerable benefits, no one seems to me possible to be attained otherwise than by the perpetual and rapid motion of the bloud. Wherefore I am not destitute of a rational ground to support my conjecture, that for these ends Nature thought fit to institute the swift motion of the bloud in its Circulation. ¶ [because] A River, we know, though the water be in a continual flux, is yet still the same river, because the elapsed parts are continually succeeded by new waters coming on with the same degree of speed to supply it. But to maintain this perpetual succession and supply, upon which the identity of the river necessarily depends, there is required, either an immense quantity of waters from a spring to feed the current, or the same elapsed water must be brought back again to the fountain whence it flowed, that so by perpetually reiterated circuitions the course of the river may be conserved, which otherwise would soon fail and cease. We are then no longer to admire that Nature, having designed to bring the river of bloud with a most rapid course through the whole body of an Animal, for the various ends above explained; and resolved to make that course perpetual, during the life of the Animal: made use of the same expedient, viz. to repete the circuition of the same bloud without intermission. For the whole mass of bloud commonly found in the body of a man, not exceding 20 pints; and that quantity not sufficing to maintain the course above 5 or 6 first minutes of an hour: lest the current might cease, and so life also fail, it was necessary that the circulation of the same mass of bloud should be continually reiterated, for the conservation of life. Besides this necessity, there are many admirable uses and advantages which Nature brings to an Animal, by often repeating the period of the circuition of the bloud through the same ways. For if the Circulation were not in this manner reiterated, the bloud could not be defæcated from it biliose excrement in the Liver, nor (according to the vulgar opinion) from the matter of Urine in the Kidneys; nor could either the Chyle be commixt with the bloud in the heart, or the Lympha be brought to temper and dilute it in the Veins: nor could various other operations necessary to the Animal œconomy be performed. All which it were not difficult for me to deduce from this repeted circuition of the Bloud, if the shortness of the time appointed to me for the administration of my present province, did not oblige me to pass by all collateral disquisitions, and to peruse my principal Theme, the Motion of the Bloud. From the final causes of which I will therefore in a direct order procede to the Efficient. ¶ [because]

Science

PRÆLECTIO I. Of the Circular Motion of the Bloud, and the admirable Effects thereof.

Three anatomic lectures, concerning 1. The motion of the bloud through the veins and arteries [...]

SciA1698

THE Earth was in the Beginning, by Command of the Most High, created out of a Chaos, or a confused Heap, which before had no Form, and was made a Habitation for Man to dwell upon, that, for a time, he might Contemplate upon the inferiour Works of his Creator. The Description of this Earth is termed Geography, and the Figure that the Earth and Water do together Constitute, is, by many Observations and Experiments prov'd to be round, or in form of a Globe, hanging by nothing in the Air, and by the most Accurate Observations its Circumference, is found near 24971 English Miles, and consequently its Diameter 7291 of the said Miles, as has been found by the late Experiments of several Nations. The greatest part of this Globe is covered with Water, for ought we yet know, which at the Creation, by the Almighty Decree, was gathered into one place, call'd the Sea: This Ball, or Globe, of Earth and Water, is covered with a thin subtile matter, call'd Air, by which it is rendred Habitable, in the Center of this Globe, is an Attractive Actractive Power, by vertue whereof all heavy Bodies, though loosed from it, will again return and cling to it, by which faculty 'tis defended from Dissolution, in not permiting the least part thereof to be seperated from it. This Globe by its (or the Suns) twofold motion, enjoys the grateful Vicissitudes of Day and Night, Winter and Summer; the first, by turning upon its own Axis once in 24 Hours, and the second, by having the said Axis carried about the Sun in the space of one Year, by some unknown principle of Nature, during the time of its other Revolution; and this Axis not being perpendicular to the plain, in which the said Annual Motion is performed, causeth one Hemisphere to have more of the Sun's Light for one half Year, and the other Hemisphere for the other. A Globe, or Sphere, is a perfect round solid Body, contained under one Surface, in the midst of which is a point call'd the Center, from whence all Lines drawn to the out-side are equal; these Lines are termed Semidiameters. Of this Form and Figure is the whole Earth and Sea, as we have reason to conclude, from several undoubted Observations and Experiments, the principal of which follows. First, Eclipses of the Moon which are caused by the Earths coming betwixt the Sun and Her; for the Moon having no light, but what she receives from the Sun, is hindred of it by the Opaque Body of the Earth, who interposing betwixt the Sun and Moon, casts her shaddow upon the Moon, which to us appears Circular thereon; and therefore, according to Optick Principles, the Earth from whence it proceeds, is a Spherick or Globular Body. Secondly, Eclipses of the Sun, which are caused by the Moon's passing betwixt him and those places where he appears Eclipsed; for unless the Earth were Globular, as Astronomers have assumed it, the time when, and place where, Solar Eclipses should happen, could not be determin'd; but seeing both time and place is nicely limited, their supposition of the Earth's roundness must needs be true. Thirdly, Because of the Phenomenaelig; do Rise, Culminate, and Set, sooner to the Eastern then to Western Inhabitants, as has been observed by those who have carried correct Time-keepers to Sea, and this proportionally according to the roundness of the Earth. Fourthly, Viewing from the shoar a Ship a good distance from you, at first you shall only perceive her Top-sails, but as she approaches nearer, you shall see her Lower-sails, and at last her Hull, which I think is an Evident Proof of the Earth's Sphericity; for did not the Globosity of the Water interpose betwixt our sight and the Ship, we might more easily see her Hull than her Top-sails at first. Fifthly, Our Modern Navigators, in their Voyages, especially, those that have been made round the World by Drake and Cavendish, make it very apparent; for sailing Eastward, they have, without turning back, arived to the place from whence they first set Sail, only they came short home by one Day and Night, that is, they were absent 24 Hours more by their own reckoning, than by the account of them kept at Home, which thing further Confirms the Earth's Sphericity. Sixthly, It is found by daily Practice, that the Degrees of every parallel upon Earth, have the same proportion to the Degrees of the Equinoctial, as the Degrees of the like parallel of an Artificial Globe, has to a Degree of the Equinoctial thereon described. Seventhly and Lastly, Common Experience shows us, That sailing, or going towards the North, we raise the NorthPole, and Northern Stars, and on the contrary, do depress the South-Pole and Southern Stars, the North Elevation encreasing equally with the South Depression, and both proportional according to the distance sailed, the like happens in sailing Southwards; besides, the Oblique Ascention, Descentions, Amplitude of riseing and seting of the Sun, Moon and Stars, would be the same in all places, were not the Earth Globular. And it may further be observable, that was not the Earth Globular, but a long Round-flat, as some have foolishly imagined, then these absurdities would follow, viz. The Elevation of the Pole, and Height of the Stars, would be the same in all places. The same appearance of the Heavens would be to all Inhabitants. The Sun, Moon and Stars would Rise, Culminate, and Set, to all places at the same time. Eclipses would appear to all People at the same time. The Days and Nights would be of the same length to all parts, neither would there be Day in one place, when there is Night in another. Shadows would be alike in all places, that is, all of them would be one way, neither would one Country be Hotter or Colder than another. But though we thus endeavour to prove the Earth round, yet it must not strictly strickly be taken, as if there were no inequalities of its Surface; for the Mountains, Hills and Vallies, which are so common in most parts of it, cause some Irregularities and Cragginess in the Surface; yet because the greatness of these inequalities have scarce any sensible proportion to the whole, the height of the highest Mountain being not 1/6000 part of its Diameter, which is inconsiderable; and therefore notwithstanding these small Irregularities, we may affirm the Earth to be round, or in form of a Globe, or Sphere. THE Earth and Water being of this Form, we shall in the next place enquire into its Extent, for the effecting of which, several Essays have been made, to find either its Circumference or Diameter; for when one of them is gotten, the other is easily known, and by having them both, its Surface and Solidity may be nicely Discovered. Now, as their Conclusions has been different, so has the ways by which they have endeavoured to attain them. Eratosthenes's way was by the Sun-beams, and Shade of a Stile, vid. Deschale's use of 29. 1 Euc. Maurolycus Abbot of Messuva, his way was by finding the Quantity of the Angle, made by two lines drawn from the Surface of the Earth, to the top of any high Hill, vid. Deschale's use of the 6. 2. Euc. A third way was by Eclipses, which is very uncertain. for a small mistake in the times of Observation at one or both of the places, will cause a very great and sensible Error, in the Distances of the said places. A Fourth and surest way which has been try'd by most Nations, is, that of measuring North and South under one Meridian, some good large Distance, viz. one or two Hundred Miles; for in those Observations of small Distances, there can be no certain Conclusion. The method of doing this, is either with an Instrument and Chain, or else with a Perambulator, or measuring Wheel, which after 'tis actually taken, must with great care be plotted down upon Paper, but not without allowing for the Variation of the Needle, and all notable Ascents and Descents with other turnings and windings, that will of necessity be met with in the way, and so by this means we shall come to know how many Miles on the Earth will answer to a Degree in the Heavens, provided an exact Observation by a large Quadrant, or other Instrument, be made to find the Latitude of the place we begin to measure from, and the Latitude of the place we measure to. According to this Method, did Mr. Richard Norwood, a good Mathematician, and an able Sea-man, in the Year 1635. make an Experiment in measuring the Distance betwixt London and York, by which he found one Degree upon Earth, that is, the 1/360 part of the Circumference of the Earth to contain 69 4/11 English miles (each English Mile containing 5280 Feet) and consequently the whole Circumference of the Earth 24971 English Miles, and its Diameter 7291 of the same. From these Dimensions will the Area of the Surface of the whole Globe of Earth and Water be found to be 197795291 square English Miles, and its solid Content 261089784120 Cubical English Miles, which account doth likewise nearly agree with the Dutch and French. THE Earth being in the Form before Described, Astronomers have form'd an Artificial one in representation thereof, on which they have Pictured both Sea and Land in all their parts, and according to their Scituation so far as is known, a type of which is here delineated, where the straight Line 90.90.90 in one Hemisphere is the Axis of the of the World, the Arches 80.80; 70.70; &c. encreasing in bigness are parallels of Latitude, and the Arches 90.80.90; 90.70.90, &c. are our Circles, or Meridians; among which is one that is the outermost which is as it were the Landmark of the whole Sphere, being the bounds from whence the Longitude of any particular place is accounted quite round the Globe. Now this Meridian from whence we begin to reckon the Longitude, has been differently assigned by several Nations, for the Arabian and Nubian Geographers, place it at the utmost Extremity of the Western shoar. Ortelius, in his Sheet-Map of Europe, makes London to lie in 28 Degrees, but in his Sheet-Map of France and Belgia, it lies but in 21 Degrees of Longitude; so that where he begins his Longitude, is not exactly known. The Spaniards, since the West-Indies Conquest, begins at Toledo, and contrary to all other Accounts, reckon their Longitude is from East to West. Blaew, the Dutch Geographer, begins his at Teneriff, the most Noted of the Canary Islands, though on his large Map of the World, he makes it pass through Tercera, one of the Azores. Sansoon, the French Geographer, begins his at Ferro, one of the Canaries: Our late Geographers, especially the English, place it in the Azores, some beginning at Tercera, others at Corvo, a third at Gratiosia; though upon our new sort of Globes, and some late Maps, it is made to pass through the Westermost part of St. Michaels. So that Longitude is the distance of a place reckoned in the Equator, from the Meridian, which passes through that place you begin your Longitude from. Latitude is the nearest distance of a place from the Equator, or the height of Pole above the Horizon. Continent, is a great part of the Habitable Earth that lies together, not being divided by the Sea; such is the whole Continent of Europe, Asia and Africa, as likewise America. Island, is a piece of land Environ'd quite round with Water, as Great Britain, Ireland, &c. An Isthmus, is that little Neck of Land that joins a piece of Land to the Continent; such is that of Sues, which ties Asia to Africa, and that of Corinth, which ties Morea to Greece. Peninsula, is almost an Island, being that which is so tied to the Continent by an Isthmus; such is Affrica and Morea. A Promontory, or Cape, is a high Land bending or running out into the Sea; such is the Cape of St. Vincent's, Cape of Good Hope, &c. Mountain, is a part of the Earth higher than the rest; such is the Alps, the Cheviat Hills. THE Ocean, or Main Sea, is that vast body of the Water, that environs, or surrounds, the Continent. Gulph, is an Arm of the Ocean, running in between Lands; such is the Gulph of Persia, Arabia, &c. Straight, is a narrow Channel that joyns one Sea to another, or Gulph to the Ocean; such is that of Gibralter, which joins the Mediteranean to the Western Ocean. Lake, is that which continually keeps standing Water in it; such is that of Nicaragua in America, and Zair in Affrica. River, is a fresh running Water, that looses its Streams in the Sea; such is Thames, Severn, &c. Port, or Harbour, is a small portion of the Sea of such Depth, and so hemn'd in by the Land, that Ships may there Ride in Safety. Bay, is likewise an Arm of the Ocean, but the Entrance thereof is much wider than that of a Gulph. Shelf, is either a heap of Sand, or else a Rock that lies near the Surface of the Water. Archipelago, is a Sea where many Islands are. MAPS are only the Pictures, or Representations of any part, or parts, of the Globe in Plano, that is, they are a Perspective Draught either of the whole, or else some particular place, or part of the Earth: For suppose the Earth was Transparent, and the Eye to be placed some where in the Equator, and that at Right Angles, to the Line passing from the Eye to the opposite part of the Earth, a Plain be conceived to be placed cuting the Earth into two equal Parts, that is passing through the Earth's Center; then I say, if from the Eye Rays be imagined to pass thro' the said Plain, to every Physical Point in the obverse Hemisphere of the Earth, these Lines shall project Points upon the said Plain, which, if join'd, will give the true Picture of one half of the places on the Earth's Surface. And because, but one half of a Globe is to be seen at one time, therfore if you desire a Representation of the whole Terraqueous Globe, it must be done in two Hemispheres. According to this Representation, there is Geometrick Rules laid down, for Projecting and Delineating the Circles and Lines as they thus appear to the Eye, whether 'tis upon the plain of a Meridian, which makes the common Hemispheres, or else upon the Equator, which is that we call the Polar Projection, because the Eye is supposed in the Pole? And this Projection is almost as frequent as the other. As for the Geometrick Directions, for teaching how to draw these Circles and Lines, as they thus appear to the Eye, either upon the plain of the Meridian, or Equator, I shall not here show, because it properly belongs to the Projection of the Sphere. BUT supposing it done, I shall direct you how to lay down places upon the Hemispheres, having therefore compleated a Projection of the Imaginary Circles, viz. Equator, Meridian, Parrallels, &c. as in the annexed Map of the World may be seen; consider that the Longitude and Latitude of any place is determined by the Meridian, and Parallel of that place, so that having the Longitude and Latitude of any place, we may incert it in the Map thus: Count from the Meridian, or outermost Circle on the Equator, the Longitude of the place you desire to Express, so shall you thereby find the Meridian of that place; Then among the Parallels find the Latitude of that place, and in the point where the Meridian and Parallel intersect, is the place to be put in the Hemisphere. By this Artifice, may the one half of the Earth's Surface, by taking several points, be delineated in Plano, just as it appears to the Eye in the aforesaid Position, and after the like manner is the other Hemisphere to be projected. If you would make a Map, but of some large part of the Earth, such as Europe, Asia, Germany, Spain, France, &c. the method and manner of doing it, is the same with the preceding, only in this case, the projection is made much larger, and then cut off in a square form to such Latitude and Longitude, as will contain the extream Latitudes and Longitudes of that portion of the Earth you design a Map off. After the same manner may you divide it, if it be a Map of Europe, Asia, &c. into its Empires, Kingdoms and Provinces, by laying down the Latitudes and Longitudes thereof. MAPS that are Projected after this way, ought to be but of small places, that is, such which have scarce a sensible proportion to the whole Surface of the Earth, else they will be very Erronious, because the least portion of the Earth's Surface is Spherical, which, if we consider, and take for plain, as we do in this Case, must needs be false; but for small places lying either upon the Equator, or within few Degrees of it, they may without much Error be thus Represented, their Surface being very little differing from a true Plain. In order therefore to make a Map of some such place, consider both the difference of Longitude and Latitude of the extream parts thereof; As suppose I would make a Map of a place, whose difference of Longitude is 4 Degrees, and the difference of Latitudes, if they were both North or South (else the sum of them) 6 Degrees; draw a blind Line, then take any length for a Degree, which let be as large as you please, for the larger the better: This length prick off 4 times on the said Line, for your Degrees of Longitude, after which raise a Perpendicular, and take the same distance as before, and run off 6 times upon it, this done, compleat the Parallelogram, whose sides in this Case, will be as 6 to 4, that is, the Latitude is 6 Degrees, and the Longitude 4, and this finishes the Limits of your Map. It will be necessary also to subdivide each Degree into 6. 10. or more equal parts, as the largeness of the Degree will permit; after which, prefix both to Top, Bottom, and each side the Numbers, Corresponding to the Latitudes and Longitudes. THE Plan being thus prepared, and a Table of the Longitudes and Latitudes, of all the boundary parts of the place you would make a Map off, if laid down before you, which Latitudes are actually and nicely found by some large Quadrant or other Instrument, and the Longitudes calculated from the bearings of Places, observed by the Needle, Distances measured, &c. Proceed as follows. Suppose one point of the place you design a Map off, is in the Latitude of 2 Degrees, 20 Minutes, and Longitude of 14 Degrees, 40 Minutes: Here I begin and count from the Bottom of the Map, upwards on each side, 2 Degrees 20 Minutes, and from those two points draw blin'd line through the Map, this done, I count from the left hand side of the Map towards the right, both at Top and Bottom, 14 Degrees 40 Minutes, and from these two Points, draw an obscure Line also quite through the Map; the point where these two lines cross each other, is the true point, where such place ought to be set; after the same manner, proceed to incert all the boundaries, and principle places within the Map, by having their Longitudes and Latitudes; And here Note, That the more Latitudes and Longitudes of the Boundaries you take, the more exact and true will your Map be limited. As for places that lie in great North Latitude, suppose betwixt 50 and 60 deg. there you must consider the Proportion, that is, betwixt one Degree in the Parallel of 55 Degrees of Latitude, and a Degree of the Equator, and by so much as the later exceeds the former, by so much must a Degree of Latitude exceed that of Longitude. The Proportion for finding the Quantity of a Degree, in any Parallel, is this; As the Diameter of the Equator, is to its Circumference, so is the Diameter of the Parallel of 55 Degrees, to its Circumference; divide the Circumference of the Equator by 360. as also the Circumference of the Parallel of 55 Degrees; the first Quote is, the length of a Degree of Longitude in the Equator; the second, the length of a Degree of Longitude in the Parallel of 55 Degrees of Latitude, and therefore by so much as the first of these Quotes exceeds the second, by so much must a Degree in Latitude, exceed that of Longitude, in the making of such a Map. This brief Account, will I hope, give some light into the Method of making and projecting of Maps, in the prosecution of which, I might have been more Copious, by adding of Cuts, and making a Table of the Longitudes and Latitudes of the Boundaries of some places, and so actually transfering them into the Plan or Scheme; but when I considered my design was more to shew their use, than the method of making them, I purposely omitted it. If a Map was to be made of any small County, Hundred, Lordship, &c. of about 20 or 30 Miles round, it is not so exactly Determined by Longitudes and Latitudes, but by an actual survey of the same with some Instrument, as Semicircle, Theodelite, &c. IN most of the Circular Maps, observe, That having found the Name, you are not to take that part of the Map, possest by such Name, for the true position of the place; but you are to seek either over, under, or on one side of such Name for this Mark (o) and where that stand there is the true point of that place. In Right Lin'd Maps, Towns and Places are generally represented by the shape of a little House, Cities with the like Mark, but something bigger. When any Map is placed right before you, then take Notice, That the bottom part, or part next to you, generally is the Southern part, the top, or part farthest from you, the North part; that next your left Hand, the West part, and the other opposite, or next the right Hand, the East; which Quarters or Parts, are commonly Denoted, either by the Words, North, South, West and East, writ at Top or Bottom, and on each side, or else by a Compass, which is round like a Wheel, having 32 points issuing from the Center, which represents the 32 points of the Compass; at the end of one of them is the Picture of a Flower-de-luce, which always points exactly to the North. Hence 'tis Evident, That you must always seek for the Latitude on the sides of the Map, and the Longitude at Top and Bottom, which sometimes is differently Numbred, by reason that at the top of the Map, the Longitude may be reckoned from one place, and at the bottom from another. Observe also in Maps of Empires and Kingdoms, the Divisions of it; in Principalities, Provinces or Counties, is generally performed by a small prickt irregular line. Rivers, is commonly Denoted by a full Black Line, and sometimes by a Double Line. Roads, are variously Pictured, viz. in some Maps, by small Black Lines, in others, by double Prickt Lines, and sometimes by single Prickt Lines. Mountains, are represented by a Black Clouded Figure, in shape like a Bell. The Sea is frequently in all coloured Maps painted Green, if the Maps are not coloured, the space Denoting the Sea is left White. The Land is bounded from the Sea by an Irregular Dark clouded Line, which if the Map be Painted, is generally Coloured. But in Maps, there is generally an Explanation of the Marks and Characters there used, as how they Note Boundaries, Roads and Rivers; also which mark signifies Cities, which Market Towns, which Villages, &c. Take Notice likewise, that to several Maps, there are three sorts of Scales, to which are prefixed the names Magna, Medieria and Parva, the meaning of which is this, that you should measure the great Miles upon the Magna scale, The Mean Miles upon the Mediocria Scale; And the Small Miles upon the Parva Scale; For not only other Countrey Miles differ from ours, but even we among our selves; the Miles in Yorkshire and several other places being much larger than those about London. THere is but two Methods of finding out places in any Map, the one is by Longitude and Latitude, and the other by Bearing and Distance, the former of which is most peculiar to circular Maps, the later to right lin'd Maps; though either of the said methods may be used, for the finding of places in both kinds of Maps. As to the first of these, there is one grand difficulty in it, which is upon account of beginning the Longitude, because as I have already observed, in one Map, the Longitude begins from Gratiosa, another from St. Michael, a third from Teneriff, and a fourth from some other place; so that unless you know, from what place they reckon the Longitude of any Map, you can never know, by this method, how to find out any place in such Map, though the Longitude and Latitude of the place be given, which indeed is a very great misfortune; For was all the Geographers but unanimously agreed from whence to begin it, that is, would they but all agree to fix it at any one on particular place, it would make the Science of Geography very Easie and Pleasant. But however, because it is otherwise at present, I shall incert a Table, shewing the difference of Longitude betwixt Pico Teneriff, and most of the principal places from whence they have begun to reckon, and then proceed to the method of doing it. d. m. Toledo 15. 53. Gratiosa 10. 25. Betwixt Pico Teneriff, and Tercera 9. 00. Palma or Ferro --- 2. 50. Corvo 13. 25. St. Michaels 8. 5. Suppose in the Sheet-map of the World, that is, in the small Hemisphers, I would find out Jerusalem, which is in the Longitude of 66.d. 00.m. counted from St. Michaels, and Latitude of 33.d. 10.m. North. Here I begin at the outer Circle, which is the first Meridian, from whence the Longitude is reckoned, and counted upon the Equator 66.d. its Longitude; then I reckon from the Equator, on the first Meridian upward toward the North-Pole 32.d. 10.m. the Latitude, and so tracing that Parallel till I come right against the Longitude I find this mark (o) and the word Jerusalem writ close by it, whence I Conclude, that is the true position of Jerusalem. And here, Note, That if in your Hemisphere, the Longitude is not reckoned from St. Michaels, but some other place, then you must consider whether such place lies East or West of St. Michaels, and how many Degrees; and accordingly substract, or add, such difference from or to the given Longitude of any place, to get the Longitude of such place in that Map. As for Example; Suppose I look in a Map for London, whose Longitude from St. Michaels is about 27d. 30m. Now perhaps this Map begins the Longitude from the Westermost part of Spain, which is 16 Degrees East of St Michaels; here I must Substract 16 from 27.30. the Remainder 11.30. is the Longitude of London in such Map. If the Map had begun his Longitude from any place that lies West of St. Michaels, as from the Isle Corvo, which is near 5d. 20m. West of St. Michaels, then to 27.30. I must have added 5 Degree 20.m. and it will give 32d. 20m. the Longitude of London in that Map, which reckons his Longitude from Corvo. The second way how places may be found, is thus: Suppose I would find Bourdeaux in France, whose bearing is very near full South from London, and distance therefrom about 200 Miles; here I trace the Meridian that passes through London, which may nearly be done by the Eye or a Rule (if none be actually drawn) 200 Miles and there about you shall find the said place. There is another way for finding out places upon Maps, but it is peculiar, and serves only some sort or kind, the method of it is thus: The Maps are (by lines drawn Parallel to the sides thereof) divided into certain long Slips, or Spaces, about an Inch broad; which spaces is again sub-divided into small Squares, by other lines drawn Parallel to the top and bottom near the same distance of the former. On both sides of the Map, against each Space, is set Letters, as a, b, c, d, &c. There is also both at top and bottom of the Map, other Letters set differing from the former; by help of these Letters a Table is constructed, having in it the Names of all the places, and against each Name two Letters, as (ah) or (bm) &c. by which Letters I can find out any place in the Map. Thus, Suppose I seek for Babylon, in such a sort of Map, against which I find (cs) then I seek on the side of the Map for c, and at the top for s, and at the Angle of meeting, that is in the little Square, right against both these Letters, is Babylon, the place sought. But in most of these sort of Maps, there generally is Directions for the using of them, Printed in some vacant place of it. FIrst, If the two places, whose Distance you seek, lie on the Equator, then the Degree upon the Equator, contain'd betwixt them, multiplied by 70, gives the Miles they are distant from one another. Secondly, If the two places have the same Longitude, and both North or South Latitude, then the difference of their Latitudes multiplied by 70, gives their distance in Miles. Thirdly, If the two places have the same Longitude, but different Latitudes, i.e. one North, and the other South, then the sum of their Latitudes multiplied by 70, will give their distance in Miles. Fourthly, If the two places have both North or South Latitude, but 180 Degrees difference of Longitude, then the sum of the complements of their Latitudes multiplied by 70, gives their distance in English Miles. Fifthly, If the two places have different Latitudes, i.e. one North, and the other South, and 180 Degrees difference of Longitude, then the difference of their Latitudes taken from 180 Degrees, and the remainder multiplied by 70, gives their distance in Miles. If the places be not in any of the Positions aforesaid, but differ both in Longitude and Latitude, then having their Latitude and difference of Longitude with a Scale of versed Lines, to find their distance, proceed thus: Suppose the distance was required betwixt London, whose Latitude is 51d. 30m. N. and Babylon in Caldea, whose Latitude is 35.00 N. their difference of Longitude being 47d. 30m. First, draw a line at pleasure, and with the versed Sine of 90 Degrees, describe the Semicircle afh; this done, find the sum and difference of both Latitudes, take the sum 86.30. from 180 Degrees, the remainder 93d. 30m. take from the Scale of versed Sines, and set from a to b on the Diameter ah; take also 16d. 30m. the difference of Latitudes from the said Scale of versed Sines, and lay from a to c. In like manner, set upon the said Diameter the difference of Longitude 47.30 taken as before from a to d; Then take the distance bc, and set from h to f upon the Arch, and draw the line af, which done, with your Compasses take the nearest distance betwixt d, and the line af, and lay from c to g; the distance ag taken off and applied to the Scale of versed Sines, will give near 37d. 30m. which multiplied by 70 giveth 2625, their nearest distance in English Miles. one page diagram referred to in the preceding paragraph There is another way which is sometimes used for measuring Distances upon these general Projections. But it is not so exact the former, and therefore not to be used where nicety is required. The method of performance is thus. Take the Distances of the places (as they lie in the Map) betwixt your Compasses; this Extent apply either to the East or West side, as right against the two places as you can, and it will give you the Degrees they are distant, which if multiplied by 70, gives their Distance in English Miles. And here Note, That the farther distant places are, the greater is the Error, and contrary, &c. This method is to be used only upon Maps of the Quarters, and great Empires or Kingdoms; such as, Tartary, Germany, Ægypt, and the like, and not upon the upthe Hemispheres. Other ways there are for finding the distance of places, both as they lie in the Hemispheres, or by having their Latitudes and differences of Longitudes, but they being something foreign to the present Design, because not practicable without the knowledge of the nature of Projection and Calculation, I purposely neglect them. DIstances are easily Measured on these sort of Maps; for having found the two places on the Map, whose Distance you require, set one foot of the Compasses in one place, and extend the other foot to the other; this Extent applied, either to Bottom, Top, or sides of the Map, shews you how many Degrees they are distant, which multiplied by 70, gives their distance in English Miles, if there be any odd Minuits above the degrees for every 6 of them, allow 7 Miles. But generally to these kind of Maps, there is annexed a Scale of Miles, so that having the distance betwixt any two places, 'tis but applying it to this Scale, and you have the Miles they are distant by inspection. A Zone signifies a Belt or Girdle, but here is to be understood a certain quantity quaintity of Land, included by (one or) two Parallels. Now the Number of Zones, Geographers have divided the Globe into, are Five: Of which there are two Temperate, two Frigid or Frozen, and one Torrid. The Torrid Zone is that space of Earth, contained betwixt the two Tropicks, viz. Cancer and Capricorn being in Breadth to 47 Degrees, which is 3290 English Miles; upon this Zone or Tract of Earth, lies most part of Africa, a great part of South America, also several Islands, as Java, Sumatra, St. Thomas, &c. The Antients, both Philosophers, Divines and Poets, counted this Zone altogether inhabitable, by reason of the extream Heat, and therefore termed it intemperate, but later Discoveries have prov'd to the contrary. The Inhabitants of this Zone are called Amphiscians, because they have their shadows both ways at Noon, that is, one part of the Year it is toward the North, the other part toward the South. The Temperate Zones are those spaces of Earth, included betwixt the Tropicks and Polar Circles, the North temperate Zone being that portion of Earth contained betwixt the Tropick of Cancer and Artick Circle; the South Temperate Zone, is that part or portion of Earth, bounded by the Tropick of Capricorn and Antarctick Circle; each of these Zones are in breadth 43 Degrees, that is, 3010 Miles; in the Northern Temperate Zone, lies almost all Europe and the North part of Africa, as also a considerable part of Asia and America; the Southern Temperate Zone is not so well known to us, it being far distant from our Habitation. These Zones are termed Temperate, because the Sun-beams being cast Obliquely, cannot create that excessive heat, as they do where they fall Perpendicular. They in some measure pertake of the Extremities of Heat and Cold, proceeding from the Torrid and Frigid Zones; those that inhabit in these Zones are called Heteroscians, because their shadows is but one way. The Frigid, or Frozen Zones, are those two tracts of Earth environ'd by the two Polar Circles; that Enclosed by the Artick Circle, is called the Northern Frigid Zone; the other Encompassed, is the Southern Frigid Zone, their Diameter is 47 Degrees, which is 3290 English Miles. Under the Northern Frigid Zone lies Greenland, Lapland, Nova Zembla, and part of the Tartarian Ocean, whether there is any Land in the Southern Frigid Zone, is not known to us that inhabit this part of the Earth. The Coldness of these Zones, is caused from the very Oblique, falling of the Sun's Rays upon the Earth's Surface, from which his Action is so small, that the heat proceeding from him in the warmest day they there have, is scarce sufficient to melt the Congealed Rocks of Ice and Snow. Those that inhabit these parts of the Earth, are called Periscians, because their shadows are thrown quite round them, they are under great inconveniencies; First, by reason of the extream Cold they suffer, and secondly, because their whole year is but one Day and Night; for when the Sun is once risen, he sets not again for half a Year together, and when he sets, rises not again for as long a time. THe Climates are certain spaces of Earth, limited by two Parallels, distant from the Equinoctial toward each Pole; the difference betwixt the Zones and Climates, is this: The principal Office of the Zones is to distinguish the quality of the Air, in respect of Heat and Cold, and the alteration of Shadows: But the office of the Climates is to shew the greatest difference in the length of the Days and Nights, as also the Variation in the rising and seting of the Stars. Those that live under the Equator, have their Day and Night equal, but those places that recede so far from the Equator, as to make the difference of the longest artificial Day, half an hour longer than it is, where the longest day is 12 hours and a half, there ends the first Climate, and there the second begins; if therefore according to the increase of days the Climates be reckoned, there will be 24 in each Hemisphere, that is in all 48, counting no farther than the Polar Circles; for the places in that parallel of Latitude, coinciding conciding with either Polar Circle, have their longest day above 24 hours long. Now Geographers have given Names only to 9 of those in the Northern Hemisphere, and these Names are taken from the most famous places, through which the Parallel Circles pass that bound them. As, The Southern Climates are distinguished by the word Ante, as Ante Dia Meroes, Ante Ate Dia Synenes, &c. THose People living put under the Equator, have great Heat, having two Summers, one when he passes the first of Aries, the other when he passeth the first point of Libra, and has also two Winters, which are when he passes the first points of Cancer and Capricorne, for then the Sun is farthest remote from those People, (though not so remote, but that their Winters are much hotter than our Summers;) whence 'tis evident, their two Summers are our Spring and Autumn, and our Winter and Summer their two Winters; their Noon-Shades are thrown both to the North and South, and sometimes directly under them, that is, they have none at all. Their Artificial Day is always just 12 Hours long, they see the whole Phænomenæ of the Heavens, for all the Planets and Stars to those Inhabitants, do Arise, Culminate, and Set once in 24 Hours. Secondly, For those who inhabit betwixt the Equinoctical and Tropick Topick of Cancer, they have some Seasons as the former, viz. two Summers and two Winters; for the Sun twice a Year passeth there Zenith, their Noon-shadows are likewise thrown both to the North and South part of Heaven, and sometimes directly under them, their longest day is something longer then 12 Hours. Thirdly, The Inhabitants under the Tropick of Cancer, that is, such People that have their Zenith in the said Tropick, have the Sun but once a year in their Zenith, and that is when he is in the first point of Cancer, they have but one Summer and one Winter; their Noonshadow is always toward the North, except when he is just in the Tropick, and then there is none at all, their longest day is 13h. 36m. long. Fourthly, The People that Inhabit betwixt the Tropick of Cancer, and the Circle Artick, have the Sun never Vertical; their shadows are always thrown toward the North, and their Artificial Days is of all lengths, viz. from 13h. 36m. to 24 Hours. Fifthly, Those that have their Zenith in the Artick Circle, that is, such who live just upon that Circle, have the Pole of the Ecliptick just in their Zenith, and consequently the Ecliptick coinciding with their Horizon, and therefore the Tropick of Cancer must be all above the Horison, and the Tropick of Capricorn quite under the Horizon, so that the Sun being in the first point of Cancer, their artificial Day is just 24 hours long, and their Night but a Moment, their shadow is cast quite round them. Sixthly, The People inhabiting betwixt the North-pole, and Artick Circle, have their Horizon cutting the Ecliptick in two points, and a certain portion of it equally distant from the first point of Cancer that never sets, but remains always above the Horizon; whence it cometh to pass, that all the time the Sun is passing this portion of the Ecliptick, they have continual Day and no Night, the length of which is more or less, according to the pportion of the Ecliptick that never sets, being about one Month long when the said portion is 30 Degrees, two Months when the said portion is 60 Degrees, or two Signs, and so on: That is, the farther North, the longer day, till at last you come just under the Pole it self, where the whole Year is but one Day and Night, each being half a Year: In this Position also, there is a certain portion of the Ecliptick, equidistant from the first point of Capricorn, that never Rises or comes above the Horizon, so that during the time the Sun is passing the said Portion, there is perpetual Night to these Inhabitants, their shadows are also projected quite round them. Seventhly, As for those people (if any be) inhabiting just under the Pole, they have the Equinoctial coinciding with their Horizon, and have always but the Northern half of the Ecliptick above the Horizon, so that their Year is but one natural Day as before was hinted; for when the Sun passeth the first point of Aries, then to those People he arises, and sets not again till he passes the first point of Libra, which is half a Year after, they never see no more then half the Heavens at once, all the Southern Hemisphere being totally obscured from their sight; their shadow is likewise cast clear round them, the end of it projecting a Concentrick Circle. THE Inhabitants of the Earth compared with one another in respect of their Scituation, are Perieci and Antieci, Antipodes. The Perieci, are those People that dwell in opposite points of the same Parallel, that is, they have the same Latitude with us, but 180 Degrees difference of Longitude, and therefore their Days and Nights are equal to ours, only they are contrary; that is, our Noon is their Mid-night, and our Evening their Morning, &c. their Seasons are at the same time with ours. Anticeci, are those People that dwell over against each other, they have the same Meridian, and are equally distant from the Equator, one having as much South Latitude, as the other has North Latitude; they have the same Hours with us, that is, our Noon and their Noon, is at the same instant of time: But the Seasons are different, for when 'tis Summer with us, 'tis Winter with them, and contrary. The Antipodes (as the word imports) are such as dwell feet to feet, that is, they are such People that inhabit just under us, having as much South Latitude as we have North, and 180 Degrees difference of Longitude; their nearest distance is 180 Degrees, or 12600 Miles, which is half the circumference of the Earth; their Hour-Seasons and all other Accidents are quite contrary, for our Noon is their Mid-night, our Summer their Winter, and our Autumn their Spring, we can see no more of their Stars, than they do of ours, and the Stars that never rise to them, never set to us, and contrary.

Science

OF THE EARTH.

A short account, of the nature and use of maps

SciA1709

SOME Indubitable Principles in Geometry and Astronomy presupposed, for the better Understanding the Demonstration of this New Method of Finding the Longitude of Places, from any First Meridian, and the Difference of Longitude between any Two Places. THE greatest Circle, ABCGHD, represents sometimes the Equator, and other times some other great Circle in the Starry Firmament, according to the several Cases to be resolved, about the Longitude and Latitude of Places. The Lesser Circle represents the Concentrick Circle on the Globe of the Earth. P represents the North Pole. AG represents the Equinoctial Colure, where I chuse to begin the First Meridian; it being allowed by all skill'd in Astronomy, that it is left to Mens Choice where to begin it; seeing it is easy by Addition or Substraction, as the Case requires, to reduce the vulgar first Meridian, which is Ten Degrees East from the Equinoctial Colure; and e contra, the first Meridian at the Equinoctial Colure to the vulgar Meridian; differing only Ten Degrees the one from the other: Withal minding, that what is call'd in the Starry Firmament the Right Ascension of the Stars from Aries, the Point of Intersection of the Equator and Ecliptick, on the Equinoctial Colure upon the Earth, may be called Longitude of Places; beginning at Aries upon Earth, on the Parallel Equinoctial Colure, at the like Intersection of the Equator and Ecliptick upon Earth. For that there are such Parallel Circles and Lines on Earth, artificially described by Artists in Astronomy and Geography, as the Equator, the Ecliptick, the Equinoctial and Solstitial Colures, and Ecliptick, and Points of Intersection of Aries and Libra, is evident from those Circles and Lines usually described in Globes and Maps visible to our sight, corresponding to these in Heaven, Parallel and Concentrick unto them. CD represents the Solstitial Colure. The Arch AB, marked with Two Stars, under the Two Letters A and B, represents the Distance on the Arch of a Great Circle in the Starry Firmament, betwixt the Star A and the Star B; and if there be no visible Star at B, but only at A, as oft happens, there is a Point at B in the Starry Firmament, that keeps the same Distance always from A, as if there were a visible Star at B. A in the Greater Circle, and B in the same Greater Circle, represent Two Zenith Points of Stars, to A and B on the lesser Circle of the Globe of the Earth: And though they be but once, in the Revolution of 360 Degrees in the Zeniths of A and B in the lesser Circle, yet they are still at the same Distance, and may well be called Zenith-Points or Stars over A and B in the lesser Circle. But to take an Observation with your Astrolabe at Sea, and with your Quadrant at Land, you must have always one Star (as at A) to look unto, and make your Observation by the same. The Arch EF represents the Distance in the Arch of a great Circle on the Globe of the Earth, of Two Places differing more or less in Latitude, but having the same Longitude; to which is to be conceived (though not described in the Scheme) a Parallel Arch in the Starry Firmament, having two Stars, or one Star and a Point; but such a Parallel is not BA in the greater Circle; and though not visibly described to the Eye, yet is easily conceived by the Mind. As the Declination of any Star is equal to the Latitude of the Place over which it is Vertical, once in the Revolution of 360 Degrees, which I call a Common Zenith Star or Point, which all Stars of the same Declination have in common together: So where a Star is to be found, or a Point, in the Firmament, that has both the same Declination and Right Ascension from the Equinoctial Colure that the Place over which it is at some time Vertical, hath the same Latitude and Longitude; that Star or Point I call a Proper Zenith; for such a Property belongs to no other Star in the whole Firmament. For as no one Place in Earth has the same Latitude and Longitude with any other Place on Earth; so no Star or Point in Heaven has the same Declination and Right Ascension. And one only Star there is, or Point in Heaven, that has its Declination equal to the Latitude of the Place over which it is a Proper Zenith; and also its Right Ascension equal to the Longitude of that particular Place, reckoning its Longitude from the Equinoctial Colure: The which is easy to be found, both on Globes and Planispheres, if they were made in a true Conformity, the Heavenly Globes and Maps to the Heavens and Starry Firmament, and to a true Conformity to the Places on Earth, so as to be set down in their true and proper Situation: But no such Terrestrial Globes or Maps have yet ever been extant, but abound with great and foul Errors, especially with respect to their Longitudes. But by this New Theory and Method, New Terrestrial Globes in process of Time may be made, to answer so exactly to the Heavenly, as the Impression of the Seal or Stamp answers to the Seal it self, on Paper or Wax: And if there were such Globes so justly made, the Declinations and Right Ascension of every Star in Heaven would exactly correspond in equality to the Latitude and Longitude of the Place over which that Star or Point is a Proper Zenith or Point: And two Planispheres, the one Celestial, and the other Terrestrial, so rectified by this New Theory and Method of finding True Longitudes to all Places on Earth, being so adjusted, that the Equinoctial Colure in the Heavenly Planisphere be set upon the Equinoctial Colure in the Terrestrial Planisphere; and the Solstitial Colure in the Heavenly Planisphere to the Solstitial Colure in the Terrestrial, and both set upon one Center; the finding only the Latitude of your Place at Sea, by Observation of your proper Zenith Star in Heaven, and setting it under the proper Zenith Star or Point in Heaven, would so exactly answer the one to the other, that your Latitude would still give your Longitude in all Places, where you are, at Sea or Land: And a small Prick with the Point of a small Needle, through your proper Zenith Star of Point in the Celestial Planisphere, would make a particular Impression or Mark upon the Place or City in the Terrestrial Planisphere, as Ocular Inspection would demonstrate: But as yet no such Planispheres have been extant: However, such as they are, with all their Errors, may be of some Service, by the juxta Position of the one upon the other, so far as to detect the Error, and find out the Truth, by making New Observations. But it is a great Mistake, if any think that this would be a Petitio Principii, or running round in a Circle: For to run round in that called a vicious Circle, nothing is really and truly effected; but here there is: For you would have this as a necessary Quesitum to be found, viz. every Day that the Sky is clear, to find your true Latitude; and then you would have Three Sides of a Spherical Triangle; viz. the Complement of the Latitude of the Place whence you came, for one Side, and the Complement of the Latitude of the Place where you now are, for the other Side, and the Distance sailed, on the Arch of a great Circle for the Third Side; and by a Canon in the Spherical Oblique Triangles, the Three Angles can be found; and the Angle at the Pole is the Longitude between the Two Places; which if there were True and Just Terrestrial Planispheres, only by means of finding your Latitude, without any Trigonometrical Calculation, by Ocular Inspection, you might find your Longitude, or Difference of Longitude. But because no such Planispheres are yet made, the Ship-Master who would learn this New Method must be well taught both to project the Triangle, and also to find the Angle at the Pole, which is the Longitude of the Place, betwixt where you now are, and the Place from whence you came, both at your first setting out, and of your Advance and Progress every Day by the differing Latitude that you come into from Day to Day, until you are come to run out the whole Difference of your Latitude from the beginning of your Voyage; and then your are at the Place whither you were bound: For by running out your Latitude upon the Arch of a great Circle, where you began, you do likewise run out your Longitude, and are at your Port you designed for. And if you be driven out of the Arch of your Circle by Currents or Storms, it is but to begin a New Arch, which is as good as the former which your were driven from. It being allowed by all Learned Men in Astronomy and Geography, that a Man may begin his first Meridian any where, from whence to compute his Longitude from that beginning, as a sort of Epocha; I chuse to begin it at the Equinoctial Colure, for Reasons above given: And having found the Longitude of any Place, whether at Sea or Land, from this beginning, it is easy by Addition or Substraction to reduce it to any vulgar Meridian, or the vulgar Meridian to it; the Vulgar being Ten Degrees East from the said Equinoctial Colure. After you have well known this Star called Scheder, so as to distinguish it by Sight from all other Stars, wait upon the said Star until it come upon its South Meridian, as Seamen do to find the Sun's highest Altitude; and take its Distance from the Zenith of your Place, by looking to it, and using an Astrolabe; which is a proper Instrument frequently used by Seamen in other Countries, to observe the Height of a Star, or its Zenith Distance when it is at its greatest Height. Suppose the Zenith Distance be found by your Astrolabe to be 30 Degrees; Note that down for your Use, in order to the finding the Longitude. This is one Way, that has no more Difficulty in it, nor less Exactness, than for Seamen to find their Latitude. Objection. But it is impossible that you can know when that Star comes to the Meridian of your Place, unless you know the precise and exact Time when it should come upon your Meridian. Answer. This Objection seeks to overthrow all finding the Latitude equally as the Longitude. For this see Page 4. Numb. X. Objection 2. When AB in the greatest Circle (See the Scheme) are Vertical to AB in the lesser Circle, B in the greater Circle is not in its least Distance from the Vertex, unless the Parallel Arches AB in the lesser Circle, and AB in the greater Circle, be in the Meridian. Answer. The Words of the Objection are wrongly expressed, and carry in them a Contradiction to the Fundamentals of Astronomy: For it supposeth that two Zenith Fixed Stars or Points in the Starry Firmament, such as AB in the greater Circle, can be nearer one another at one Place than another; which is contrary to Principle II. in Page 2. of this Treatise: The which said Principle is universally received among all the Professors of Astronomy, viz. That all Fixed Stars and Points in the Starry Firmament, keep the same Distance where they are, and whatsoever Azimuth they appear on, as well as Meridian: For otherwise they would not be Fixed Stars, but Planets: They change indeed their Horizontal Distance, so as to be nearer the Horizon of the Place where you are, at one time, than another: And such Stars as never descend to the Horizon so as to touch it, namely the Star above mention'd, call'd Scheder, having Latitude 54 Degr. 55 Min. never comes nearer to the Horizon than at the Distance of 19 Degr. 50 Min. which is its nearest Distance to the Horizon: And when it is at the nearest Distance of 19 Degr. 50 Min. it is then upon the North Meridian; and when it is 70 Degr. 10 Min. from its nearest Distance to the Horizon upwards, then it is at its greatest Height upon the South Meridian: But still it keeps the same Vertical Distance from the other Star or Point A; both being Vertical Stars or Points to their respective Places on Earth, such as BA in the lesser Circle. The Words of the Objection being thus corrected, to render them consistent with the Fundamental Principles of Astronomy, by saying, when the Star B comes to its nearest Distance to your Horizon, the said Star is upon the Meridian; and then by your Observation you can take its true Distance from your Zenith; and both the Stars or Points are Zenith Points. But this is so far from impugning my New Theory and Method of finding the Longitude, that it confirms it, and perfectly agrees with the Practice. But I know a Way to take the true Distance of the Point A (when there is not a Star at A) from the Star B, at any Time of the Night, as well when it is not on the Meridian, as when it is on it: But for Brevity sake I shall not here mention it: For without that other Way, the Longitude can be found as well as the Latitude, by waiting upon the Star until it comes to the Meridian of your Place, as is above shewed. Now for a Conclusion of the whole Matter with Relation to the Practice. First, By Observation how soon the Star Scheder comes to the South Meridian of your Place, take his Distance from your Zenith by your Instrument abovementioned. Secondly, By this Distance form to your self in Mind a Spherical Oblique Triangle, such as that in the Scheme, viz. PEF, whose Side PE is the Complement of the Latitude of one of your Places, and PF the Complement of the Latitude of your other Place, and EF the Distance found; which Three Sides being given, by a Canon in Spherical Trigonometry, you can find the Angle at the Pole, which is the true Longitude required of B from the Star called Scheder, at the Equinoctial Colure, by which you observed. And because he is 6 Degrees East of the Equinoctial Colure, you must add to the Longitude found by the Star Scheder the said 6 Degr. and that gives your whole Longitude of your Place from the first Meridian at the Equinoctial Colure. But to reduce it to the vulgar Meridian, you must substract 10 Degr. because the Vulgar Meridian is 10 Degr. East of the other. Next, to find the Longitude of any Two Places having the same Latitude, lying due East or West, the one from the other; First observe the Distance betwixt your Zenith where you are, and the Zenith of the Star Scheder, as before, and take that Distance for one Side of your Triangle, and take the Complement of your Latitude for another, and the Declination of the Star Scheder, answering to the Latitude of the Place whose Zenith Star it is for the Third Side, and that will give you the Angle at the Pole; and adding to it 6 Degrees, as above, that will give the Longitude of your Two Places, from the first Meridian at the Equinoctial Colure. G.K. astronomical scheme referred to in the text

Science

Geography and Navigation Compleated. BEING A New Theory and Method WHEREBY THE True LONGITUDE Of any Place in the World, may be Found.

Geography and navigation compleated; being a new theory and method whereby the true longitude of any place in the world may be found [...]

SciA1712

HEALTH being the greatest of Natural Blessings, 'tis as needless to say any thing in its Praise as to enlarge upon the Usefulness of Physick, which preserves and restores it. But as there is nothing which would more advance the Usefulness of that Divine Art, (and is therefore of greater Importance to the Publick Good) than a Regulation in the Practice of it; so there is nothing consequently more recommendable to the Consideration of the Queen and Parliament than the present State of Physick in this Kingdom. The Encouragement which Quacks and Empiricks have lately met with, is not only so surprizingly great, but so vastly detrimental, that in the best of Governments, where Civil and Religious Properties are so happily secured, there seems nothing more wanting than some speedy and powerful Expedient to restrain so growing an Evil. But before I proceed to offer any of my Reasons for the Necessity of a Regulation in the Practice of Physick, or enter into a Detail of the evil Consequences (deservedly to be lamented by all who have a just Sense of them) which attend the Encouragement of Quacks and Empiricks, 'twill not be improper to give the Definition of, or to let the Reader know what I desire may be understood by the Words. The Word Quack, says the Gazophylacium Anglicanum, is of a Dutch Original, signifies a frivolous and vain Tatler, and so is applicable to all Persons of any Profession, who ostentatiously pretend to a great deal of Skill and Knowledge in Matters which they are really ignorant of, or do very little understand: And by a Quack or Empirick, I mean any and every one of those who pretend to practise Physick without Knowledge of the Prærequisita to that most useful but most difficult Art. There are some, 'tis true, who would fain perswade us, that the Medical Art is only to be promoted by Experiments, or observing what things are hurtful, what beneficial in Diseases; that the Study of Nature and the Knowledge of the Body are only trifling Curiosities, and things altogether superfluous. But it's agreed, I am apt to think, amongst the more intelligent part of Mankind, that there are several things perfectly and absolutely necessary to be known, before a Man can reason and make Judgment either of the Nature of Diseases, or the Use of Methods and Medicines for the remedying them, and therefore ought to be understood before he presumes to take the Care of Mens Lives into his hands: For how can he pretend to cure Diseases, unless he first apprehends what they are, and in what they consist? How can he rationally prescribe Medicines if he understands not their Operations? Or how can he expect any manner of Advantage from them if he does not consider the Relation between the Disease and the Operation? And how can he be qualified to do any of these things, unless he be first acquainted with the Nature, Properties and Functions, of a human Body, the Subject of his Art, and to which they relate? And that this was the Opinion of the ancient Physicians, is evident from the Variety of Medical Introductions and Institutions publish'd by them. For it was not in those days thought proper that the Care of Mens Lives should be entrusted with Persons, till they were instructed in the Methods of preserving them. Abrotanum ægro Non audet, nisi qui didicit, dare -- Hor. Epist. But that there are several things absolutely necessary to be known by Men before they ought to pretend to the Practise of Physick, and which are what I mean by the Prærequisita to the Medical Art, will more fully appear by a particular Enumeration of them, viz. the Knowledge of I. The first of the Prærequisita then, which I shall mention, is the Knowledge of the learned Languages: For Physick being the Wisdom which is heap'd up in the various Labours and Observations of the Learned of all Ages, or the Judgments of many Men wound up, as it were into one Cum unius hominis vita ad omnium inventionem sufficere nequeat, longi temporis observationes Historia colligit, ut ejus beneficio tanquam ex multis tot sæculorum hominibus unus efficiatur eruditissimus. Galen. de subfigur. Empir. Cap. 9 , 'twill be found necessary in a Physician to be vers'd in the Writings of the Ancients as well as the Moderns, and to be well acquainted with their Rules, Cautions and Remedies, they having laid the first Foundation of the most excellent Art, by both observing and describing the Nature of Diseases. Most of the Diagnostick and Prognostick Signs of Diseases are the Result of their laborious and solid Observations, and will continue to be faithful Guides to all that can make Use of them, as long as human Bodies and Nature it self remain. Nothing therefore can be more previously necessary to the Practice of Physick than an Acquisition of the Greek and Latin Tongues; for as in those Languages the Art is deliver'd; so without them the Terms in the English Translations are not possibly to be understood. II. The next of the Prærequisita is Natural Philosophy: For as the Art of Physick is only the Natural Knowledge apply'd to the Preservation of Health and Life; so whoever intend to apply themselves to that Art will find it necessary to consider the Human Body, the Subject of their Art, as a meer Natural Substance, before they proceed to the Consideration of it as an Animated Being. For tho' the Human Body, as an Animated Being, is, strictly speaking, the immediate Subject of their Care; yet the peculiar Properties of Animated Substances cannot well be distinguish'd or understood, unless the common Affections of Matter be first known, out of which, the Human as well as other Animated Bodies are compos'd. And notwithstanding those Particles of Matter, which are modify'd into a Human Body, during that State, are enrich'd with Properties and Perfections, distinguishing them from all other Beings, yet there remain in them some Affections common to other animated Beings, and some promiscuously to be found in all Natural Substances. Whoever, therefore designs to apply himself to the Art of Physick, ought to comprehend the general Properties and Affections of Matter; the Origin and transitory Nature of Forms and Qualities; and how the Parts of a Human Body consider'd as a Natural Substance may be mov'd, before he begins to inform himself (or indeed rightly can) of the Affections observable in a human Body, as animated or endued with Life. And this seems to have been the Method by which Novices were heretofore initiated into that Art, as appears by the Institutes of Galen, Rhases, Sennertus, Fuchsius, &c. as likewise in that they have blended and interwoven the Philosophy esteem'd in those Ages with that most excellent Art, and have form'd that proverbial Saying, Ubi desinit Physicus, ibi incipit Medicus. But Natural Philosophy is not only absolutely necessary to form a right Apprehension of the Human Body as a Part or Portion of Matter, but also to frame a true Idea of Medicines and their Operations, as will more fully appear under that Head. III. The next of the Prærequisita is the Knowledge of the Animal Oeconomy, or the Consideration of the human Body as animated or endued with Life, and that as well in its natural or healthful, as in its præternatural or morbid State; it being altogether necessary to understand the natural State of the Body before the Nature of a Disease can be rightly comprehended. The Animal Body is now known to be a pure Machine, and its Actions and Motions demonstrated to be the necessary Consequences of its Structure. And as the Actions of the Body, from which Life and Health do flow, are the necessary Consequences of its Oeconomy; so likewise Diseases and all their Symptoms, are nothing but Alterations or Disorders in it. It demonstratively therefore follows, that the greater the Knowledge of the one is, the better the Nature of the other must be known; and that a Physician ignorant of the Animal Oeconomy is ignorant of the Structure and Uses of the Machine he undertakes to regulate. The Parts of Animated Bodies are aptly and usefully divided into Solid and Fluid. Anatomy, or the Art of Dissecting the solid Parts of Animal Bodies, in order to an exact Discovery of their Situation, Structure, Uses, &c. as it is absolutely necessary to the Knowledge of the Animal Oeconomy, so it has ever been justly esteem'd one of the Foundation Pillars of Physick. Nor indeed of less Use is the Doctrine of the Fluids; under which Head I include a right Apprehension of the general and particular Properties of the Animal Fluids, and of their different Motions, Natures, Uses, Offices, &c. There are several other things also included in the Knowledge of the Animal Oeconomy (and some few of them I shall just mention) which tho' not strictly referable to either Branch of the above-mention'd Division of the Parts, are yet equally necessary to be understood; viz. the different Dependencies the Parts have on, and the different Relations they bear to each other; the Powers of Motion (both Voluntary and Involuntary) and Sensation; the general Reason and Nature of Secretion; the Velocity of the Blood's Circulation, with the Reason of its Differences at different Distances from the Heart; the Necessity of Breathing after Birth, with the Force of the Air upon the Blood in that Action, &c. &c. &c. But an exact Knowledge of the Animal Structure and Oeconomy, will afterwards appear more particularly necessary, as well to explicate the Virtues and Operation of Medicines, as to ascertain the Diagnosis, and comprehend the Ætiology of Diseases. IV. Another of the Prærequisita is Pharmacology; comprehending the Knowledge, 1. Of simple Natural Medicines, whether of the Animal, Vegetable, or Mineral Kingdom. 2. Of the several Parts of Pharmacy, both Galenical and Chymical. 3. Of the general Nature, Virtues, and Operation of Medicines. For as a Man cannot be said to understand an Art, without understanding the Instruments as well as the Subject of that Art; so the Human Body being the Subject, and Medicines the Instruments of this Art, the Knowledge of the one must consequently be as necessary as the Knowledge of the other. 1. By the Knowledge of simple Natural Medicines, I here mean that of the Substances themselves as well as of their Medicinal Virtues and Efficacies. 'Twould be altogether needless to wast any Time in insisting upon the Necessity of understanding this part of Pharmacology: For as without knowing the Substances, a Man in his Practise must wholly confide in, or rely upon the Gatherers and Venders of Medicines; so indeed the Knowledge of their Virtues and Efficacies, without knowing the Substances themselves, seems to me, if of any, of a very dangerous Use. 2. Pharmacy contains the Manner of Preparing and the Method of making such simple Substances into Medicines, and consists of several Parts, whether according to the Galenical or Chymical Forms. All the several Parts of Pharmacy, and of Chymistry in particular, viz. as it teaches the most Compendious and Efficacious Preparation of Medicines, are, and have been so often demonstrated to be so absolutely necessary to be understood by all who design for the Practice of Physick, that as there is nothing in which Men seem more agreed than in the Necessity of understanding these things; so it would be but Loss of Time to enlarge any further upon them. I shall therefore conclude what I have to offer under this Head, with the following Observation; That since it is so necessarily incumbent upon every one who pretends to the Practice of Physick, to understand all the Parts of Pharmacy, there can be no Objection made upon that Account, I mean, against a Physician's preparing his own Medicines, but either by ignorant or interested Men. But tho' this Observation is sufficient to excuse the Physicians for giving their own Medicines (which indeed is only resuming what their Ancestors either out of Pride or Laziness left off) yet it does not follow that there is any manner of Apology to be made for the Apothecaries intruding themselves into the Practice of Physick, as will more fully afterwards appear. 3. Under the third Branch of Pharmacology is compriz'd the Knowledge of the general Nature, Virtues and Operation of Medicines. And as Natural Philosophy was proved to be necessary towards forming a right Notion of the Human Body, so 'twill be found as necessary towards comprehending the general Nature, Virtues, and Operations of Medicines. For Medicines being only natural Substances, only Parts or Portions of Matter, 'tis evident, that their Powers and Properties are not only under the same common Laws and Rules which are observed in the other Parts of Matter, but are also to be explain'd in the same Methods: and therefore Medicines are not only Natural Substances, but they also operate in a Natural Way, [i.e. by different Kinds and Degrees of Motion] such Natural Substances loosing only their Denomination, and not their Natures, by being term'd or applied as Medicines. By a due Apprehension of these things, and without which it is impossible for a Practitioner in Physick to be really useful or serviceable in his Generation, Men will know what Effects to expect, and be prevented from a credulous Expectation of Effects, which can in no wise proceed from them in a natural Way. Medicines, notwithstanding the Materia Medica is made up of so vast a Variety of Natural Substances, may, in respect of their general Virtues or Operation, be compriz'd under such as produce some Evacuation, or such as only effect some Alteration in the Body. And not only Natural Philosophy, but a due Knowledge also of the Animal Oeconomy is absolutely necessary towards framing a right Notion of these Things: For unless Men understand the Structure, and comprehend the Uses and Offices of the Parts of the Body, it is impossible for them to know how, or by what Organs, or in what Regions, Parts or Juices, Medicines perform their Operations. V. The fifth and last of the Prærequisita, which I shall mention, is Nosology; containing whatever relates to the General Nature, Signs, Causes, &c. of Diseases. For as the Consideration of the Human Body, in its natural or healthful State, is, by Physicians, only in order to the Consideration of it in its Præternatural or Morbid one; so consequently there can be nothing more previously necessary to the Practice of Physick than whatever relates to the Knowledge of the General Nature, Signs, Causes, &c. of Diseases. 1. And first the Want of a clear Idea of the General Nature of Diseases must be a certain Means of laying a necessary and afterwards unalterable Foundation of Error and Miscarriage in Practice. One would be tempted to think, from the erroneous Proceedings of unintelligent Practitioners, that Diseases were really separate Essences, (or I know not what substantial Forms) and as such enter'd and possess'd the Bodies of Men. Whereas, by a due Consideration of their Natures, they will be found to be nothing different or distinct from the Body, but only Changes or Alterations in the Modification of its constituent Parts, or different Modes of Indisposition in the same Body. 2. Secondly, the Doctrine of the Signs, both Diagnostick and Prognostick, is not less necessary to be throughly understood, before a Man undertakes the Practice of Physick, than the General Nature of Diseases. For as by a due Knowledge of the Diagnostick Signs, he may be instructed truly to distinguish one Disease, tho' never so much alike, from another; so thro' want of that Knowledge, one Disease is very often mistaken for and treated as another. How often, for Instance, has a Colica and a Nephritis, a Fluor Albus and a Gonorrhæa, a Chlorosis and a Phthisis been confounded? So that the Foundation of Cure seems primarily to be laid in a right Apprehension of the Diagnostick Signs of each Distemper. But here it ought to be observed, that the better a Man understands the Animal Structure and Oeconomy, the more capable he will be both of comprehending and ascertaining the Diagnosis, and that a Man ignorant of those things must necessarily mislead himself by the Use of a common Name, and apply it to denote Circumstances which are so far from being always alike, that they will be sometimes found extremely different. And as to the Prognostick Signs of Diseases; tho' it be certain that the Recovery of the Sick is the great Design of the Medical Art, and undoubtedly more necessary than Presaging the Event of Distempers, yet the Advances which have been made in the Prognostick Part of Medicine, as acquiring no small Esteem and Authority to the Physician, ought diligently to be collected from the Observations of the Ancients, particularly of the Divine Hippocrates, as well as from the Writings of the Moderns. 3. Thirdly, the Ætiology of Diseases; I mean more particularly as to the immediate and conjunct Causes, will be found as necessary to be known be every Practitioner, as either the General Nature of Diseases, or the Doctrine of the Signs. For if, as is very evident in Practice, Diseases even of the same Denomination, arising from different Causes, do administer different Indications, or indicate different Methods of Cure; the Ætiology must consequently be a grand Source from whence Rational Indications can be drawn. 'Twere very easie to give Instances in almost all the Diseases incident to the Human Body, but thinking it altogether needless, because the Medical Writings are so full of them, I shall conclude this Head with observing, That as an exact Knowledge of the Animal Structure and Oeconomy is absolutely necessary to comprehend the Ætiology of Diseases; so the Modern Improvements in Anatomy have very considerably advanc'd the Ætiological Part of Medicine. Having thus, with the utmost Brevity demonstrated, that there are several things perfectly and absolutely necessary to be known by Men before they ought to pretend to the Practice of Physick; my present Design does not at all oblige me to enquire whether I have enumerated all the Prærequisita to the Medical Art; but from that Enumeration of them which I have made, and from what I have advanc'd, under each of those Heads, may very fairly venture to draw the following Conclusions, viz. I. That Experience alone will not make a Physician: For if there are, as I have already proved, several things absolutely necessary to be known by Men, before they can judge of the Nature of Diseases or Remedies, which are what I mean by the Prærequisita to the Medical Art: It evidently follows that Experience alone, i.e. Experience without the Prærequisita will not make a Physician. The Art of Physick then may very aptly and usefully be said to consist of two Parts, viz. The Theoretical and Practical. And as there is nothing truer on the one hand, than that the Theory, viz. the Knowledge of the Prærequisita is, as has been fully prov'd, absolutely necessary to the Practice: so there is nothing more evident on the other, than that the Knowledge of the Theory, tho' previously necessary, is only in order to, and therefore useless without, the Practice. For tho' 'tis impossible (I affirm) a Man should make any considerable Figure in the Practice, who is ignorant of the præliminary Arts which compose the Theory of Physick: And if without the Knowledge of those Arts, a Man jumps, as I may say, into Practice, such a one is never to be trusted, tho' he had seen Thousands of Patients, and ten thousand Prescriptions; yet do I not (as it is ridiculous to) suppose, that Men should rest here, or dwell upon the Theory; or that the speculative Part of Physick should teach them to cure all manner of Distempers in their Closets, without a constant Attendance on the Sick, without a diligent and unwearied Observation on Diseases. A due Apprehension of these things may be a Means to determine the many unnecessary Disputes concerning the Preference of one Part of Physick to the other; the Knowledge of the one absolutely depending on, and consequently being altogether as necessary as that of the other. And as Theory and Practice, so Reason and Observation ought not to be compar'd with, or oppos'd to, each other, but join'd together, as mutually adorning and illustrating one another, to the fully compleating of a Physician. A Man may be an Advocate for Experience, and well appriz'd of the Usefulness of accurate Observations, and at the same time not discard the Use of Reason in Physick. True Observations will never be found to contradict Right Reason, nor will Right Reason exert it self in opposition to matter of Fact. But lest any of the Empirical Tribe should pretend to take Shelter under Authorities, or to interpret what Baglivi says concerning Experience and Observation in favour of themselves, I've purposely read over all the Works of that celebrated Author, and from innumerable Passages in his Writings, think nothing more evident, than that it is a Literate, and not an Empirical Experience, which he contends for. 'Tis not Experience without the Prærequisita, but such a well grounded Experience as a Man duly qualify'd for the Practice of Physick, may daily with Reason, be suppos'd to acquire. And 'tis as evident, that what he has advanc'd, concerning the Importance of Observation in the Way of Physick, ought to be interpreted in that very Sense. For tho' he says, That nothing so naturally tends to the Improvement of Physick, as Experiments and Observations, yet 'tis certainly true, that he desires it might be understood (as indeed it ought to be) of Experiments directed by the Knowledge of the Animal Oeconomy, and of Observations grounded on that and the other Prærequisita. So notwithstanding what Dr. Sydenham declares, viz. Vid. Epist. Ded. Obs. Med. Artem Medicam haud rectius esse perdiscendam, quam ab ipsius Artis Exercitio atque Usu; and Vid. Tract. de Podagrâ. p. 80. Edit. Lugd. Bat. Praxin esse Medicinæ Profitentium Lapidem Lydium, 'tis evident from Passages enough in that worthy Author, particularly from the whole 81st Page of the last mention'd Treatise, that he never design'd, by what he says, to advance an Empirical Experience, or to preclude the Necessity of understanding the Prærequisita. As there is nothing more ridiculous than to suppose all Men capable of making a good Use of Experience, or able to draw right Conclusions from the Motions of Nature; so Quacks and Empiricks, who set out without either Light or Method must undoubtedly prove stupid and erroneous Observators: It being indeed impossible that Men ignorant of the Medical Prærequisita, should be capable of improving either themselves or the Art by their Experience and Observations. What therefore is daily said in praise of Experience (to which no one pays a greater Deference than my self) and in Recommendation of experienc'd Physicians, ought to be understood with such a Restriction as not to include the Practitioners, who never had Opportunities of Understanding the Prærequisita. How ridiculous then is the Folly of those People who magnifie an Empirical Experience, or cry up a Quack or whatsoever Figure or Fame, for a Man of Experience, which wanting a Foundation, cannot be of any real Use and Service either to himself or others. II. That the Enumeration of the Prærequisita to the Medical Art, is a sufficient Argument with what Difficulty a due Qualification for the Practice of it is attain'd. For if it be so absolutely necessary, as has been already prov'd, to understand the Prærequisita to that Art, 'tis very easie to infer, both what Length of Time and Labour of Thought the Acquisition of so much Knowledge will require. 'Tis not then a Raw and Superficial Knowledge of Receipts and Medicines of Diseases and their Cures, which will qualifie a Man for the Practice of Physick, but a gradual Advancement thro' all the abovemention'd Foundations of the Art. 'Tis not to be suppos'd, that the Ars longissima should be so quickly acquir'd, or the most difficult of Sciences so instantly attain'd. And this Truth is not only confim'd by Hippocrates, in his very first Aphorism Technē Makrē , and in his Enumeration of the Necessaries which he requires to constitute a Good Physician Didaskalia. Paidomathia. Philoponia. Chronos. Hippocr. Lex; but by the concurrent Testimonies, both of the Ancients and Moderns. Yet notwithstanding what has been advanced, concerning the Prærequisita to the Medical Art, and the Difficulty of acquiring the Knowledge of them; it is very surprizing to consider what a vast Number of Persons there are, who would fain become Physicians without Labour and Study, and be saluted Sons of Apollo, without any manner of Right to the Title. But all and every one of those who are ignorant of the Preliminary Arts, which compose the Theory, are but Pretenders in Physick, do jump, as I said, into Practice, and are never to be trusted tho' they had seen thousands of Patients, and ten thousand Prescriptions. But I now proceed, in the third Place, more particularly to consider, III. That the Enumeration of the Prærequisita to the Medical Art, is a plain Demonstration how unqualified the Quacks are for exercising the Profession they pretend to. And if, as has been prov'd, there are so many things absolutely necessary to be known, before a Man can either reason or judge of Diseases; it evidently follows, that a Quack, ignorant of those things, is absolutely unqualified for that Profession. Were but the Matter indeed, as impartially consider'd as it ought to be, there seems nothing more ridiculous than to pretend to the Practice of Physick, without a previous Knowledge of them; it being impossible but such People must make either Improper, Dangerous and Destructive, or Insignificant and Useless Applications. It is not only true in Fact, that the most generous often prove the most deadly Medicines, if administred without Judgment; but it is an every day's Observation, that those very things which have the Reputation of being harmless and inoffensive, if improperly applied, do too often create very great Mischiefs. In the Practice of Physick there is requir'd not only great Labour of Thought, in searching into the several Appearances and Circumstances of Diseases, but also great Strength of Judgment in duly weighing and comparing them together. And it is not here, as in many other Cases, where Experiments may be repeated without any great Injury; for this perhaps admits but of one single Tryal, which possibly may terminate in the Death of a Man, and one false Step, especially in an acute Disease, may be of the most fatal Consequence. Physick, 'tis true, abounds with a very large Number of excellent Medicines: But Medicines, being Relations to Human Bodies, can only be said to be good or bad, as applied; and like all other Instruments to do either Good or Hurt, according to the Nature of the Hand which uses them. As there is nothing more conspicuous on the one hand, than the useful Effects of Medicines, when Methodically and Judiciously administred: So there is nothing more obvious on the other, than the deadly Effects even of those of the very first Rank, when us'd, without either Method or Judgment. Can any thing then more fully demonstrate the Vanity of Empiricism than the daily Experience how Inefficacious and Useless, even the most celebrated Specificks are without a Judicious and Methodical Application? For tho' a more Noble Specifick than the Cortex, for Instance, was never known, yet Experience convinces us how frequently we are forced even in intermitting Fevers, to call in to our Assistance, the Knowledge of Animal Oeconomy; and by Vomiting, Purging, or other proper Means, to render that Specifick useful, which would otherwise have been of no Effect: So that nothing seems more ridiculous than for a Man to pretend to cure Diseases, tho' arm'd with the best of Medicines, without the Knowledge of the Animal Oeconomy, and the Nosological Prærequisita. It may as well be expected that a blind Man should shoot flying, or a deaf one tune an Organ. I cannot therefore conclude this Head without observing (which indeed naturally flows from the foregoing Considerations) how unaccountably infatuated they are, who apply themselves to any of the Empirical Tribe; there being nothing so monstrous as their Pretences; nothing, but the no less monstrous Credulity of those who employ them. But, Quos perdere vult Jupiter, prius dementat. Does any one Man more deserve to be ridicul'd, than he, who thinks his Gold Watch of too great Value to be put into the Hands of an under Workman, and at the same time, trusts his Body, a Machine of infinitely more curious Structure, with an ignorant Pretender in Physick. Can a Man put a greater Affront upon his Reason? Or can he give an odder Demonstration of his Kindness to Wife, Children or Friends, than to commit any of them to the Care of such unequal Managers? In Matters of far less Moment, Men generally are more guided by the Dictates of Reason, and not so easily impos'd upon by any kind of empty Pretensions. If the Title of an Estate, wherein they are concern'd, be never so little suspected, they immediately apply to the Best Advice, and will spare neither Cost nor Pains for a Right Information; but which is the most unaccountable Piece of Folly imaginable, are extremely less sollicitous about the Care of their Bodies than their Estates. IV. That the Enumeration of the Prærequisita to the Medical Art, is an evident Indication to the Rational Part of Mankind, who do, and who do not, and that the far greatest Part of the Practitioners in Physick do come under the Denomination of Quacks: I appeal to the Rational Part of Mankind, because they are the fittest Judges in the Matter; for as they are capable of distinguishing who have, and who have not, had Opportunities of understanding the Prærequisita; so they cannot but at the same time be convinc'd, that the far greatest Part of the Practitioners in Physick, under the Denomination of Quacks. There is nothing more Evident than that there are Pretenders in Physick, who are so far from having any Knowledge of the learned Languages, that they cannot write their own; are so far from having made any Searches into the vast Collection of Ancient Learning, that they never perus'd even the Observations of the Moderns; are so far from understanding Natural Philosophy or the Animal Oeconomy, that they never had Opportunities of learning Anatomy or Chymistry; never saw a Dissection, or one Process of the Preparation of Medicines. What a melancholy Reflection then is it, that such a Trade of deceiving should be carried on under the Pretences to so useful an Art; and to consider, what a Number of People there are who having no other Foundation but Impudence and Ignorance, bubble so many Thousands out of their Money and Lives? V. That an Apothecary can no more be said to be Qualified for the Practice of Physick than any other Mechanical Tradesman. Tho' the Preparation of Medicines, according to the Prescript is properly speaking the Business of an Apothecary, and which Preparation requires only the Knowledge of the Substances themselves, and not of their Medicinal Virtues and Efficacies; yet let us suppose an Apothecary endued with that Knowledge also, and let us consider how far it will qualify him for the Practice of Physick. We will then suppose him to know that this Medicine will purge; this, vomit; and this produce other Evacuations, or perhaps only Alterations in the Body. But as to know what is Indicated is one thing, and how to answer such an Indication another; so the Knowledge of the Virtues and Efficacies of Medicines will not at all instruct or direct him in the Application of them. For Medicines being Relations to Human Bodies, can be only good or bad, as justly or unjustly applied: And therefore, as I instanc'd , tho' we suppose a Man to know that such a Medicine will undoubtedly Purge, i.e. sollicit the Bowels into that Motion we call so; yet whether this will be to the Advantage of the Person to whom it is given, depends not on the Man's Knowledge of the Medicine's Operation, but on the Fitness and Disposition of the Patients Body to receive it. Again, a Man may know, that there are some Preparations of Antimony,&c. which will always produce Vomiting. But tho' by the Exhibition of a Vomit, a Vitiated Stomach is sometimes restor'd; yet when the Stomach is deprav'd from a Cause which cannot be removed by Vomiting, 'tis plain, that the Use of such Medicines cannot possibly effect its Recovery. And a great many more Instances might be given in respect to the Operation of Medicines, which only produce some Alteration in the Body. The Excellency then of the Medical Art consists in a right Apprehension of the Relation between the Powers of the Medicine, and the Circumstances of the Disease. Now such a right Apprehension of this Relation, as is sufficient to qualify a Man for the Practice of Physick, cannot possibly be acquir'd by the Knowledge of Medicines, their Preparation and Virtues; but of all the abovemention'd Prærequisita to the Art. And this single Consideration of the Relation between the Medicine and the Body, as it distinguishes a Regular from an Empirical Practice; so it sufficiently exposes the Vanity of confiding in Receipts or Nostrums, and plainly demonstrates that the most celebrated Preparations (even of the Philosophers by Fire) are not capable of curing Diseases, without a Judicious and Methodical Application, and that there can be nothing consequently more ridiculous than to suppose an Apothecary capable of advising from seeing the Prescripts of Physicians. If then the Knowledge of the Preparation of Medicines, if the Knowledge of their Virtues, and Efficacies, nay, if seeing the very Prescripts of Physicians, will not amount to a Qualification; it demonstratively follows that an Apothecary can no more be said to be Qualified for the Practice of Physick, having no other Means or Opportunities of acquiring the rest of the Prærequisita, than any other Mechanical Trades-man. That small Pittance of Learning which is acquir'd at School, if not afterwards lost in the servile Offices of the Shop, can claim no manner of Consideration: No; the Prolix and Laborious Study of Physick, ought assuredly to commence upon a more Literate Foundation; and the Knowledge of it is not possibly attainable, but by an Education of a quite different Nature. 'Twill be very pertinent to my present Design, and not unacceptable to my Reader, I hope, to acquaint him, how the Apothecaries first crept into Houses, and introduc'd themselves into the Practice of Physick. Their officious Visits were at first made under Pretence of carrying the Physick themselves, which indeed might procure them the Reputation of careful Men, tho' by running on the Errands 'tis plain they chang'd Offices, with their Servants, and left them at home to do the Duty of their Masters. This gave them Opportunities of insinuating themselves into Nurses, Servants, and other weak Persons attending the Sick; and by their Means of being admitted to give their Opinions; and thence under Pretence of good Husbandry for the Patient, to repeat the Physician's Bills, without his Order; and at last to prescribe without his Advice. Yet I am not, I must confess, for wholly laying aside this Order of Men, they being, in my Opinion very useful and serviceable in their proper Station and Business, which is the Preparation of Medicines according to the Prescript of the Physician. But when an Apothecary deserts his Station in the Shop, neglects the Business of his Trade, and runs about advising in all Distempers; he becomes an Empirick, and invades a Profession which he cannot be suppos'd to understand. Can any thing be more astonishing than the levelling of a Learned Liberal Science, with a Mechanick Trade of the Hand directed by that Science? I could wish the Fool's Character had been preserved in our Chronicles, or that his Features were now to be seen in his Statue of Brass, who first sent for the Handy-craft Labourer of the Medicines to answer any Questions concerning the Nature of the Distemper. There is certainly no more Relation between the Business of an Apothecary, and that of a Physician, than between the Grinding of Colours and the Art of Painting: And therefore an Apothecary, who, without Knowledge of the Prærequisita, pretends to the Practice of Physick, is altogether as ridiculous as a Colour-grinder, who, without any Skill in Drawing, should presume to manage a Pencil. The one may hear the Patients examin'd, make up the Medicines himself, and observe their Effects; the other may see the first Stroaks chalk'd out, prepare the Colours himself, and afterwards see his Master at Work; yet neither of them, without being first instructed in the various Rules as well as first Rudiments of the respective Arts, shall enter into the Skill of either the Physician or Painter, tho' thy look'd on them till Dooms-day. What Pity 'tis the Imitations of both cannot be equally expos'd to view, that the unskilful Management of the one might be as conspicuous as would be the ridiculous dawbing of the other. There is also another Body of Men, I mean the Surgeons, who notoriously enough (tho' not indeed so frequently in great Towns as the Apothecaries) invade the Profession of Physick. But as the Rules above-mention'd are sufficient to distinguish an Empirical Pretender from a Qualified Practitioner; so by the Application of those Rules to the Surgeons, 'tis very easily demonstrable, that they cannot but come under the Denomination of Quacks in Physick. Tho' from what has been already advanc'd, both concerning the Prærequisita and the Conclusions which have been drawn from the Enumeration of them, it may seem altogether needless; yet I shall now proceed to offer three or four Reasons more, which will further demonstrate the Necessity of a Regulation in Physick: And those may be said to regard, I. The first Reason then for the Necessity of such a Regulation (concerns the Good of the Publick and) is the Loss of her Majesties Subjects. And if I affirm that the Encouragement of Quacks tends as much to the dispeopling of the Kingdom as the Wars; The Computation must be allow'd to be modest, provided they kill as many in other Parts of the Kingdom as they do in those within the Sphere of my own Observation. But the Truth of this Assertion will more evidently appear to any one who does but fairly consider the Number of Quacks with which every Corner of this Kingdom has the Misfortune to abound. For what but the most dismal Execution upon the Lives, or the most dreadful Destruction of Mankind, can be expected from such a Prodigious Number of Men, who understanding not what they profess; may truly be said to be Qualified, as they are Licenc'd, to kill. And tho' the most horrid Slaughters are daily committed without any Fear of Punishment or Reproof; yet 'tis not a more melancholy Reflection to consider what a vast Number of Men fall by the Hands of these Executioners, than that the Executioners themselves should escape the Hands of Publick Justice. I am not able to express my Indignation against such presumptuous Homicides: They ought to be extirpated, if not at once, yet by Degrees, as the Wolves out of the Kingdom. But to return; I hope to be excus'd (for whosoever is well appriz'd of her Powers may be pardon'd) for asserting, That it is better trusting to Nature than to an ignorant Pretender in Physick. That Physicians are only Servants to Nature, and that she is Morborum Medicatrix, are Truths known to the Ancients, and confirm'd by the irrefragabel Experience of the Moderns. And as Nature alone will conquer some Diseases, and judiciously assisted the greatest part; so nothing is a brighter Demonstration of the Greatness of her Strength, than that even the Mismanagement of Nurses, Apothecaries and other Quacks, is not able to hinder the Recovery of very large Numbers, which fall under their Hands. The greatest part of the Symptoms of Diseases are the Efforts of Nature, but which Efforts being easily disturb'd, or soon oppos'd, require the most strict and wary Observance, and without Judgment, we may sooner injure than assist her; sooner oppress than relieve her. A Physician ought therefore religiously to observe and obey the Motions of Nature, to look upon them as his surest Guides in the Cure of any Distemper, and to be advis'd, according to them, what to do, and when, and in what manner to proceed. The Art of Physick is not understood till the Artist comprehends, in the Words of my Lord Bacon, Quid Natura ferat, & faciat. But if the Calamities of the Sick are encreas'd by the very Means which are used for their Relief; if instead of carefully assisting Nature in her Progresses to the Preservation of Life, she be clogg'd with useless and insignificant, or oppress'd with dangerous and destructive Applications: I may justly conclude the Condition of those People who have the Misfortune to fall under such Hands, to be indeed a very deplorable one; and the Loss of her Majesties Subjects, from the fatal Mismanagement of so vast a Number of Quacks, to be consequently so very great, that the Encouragement of them may truly be said to tend as much to the dispeopling of the Kingdom as the Wars. II. Another Argument for the Necessity of a Regulation in Physick, is, that the Encouragement of Empiricism has already been a very great, and will hereafter be a far greater Detriment to the Universities: For it can never be suppos'd, that Men will be at the Expence of sending their Sons to any of the Seminaries of Good Literature and ingenuous Education, when the Honours and Employments of a Faculty may be obtain'd without it, and there is so little Distinction made between a Regular and an extempore Doctor. The Apothecaries, and other Quacks, now openly avow their Resolutions of seizing on the Practice of Physick; and of excluding in time all the University Physicians. They give not only Examples, but also Assurances of Success to all the Intruders into Divinity, and others, of the pretended Education in the Liberal Sciences. It would indeed be no great Matter of Wonder or Complaint, were Empiricks encouraged only by the Ordinary Sort of People; or as the French call them, the Petits Gens; there being, as I have often observ'd, a Sort of Sympathy between Understandings. But 'tis very unaccountably suprizing, and a just Matter of Complaint, that any of the distinguish'd Part of Mankind should venture even in dangerous Cases to employ such illiterate, and consequently ignorant Pretenders. And what still enhances my Amazement is, that any of those Gentlemen, and especially any of the Clergy, who have had the Happiness of an University Education; should give any manner of Encouragement to this sort of People. They have all laid themselves under the highest Obligations of Preserving the Honour and Dignity of those Fountains of Learning. And the Physicians of the Soul in particular being obliged to visit their Parishioners in Sickness, ought not only to inform them that it is their Duty, but to press them also to apply to the Physicians of the Body, whom the Divine Laws Ecclesiast. 38,1-12. as well as our own have appointed; instead of either making use of Empiricks themselves, or advising others to make use of them. I can never sufficiently deplore these Indignities offer'd to our Universities, nor ever enough blame and condemn the Abettors and Promoters of them; but am not without Hopes that such growing Mischiefs as these are, will sometime be thought worthy the Consideration of those in whom alone is lodg'd the Power of Redressing them. III. Another Argument for the Necessity of a Regulation in Physick, regards the Art it self; the Encouragement of Quacks and Empiricks threatning the Ruin of the Profession as well as of the People. 'Twould be no very difficult Task to demonstrate the Certainty of the Medical Principles, and consequently the real Usefulness of Physick to Mankind. But such an Attempt does not at all seem necessary in my present Design; because 'tis not to be suppos'd, that Persons should apply themselves even to the most ignorant Pretenders in Physick, unless such Persons really thought they should receive some Benefit from the Directions of those to whom they did apply. Yet notwithstanding Physick is undoubtedly establish'd upon such Principles as do wholly free it from those Reproaches of Uncertainty which it has often, tho' falsly, been charg'd with; it must, at the same time, be confess'd, that the Malignity of some Acute, and the Stubbornness of some Chronical Diseases, do often elude all the Assistances of Human Art: For the most judicious and the most experienc'd Physicians can have no Power, as the Wise Man expresses it, in the Day of Death. But this can be no manner of Objection to the Certainty of the Medical Principles, because it may happen and not proceed from any Defect in the Rules of the Art it self. For from a due Consideration of the Materials which compose a human Body, the Elegancy of its Structure, and the continued Flux of its Parts, 'tis very evident that it must necessarily be obnoxious to Disorders, which are Diseases; and sooner or later as necessarily to a Dissolution, which is Death. So that whoever is well appriz'd of the wonderful Fabrick of the Human Body, how curiously contriv'd and divinely fashion'd a Machine it is, may consequently be rather amaz'd at our living so long, than at our dying so soon. But tho' it must be acknowledg'd that it is not in the Physician's Power at all times, or in all Extremities, to retrieve or preserve his Patients from the Jaws of Death, (since to die is an Entail upon our Natures) yet it may with Modesty be affirm'd, Experience abundantly proving it, that there is so much Power in Medicines, and so much Virtue in Methods, as to enable him, if he but heedfully weighs and judiciously applies them, to give Ease to such as are in Pain, Sleep to such as are wearied out with Watching, and Strength to withstand the Approaches of grim and dreaded Death. But a Physician cannot, I say, be suppos'd capable of doing these things without a due Consideration of Circumstances, and a Judicious Application of Medicines. For if Medicines are promiscuously us'd in all Constitutions, or without Regard to the Circumstances of each Case, 'tis no Wonder they so often deceive Men in their Expectations of Success. And therefore as the Knowledge of the Prærequisita is the only Means of Qualifying a Man for a successful Practice in Physick, and consequently of advancing the Credit and Reputation of the Art; so the Ignorance of Quacks, both of the Nature, Causes, and Cure of Diseases, must necessarily produce so many and so gross Mismanagements as cannot but extremely prejudice Mankind in their Opinion of the Art. Their ill Successes are doubtless imputed to the Uncertainty of the Art it self, especially by the Undistinguishing, which is much the larger Part of Mankind; and Men from their lessen'd Opinion of it, will by Degrees neglect to apply to any Advice at all; whereas the truly Noble and Divine Art it self ought by no Means to be charg'd with what is only to be imputed to the Ignorance of those who pretend to profess it. Besides, 'tis a true and general Observation, that Arts and Sciences do improve and grow useful, according to the Encouragement of those who profess them. But the frequent Application to Quacks and Empiricks, by Men of all Ranks and Degrees, even to the most exalted Stations, is so publick and so vast a Discouragement to the Professors of Physick, that it may truly be said to threaten the very Ruin and Destruction of the Art it self. For as such a Discouragement must necessarily lessen the Number of the Professors in Physick; so it will consequently obstruct the glorious Progress of the Art, by hindring further Inventions, and future Improvements in it. And how incapable the illiterate Pretenders in Physick are of improving either themselves or the Art, has been already demonstrated. We may then very fairly suppose there will be but few Students in Physick, if after all the Labour and Pains of Acquiring that Knowledge, and after all the Expences of a Learned Education; their Bread shall be taken off their Trenchers, as we say, by every Illiterate Pretender. What a most ingenious Author observes upon another Occasion is very applicable to this. If we consider, says he, the Expensiveness of the Voyage, which is made in search of Knowledge, 'tis very hard the Undertakers should be plunder'd of what they bring home by Privateers; under the very Canon which should protect them. All which Considerations are sufficient to shew, how far the Encouragement of Quacks and Empiricks obstructs the Progress of that glorious Art which teaches the Recovery as well as the Preservation of Health; and consequently threatens the Ruin of the Profession as well as the People. IV. The fourth and last Argument which I shall offer for the Necessity of a Regulation in the Practice of Physick, regards the Physicians themselves, viz. That no Profession is so invaded with unqualify'd Pretenders, as theirs. I do not doubt, but 'twill evidently appear, that such an Invasion is singular to the Profession of Physick, notwithstanding what some have endeavour'd, tho' without any Colour of Reason, to maintain. 'Tis well known that Divinity and Law have their Palisadoes and Intrenchments; for who dare pretend in their Pulpits or Courts, but those who are fairly initiated according to Form and Custom? Whereas the Cobweb Fences of Physick are every Day invaded, any broken Weaver, Taylor, Shoemaker, or merry Andrew, dubbing himself a Doctor Extempore, and setting up for an Æsculapius. So that Quacking and Ale-keeping are now a days become the last Employments, to which Men of decay'd Fortunes apply themselves to get Bread. And as none but those who are fairly Initiated or Admitted do presume upon the Professions either of Divinity or Law; so there is but one way of Initiating or Admitting Persons into the Exercise of them. Whereas on the other side, Men are admitted to practise Physick by the most Unreasonable, and as they are at present manag'd, I may with Impunity, I hope, venture to say, scandalous Methods; I mean by Licences out of the Ecclesiastical Courts. But that the Hardship of the Physicians Case may be set in the clearest Light, 'twill be necessary to enquire into the original End and Design, as well as present Management of such Ecclesiastical Licences: I am well enough satisfy'd that their original End and Design was very good and laudable. The Statute of Hen. 8.3. Vid. Pulton's Statutes. very pathetically expresses the Inconveniencies ensuing by Ignorant Persons practising Physick, to the high Displeasure of God, great Infamy to the Faculty, and the grievous Hurt, Damage, and Destruction of his Majesties liege Subjects. For all which Reasons it enacts that the Bishop of each Diocese, or his Vicar-General, be empower'd to examine all those (except Graduates) who shall practice Physick in that Diocese. But the Wisdom of the same Statute is no less remarkable in obliging either of them to call to him such expert Persons in the said Faculty, as his Discretion shall think fit. For I hope, I may venture to declare my Opinion thus far, that I cannot but think the Gentlemen of those Courts very unfit Judges of a Man's Capacity to practice Physick. And therefore in 14 and 15 of Hen. 8.5. it is still, I think, more prudentially enacted, That none shall practice in the Country, without a Testimonial of his Sufficiency from the President of the College of Physicians, and three of the Electors. I shall not here pretend to determine how far this posterior may be said to abrogate or null the prior Act. But the very End and Design of these Ecclesiastical Licences, viz. Prevention of the Inconveniences ensuing by Ignorant Persons practising Physick, is not only, as they are manag'd at present, wholly frustrated, but entirely perverted: For they are now adays so far from preventing, that they are the only Means of bringing those Mischiefs and Inconveniencies upon us, which the Statute mentions, by admitting such Shoals of unqualified Persons to practice Physick. That the Examination previous to Admission was formerly strict and severe, is as certain as that now a days Persons are admitted without any manner of Examination at all. Nay, so far is the Practice of these Courts corrupted, and the very End and Design of these Licences perverted, that they are now a days granted even from a Testimonial of two Licentiates. Can any thing then be more evidently apparent than the Necessity of regulating these Matters? For tho' (as I before observ'd) the first End and Design of these Licences was undoubtedly Good and Laudable, and tho' they were not Injurious (and I am apt to think they were not originally design'd to be or indeed really were) to the Regular Physicians; yet if the Reason of a Law ceases, the Law it self ought to be annull'd. But since the Method of Examination is so very much alter'd; the Original End and Design of these Licences, so manifestly perverted, and they themselves become so vastly Injurious both to the Faculty, and the Regular Professors of Physick; these very Considerations are so many Arguments a fortiori for the Necessity of a Regulation. And now I appeal to the sensible Part of Mankind, whether any Profession be so invaded with unqualified Pretenders as Physick; and consequently whether the Physicians have not the greatest Reason in the World to complain. And to whom should they complain, but to the Legislature? For doubtless, it was one of the Ends of Parliamentary Institution to receive the Complaints, and redress the Grievances of the Injur'd. Nay, do we not find the Legislature frequently interposing in other Professions to prevent or remove Grievances; but what Regard has there been to the most enormous ones in Physick? Are not our Lives worthy the Care of the Laws, as well as our Souls or Estates? I shall now endeavour to obviate some Objections which are generally made, tho' indeed without any Shadow of Reason, against what I have advanc'd. And it has been objected in the first Place, that such a Regulation would be an Abridgment of the Natural Rights and Liberties of Mankind, to follow those Employments whereby they may get a Livelihood. I should be the most unwilling Man in the World to advance any thing which has the least Tendency to such an Abridgment. No, I have the tenderest Regard to their Civil as well as Religious Properties. But this Objection would equally hold against the Suppression of Gaming and other disorderly Houses, of the Royal Oak, and other such publick Nusances. For if the Good of the Publick ought not to be consider'd and prefer'd to that of private Persons, which I take to be an undeniable Maxim in all Governments; the Natural Liberties of Mankind may as properly be said to be abridg'd by such a Suppression, as by such a Regulation as I contend for. The same Answer will serve to some other Objections, which are much of the same Nature, and of no greater Force than the former, viz. That the Legislature is under no manner of Obligation to concern it self in Mischiefs which Men voluntarily pull upon themselves; That all flourishing Governments will encourage their People some Way or other to employ themselves; That every Man is sui Juris, and has a Natural Right of making Use of any Body he pleases, and if he be satisfy'd with the Risque he runs, what has any one to say in contradiction to his Humour. I now proceed to invalidate some Excuses which are frequently made in Extenuation of those Practices which I have been condemning. And a great many People I am apt to believe, will think to clear themselves from the Imputation of Encouraging Quacks and Empiricks, by saying, That it is only in the Beginning of Diseases they apply to them; That in Cases of Danger, they generally have Recourse to better Advice; and, That this Custom being so very common, does not seem to need any manner of Excuse: But upon a stricter Enquiry into this Matter, the Custom of first sending for an Apothecary or other Quack, will not, I am apt to think, appear the less ridiculous, for being so frequent. For, as the Beginning of a Distemper is a very seasonable Opportunity of Assisting Nature, towards the Recovery of Health, so the Conduct of those People cannot be sufficiently condemn'd, who neglect to improve that Opportunity, by not then calling in a judicious Assistant. But far more egregious is the Folly of those who then apply themselves to any of the Empirical Tribe; it being impossible, as has been observ'd, but such Persons must make either insignificant and useless, or dangerous and destructive Applications. And as the Consideration of neglecting the Improvement of this Opportunity sufficiently condemns the Application to those who are call'd safe Men; who, as they say themselves, will do no Hurt if they do no Good; so the presumptuous Tamperers, on the other Side, may not only irreperably injure the Patient, but so quite change the Face of a Distemper, as to render it very difficult, if possible, for even a judicious Physician, when call'd in, to discover its Nature. But when a Physician has the Care of a Disease from the Beginning, he is able to make right Observations of the Progress and Alteration of its Symptoms; and consequently, not only to form a surer Prognostication of its Event, but more effectually to assist Nature in the Preservation of Life. Again, there are others who pretend to excuse themselves for not applying to the best Advice upon the Account of saving Charges; tho' this Consideration can be of no manner of Force, unless it can be thought an Excuse to have the Chance of being kill'd cheap. But would those very People, who satisfy themselves with the Advice of an Empirical Pretender, but use their Arithmetick, they would soon be convinc'd, they acted as much against their Interest as Reason. For by physicking the Symptoms, and neglecting the Cause of a Disease, the Length of the Bill, as well as the Distemper, must be consequently encreas'd. 'Tis not the collusive Pretence of giving Advice without a Fee, which can or ought to be esteem'd an Equivalent. There are some again who pretend to excuse themselves by pleading, that those to whom they apply, are Masters of some magnified Receipt, or pretended infallible Remedy for this or that Distemper. But the Vanity of confiding in such Trifles has been sufficiently expos'd by the plainest Demonstration, That the most celebrated Preparations even of the Philosophers by Fire are not capable of curing Diseases, without a Judicious and Methodical Application. I shall therefore only subjoin another Consideration, which is an unanswerable Argument of their Insufficiency, viz. That none of these magnified Receipts or infallible Nostrums have ever stood the Test of an Age. Accordingly, our very own Experience is so far from confirming, that it daily contradicts the Pretended Virtues which the Alchymical Writers, and the publick Venders of Quack Medicines, with a peremptory Assurance ascribe to them. 'Tis urg'd again, that tho' it must be confess'd, that very easily curable Diseases are often made fatal by Quacks; yet 'tis equally true, that several Persons recover under their Hands. To this I answer, That they recover, 'tis true, when the Patients have more of their natural Vigour than the others are able to destroy, and rather to the Strength of Nature is the happy Event to be ascrib'd, than to the judgment of the Medicinal Administrator; such Particular Cases being no more Arguments of their Skill than a blind Man's throwing Stones, and hitting some People in a Crowd is an Argument of the Goodness of his Aim. Having thus fairly and impartially represented the present State of Physick in this Kingdom, plainly indicated the Number of Quacks, with which it is so unhappy as to abound; and fully demonstrated not only the Impossibility of their being serviceable, but the absolute Necessity of their being injurious to it, in the Exercise of the Profession they pretend to: I think nothing can be more consequentially evident than the Necessity of a Regulation in the Practice of Physick. And I am not without Hopes, that some of the above-mention'd Reasons, viz. The Good of her Majesty's Subjects in General; The Honour and Advantages of Her Universities in particular; The Life and Reputation of so useful an Art as Physick; or the Particular Hardships, which the Gentlemen of that Faculty have the Misfortune to labour under; I am not without Hopes, I say, that some of these Reasons will so far influence our Legislators, as to prevail with them to take the Representation of this Case into their immediate Consideration: It is a Case undoubtedly, of the greatest Moment and Importance; for as the Life and Health of every individual Subject, so consequently all Ranks and Qualities, all Parties and Distinctions of Men are in the highest Degree, and equally concern'd in it. And as the great Importance of the Debate makes it not unworthy the Cognizance and Enquiry of our Legislators; so the very Nature of it seems more particularly to recommend it self to their Consideration. For 'tis certainly a great Shame, as well as an Unhappiness, that in a Kingdom where so many good Laws are in Force, and in which as much Care is taken of the Liberties and Properties of the Subject, as in any Nation upon Earth, the People should lie open and unguarded in their dearest and most valuable Enjoyments, Health and Life. There is nothing, therefore, which in my Opinion seems more plainly to demonstrate a Deficiency in our Laws, than the Want of some to Regulate the gross Miscarriages and enormous Abuses in the Practice of Physick. The College of Physicians, 'tis true, is vested with some Measure of Authority; But as their Authority is confin'd to certain Limits; so, through Want of an Enlargement of their Charter, it is not at present of that Use as seems correspondent to the Design of its Royal Institution: But either by enlarging the Charter to the College of Physicians, or by such Ways and Means as the Wisdom of our Legislature shall better approve of; there seems nothing more feasible than to make a sufficient Provision against these pernicious and destructive Practices. And whenever it shall seem expedient to those who sit at the Helm of our excellent Government, to undertake so useful and necessary a Work; I humbly recommend, As the Want of such a Regulation in Physick is one of the greatest Flaws in our Constitution; and highly reflects upon the best of Governments, so such a Regulation would undoubtedly tend as much to the Honour of our Nation, as the Preservation of its People; and which not only the present, but all succeeding Generations will have the greatest Reason in the World to applaud.

Science

AN ESSAY Concerning the Growth of Empiricism , Or the Encouragement of Quacks.

An essay concerning the growth of empiricism; or the encouragement of quacks [...]

SciA1720

THAT the Reasonableness of any Method, which shall be proposed to prevent the spreading of Contagious Diseases, may the better appear, it is necessary to premise somewhat in general concerning Contagion, and the Manner, by which it acts. Contagion is propagated by three Causes, the Air; Diseased Persons; and Goods transported from infected Places. We shall therefore first enquire what alteration of the Air it is, that makes it infectious; and then, by what Means it communicates its noxious Quality to other Bodies. The ancientest and best Authors of Physick, who lived in a Country more exposed to these Calamities than ours, observed the Constitution of the Air, which preceded Pestilential Fevers, to be great Heats attended with much Rain and Southerly Winds Vid. Hippocrat. Epidem. lib. 3.: And one of Them takes particular Notice, that no other than a moist and hot Temperament of the Air brings the Plague; and that the Duration of this Constitution is the Measure of the Violence of the Distemper. Galen. de Temperament. lib. 1. Cap. 4. & Comment. in Epid. 1.3. The Natural History of several Countries confirmes this Observation; in Africa particularly, if Showers fall during the sultry Heats of July and August, the Plague ensues thereupon, with which whosoever is infected hardly escapes. Vid. J. Leon. Histor. Afric. lib. 1. It has besides been remarked in all Times, that the Stinks of stagnating Waters in hot Weather, putrid Exhalations from the Earth; and above all, the Corruption of dead Carcasses lying unburied, have occasioned infectious Diseases. From hence it appears to be a Concurrence of Causes, that produces Diseases of this Kind; which must not only meet, but exert their Force together for a considerable time. And when this happens, their first Effect is a Degree of Stagnation in the Air, which is afterwards followed by Corruption and Putrefaction. And upon this account it is, that those Countries are chiefly liable to these Calamities, where not only the Heats are very great, and the Weather continues long in the same State; but the Winds (the Use of which is by Motion to purify the Air) do not shift and change so often as they do in Northern Climates. Indeed Plagues seem to be of the Growth of the Eastern and Southern Parts of the World, and to be transmitted from them into colder Climates by the Way of Commerce. Nor do I think, that in this Island particularly there is any one Instance of a Pestilential Disease among us of great Consequence; which we did not receive from other infected Places. This I the rather mention, because it is a common Opinion, and propagated by Authors of great Name, that we are usually visited with the Plague once in 30 or 40 Years; which is a mere Fancy without any Foundation either in Reason or Experience: and therefore People ought to be delivered from the Subjection to such vain Fears. On the contrary, though we have several Strokes of this kind, yet there are Instances of bad Contagions from abroad being brought over to us, which have proved less malignant here by our Air not being disposed to receive such Impressions. The Sweating Sickness, called the Sudor Anglicus and Febris Ephemera Britannica because it was commonly thought to have taken its Rise here, was most probably of a foreign Orignal, and no other than a Plague abated in its Violence by the mild Temperament of our Climate. For, we learn from Histories, that the first time this was felt here, which was in the Year 1485, it began in the Army, with which King Henry VII. came from France, and landed in Wales Vid. Caium de Febre Ephemera Britannica. ; and it was then thought to have been brought into France from the famous Siege of Rhodes by the Turks 3 or 4 Years before. And of the four Returns, which this has made since that Time; two, viz. those in the Years 1527, and 1528, may very justly be suspected to have been owing to the Pestilence, which at those Times raged in Italy, particularly at Florence and Naples. Vid. Rondinelli Contagio in Firenze, & Summonte Histor. di Napoli. And the others were very probably from a Turkish Infection. I call this Distemper a Plague with lessened Force, because the Symptoms of it were of that kind, though in a less Degree; as great Faintness and Inquietudes, inward Burning, Pain in the Head, a Delirium &c. All which were accompanied with profuse Sweats, and the Disease lasted but 24 hours. And though for want of Care and due Management many died of it; yet as a learned and wise Historian Lord Verulam's History of Henry VII. observes, It appeared rather to be a surprize of Nature than obstinate to Remedies, for if the Patient was kept warm with temperate Cordials, he commonly recovered. And I cannot but take Notice, as a Confirmation of what I have been advancing, that we had here the same kind of Fever in the Year 1713, about the Month of September, which was called the Dunkirk Fever, as being brought by our Soldiers from that Place; where it was indeed a Malignant Disease attended with a Diarrhœa, Vomiting, &c. and probably had its Original from the Pestilential Distemper, which some time before broke out at Dantzick and Hamburgh: But with us was much more mild, beginning only with a Pain in the Head, and by very easy Means went off in large Sweats, after a Day's Confinement. There being in every Air a greater Disposition to Contagion at one Time than another, we have indeed sometimes felt this Calamity with greater Fury; as particularly the last time in the Year 1665; when it continued in this City about ten Months, and swept away by computation 97306 Persons: But it was generally allowed, that the Contagion came by Cotton imported from Turkey Vide Hodges de Peste. ; and the long Duration of it, I believe, may justly be charged up the unhappy Management of infected Houses, which was then directed by Publick Authority, as I shall shew anon. And the History of the most terrible of all the Plagues, that ever were in these Parts of the World, which was that in the Year 1349, gives a manifest Proof from whence all Europe may trace the Origine of these Evils, viz. from Asia: for Vid. Histor. Fiorent. di Matteo Villani . This taking its Rise in China in the Year 1346, advanced trough the East Indies to Syria, Turkey, Ægypt, Greece, Africa, &c. In 1347 some Ships from the Levant carried it to Silicy, Pisa, Genoa, &c. In 1348 it got into Savoy, Provence, Dauphiny, Catalonia, Castile, &c. In 1349 it seized England, Scotland, Ireland, and Flanders; and in the next place Germany, Hungary, and Denmark; and in all these Countries made most incredible Havock. But to return to the Consideration of the Air, which we left in a putrid State: It is to be observed, that Putrefaction is a kind of Fermentation, and that all Bodies in a Ferment emit a volatile active Spirit, of Power to agitate, and put into intestine Motions, that is, to change the Nature of other Fluids into which it insinuates it self. It were easy to shew from the best Theory of Fevers Vid. Bellini de Febrib. , how the Alterations made in the Blood this Way will favour Pestilential Diseases, by rendring the Body obnoxious to them: But the Digression would be too great. THIS is one step towards Contagion. The next, as it seems to me, proceeds after this Manner. The Blood in all Malignant Fevers, especially Pestilential ones, at the latter end of the Disease, does like Fermenting Liquors throw off a great Quantity of active Particles upon the several Glands of the Body, particularly upon those of the Mouth and Skin, from which the Secretions are naturally the most constant and large. These, in Pestilential Cases, although the Air be in a right State, will generally infect those, who are very near to the sick Person; otherwise are soon dispersed and lost: But when in an evil Disposition of This they meet with the subtle Parts, its Corruption has generated, by uniting with them they become much more active and powerful, and likewise more durable and lasting, so as to form an Infectious Matter capable of conveying the Mischief to a great Distance from the diseased Body, out of which it was produced. They who know what strange Attractions and Combinations are made by volatile Spirits will understand this Reasoning; especially if they consider, how easily all kinds of Effluvia are diffused in a warm Air, such as we have described an Infectious one to be; and further, of how penetrating a Force the finest Parts of Animal Juices are; of which the strange Stench of a mortified Limb, upon a Body yet living, will convince any one. A corrupted State of Air is without doubt necessary to give these Contagious Atoms their full Force; for otherwise it were not easy to conceive how the Plague, when once it had seized any Place, should ever cease, but with the Destruction of all the Inhabitants: Which is readily accounted for by supposing an Emendation of the Qualities of the Air, and the restoring of it to a healthy State capable of dissipating and suppressing the Malignity. On the other hand it is evident, that Infection is not received from the Air it self, however predisposed, without the Concurrence of something emitted from Infected Persons; because, by strictly preventing all Intercourse of Infected Places with the Neighbourhood, it may be effectually kept from spreading: Whereas the least Wind must necessarily convey whatever noxious Quality resides in the Air alone, even to a great Distance. Of this we have had a fresh Proof in the present unhappy Plague in France, which, by keeping careful Guard, was confined for a considerable Time within the Walls of Marseilles; so that none of the adjacent Villages suffered any thing by it; till at length some Persons finding Means to escape carried the Infection along with them. And we find, they have been able, by the like Care, still to restrain it within moderate Bounds. This is the Manner by which Infectious Effluvia are generated: The Way, by which a sound Person receives the Injury, I suppose most commonly to be this. These Contagious Particles being drawn in with the Air we breath, they taint in their Passage the Salival Juices, which being swallowed down into the Stomach presently fix their Malignity there; as appears from the Nausea and Vomiting, with which the Distemper often begins its first Attacks. Though I make no Question but the Blood is also more immediately affected by hurtful Particles being mixed through Inspiration with it in the Lungs. THE third Way, by which we mentioned Contagion to be spread, is by Goods transported from infected Places. It has been thought so difficult to explain the Manner of this, that some Authors have imagined Infection to be performed by the Means of Insects, the Eggs of which may be conveyed from Place to Place, and make the Disease when they come to be hatched. As this is a supposition grounded upon no manner of Observation, so I think there is no need to have Recourse to it. If, as we have conjectured, the Matter of Contagion be an active Substance, perhaps in the Nature of a Salt, generated chiefly from the Corruption of a Humane Body, it is not hard to conceive how this may be lodged and preserved in soft, porous Bodies, which are kept pressed close together. We all know how long a time Perfumes hold their Scent, if wrapt up in proper Coverings: And it is very remarkable, that the strongest of these, like the Matter we are treating of, are mostly Animal Juices, as Mosch, Civet, &c. and that the Substances found most fit to keep them in, are the very same with those which are most apt to receive and communicate Infection, as, Furrs, Feathers, Silk, Hair, Wool, Cotton, Flax, &c. the greatest Part of which are likewise of the Animal Kind; which Remark alone may serve to lead Us a little into the true Nature of Contagion. From all that has been said, it appears, I think, very plainly, that the Plague is a real Poison, which being bred in the Eastern or Southern Parts of the World, maintains it self there by circulating from Infected Persons to Goods; which is chiefly owing to the Negligence of the People in those Countries, who are stupidly Careless in this Affair: That when the Constitution of the Air happens to favour Infection, it rages there with great Violence; That at that Time more especially diseased Persons give it to one another, and Contagious Matter is lodged in Goods of a loose and soft Texture, which being packed up, and carried into other Countries, let out, when opened, the imprisoned Seeds of Contagion: And lastly, That the Air cannot diffuse and spread these to any great Distance, if Intercourse and Commerce with the Place infected be strictly prevented. AS it is a satisfaction to know, that the Plague is not a Native of our Country, so this is likewise an Encouragement to the utmost Diligence in finding out Means to keep our selves clear from it. This Caution consists of two Parts: The preventing its being brought into our Island; And, if such a Calamity should happen, The putting a stop to its spreading among us. The first of these is provided for by the established Method of obliging Ships, that come from Infected Places, to perform Quarentine: As to which I think it necessary, that the following Rules be observed. Near to our several Ports, there should be Lazarettos built in convenient Places, on little Islands if it can so be, for the Reception both of Men and Goods, which arrive from Places suspected of Infection: The keeping Men in Quarentine on board the Ship being not sufficient; the only Use of which is to observe whether any dye among them. For Infection may be preserved so long in Cloaths, in which it is once lodged, that as much, nay more of it, if Sickness continues in the Ship, may be brought on Shoar at the End than at the beginning of the 40 Days: Unless a new Quarentine be begun every time any Person dies; which might not end, but with the Destruction of the whole Ship's Crew. If there has been any Contagious Distemper in the Ship; The Sound Men should leave their Cloaths; which should be burnt; the Men washed and shaved; and having fresh Cloaths, should stay in the Lazaretto 30 or 40 Days. The reason of this is, because Persons may be recovered from a Disease themselves, and yet retain Matter of Infection about them a considerable Time; as we frequently see the Small-Pox taken from those, who have several Days before passed through the Distemper. The Sick, if there be any, should be kept in Houses remote from the Sound; and some time after they are well, should also be washed and shaved, and have fresh Cloaths; whatever they wore while Sick being burnt: And then being removed to the Houses of the Sound, should continue there 30 or 40 days. I am particularly careful to destroy the Cloaths of the Sick, because they Harbour the very Quintessence of Contagion. A very ingenious Author Boccaccio Decameron. Giornat. prim. in his admirable Description of the Plague at Florence in the Year 1348, relates what himself saw: That two Hogs finding in the Streets the Rags, which had been thrown out from off a poor Man dead of the Disease, after snuffling upon them, and tearing them with their Teeth, fell into Convulsions, and dyed in less than an Hour. If there has been no Sickness in the Ship, I see no reason why the Men should perform Quarentine. Instead of this they may be washed, and their Cloaths aired in the Lazaretto, as Goods, for one Week. But the greatest Danger is from such Goods, as are apt to retain Infection, such as Cotton, Hemp and Flax, Paper or Books, Silk of all sorts, Linen, Wool, Feathers, Hair, and all kinds of Skins. The Lazaretto for these should be at a Distance from that for the Men, and they must in convenient Warehouses be unpackt, and exposed, as much as may be, to the fresh Air for 40 Days. This may perhaps seem too long; but as we don't know how much Time precisely is necessary to purge the Interstices of Spongy Substances from infectious Matter by fresh Air, the Caution cannot be too great in this Point: Unless there could be a Way found out, without hazarding Men's Lives, of trying when Bodies have done emitting the Noxious Fumes; which possibly might be done by putting tender Animals near to them, particularly by setting little Birds upon the exposed Goods; because it has been observed in Times of the Plague, that the Country has been forsaken by the Birds; and those kept in Houses have many of them dyed. Diemerbroeck de Peste, L. 1. C. 4. But the Use of this Fancy Experience only must shew; for I am well aware, that all Plagues do not indifferently affect all Kinds of living Creatures; on the contrary, most are confined to a particular Species of them; like the Disease of the Black Cattle few Years since, which neither proved Infectious to other Brutes, nor to Men. I take it for granted, that the Goods should be opened, when they are put into the Lazaretto, otherwise their being there will avail nothing. The Misfortune, which happened in the Island of Bermudas about 25 Years since, gives a Proof of this; where, as the Account has been given me by the learned Dr. Halley, a Sack of Cotton, put on Shoar by Stealth, lay above a Month without any Prejudice to the People of the House, where it was hid; but when it came to be distributed among the Inhabitants, it carried such a Contagion along with it, that the living scarce sufficed to bury the Dead. Indeed as it has been frequently experienced, that of all the Goods, which harbour Infection, Cotton in particular is the most dangerous, and Turkey is almost a perpetual Seminary of the Plague; I cannot but think it highly reasonable, that whatever Cotton is imported from that Part of the World, should at all Times be kept in Quarentine; because it may have imbibed Infection at the Time of its packing up, notwithstanding no Mischief has been felt from it by the Ship's Company. As all reasonable Provisions should be made both for the Sound and Sick, who perform Quarantine; so the strict keeping of it ought to be inforced by the severest Penalties. And if a Ship come from any Place, where the Plague raged, at the Time of the Ship's Departure from it, with more than usual Violence, it will be the securest Method to Burn all the Goods, and even the Ship. Nor ought this further Caution to be omitted, That when the Contagion has ceased in any Place by the approach of Winter, it will not be safe to open a free Trade with It too soon: Because there are Instances of the Distemper's being stopt by the Winter Cold, and yet the Seeds of it not destroyed, but only kept unactive, till the Warmth of the following Spring has given them new Life and Force. Thus in the great Plague at Genoa near 60 Years ago, which continued part of two Years; the first Summer about 10000 dyed; the Winter following hardly any; but the Summer after after no less than 60000. So likewise the last Plague at London began the Autumn before the Year 1665, and was stopt during the Winter by a hard Frost of near three Month's Continuance; so that there remained no further Appearance of it till the ensuing Spring. Hodges de Peste. Now if Goods brought from such a Place should retain any of the latent Contagion, there will be Danger of their producing the same Mischief in the Place, to which they are brought, as they would have caused in that, from whence they came. But above all it is necessary, that the Clandestine Importing of Goods be punished with the utmost Rigour; from which wicked Practice I should at this Time apprehend more Danger of bringing the Disease from France, than by any other Way whatsoever. These are, I think, the most material Points, to which Regard is to be had in defending ourselves against Contagion from other Countries. The particular Manner of putting these Directions in Execution, as the Visiting of Ships, Regulation of Lazaretto's, &c. I leave to proper Officers, who ought sometimes to be assisted herein by able Physicians. The next Consideration is, What to do in Case, through a Miscarriage in the publick Care, by the Neglect of Officers, or otherwise, such a Calamity should be suffered to befall us. There is no Evil in the World, in which the great Rule of Resisting the Beginning, more properly takes Place, than in the present Case; and yet it has unfortunately happened, that the common Steps formerly taken have had a direct Tendency to hinder the putting this Maxim in Practice. As the Plague always breaks out in some particular Place, it is certain, that the Directions of the Civil Magistrate ought to be such, as to make it as much for the Interest of Families to discover their Misfortune, as it is, when a House is on Fire, to call in the Assistance of the Neighbourhood: Whereas on the contrary, the Methods taken by the Publick, on such Occasions, have always had the Appearance of a severe Discipline, and even Punishment, rather than of a Compassionate Care: Which must naturally make the Infected conceal the Disease as long as was possible. The main Import of the Orders issued out at these Times was, As soon as it was found, that any House was infected, to keep it shut up, with a large red Cross, and Lord have Mercy upon us on the Door; and Watchmen attending Day and Night to prevent any one's going in or out, except Physicians, Surgeons, Apothecaries, Nurses, Searchers, &c. allowed by Authority: And this to continue at least a Month after all the Family was dead or recovered. Vid. Directions for the Cure of the Plague, by the College of Physicians; and Orders by the Lord Major and Aldermen of London, published 1665. It is not easy to conceive a more dismal Scene of Misery, than this; Families seized with a Distemper, which the most of any in the World requires Help and Comfort, lockt up from all their Acquaintance; left it may be to the Treatment of an inhumane Nurse (for such are often found at these Times about the Sick;) and Strangers to every thing but the Melancholy sight of the Progress, Death makes among themselves; with small Hopes of Life, and those mixed with Anxiety and Doubt, whether it be not better to Dye, than to survive the Loss of their best Friends, and nearest Relations. If Fear, Despair, and all Dejection of Spirits dispose the Body to receive Contagion, and give it a great Power, where it is received, as all Physicians agree they do, I don't see how a Disease can be more enforced, than by such a Treatment. Nothing can justify such Cruelty, but the Plea, that it is for the Good of the whole Community, and prevents the spreading of Infection. But this upon due Consideration will be found quite otherwise: For while Contagion is kept nursed up in a House, and continually encreased by the daily Conquests it makes, it is impossible but the Air should by Degrees become tainted, which by opening Windows, &c. will carry the Malignity first from House to House; and then from one Street to another. The shutting up Houses in this Manner is only keeping so many Seminaries of Contagion, sooner or later to be dispersed abroad: For the waiting a Month, or longer, from the Death of the last Patient will avail no more, than keeping a Bale of infected Goods unpack'd; the Poyson will fly out, whenever the Pandora's Box is opened. As these Measures were owing to the Ignorance of the true Nature of Contagion, so they did, I firmly believe, contribute very much to the long Continuance of the Plague, every time they have been practised in this City: And no doubt they have had as ill Effects in other Countries. It is therefore no wonder, that great Complaints were sometimes made here against this unreasonable Usage; which, when they prevailed so far, as to procure some release for the Sick, were remarkably followed with an Abatement of the Disease. The Plague in the Year 1636 began with great Violence, but Leave being given by the King's Authority for People to quit their Houses; it was observed, That not one in twenty of the well Persons removed fell Sick, nor one in ten of the Sick dyed. Discourse upon the Air, by Tho. Cock. Which single Instance alone, had there been no other, should have been of Weight ever after to determine the Magistracy against too strict Confinements. But besides this, a preceding Plague, viz. in the Year 1625, affords us another Instance of a very remarkable Decrease upon the discontinuing to shut up Houses. It was indeed so late in the Year, before this was done, that the near Approach of Winter was doubtless one Reason for the Diminution of the Disease, which followed: Yet this was so very great, that it is at least past dispute, that the Liberty then permitted was no Impediment to it: For this opening of the Houses was allowed of in the beginning of September; and whereas the last Week in August, there dyed no less than 4218, the very next Week the Burials were diminished diminuished to 3344, and in no longer time than to the fourth week after, to 852. Vid. The shutting up of Houses soberly debated. Anno , 1665. Since therefore the Management in former Times neither answers the Purpose of discovering the Beginning of the Infection, nor of putting a stop to it when Discovered, other Measures are certainly to be taken; which I think should be of this Nature. Instead of ignorant old Women, who are generally appointed Searchers in Parishes to enquire what Diseases People dye of, That Office should be committed to Understanding and Diligent Men, whose Business it should be, as soon as they find any have dyed after an uncommon Manner, particularly with livid Spots, Buboes, or Carbuncles, to give notice thereof to the Magistrates; who should immediately send skilful Physicians to Visit the Houses in the Neighbourhood, especially of the Poorer sort, among whom this Evil generally begins; and if upon their Report it appears, that a Pestilential Distemper is broke out among the Inhabitants, They should without Delay order all the Families, in which the Sickness is, to be Removed; The Sick to different Places from the Sound; but the Houses for both should be three or four Miles out of Town; and the Sound People should be stript of all their Cloaths, and washed and shaved, before they go into their new Lodgings. No Manner of Compassion and Care should be wanting to the Diseased; to whom, being now in clean and airy Habitations, there would, with due Cautions, be no great Danger in giving Attendance. All Expences should be paid by the Publick, and no Charges ought to be thought great, which are counterbalanced with the saving a Nation from the greatest of Calamities. Nor does it seem to me at all unreasonable, that a Reward should be given to the Person, that makes the first Discovery of Infection in any Place; since it is undeniable, that the making known the Evil to those, who are provided with proper Methods against it, is the first and main Step towards the overcoming it. When the Sick Families are gone, all the Goods of the Houses, in which they were, should be burnt; nay the Houses themselves, if that can conveniently be done. And after this all possible Care ought still to be taken to remove whatever Causes are found to breed and promote Contagion. In order to this, the Overseers of the Poor (who might be assisted herein by other Officers) should visit the Dwellings of all the meaner sort of the Inhabitants, and where they find them stifled up too close and nasty, should lessen their Number by sending some into better Lodgings, and should take Care, by all Manner of Provision and Encouragement, to make them more cleanly and sweet. No good Work carries its own Reward with it so much as this kind of Charity; and therefore be the Expence what it will, it must never be thought unreasonable. For nothing approaches so near to the first Original of Contagion, as Air pent up, loaded with Damps, and corrupted with the Filthiness, that proceeds from Animal Bodies. Our common Prisons afford us an Instance of this, in which very few escape, what they call the Goal Fever, which is always attended with a Degree of Malignity in proportion to the Closeness and Stench of the Place: And it would certainly very well become the Wisdom of the Government, as well with Regard to the Health of the Town, as in Compassion to the Prisoners, to take Care, that all Houses of Confinement should be kept as Airy and Clean, as is consistent with the Use, to which they are designed. The Black Assize at Oxford, held in the Castle there in the Year 1577, will never be forgot Camden. Annal. Regin. Elizab. ; at which the Judges, Gentry, and almost all that were present, to the Number of 300, were killed by a poysonous Steam, thought by some to have broke forth from the Earth; but by a noble and great Philosopher Lord Verulam, Natural History, Cent. 10. Num. 914. more justly supposed to have been brought by the Prisoners out of the Goal into Court; it being observed, that they alone were not injured by it. At the same time, that this Care is taken of Houses, the proper Officers should be strictly charged to see that the Streets be washed and kept clean from Filth, Carrion, and all Manner of Nusances; which should be carried away in the Night Time; nor should the Laystalls be suffered to be too near the City. Beggars and Idle Persons should be taken up, and such miserable Objects, as are neither fit for the common Hospitals, nor Work-houses, should be provided for in an Hospital of Incurables. Orders indeed of this kind are necessary to be observed at all times, especially in populous Cities; and therefore I am sorry to take Notice, that in these of London and Westminster there is no good Police established in these Respects; for want of which the Citizens and Gentry are every Day annoyed more ways than one. If these early Precautions, we have mentioned, take Effect, there will be no need of any Methods for Correcting the Air, Purifying Houses, or of Rules for preserving particular Persons from Infection: To all which if the Plague get head, so that the Sick are too many to be removed, Regard must be had. As to the first; Fire has been almost universally recommended for this Purpose, both by the Ancients and Moderns; who have advised to make frequent and numerous Fires in the Towns infected: By which Means, it is said, Hippocrates preserved Greece from a Plague, which was entring into it from Æthiopia. Galen. de Theriac. cap. 16. And it is certain, that some evil Dispositions of the Air, particularly such as proceed from Damps, Exhalations, &c. may be corrected by Fire, and the Predisposition of it to receive Infection from these Causes sometimes removed. But when the Distemper is actually begun, and rages, since it is known to be spread and increased by the Heat of the Summer, and on the contrary checked by the cold in Winter; undoubtedly, whatever increases the Heat will so far add Force to the Disease. Whether the Service Fires may do by correcting any other ill Qualities of the Air will counterbalance the Inconvenience upon this Account, Experience only can determine; and the Fatal sucess of the Tryals made here in the last Plague, is more than sufficient to discourage any further Attempts of this Nature; for Fires being ordered in all the Streets for three Days together, there dyed in one Night following no less than 4000; whereas in any single Week before or after, not much above three times that Number were carryed off. Hodges de Peste, pag. 24. What has been said of Fires, is likewise to be understood of firing of Guns, which some have too rashly advised. The proper Correction of the Air would be to make it fresh and cool. Accordingly the Arabians Rhazes de re Medica, lib. 10. c. 16., who were best acquainted with the Nature of Pestilences, advise People to keep themselves as airy as possible, and to chuse Dwellings expose to the Wind. For keeping Houses cool, they took to be the best Method of purifying them; and therefore to answer this End more fully, they directed to strew them with cooling Herbs, as Roses, Violets, WaterLillies, &c. and to be washed with Water and Vinegar; than all which, especially the last, nothing more proper can be proposed: Though it be directly contrary to what Modern Authors mostly advise, which is to make Fumes with hot Things, as Benzoin, Frankincense, Asa Fœtida, Storax, &c. from which I see no reason to expect any Virtue to destroy the Matter of Infection, or to keep particular Places from a Disposition to receive it; which are the only things here to be aimed at. It is of more Consequence to be observed, that as Nastiness is a great Source of Infection, so Cleanliness is the greatest Preservative: Which is the true Reason, why the Poor are most obnoxious to Disasters of this Kind. The next thing after the purifying of Houses, is to consider by what Means particular Persons may best defend themselves against Contagion; for the effectual doing of which it would be necessary to put the Humours of the Body into such a State, as not to be alterable by the Matter of Infection. But since this is no more to be hoped for, than a Specific Preservative from the Small-Pox; the most that can be done, will be to keep the Body in such Order, that it may suffer as little as possible. The first Step towards which, is to maintain a good State of Health, in which we are always least liable to suffer by any external Injuries; and not to weaken the Body by Evacuations. The next is, to guard against all Dejection of Spirits, and immoderate Passions; for these we daily observe do expose Persons to the more common Contagion of the Small-Pox. These Ends will be best answered by living with Temperance upon a good generous Diet, and avoiding Fastings, Watchings, extreme Weariness, &c. Another Defence is, to use whatever Means are proper to keep the Blood from Inflaming. This, if it does not secure from contracting Infection, will at least make the Effects of it less violent. The most proper Means for this, according to the Advice of the Arabian Physicians, is the repeated Use of acid Fruits, as Pomegranates, Sevil Oranges, Lemons, tart Apples, &c. But above all of WineVinegar in small Quantities, rendered grateful to the Stomach by the Infusion of some such Ingredients as Gentian Root, Galangal, Zedoary, Juniper Berries, &c. Which Medicines by correcting the Vinegar, and taking off some ill Effects it might otherwise have upon the Stomach, will be of good Use: But these, and all other hot Aromatic Drugs, though much recommended by Authors, if used alone, are most likely to do hurt by over heating the Blood. But since non of these Methods promise any certain Protection; as leaving the Place infected is the surest Preservative, so the next to it, is to avoid, as much as may be, the near Approach to the Sick, or to such as have but lately Recovered. For the greater Security herein, it will be advisable to avoid all Crouds of People. Nay it should be the Care of the Magistrate to prohibit all unnecessary Assemblies; and likewise to oblige all, who get over the Disease, to Confine themselves for for some time, before they appear abroad. The Advice to keep at a Distance from the Sick, is also to be understood of the Dead Bodies: which should be burried at as great a Distance from Dwelling Houses, as may be; put deep in the Earth; and covered with the exactest Care. They should likewise be carried out in the Night, while they are yet fresh and free from Putrefaction: Because a Carcass not yet beginning to Corrupt, if kept from the Heat of the Day, hardly emits any kind of Steam or Vapour. As for those, who must of necessity attend the Sick; some further Directions should be added for their Use. These may be comprehended in two short Precepts. One is, not to swallow their Spittle while they are about the Sick, but rather to spit it out: The other, not so much as to draw in their Breath, when they are very near them. The reason for both these appears from what has been said above concerning the Manner, in which a sound Person receives the Infection. This is the Sum of what I think most likely to stop the Progress of the Disease in any Place, where it shall have got Admittance. If some few of these Rules refer more particularly to the City of London, with small Alteration they may be applied to any other Place. It remains therefore only to lay down some Directions to hinder the Distemper's spreading from Town to Town. The best Method for which, where it can be done, is to cast up a Line about the Town infected, at a convenient Distance; and by placing a Guard, to hinder People's passing from it without due Regulation, to other Towns: But not absolutely to forbid any to withdraw themselves, as they have now done in France, according to the usual Practice abroad; which is an unnecessary Severity, not to call it a Cruelty. I think it will be enough, if all, who desire to pass the Line, be permitted to do it upon Condition they first perform Quarentine for about 20 Days in Tents, or other more convenient Habitations. But the greatest Care must be taken, that none pass without conforming themselves to this Order, both by keeping diligent Watch, and by punishing with the utmost Severity, any that shall either have done so, or attempt it. And better to discover such, it will be requisite to oblige all, who travel in any Part of the Country, under the same Penalties, to carry with them Certificates either of their coming from Places not Infected, or of their passing the Line by permission. This I take to be a more effectual Method to keep the Infection from spreading, than the absolute refusing a Passage to People upon any Terms. For when Men are in such imminent Danger of their Lives, where they are; many, no doubt, if not otherwise allowed to escape, will use Endeavours to do it secretly, let the Hazard be ever so great. And it can hardly be, but some will succeed in their Attempts; as we see fell out in France notwithstanding all their Care. But one that gets off thus clandestinely, will be more likely to carry the Distemper with him, than twenty, nay a hundred, that go away under the preceding Restrictions: Especially because the Infection of the Place, he flies from, will by this Management be rendered much more intense. For confining People, and shutting them up together in great Numbers, will make the Distemper rage with augmented Force, even to the increasing it beyond what can be easily imagined; As appears from the Account, which the learned Gassendus Notitia Ecclesiæ Diniensis has given us of a memorable Plague which happened at Digne in Provence, where he lived, in the Year 1619. This was so terrible, that in one Summer out of ten thousand Inhabitants, it left but fifteen hundred, and of them all but five or six had gone through the Disease. And he assigns this, as the principal Cause of the great Destruction, That the Citizens were too closely confined, and not suffered so much as to go to their Country Houses. whereas in another Pestilence, which broke out in the same Place a year and half after, more Liberty being allowed, there did not dye above one hundred Persons. For these Reasons, I think, to allow People with proper Cautions to remove from an infected Place, is the best Means to suppress the Contagion, as well as the most humane Treatment of the present Sufferers: But though Liberty ought to be given to the People, yet no sort of Goods must by any means be suffered to be carried over the Line, which are made of Materials retentive of Infection. For in the present Case, when Infection has seized any Part of a Country, much greater Care ought to be taken, that no Seeds of the Contagion be conveyed about, than when the Distemper is at a great Distance; because a Bale of Goods, which shall have imbibed the Contagious Aura when packt up in Turkey, or any remote Parts; yet, when unpackt here, may chance to meet with so healthful a Temperament of our Air, that it shall not do much hurt. But when the Air of any one of our Towns shall be so corrupted, as to spread and maintain the Pestilence in it, there will be little reason to believe, that the Air of the rest of the Country is in a much better State. For the same Reason Quarentines should more strictly be enjoined, when the Plague is in a bordering Kingdom, than when it is more remote. I have gone through the chief Branches of Preservation against the Plague. And shall only add, that if the Burning of Goods, which has been proposed, be thought any Way offensive or inconvenient, The Burying of them six Feet, or more under Ground may answer the Purpose as well. What has been said of the Nature of Contagion, upon which the foregoing Directions are grounded, may also be of Use towards establishing a better Method of Cure, than Authors have commonly taught: But to engage in this is beyond the present Design.

Science

PART I. OF THE NATURE OF CONTAGION.

A short discourse concerning pestilential contagion and the methods used to prevent it

SciA1730

THE Impression of the first Part of the Dissertation concerning Misletoe having been kindly received, and sold off; I have thought fit to add some farther Observations, and likewise to be more particular in my Directions for the Use of this amazing Remedy, some People having complained of my being defective in that matter. Now since I had nothing but the common Good in my View, in the publishing my Observations of the Qualities of this extraordinary Plant, I shall endeavour to make every thing as plain as I am able. And since the Poor are those whom I chiefly aim at serving, what is farther to be added, I have thought fit to do by itself, that those who have the first, may buy this apart. It has been no small Grief to me to observe, that when a Fever has reigned within the limits of London to a greater degree than ever I have known it; when the Bills of Mortality have been at the highest, the Article of Convulsions has been double to that of the Fever. It is not improbable, but that many of those Convulsions were the Consequences of the Fever. Now, supposing that true, I have sometimes observ'd, that Misletoe being brought in as an Aid, and given in large Quantities, will prevent the Fatality of even those Convulsions. The far greatest number of Sick, not only in the Country, but even in London itself, are committed to the Care of the most ignorant Pretenders: now even these People would most certainly be glad to recover their Patients, for thereby they would establish a Reputation, and secure a Livelihood: For the meanest of these Intruders, Misletoe is a proper Remedy; it costs little, will do no hurt, and, as even they are here instructed in the Use of it, will do eminent Good, and gain them Fame. If it fails of Success, since their Patients are sure not to be Sufferers by it, they can receive little Damage. I have met with three or four in the compass of this Year that Misletoe has not had the desir'd effect upon; one of which was a young Gentleman, whose Fits attack'd him only in his Sleep; (he formerly had had them when he was awake.) The Fits that attack People in their Sleep, I have always found most difficult to be overcome, as also to be accounted for: however, I am in my own Mind satisfy'd, that by a long-continu'd Use of this Medicine, or by taking it in a different Form from what he did, he is still to be made well. The reason for this my Opinion is, that the Texture of his Brain and Nerves is not yet so far broken, but that they still seem capable of being repaired. Another of which was a poor Youth of fifteen, who had had the Distemper from his Cradle; and tho' he had his Medicines for nothing, yet he wanted Clothes to secure him against Cold, and I doubt the common Necessaries at home. His Fits were frequently stav'd off for whole Moons, which had never been known before; but upon return of cold Weather, for want of being well cloth'd, and other Accidents, the Fits would return again, and so I suppose continue to do: the Carelessness of the Parents having discourag'd me from doing any thing more for him. A third was a young Gentleman, who had only a Fit or two a Month; and in his Fits there was something peculiar; but was not well made in three or four Months: so I left off visiting him, there seeming a sort of uneasiness that he was not free from his Fits in that time. The fourth was a young Woman about twenty-three, whose good Mother had spent her whole Substance in seven Years Attempts to make her well. In the four Months I have had her under my Care, there has been several times an appearance as if she would be made well: but Distress of Mind from her miserable reduced Circumstances, having before liv'd well, has, I believe, eluded the force of the Medicine; tho I am still in hopes to recover her, notwithstanding her Case is most miserable. But these four Instances, where Success has been wanting, are nothing in comparison to the great numbers that have been made well. I have lately come to the knowledge, that Misletoe will, with very little trouble, yield its Tincture in Spirit of Wine. But, not to arrogate to myself what is not my due, I shall here declare the way how I came to the knowledge of it, which is as follows. Mr. Small the Surgeon, being in the Shop of Mr. Riddle an Apothecary in Villers-Street, York-Buildings, as they were talking about the wonderful Effects of Misletoe, Mr. Small said, That it was great pity that the Powder was disagreeable to some very nice Stomachs, as indeed I have sometimes found it to be; he therefore desir'd the other to try whether it would not yield a Tincture in highly rectify'd Spirit of Wine, as the Jesuits Bark and Virginian Snake-Root did: If so, he did not see why it might not be more efficacious than the Powder, as the Tinctures of the other two were. Mr. Riddle immediately set about it, and in a quarter of the time that either of the others would emit their Tincture, it afforded a rich and noble one: so he immediately brought me a Bottle of it, with which I was highly delighted. Several of the Chymical Writers have recommended the Spirit of Misletoe as an excellent Menstruum to extract a Tincture from Red Coral. Now it being usual for too many of those Authors to publish things upon Trust, or the bare Whimsies of their own Brains, I resolv'd to try this Affair myself, and not trust it to any one else. I filled a glass Retort as full of Misletoe as it would contain, by cramming of it in. I then put the Retort into a Sand-Furnace. For twentyfour Hours I made such a Fire as would heat the Sand well, but not make it red-hot: in this time, little or nothing at all came over into the Receiver. It is to be observ'd, that the Misletoe was perfectly well dry'd, so that all its aqueous Humidity was gone. Afterwards I augmented the Fire, so as to make the Sand red-hot; and from about eight Ounces of Misletoe, I had near two Ounces of acid Spirit, much about the same Strength, and not much differing in Taste from the common Spirit of Vinegar. What this acid Spirit will do as a Medicine, I have not yet tried; but may do it hereafter. This Spirit I poured upon two Drams of red Coral finely powder'd: it immediately fell to work upon the Coral, as any other acid Spirit of the same Strength would do. I let it stand so for some time, without the Assistance of any external Heat. I afterwards afterwaads put it into the Sand-Furnace, where I kept it about forty eight hours, in a pretty strong Heat, in a Bolt-head with a very long Neck, that nothing might evaporate. It had in that time dissolv'd a good Part of the Coral, as other acid Spirits of the same Strength would do; but extracted nothing out of the Coral, that might be called a Tincture. From the nicest Observations I have been hitherto able to make, the principal Life and Energy of Misletoe consists in its Resin, as does that of the Peruvian Bark, and Virginian SnakeRoot; and therefore by the means of highly rectify'd Spirit of Wine, a Tincture may be extracted from it, that contains all, or the greatest part of its Virtues. I am sure that the Tincture of the Peruvian Bark, from many Years Experience, will cure an inveterate Quartan Ague, better and more effectually than the Powder will do. Now when the Tincture is extracted from the Bark, what remains is no better than Saw-Dust, which can never be digested by a human Stomach, and may lodge there, and in the Plicæ of the Guts, and do much mischief: But with the Powder of Misletoe it is not so, it being of a more lax and mucilaginous nature, and therefore can lodge no where to do hurt. But it's not improbable that that Mucilage which is in the Powder, and hinders it from doing hurt, may so invelope the resinous Part of it, as sometimes to hinder its doing that Good, which it will do alone, when dissolved in Spirit of Wine. Observe, that Spirit of Wine highly rectify'd, will no more touch the mucilaginous Part of the Misletoe, than it will the Saw-dust Part of the Peruvian Bark. I am now fully convinced, that Misletoe is almost, if not altogether, as certain a Specifick in the Cure of Epilepsies, and other convulsive Distempers, as the Bark is in curing Intermitting Fevers; and so, thanks to Providence, we have another Specifick. In old and obstinate Quartan Agues, the Bark will not overcome them without Difficulty, and Length of Time; and sometimes not at all, without the Assistance of the Salt of Steel, and some other Helps: and after all, upon any Irregularity, or taking Cold, the Ague will return with as great Violence as ever. So it is in old inveterate Epilepsies, and other convulsive Distempers, Misletoe alone will not sometimes take place, but wants the Assistance of Assa-fœtida, and sometimes of other things; which things, by themselves, would prove of no effect at all. Upon Accidents, or Cold-taking, the Distemper will be apt to return; as it is with obstinate Quartans. If it sometimes happen to fail in the curing of old inveterate Epilepsies; that may proceed from the Texture of the Brain and Nerves being so broken and destroy'd, as never to be able to admit of being repaired: This is no Argument against the Medicine's being a Specifick for the Cure of the Distemper in general, as it most certainly is, and will even do good to the Incurable. But in recent Epilepsies, and even in the St. Vitis's Dance itself, it will, as far as I have seen, as certainly cure, as the Bark will a Quartan Ague; and is therefore by much the greater Remedy, by how much the one Disease is greater and more formidable than the other. But as it is so, a much greater Space of time is necessarily required for the extirpating of it, than of the other. In Consumptive Cases, proceeding from a Decay of the Lungs, or any of the Noble Parts, it's very common to see, during the time that Matter is forming, a regular Paroxism of a Fever, so exactly resembling that of a common Ague, that no one thing can be more like another; beginning first with a cold shivering Rigour, after that with a hot burning Fit, and when that is gone off, with profuse Sweats. The Bark will rarely fail to stave off these Fits for a time, but would never, that I could yet observe, prevent their Return; and when they have return'd, it has been with greater Violence, and I fear with worse Consequence to the Patient, than if it had never been given. I am inclin'd to think I can assign a Reason for it; but that does not belong to this Place. It very commonly happens, that Epilepsies, and other Convulsive Disorders, are not original Diseases, but Symptoms and Consequences of some other Distemper or Accident. As for instance, Worms corroding the most sensible Membranes of the Guts, impassable Stones in the Ureters, wounded Nerves and Tendons, &c. Misletoe will frequently relieve People under all these Circumstances, but will not cure them: But that may be said of this, which cannot be said of the Bark, That if it does not cure them, it will do no hurt. By the means of it, both Physicians and Surgeons may gain time, which is a thing of the greatest consequence: (Qui dat Tempus, dat Vitam.) By which means the greatest Diseases, and most terrible Accidents, may sometimes be overcome. I shall here give an Account of a Couple of Cases which have fallen in my way, since the publishing of the First Part of this Dissertation, and very extraordinary ones they are. About the middle of December, a very worthy Man in the City brought his Son to me, an only Child, of about eight Years of Age. About a Year and a half before, he had the Confluent Small-pox: Soon after the Small-Pox was over, he was attacked with Epileptick Fits. The Father immediately had recourse to a Physician of Eminence; he not succeeding, he applied to another, and so to a third: but whatever was done, had no effect, for he every day grew worse and worse; so that at last his Parents determined to give him no more Medicines, despairing of a Cure. Notwithstanding which, upon the Father's reading the Dissertation upon Misletoe, he alter'd his Mind, and immediately brought the Child to me. It was as melancholy a Spectacle as could be beheld. From being a Child of lively Temper, and quick Understanding, he was become stupid. When he had no Fit upon him, his Muscles were always in motion. If he were sitting, he would dart himself out of his Chair, like an Arrow out of a Bow, hitting his Head against the Wall, or any thing else that was before him; so that they were forced to have one always with him, for fear he should dash out his Brains, or dart himself into the Fire, and destroy himself that way. I prescrib'd for him as follows: "Take of the Powder of Misletoe, dried in the manner before directed, an Ounce; Assa-Fœtida, a Dram; Syrup of Pioneys, a sufficient Quantity to make an Electuary." Of this I ordered him to take the Quantity of a Nutmeg, first in the Morning, at five in the Afternoon, and last at Night; and to drink after each Dose a Draught of the following Infusion. "Take of the whole Plant, Leaves, Berries, small Twigs and large ones, grossly bruis'd in a Mortar, four Ounces; of the Flowers of red Pioneys, one Handful; boiling Water, a full Quart: Infuse in a Pot close stopt by the Fire-side, for two Hours; then strain out, and sweeten with two Ounces of Syrup of Pioneys." For a Month, or something more, he found little or no Benefit; nay, sometimes the Fits would be more frequent and violent than they had been before: However this did not discourage the honest Parents, but on they proceeded, and had their Wishes and Expectations effectually answer'd. When he began to mend, he sensibly grew better every day, and by the end of March was perfectly recover'd, as brisk in his Temper, and as quick in his Understanding, as any Child, I think, I ever saw in my Life. For Security-sake, I desired that he might take the Medicines Night and Morning for two or three Months longer, which was readily comply'd with; and he has never had a Fit since. Misletoe generally keeps the Body open; but when it does not do it, it is necessary, once in three or four Days, to give some very gentle lenitive Medicine; but never any strong Purge, which always does Mischief in Epileptical Cases. It always kept this Child regularly open, so he had never any thing given him, from beginning to end, but what is here mentioned. I own, that when I first saw this Child, I did apprehend his Case to be so very desperate, that I did not think it possible for him ever to be made perfectly well: but, thro' God's Mercy, I was deceived. On the twenty seventh Day of December, I was sent for to a most beautiful young Lady of about eleven Years of Age, whose Circumstances were most deplorable. She had the St. Vitis's Dance in as extreme a manner, as, perhaps ever any one had: I had never seen any thing before like it. Her Understanding was greatly impair'd; such a Faultring in her Speech, that she could scarce speak a Word so as to be understood. All the Muscles of her Body were continually convulsed, both in Bed and up. She could neither stand, nor use her Hands so much as to feed herself. For three or four Nights in the Week she would never sleep at all, but pass the whole Nights in the most hideous Shrieks and Lamentations. She was attack'd about three Years before with slight Epileptical Fits; upon which her tender Mother sent for as able and honest a Physician as any of the Faculty. I am sure he treated her with the utmost Compassion and Care; however all his Attempts proved ineffectual, for want of being thorowly acquainted with this glorious Specifick. The Disease got ground of him, till it arrived to the Height before-mention'd, in spight of all he could do. When I was called in, I earnestly press'd that the former Physician might be continu'd, but that was refus'd: so I went on in the following manner. I shall recite the whole in English, that the meanest Capacity may comprehend it. It is to be observed in this young Lady, that in less than a Week there were manifest Signs of her growing better. December 27. 1718. I order'd as follows: "Powder of Misletoe, a Scruple; Syrup of Pioneys a sufficient Quantity to make a Bolus, to be taken every six Hours; drinking after each, six or seven Spoonfuls of the following Infusion. The whole Misletoe, bruised as is before directed, three Ounces; Pioney-Flowers, half an Handful; Boiling-Water, twenty Ounces: Infuse in a Pot close stopt, by the Fire-side, for an Hour; then strain out. To the strain'd Liquor add Compound Pioney-Water, and Syrup of Pioneys, of each an Ounce." Twenty-ninth, I order'd the following the Purge; and as soon as that had done working, to proceed in the Use of the Bolus, and Infusion. And for an Aid, to give her the most speedy Relief possible under her miserable Circumstances, I directed Plasters for her Feet, which I have frequently known to be of great use in Disorders of the Head and Nerves. The Purging Infusion. "Take of the Decoctum Sennæ Gereonis, two Ounces; Manna, half an Ounce; Compound Pioney-Water, two Drams: mix and make a Potion, to be given early in the Morning. Strain'd Galbanum, three Drams; Powder of Nutmeg, one Dram: mix them together, and spread upon Leather, to be applied to the Soles of the Feet." December the last, I order'd the Purging Potion to be repeated, and that she should go on with the Bolus and Infusion: The Distress in the Night continued, but the Convulsions in her Nerves abated; so I order'd, that during the Time of those Paroxisms, she should frequently take a Spoonful of the following Mixture; and that a Plaster of strain'd Galbanum should be applied to her Navel; and that the Plasters to her Feet should be renewed. "Assa-fœtida, two Scruples; Rue and Pennyroyal Water, of each four Ounces; Compound Pioney-Water, an Ounce; Compound Spirit of Lavender, a Dram; fine Sugar, half an Ounce: mix them well together in a Mortar." January the third, she was much better every way; I then order'd "three Grains of Assa-fœtida, and one Drop of Oil of Rosemary to be added to each Bolus." In this Method she continued to the end of January, sensibly mending every Day; I then order'd that she should take the Bolus and Infusion but three times a Day, which she continued to do till the end of February. By that time she was as well as ever she was in her whole Life; she could walk and speak perfectly well; she could not only feed herself, but sew for her Diversion. For Security-sake, I order'd the continuance of the Bolus and Infusion, Night and Morning, till the End of April, which was readily complied with. She continues perfectly well, without the least Appearance, that ever she had so long labour'd under such a terrible Illness. I was in March last called to a Gentleman, who was in as distressed a Condition as a human Creature could possibly be, labouring under a Complication of Distempers, one of which was a Convulsive Asthma; which was so grievous to him, that he told me he had not been able to keep his Bed for a whole Night together, of three Months; and sometimes for several Nights together, not to be able to lie down in his Bed at all, but to sit up with Windows open upon him. I shall not trouble you with his other Circumstances, which were very grievous (from all which he is very well got over) but only give an account what Misletoe did in the Cure of his Asthma. I order'd him to drink a large Draught of the following Emulsion every Night before he went to Bed, and at times to drink the whole Bottle before he rose, if Sleep did not prevent it. Helmont, I remember, calls the convulsive Asthma Caducus Pulmonum, which coming into my Mind, occasion'd my giving him this Medicine. "I order'd four Ounces of bruis'd Misletoe to be infus'd in a Quart of boiling Water for an Hour, then to be strain'd out; when perfectly cold, to add half a Pint of Lisbon White-wine: afterwards, with two Ounces of blanch'd Almonds to make an Emulsion, and to be sweetned with a sufficient quantity of fine Sugar." To the best of my remembrance he never had one Fit of the Asthma afterwards. But observe what a quantity of Misletoe he took every Night, even as much as could be got out of four Ounces by Infusion in Water. Tho' I have observ'd before, that now it evidently appears to me, that the most active Part of the Misletoe consists in its Resin, which is only to be extracted with Spirit of Wine; yet it not being so rugged a harsh Body as the Bark is, the Resin being invelop'd in a slimy Mucilage, it will, by being infus'd in Water, part with some proportion of its Resin, which the Bark will not; and, for ought I know, its Mucilage may be of great Use in many Cases, especially in young Children, to obtund the Acrimony of the Bile, which is apt to gripe them, and so the Powder may be better for them, than given any other way: But this must be left to Time and further Experience. What I have hitherto done, till very lately, has been by the means of the Powder and Infusion, and great things they are. If by the use of the Tincture I shall be enabled to make a farther Progress, the World may expect to be inform'd of it in due time. It's but a few Weeks that I have been Master of the Tincture, but I already see that great things may be expected from it. What I have observ'd, as to the Quantities the Gentleman beforemention'd took every Night, brings to my Mind what I often thought of; which is, that I believe many noble Medicines are laid aside as useless, for want of having been given in due Quantities. In recent Epilepsies, and ordinary Convulsions, which are Diseases that were formerly wont to give me great Uneasiness, especially the Epileptical ones; being conscious to myself, from the most careful Observation, that there was little Prospect of getting the Mastery of them: I now look upon them as little more formidable than a Quartan Ague; tho' in their outward Appearance and real Nature much more terrible. The Cases just now recited are sufficient to demonstrate to the World, that common Misletoe is a great Medicine, and highly to be esteem'd. As for Misletoe of the Oak, I have never yet seen any. Those of the Antients, that were Men of Virtue and Compassion, whenever they had any thing to communicate to the World that might be of publick Advantage, always did it in the known and common Language: And as I design this for the common Good, were I able to write Latin in as elegant a Stile as Cicero did, that should not induce me to send it abroad in any other way, than in the homely manner in which it is done. I have turned over many Books, since I published the first Part of this Dissertation, to see whether I could procure any farther light into the natural History of this wonderful Plant, but at present see no cause to retract what I have there advanced, nor indeed to add any thing, or very little. Johannes Bauhinus has treated more copiously of it, than any of the Moderns I have read. Scaliger, in his way, has treated it very subtlely, but I think advances nothing but Paradoxes. To be short, there is no one that takes notice of it, except Cardan, but thinks there is something very extraordinary in it; yet the Druids alone, tho' they did not explain themselves, seem to be the only Persons who understood its real Worth. In other Trees that are propagated, either by Grafting or Inoculating, the Grafts or Buds seem to become of the very same Substance with the Stock into which they are inserted. But with Misletoe it's quite otherwise, as appears plainly to the naked Eye; which I can shew to any one. I have it from Dr. Willis, that it was the earnest Wish of the great Crato, That a Specifick for the Cure of the Epilepsy might be discover'd before he died. I do verily and indeed think, from the Tryals I have made in a Multitude of Cases, besides those publish'd, that Misletoe is in reality a Specifick for the Cure of Epilepsies and convulsive Diseases. Why it should be so, I can as easily account for, from the Hypothesis of Dr. Willis, as from that of Marcus Marci. Whilst I was writing this, I was called to a Gentleman in a Fever, that they said was dying, and indeed he appear'd so to be; he had a trembling Pulse, clammy cold Sweats, with a Convulsion of the Tendons, and a Faultring in his Speech, that he was scarce able to express himself so as to be understood. I gave him the Misletoe in Powder, mix'd with Cochineal and the Tincture in a Julep, both in large quantities. This was late at Night, and next Morning he was recover'd to my Amazement. I verily believe the Patient would have died that Night, had it not been for the Misletoe; not to disparage Cochineal, which is a Medicine highly to be valued, and beyond all others that I ever saw, in Fevers of all sorts. But of this perhaps another time. I desire, for the future, that the Bark of the large Stalks may be dry'd and powder'd with the Leaves, Berries, and small Twigs, as being equal to, if not superior in Virtue to either of them; but all together are best. What there is particular in the Woody Part, I cannot at present tell; but have hitherto order'd it to be bruised promiscuously with the rest for Infusions. I have not yet dared to rob the Misletoe of but few of its Berries; but from some Observations I have made of them, I am inclin'd to think, that they are the greatest Restorers of decay'd Nature, swallow'd whole as they are, either green or dry, and a Draught of generous Wine to be drank after them; ten or a dozen every Night at going to Bed. The greatest Article of Convulsions in the Bills of Mortality, I take to be of Infant Children: The way of giving them the Misletoe, is as follows; and most prodigious things I have seen done by it. "Take of the Powder of Misletoe, as before directed, two Drams; Rue and Penny-royal Water, of each, two Ounces; Syrup of Pioneys, half an Ounce: Mix them together, and give half a Spoonful, as oft as you can get them to take it." If they cannot be got to take it that way, mix a little of the Powder with some Panada. If they are exceedingly griped and loose, apply also the following Plaister to their Bellies: "Venice-Treacle, and Oil of Nutmegs by Expression, of each two Drams: mix them together, and spread upon soft Leather." If the Looseness continues, give the following Glister: "Diascordium made with Diacodium instead of Honey, a Dram; Powder of Misletoe, half a Dram; Penny-royal Water, three or four Ounces; mix, and make a Glister, which give warm." If they are bound, which they rarely are when they are convuls'd, give them a little Manna in some of the Misletoe Julep, and if that don't open them, the following Glister: "Manna, two Drams; MisletoePowder, half a Dram; Penny-royal Water, three Ounces; Oil of Camomile, two Drams: mix and make a Glister." To Children of about ten Years of Age may be given half a Dram of the Powder, with three Grains of AssaFœtida, three times a Day, and a Draught of the Infusion afterwards. Men and Women may take a Dram of the Powder, with five or six Grains of Assa-Fœtida, three or four times a day, according to the Urgency of the Case; drinking a large Draught of Infusion afterwards, and may drink a Draught of the Infusion betwixt whiles: Now the stronger the Infusion is made, the better; so that it be not made so strong as to nauseate the Stomach. Having for a great many Years seen the most convincing Proofs of the wonderful Effects of the Misletoe itself, being only gather'd in a proper time, and carefully dry'd and powder'd; it never enter'd into my Head to make any Tryals about extracting a Tincture from it, tho' I had long ago been convinced that its chief Excellence consisted in its Birdlime, which is a most wonderful, tractable, soft Resin, and I knew dissolvable in Spirit of Wine: nay, I have given the Birdlime alone, join'd with some proper Powder to make it into Pills, in a deplorable Case, with Success. But since the Tincture has been prepar'd, which is but a few Weeks since, I have reason to believe, from some Observations that I have already made, that in particular extraordinary Cases, join'd with a small Proportion of Tincture of Assa-Fœtida, that it will take place in a shorter time than the Powder will do; but I shall not give an Account of the Method how to extract the Tincture, till I have had a larger Experience of it. However, both it, and the Misletoe gather'd in due time, and carefully dry'd and powder'd, may be had at Mr. Shorthose's, an Apothecary, over against the Hungerford-Market, in the Strand, and at Mr. Riddle's, an Apothecary in Villars-street, York-Buildings. About the beginning of the last October I was sent for to a Child of about eight Years of Age, who had the St. Vitis's Dance. She neither could stand nor sit; her Hands were in continual Motion, that she could not feed herself, nor hold any thing in them; her Head was continually thrown from side to side, or backwards or forwards; and her Speech entirely lost. This was a recent Case, of not above a Month's standing, and by the beginning of this present November she was made perfectly well. To prevent Mistakes, I shall here again give an Account how People may furnish themselves with Powder of Misletoe for the whole Year in Perfection. Take of the Leaves, Berries, tender Twigs, and the Bark of the large Branches, gather'd at the latter end of December. Let them be dried over a Baker's Oven, which is a mild, constant and gentle Heat. When it is perfectly dried, let it be put into a Glass Jar, which must be cover'd with Leather, or stopt with a Cork, and kept in a warm and dry Place, that it may not grow mouldy. Observe, that its being scorch'd in drying, or growing mouldy after it has been carefully dried, renders it of no value. The Stalks that are preserv'd for Infusion, must, after they are dried, be carefully kept in a warm and dry Place. Since this is come out in due time, I hope, for the future, that I shall find every Apothecary's Shop furnish'd with Misletoe, gather'd at the proper Season, and dry'd and powder'd according to Direction. However, if what I have said be disregarded, and it prove otherwise, I have before given an account where People may furnish themselves with it. I had it in my thoughts to have publish'd at this time, my Observations upon the noble Qualities of some other simple Remedies, viz. Cochineal, Virginian Snake-Root, and the very common Herb Prunella; but want of Leisure has prevented it.

Science

A DISSERTATION Concerning MISLETOE.

A Dissertation concerning mistletoe: a most wonderful specifick remedy for the cure of convulsive distempers [...]

SciB1649

THe Terrestrial or Earthlie Globe is an artificial Respresentation of the Earth and Water under that form and figure of Roundness which they are supposed to have, describing the Situation, and measuring the Compass of the Whole Frame, and describing the Situation and measuring the Distances of all the Parts. This Description is either of the Earth and Water both together, and it is don by Circles; or of the Water considered by it self; and is not so much a Description of that, as of the Mariner's cours upon it, or to shew The Waie of a Ship upon the Sea. And this is don by lines called Rumbes, which are not all Circles, but otherwise drawn according to the Point of the Compass, at which the Mariner set's forth. But of the Compass and these lines in the second Place; and first of the Description of the Whole Frame by Circles. Now look what Circles were imagined upon the Earth, the same are expressed upon, or framed without the Globe; and they are the Greater, or the Less. The Great Circles without the Globe are two; the Meridian and the Horizon: the one of Brass, the other of Wood. Circles indeed they are not so properly called; for, in the rigorous sens, no Line is supposed to have anie breadth, as both these have: But that was for the more convenience; for somthing more then ordinarie was to bee written upon them. And moreover they could not have been so disposed of, as they are, without the Globe, if they had not been exact Lines. But Use will have it so, and wee must call them the Meridian and Horizontal Circles. THe Brass Meridian is divided into 4 equal Parts or Quadrants, and each of them subdivided into 90 Degrees, that is 360 for the whole Circle. The reason why this Circle is not divided into 360 Degrees throughout, but still stopping at the 90th, and then again begining 10, 20, 30, &c. is, becaus the Uses of this Meridian, so far as in Degrees they are concern'd, require not above that Number. As for an Example: One use of the Meridian is to shew the Elevation of the Pole, but the Pole cannot bee elevated above 90 Degrees. Another is to shew the Latitude or Distance of a Place from the Equator, which also can never exceed the 4th part of the Circle; for no Place can bee further distant from the Equator then the Pole, which is just that Number of 90 Degrees. Upon one of the North Quadrants of this Meridian, of som Great Globes, the Climes are set to the several Degrees of Latitude; and the Length of the longest Daie under the several Climes: which (if the Geographers would think so) might very fitly bee placed on the Lesser Globe's: for it were but dividing a Quadrant of the wrong side of the Meridian into 90 Degrees, and there would be room enough. In som other Globes the Climes are cast into a Table, and pictured upon som void space of the Globe. But the Division upon a Quadrant of the Meridian, is much more artificial, as hereafter shall bee understood. And the reason why a North Quadrant onely need to bee divided, is, becaus for the Climes of the Southern Latitude the season is the same. And the reason why the Division is made upon a North Quadrant rather then the South, is, becaus our Globes are fitted for our Selvs, and all our share of the Earth lieth in the North Latitude. FRom the North and South Ends of this Meridian a strong Wyer of Brass or Iron is drawn, or supposed to bee drawn (for the Artificers do not alwaies draw it quite through) by the Center of the Globe representing the Axel of the Earth. The North End whereof standeth for the North, the South End for the South Pole of the Earth. Upon the North End, a small Circle of Brass is set, and divided into two equal parts, and each of them into twelv, that is, twentie four in all. This Circle is the onelie one above the Globe, which is not imagined upon the Earth, but is there placed to shew the hour of the daie and night, in anie place where the Daie and night exceed not 24 hours: therefore it is called Cyclus Horarius. The Hour Circle, for which purpose it hath a little Brass pin turning about upon the Pole, and pointing to the several hours, which therefore is called the Index Horarius . The small Circle is framed upon this ground, that in the Diurnal Motion of the Heaven 15 Degrees of the Equinoctial rise up in the space of everie one hour, that is 360 Degrees, or the whole Circle in the space of 24. So that the Cyclus Horarius is to bee framed to that Compass, as that everie 24th part of it, or one hour is to bear proportion to 15 Degrees of the Equator below it. And so in turning the Globe about, one may perceiv, that while the Pin is moved from anie one hour to another, just 15 Degrees of the Equinoctial will rise up above the Horizon upon one side, and as manie more go down below it on the other side. But this Circle is not much for the Geographer's use. THe other Great Circle without the Globe is the Horizon; upon which (yet not as due to this Circle more then anie other, but becaus there is more room) the Geographers set down the 12. Signs with their Names and Characters. And becaus everie Sign of the Zodiack containeth 30 Degrees, which is 360 for the whole Circle, the Horizon is divided into 360 Degrees indeed as it ought, but not from 10, 20, 30, 40, so throughout, but by Thirties, that is, 10, 20, 30. and 10, 20, 30, and so along to make the division conform to the 12 Signs, to each of which, as I said, is allotted the Number of 30 Degrees. And the reason of that is in reference to the Suns Annual Motion, in the Cours whereof hee dispatcheth everie daie one degree under or over. So that hee passeth through each of the Signs in, or in much about the space of 30 Daies. So that, though som of the 12 Moneths, answering to the 12 Signs, consist of one Daie more then thirtie, and one of 2 Daies less, yet take them one with another, and the Daies of everie Moneth correspond to the several Degrees of everie Sign, or without anie considerable difference. And after that rate, or much about it, they are placed upon the Horizon, to shew in what Degree, of what Sign the Sun is everie daie of the year. And to this purpose there is set down upon the same Horizon a Calendar, and that of three sorts in som Globes: Of two in the most, the one whereof is called the Julian, or Old, the other the Gregorian, or New Accompt, reckoning this latter 10 daies before the former, and the third sort, where it is found, thirteen. Now though it bee true that the greatest part of that which is written upon the Horizon, more nearly concerneth the Celestial then the Terrestrial Globe; yet it is not altogether unuseful here: and especially it will bee nothing out of the Geographer's way to take along with him the ground of Difference in the 3, principally in the 2 sorts of Calendars. A Year is that space of time in which the Sun goeth through the whole Circle of the Zodiack, as from the Tropick of Cancer, to the Tropick of Capricorn, and so to the Tropick of Cancer again, or from the Equinoctial to the Equinoctial, or from anie other Point of the Zodiack to the same again. Now, becaus of the unequal Motion of the Sun (depending upon reasons deeply engaged in the Theorical Part of the Spheer, and therefore here to bee taken upon trust) it ever was, and yet is, a very hard matter to determine exactly in what space of time this Revolution of the Sun in the Zodiack is made; insomuch that one said, that the Year consisted of so manie daies, and how much more or less no bodie knoweth. Censorinus de Die Natali. This uncertaintie brought so much confusion upon the Old Romane Calendars, that Time with them was grown a Commoditie, and bought and sold at a price. Their Priests, who had to do with this Affair, having in their power to make anie year longer or shorter at their pleasure; which the Emperor Julius Cæsar looking upon as a matter no waie below his greatest consideration, advised with som Egyptian Mathematicians about it, by whose Instructions hee found that the Sun's yearlie Motion in the Zodiack, was performed in the space of 365 daies, and one 4th part of a daie, or 6 hours. The 6 odd hours hee caussed to bee reserved in store till everie fourth year, that is, till they made 24 hours, or one whole daie; so accounting, that the 3 first years should consist of 365 daies, and the fourth of 366, one daie more; and everie fourth year was therefore (as still it is) called the Leap Year, and the thing it self Intercalation, or putting in betwixt the Calendar. 'Twas verie much that the Emperor did, and hee left as much to do; for though it cannot yet bee found out exactly in what space of time the Sun goeth his yearlie cours, yet thus much is made good by infallible experience that the Emperor's Mathematicians allotted too much for the Number of daies: they were in the right, for it it it is certain no year can consist of more then 365, but for the odd hours it is as certain that they cannot bee fewer then five, nor so manie as 6; so that the doubt is upon the Minutes, 60 whereof go to the making up of an Hour; a small matter one would think, and yet how great in the recess and consequence wee shall see. Julius Cæsar allotted 365 daies and 6 hours to this Revolution, but the Sun goeth about in less time, that is, (according to the most exact Accompt) in 365 daies, 5 hours, 49 Minutes, and a little more; so that the Emperor's year is much about 10 Minutes greater then the Sun's, which must of necessitie breed a difference of so manie Minutes everie year, betwixt the Year, which the Sun it self describe's in the Zodiack; and That, which is reckoned upon in the Calendar, which though for a year or two may pass insensibly, yet in the space of 134 years it will rise to an whole daie, that is the Begining of the year in the Calendar must bee set one daie back. As for Example: Let the year begin at the Vernal Equinox or Spring: In the Emperor's time that fell out to bee at the 24th of March, but now this year it fell out upon the 10th of March, 13 daies backwards, and somwhat more, and so if it bee let alone will go back to the 1 of March, and 1 of Februarie, till Easter com to bee on Christmas Daie, and so infinitely. To reform this difference in the Accompt, som of the later Romane Bishops earnestly endeavoured. And the thing was brought to that perfection it now standeth in (so much as it is) by Gregorie the 13th, in the Year 1582. His Mathematicians (whereof Lilius was the chief) advised him thus: That considering there had been an Agitation in the Councel of Nice somwhat concerned in this matter upon the motion of that Question about the Celebration of Easter: And that the Fathers of that Assemblie after due deliberation with the Astronomers of that time, had fixed the Vernal Equinox at the 21 of March, and considering also that since that time a difference of 10 whole daies had been past over in the Calendar, that is, that the Vernal Equinox or Spring; which began upon the 21 of March, had prevented so much as to begin in Gregorie's daies at the 10th of the same, 10 daies difference or thereabouts; they advised that 10 daies should bee cut off from the Calendar, which was don, and the 10 daies taken out of October of that Year 1582, as being the Moneth of that Year in which that Pope was born; so that when they came to the 5 of the Moneth, they reckoned the 15, and so the Equinox was com up to it's place again, and hapned upon the 21 of March, as at the Councel of Nice. But that Lilius should bring back the Begining of the Year to the Times of the Nicen Councel, and no further, is to be marvelled at. Hee should have brought it back to the Emperor's own time, where the mistake was first entered, and, instead of 10, cut of 13 daies; however this is the Reason why these 2 Calendars, written upon the Horizon, differ the space of 10 daies one from the other. And as the Old Accompt was called the Julian, from the Emperor; so the New is called from Gregorie the Pope and Lilius the chief Agent, the Gregorian or Lilian Accompt: and the Julian is termed the Old Style, the Gregorian the New, as in the conversation of Letters betwixt Us and Those on the other side of the Seas wee may perceiv; Theirs to Us bare date (for the most part) such a daie of such a Moneth; Stylo Novo; Ours to them such a daie; Stylo Veteri : And Theirs may bee dated There, by their Accompt, and received here, before they were written by Ours. For the third Calendar there need not much bee said, though it bee more absolute then the second; for it reduceth the Beginings of the Year to the Emperor's own Time, and so leaveth the Old Style 13 daies behinde as it ought to do. But it is very rarely found upon the Horizons of anie Globes, neither as yet translated to anie Common Use. In the outermost Limb of the Horizon are set down the Names of the 32 Windes of the Compass; to what end will bee shewed hereafter. THe Reason of this will bee plain, if it bee considered that the Horizons and Meridians, in the use of the Globe, are to bee fitted to anie particular place at pleasure; as Oxford, Woodstock, Abingdon, &c. this could never have been don upon the Globe it self; for there must a several Horizon and a several Meridian have passed through everie Citie, Town, or Castle upon the Globe, which if it had been don, besides the confusion, the Circles would have put out the Places; therefore it was ingenuously devised of those who first thought upon it, to set one Meridian and one Horizon without the Globe to serv for all: For in this case the Globe it self may bee turned and applied to the Horizon and Meridian with as much eas, as the Horizon and Meridian with impossibilitie could not bee applied to the Globe, as it will hereafter more plainly appear, then it can do yet. MOreover then the Circles framed without the Globe, two other Appendents are to bee noted upon; the one relating to the Meridian, the other to the Horizon: the first is the Quadrant of Altitude, and is a thin brass Plate representing the fourth part of a Great Circle, and so divided into 90 Degrees, called therefore the Quadrant; and the Quadrant of Altitude, becaus it measureth the height of the Stars upon the Celestial Globe, to which it most properly belongeth. The business it hath to do in Geographie, is to set out the Zenith of anie Place, and consequently to shew the Angle of Position, or Bearing of one Place to another, as hereafter shall bee taught. It is therefore affixed to the Meridian with a little Screw-pin, to bee removed at pleasure from anie Vertical Point of anie Place, to the Vertical Point of anie other. The second is the Compass, which is a Needle touched with a Loadstone, and set in a Box upon the Foot of the Horizon, upon the South side, such another as wee see in ordinarie Pocket-Dyals for the Sun. The Use of it here (as in those) is to point out the North and South for the Rectification of the Globe, as shall bee more plainly said hereafter. THe Great Circles painted upon the Globe are the Meridians, the Equator, and the Zodiack; where wee must not think much to hear of the Meridians again. That of Brass without the Globe is to serv all turns, and the Globe is framed to applie it self thereto. The Meridians upon the Globe will easily bee perceived to bee of a new and another Use. They are either the Great, or the Less; not that the Greater are greater then the Less, for they have all one and the same Center, and equally pass through the Poles of the Earth: but those wich are called Less, are of less use then that, which is called the Great, though it bee no greater then the rest. The Great is otherwise called the Fixt and First Meridian, to which the Less are second, and respectively moveable. The Great Meridian is as it were the Landmark of the whole Sphere, from whence the Longitude of the Earth, or anie part thereof is accounted. And it is the onelie Circle, which passing through the Poles, is graduated or divided into Degrees; not the whole Circle, but the one half, becaus the Longitude is to bee reckoned round about the Earth. This Great Meridian might have been planted in anie place, as at York, or at Richmond, but must of necessitie bee set in one certain place of the Globe or other, as it is in everie several Globe, though not in the same place in all. IN assigning the place of this First or Great Meridian, I observ that the Geographers, whatsoever, still fix it in the Western Parts: And the Reasons are, not onely becaus those were more discovered then the Eastern, to those who had first to do in this matter; but more especially for that the Proper Motion of the Sun and Moon is from the West to the East, contrarie to their diurnal or dailie Motion; and therefore the Eclipses of the Moon are to bee observed from that Part, which is the most learned and certain Rule for the finding out of the Longitudes of Places, by observing how much sooner the Ecclips begineth in a Place more or less West then another. And moreover, wheresoever they place their Great Meridian, they still reckon the Longitude from West to East, that is, till they com up to 180 Degrees, or the Semicircle; where som of them staie and begin the Longitude again towards the East, calling the first Half, Eastern, the other, Western Longitude. But this Cours, howsoever Artificial enough, yet is not used by the later Geographers, for they account the Longitudes in the whole Circle throughout from West, by the East to West again, som few Spanish Geographers excepted, who, in the Descriptions of their New Indies, reckon the Longitudes quite contrarie, from East to West, but which was thwartly in it self, and, in the proof, inconsiderably don. But as the Geographers well enough agreed in the placing of this Great Meridian in the Western Parts; so they have differed much more then it becomed them in assigning out the Particular Place. The Greek Meridian. The Author of the Greek Geographie intituled to Ptolomie fixeth the Great Meridian (as Marinus the Tyrian (cited by Him) and the Antients before them) in Hera, or Junonia one of the Fortunate Islands, as they were termed of old, from an opinion of som singular Blessings imagined by the Antients upon the Genius of those Parts. They are now called by the Spaniard, Islas de Canaria: The Canarie-Isles, better known to us by the Wines of that Name, for the most part falsly so called. Ptolomie, as Plinie also, out of Juba the Affrican King findeth out but Six of these: but the late Discoverers meet with Seven: that is, Lançerotta, Forteventura, Teneriffa, Gomera, Fierro, Patma, and the Gran Canarie, which giveth Name to the rest. For the Situation of these Islands they lie not as Ptolomie placed them, within one Degree of Longitude, or little less, but more scattering, and lifted up a little above the Tropick of Cancer about the 30th Degree of the Northern Latitude, in that Part of the Western (otherwise called the Atlantick) Oceän which trendeth upon the Coast of Affrick, and are therefore reckoned by Geographers to the Affrican Isles. This was the furthest part of the Earth discovered towards the West to those of about Ptolomie's time: therefore the Great Meridian was fixed there, in the Isle Hera, or Junonia, as then it was called, now Tenariff: And from this Meridian all the Longitudes in the Greek-Geographie are taken. The Arabick Meridian. This the Arabian-Geographers knew well enough; but holding themselvs not to bee inferior (as indeed they were not) either to the Indefatigation or Skill of the GreekGeographers, they hoped to have the begining of Longitude taken from them, which therefore they appointed to bee drawn up on the uttermost Shoar of the Western-Oceän 10 Degrees more East then that of Ptolomie: but they deceived themselvs doubly; for first, Their Meridian would not bee brought into Example by others: and again, It was not so improvidently intended, as not to serv themselvs. Alphraganus chap.10. For according to the loss, or gains of the Sea upon that Shore, their Longitudes have proved to bee importantly different, rightly enough assign'd, but falsifying with the Place, as they are justly served. There is not, for the present, anie verie great Use to the Geographer of the Arabick-Meridian more then to know it; for the Turkish Histories are not so completely derived down to us as to Describe the Territories by Longitude, or Latitude. And for the Arabick-Nubian-Geographie Translated into Latine by the Maronites, though otherwise of a rare, and pretious esteem, yet is not commended for this, That the Distances of Places are there set down by a gross Mensuration of Miles: and John Leos Affrica is not so well. But when the Learned, and long promised Geographie of Abulfedea the Prince shall com to light, there can bee nothing don there, without this Meridian. The Prince setteth down the Longitude of Mecca 67 Degrees. The Greek Geographie 77: and they are both right, and yet they differ 10 Degrees: for so much were their Meridian set East, or West one then the other. Yet neither is this Meridian presently altogether unuseful, for besides the Longitudes of som places noted by Saracenus, Albategni and others, there is a Catalogue of Cities annexed to the Astronomical Tables of the King Alphonsus accounted all from this Great Meridian, but with this difference, That whereas Abulfedea the Prince setteth down but 10 Degrees distance betwixt the Fortunate Isles, and the Western Shore, the Catalogue reckoneth upon 17, and 30 Minutes: a Difference too great to bee given over to the Recesses of the Ocean from that Shore, and therefore I know not as yet what can bee said thereto. The Magnetical Meridian. Our own Geographers, the later especially, have affected to transplant this great Meridian out of the Canarie Isles into the Açores, or Azores, for so the çerilla will endure to bee pronounced. They were so called from Açor, which in the Spanish Tongue signifie's a Goss-Hawk, from the great number of that Kinde, there found at the first Discoverie, though now utterly disappearing. And it is no stranger a thing, then that December should bee called by our Saxon Fore-fathers ƿolfe Monat, that is, Wolf-Moneth; for that in those Daies this Isle was mischievously pestered with such Wilde-Beasts, and in that Moneth more ragingly, though now such a sight is grown so forreign to these parts, that they are looked upon with the Strangeness of a Camel, or an Elephant. The Azores are otherwise termed Insulæ Flandricæ, or the Flemish Isles, becaus som of them have been famously possessed, and first Discovered by them. They are now in number Nine: Tercere, St Michaël, S. Marie, S. George, Gratiosa, Pico, Fayall, Corvo, Flores; they are situate in the same Atlantick Ocean, but North-West of the Canaries, and trending more upon the Spanish Coast, under the 39 Degree of Latitude, or therebouts. Through these Isles the Late Geographers will have the Great Meridian to pass, upon this conceit of reconciling the Magnetical Pole to That of the World. Their meaning is, That the Needle of the Mariner's Compass, which touched with the Magnet, or Loadstone, in dutie ought to point out true North, and South Poles of the World in all other Places, performeth it onely in these Isles, whereas for the most part elswhere it swerveth, or maketh a Variation from the true Meridian towards the East, or West, according to the tht unequal temper of the Great Magnet of the Earth: therefore notwithstanding that the Greek Meridian was placed well enough in the Canaries, (as indeed it was, and best of all, becaus once fixed there) yet it pleased them to think that it would bee more Artificial, and Gallant to remove it into the Azores, where (as they would bear us in hand) the Magnetical Needle precisely directeth it self towards the North, and South of the Whole Frame without the least Variation, which might seem to bee a Natural Meridian, and therefore to bee yielded unto by that of Art, wheresoever placed before. This Coincidencie of the Magnetical Meridian with that of the World, Som of them will have to bee in the Isles Corvo, and Flores, the most Western: Others in S. Michaël, and S. Marie, the more Eastern of the Azores. Ridly's Treatise of Magnetical Motions, Chap. 36. Norman's New Attrative, Chap. 9. 'Tis true indeed that the Variation is less in these Isles, then in som other Places, yet it is by experience found, that the Needle in Corvo North-Westeth 4 Degrees: in S. Michaël it NorthEasteth 6 Degrees: And therefore the Great Meridian should rather have been drawn through Fayal, where the Variation is but 3 Degrees to the East; Or especially through the Cape of good hope, where the Needle precisely pointeth to the True North without any Variation at all by a River side there, which therefore the Portugals have called Rio de las Agulias, The River of the Needles. But which is more, the Magnetical Needle hath no certain Pole in the Earth at all, and under the verie same Meridian is found to varie in som places but 3, or 4 Degrees; in other 17, and more; and which is wors (if it bee true) the Variation it self hath been lately charged upon with a verie strange and secret inconstancie by the Professor in Astronomie of Gresham-College. Hee saith that the Variation of the Needle at Limehous near London, which Mr Burrows found to bee 11 Degrees, 15 Minutes, in the year 1580: M Gunter in the year 1622 found it to bee but 6 Degrees 13 Minutes. But Hee himself in the year 1634 found it to bee but 4 Degrees, or verie little more; which in the space of 54 years is a difference of 7 Degrees to the Less. So little reason is there why the Greek Meridian should give place to the Magnetical, besides the great confusion which must needs follow, as it hath. The Toletan Meridian. But yet more impertinently, the Spanish Describers remembred before, not onely account their Longitude from East to West, utterly against all other Geographie, but not contented with the Greek, Arabian, or any Magnetical Meridian, must needs reckon their Indies from that of Toledo. But they are verie few that take this cours, and this Pragmatical Meridian is onely found upon a Map, or two, but hath not as yet gotten (nor is it like to do) any relation to the Globe. The Greek Meridian again. As the case standeth with the Great Meridian, the advice and counsel of Stevinus a Dutch Geographer is very much to the purpose: That the Great Meridian should bee brought back to the Fortunate Isles again, that one certain Isle of the seven should bee chosen; and in That, one certain place; Exiguus quidem, sed notabilis & perpetuus, As smal, but as notable and perpetual as 'tis possible. The Island hee assigned was Teneriff, thought to bee the same with Ptolomie's Hera, or Junonia. The place Pico de Teide, or el pico, The Peak, a Mountain so called from the sharpness of the top, and therefore the place is Locus exiguus, as Smal as could bee, and 'tis Perpetual, for Hils are everlasting; and as notable, for by the reports of som in Julius Scaliger it riseth above threescore Miles in height, which though it bee more then is generally believed, yet thus much is, That it is the highest Mountain in the World. This Johnson a great Master of this Art considering with himself, though in his lesser Globe of the year 1602 hee had made the Great Meridian to pass through the Isles Corvo and Flores; yet since that, in his Greater of the year 1616 hee hath it drawn upon the Peak in Tenariffe, as hee expresseth himself in a void place of the Globe. Onely, whereas hee addeth that by this means the Arabick Meridian, and That of Ptolomie will bee all one upon the matter (which hee saith was fit to bee admonished) it must needs bee mistaken. 'Tis true, that the Canaries lie near upon the Coast of corick : But the Arabians mean not this so much by the uttermost Shore, as the uttermost Points of the Western Land running along by the Streights of Gebal Taric, or Taric's Hill, as they rightly (wee Gibralter) call it, where the Pillars of Hercules were set of old, as our Stories deliver, but of Alexander they saie, to whom, and not to Hercules the Arabick Nubian Geographer asscribeth this Labor, naming there the verie Artificers which that great King provided himself of to force out the Streight; which may possibly bee the reason, why the Arabians (over and above their ambition of Change) draw their Great Meridian by this Part, in honor to Alexander, whom therefore they call not so, but Dhilcarnain, that is, The man of the two Horns, for that hee joined the Ends of the Known World together by those Pillars in the East upon one side, and these in the West on the other. Which seeing it is so, the Reduceing of the Great Meridian to Tenariff again will bee so far from closing with that of the Uttermost Western Shore, that according to the Account of som they will stand at 15 Degrees distance one from the other, which also maketh show of som reason of the Disagreement betwixt Abulfeda the Prince, and the King Alphonsus in assigning the difference of the Arabick Meridian from the Greek, the Prince allowing but 10, The Catalogue 17 Degrees, which was noted before. For any concurrence therefore of the Greek, and Arabick Meridians by this means, wee are not to take the Geographer's word; but nevertheless to embrace this Alteration of his Cours in bringing the Greek Meridan to his place again. The same advice of Stevinus is commended and taken by Wil. Bleau (a man very like to, if not the very same with Johnson himself) Cap. 4 of his first Part, which teacheth teacheh the Use of the Globes according to the Improper Hypothesis of Ptolomie (as the Title termeth it) per terram quiescentem. For the second Part maketh good the same Use of the Celestial and Terrestrial Spheres by the Supposition of Copernicus per terram mobilem . His words are Longitudo alicujus loci, &c. The Longitude of anie place is an Arch of the Equator comprehended between two half Meridians, the one passing through the Place it self, the other through the High Mountain called Pico de Teide in Tenariffe, Qui tam in maximo nostro Globo Terrestri (saith hee) quam in variis Tabulis Geographicis à nobis editis pro Initio Longitudinis terræ assumptus est, 6 pro eo in hac descriptione semper assumatur, &c. And 'twill never bee well with Geographie till this bee believed in, and made the common and unchangeable Practice. ANd now if one may make so bold as to give Law to the Geographers, it cannot bee denied but that the readiest and least entangling waie of reckoning the Longitudes is to meet again upon the first Meridian in Tenariffe, but for want of this, and til it can bee rellish't universally, the likest waie to the Best is for the Describers either of the Whole, or any Part of the Earth not to fail of setting down the several Meridians obteining as then. Also the Difference of Longitude betwixt these Meridians, and lastly which of those they mean to go by. If I were to draw up (If I could) a New Geographie of the Whole Earth, This, or the like to this ought to prepare to the Description. That the Great Meridian by the most Antient Greek Geographers was made to pass through the Fortunate Islands, now called The Canaries. That from thence it was translated by the Arabians to the uttermost Point of the Western-Shore. That our own Geographers removed it into the Azores placing it som of them in S. Michaël, others in Corvo. That the Best of them brought it back to the Canaries again, and drew it upon the Pico in Tenariffe; The same, or thought to bee the same with Ptolomie's Junonia. That the Difference of Longitude from El Pico to the Arabick Meridian is 10 Degrees more East according to Abulfeda the Prince. From Pico to the Isle of S. Michaël 9 Degrees. From Pico to Corvo 15, and both so much more West. And such, or such a Meridian I mean to follow. To this very purpose the same Abulfeda in the Introduction to his Geographie. It is received by Tradition (saith hee) that the Inhabited Earth begineth at the West in the Fortunate Isles, as they are called, and lying waste as now. From these Islands som take the Begining of Longitude. Others from the Western Shore. The Difference of Longitude is 10 Degrees accounted in the Equator, &c. As for the Longitudes reckoned in this Book, they are all taken from the Shores of the Western Oceän, and therefore they are 10 Degrees short of those which are taken from the Fortunate Isles, &c. If wee now exact (as I think wee may) to this Rule, which hath been lately don by our own Describers especially, wee may perhaps finde it otherwise then wee thought for. Here it will not need to take much notice of those who have described the Situation of Countries by the Climes and Paralells. Thus much onely, That they had as good as said nothing. I confess I conclude under this Censure, the verie good Autor of the Estates du Mond, translated by Grimstone. But it was to bee noted. For what if I saie that Great Britain lieth under the 9th and 13 Climates of the Northern Temperate Zone (as 'tis no otherwise Describ'd to the Site by a Geographer of our own) is this to tell where England is? No more then to tell where the Streights of Anian are much about the same Clime and Paralel, and yet 160 Degrees distant and more. They are not much more accurate who Describe the Situation of Countries by their Latitudes onely as the Gentleman in his Description of Huntingdon Shire inserted into M. Speed. And the most learned Sir Henrie Spelman in his Description of Northfolk. It is no more to saie the Situation of this, or that place then of anie other in the Whole Sphere lying under the same Parallel. But to saie the truth, By reason of the Varietie of Meridians. The Longitudes were grown to such an uncertain and confused pass, that it was not everie man's work to set them down. Mr Carew in his Survey of Cornwall setteth down that Shire in the Longitude of 6 Degrees (I believ hee mean't 16) as most men account. But what doe's hee mean by that; or what manner of account is it which most men use in this case? Norden in the Introduction to his Speculum Britanniæ saith, That the Center of this Land, which hee taketh to bee about Titburie Castle in Stafford-Shire is 21 Degrees and 28 Minutes of Longitude. But from what Meridian all this while? for the Longitude may bee manie Degrees more, or less, or just so much as hee saith, and yet all may bee true. Mr Speed more particularly professeth to follow Mercator; as in assigning the Longitude of Oxford, hee saith, that it is distant from the West 19 Degrees 20 Minutes by Mercator's Measure. So M. William Burton in the Description of Leicester-Shire. But how are wee the wiser for this? Mercator's Measure was not the same, for in his Globe dedicated to the Lord Granvella the great Meridian passeth through the Canaries; but in his great Map through the Azores M. Gabriel Richardson in the State of Europe yet more distinctly telleth his Reader, That the Longitudes in his book shall bee taken from that Meridian, which passeth through the Azores. But whether from that in S. Michaël, or from the other in Corvo is not set down, and yet the Difference is 7 Degrees, and more: But hear lastly the Kingdom's Geographer in the Preface to his Britannia. At insimulabunt jam Mathematici & in crimen vocabunt quasi in Geographicis Latitudinis & Longitudinis Dimensionibus toto Cœlo aberrârim. Audi quæso: Tabulas Astronomicas, novas, antiquas, manuscriptas, Oxonienses, Cantabrigienses, Regis Henrici Quinti diligenter contuli. In Latitudine à Ptolemeo plurimion discrepant inter se ferè conspirant: nec tamen Terram è suo Centro dimotam esse cum Stadio existimo. His igitur usus sum, In Longitudine autem nullus consensus, concentus nullus. Quid igitur facerem? Cum Recentiores perpendiculum navigatoria pyxide Magnete illitum inter Azores insulas rectà Polum Borealem respicere deprehenderim, indè Longitudinis Principium tanquam à Primo Meridiano cum illis dixi quam nec ubique leptomerōs permensus sum. So the Learned Cambden. Where note by the waie, that if the Translator hath rendered the Book no better then hee hath this Claus of the Preface, the best cours will bee for those that can, to read it in the Latine. The Autor's meaning I think was this. But now (saith hee) the Mathematicians will accuse and call mee in question, as if I were altogether out in my Geographical Dimensions of Latitude and Longitude. But praie heare mee: I diligently compared the Manuscript Astronomical Tables of Henrie the Fifth, as well the old, as the new, Calculated for the Meridians som of Oxford, others for that of Cambridg. In Latitude I found them to differ from Ptolomie very much, but well enough agreeing among themselvs: and yet I cannot think that the Earth is any whit startled aside from it's Center, as Stadius did. These Tables therefore I made use of. But in the Longitude I found no agreement at all. What should I do? Considering that the Modern Geographers had found that the Needle of the Mariner's Compass touched with the Loadstone directly pointeth to the North-Pole by the Azorian Isles, I did as they did, and took the begining of Longitude from thence, as from the First Meridian, but which I have not alwaies set down exactly, or to a Minute. And now the least that can bee exspected is, that the Longitudes of all Places in the Britannia are accounted from the Meridian which passeth by the Azores. But from which of the Meridians? If it bee as the book expresseth ab Ultimo Occidente, 'tis from that of Corvo: then the Mathematicians have caus to complain, for all the Longitudes are fals. But I can perceiv that the Geographer, though otherwise most accomplished, yet was not so well seen in this piece of the Skill; for though it bee pretended in the Preface that all the Longitudes in the Description shall bee taken from the Azores, yet in setting down the Longitude of Oxford, hee saith, That as hee hath it from the Mathematicians of the Place, it is 22 Degrees from the Fortunate Islands which can never bee true, for 'tis but 19 from the Azores reckoning by S. Michaël: But this is not all: In assigning the Longitude of Pen-von-las; or, The Land's-end in Cornwall, Hee saith that is 17 Degrees à Fortunatis Insulis vel potiùs Azoris, from the Fortunate Islands or rather from the Azores. But is is is the Difference so small did hee think? But 9 Degrees at least. But I finde by the Longitudes that Mercator was the Man that set up all these for Geographers. Mercator first of all kept himself to the Greek Meridian, as, Appian, Gemma Frisius, Maginus, and others; but understanding by Francis of Deip, an experienced Mariner, that the Compass had no Variation in the Islands of Capo Verde. And by others, that it had very little in Tercera, and S. Marie of the Azores, but not anie at all in the Isle Corvo, that hee might go a mean waie to work, and complie with the Common Meridian of the World (as hee took it to bee). Hee made his Great Meridian to pass (as himself saith) betwixt the Isles of Capo Verde and the Azores; that is, Through the Isles of S. Michaël and S. Marie, which was afterwards taken for Example by Plancius, Saunderson, and the common sort of others, so that little or no notice at all was taken of the Meridian by Corvo, no not by those of the biggest expectation, as M. Carpenter, M. Camden, M. Speed, and the rest; although this also was the known Meridian of som Globes of the very same Times; and before that, that is, before they had set their last hand to their Descriptions. And 'tis no mervail, for Mercator's Longitudes were more exactly accounted then before, and therefore they might well take his Meridian along with them. And 'twas not amiss to go by the most received, but then they should have said so, and withall, have set down the three severall Meridians at least, and the difference of Longitude betwixt them; and all this with more distinction then so, that another man should com after them to tell themselvs what Meridian they went by. And thus much of the First, or Great Meridian. THe Lesser are those Black Circles, which you see to pass through the Poles, and succeeding to the Great at 10 and 10 Degrees as in most Globes; or as in som, at 15 and 15 Degrees Difference. Everie place, never so little more East, or West then another, hath a several Meridian. Shot-over hath a distinct Meridian from Oxford, becaus more East; Osney hath not the same as near as it is, for it lieth West of the Citie: The exact Meridian whereof must pass directly through the middle; yet becaus of the huge distance of the Earth from the Heavens, all these Places, and Places much further off may bee said to have the same Meridian, as the Almanack-makers Calculate their Prognostications to such, or such a Meridian where they pretend to make their Observations: But saie too, that it may generally serv, &c. And indeed there is no verie sensible Difference in less then 60 Miles, upon which ground the Geographers, as the Astronomers allow a New Meridian to everie other Degree of the Equator, which would bee 130 in all, but except the Globes were made of an Extreme and Unuseful Diameter, so manie would stand too thick for the Description. Therefore most commonly they put down but 18; that is at 10 Degrees distance one from the other, the special use of these Lesser Meridians beeing to make a quicker dispatch in the account of the Longitudes. Som others, as Mercator set down but 12 at 15 Degrees difference, aiming at this, That the Meridians might bee distant one from the other a full part of time, or an hour: for seeing that the Sun is carried 15 Degrees off the Equinoctial everie hour, as was said before. The Meridians set at that Distance must make an hours difference in the Rising or Setting of the Sun to the several places, as if the Sun Rise at such an hour, such a daie of the year at Oxford. In a place 15 Degrees more distant towards the East the Sun riseth an hour sooner. In a place 15 Degrees distant towards the West, an hour later, the same daie of this, or that year. Now becaus the Spaces of time are reckoned by the same Degrees of the Equator as the Distances of Place, The Degrees of Longitude have been called Tempora; which word Camden somtimes delighteth to use, as in the Longitude of Bath hee saith it is 20 Temporibus , 20 Times, that is 20 Degrees distant from the Great Meridian. Hee expresseth by the same word in setting down the Latitude, but not so cunningly as I think. THe Equator is the Middle Circle betwixt two Poles graduated throughout, and plainly dividing the Globe into two equal Parts, from North to South, This is the Circle of Longitude, as the Meridian of Latitude; for Longitude is reckoned in the Equator from the Meridian: Latitude in the Meridian from the Equator. Crossing this Circle obliquely in the Middle is the Zodiack, the uttermost extent whereof towards the North noteth out the Tropick of Cancer; towards the South, the Tropick of Capricorn, each of them distant from the Equator 23 Degrees, or not much more, as may bee accounted in the Great Meridian. Equi-distant from these, and at the same distance from the Poles as the Tropicks from the Equator, are set down the Artick and Antartick Circles; all offering themselvs to sight by their Names, and distinction of Bredth, and Color, more notably then the rest: by the rest I mean the black blinder Circles equi-distantly remooved from the Equator at 10 Degrees difference, and serving the same turn in the accounting of Latitude, as the Meridians at the same distance in the reckoning of the Longitude. And these are called the unnamed Parallels. And so much of the Description of the Earth and Water together; Now of the Waterie-Part by it self. THe Cours of a Ship upon the Sea dependeth upon the Windes. The Designation of these, upon the certain Knowledg of one Principal; which considering the Situation and condition of the whole Sphere, ought in nature to bee North, or South. The North to us upon this side of the Line, the South to those in the other Hemisphere; for in making this observation, Men were to intend themselvs towards one fixed part of the Heavens, or other, and therefore to the one of these. In the South Part there is not found anie Star so notable, and of so near a distance from the Pole, as to make anie precise or firm Direction of that Winde. But in the North wee have that of the second Magnitude in the Tail of the Lesser Bear, making so smal, and, for the Motion, so insensible a Circle about the Pole, that it cometh all to one, as if it were the Pole it self. This pointed out the North-winde to the Mariners of old especially; and was therefore called by som the Load, or Lead-Star. But this could bee onely in the night, and not alwaies then. It is now more constantly and surely shewed by the Needle touched with the Magnete, which is therefore called the Load or Leadstone, for the same reason on the leading and directing their Courses: in the Nature and Secret of which Stone, becaus the whole business of Navigation is so throughly concern'd, somthing is to bee borrowed out of that Philosophie. A Magnetical Bodie is described to bee That, which hanging in the Aërial or Ætherial Parts of the Univers, firmly seateth it self upon it's own Poles, in a Situation natural and unchangeable, consisting also of som such parts as separated from the rest can take upon them the nature and conditions of the whole. Under this Description the Magnetical Philosophers comprehend the Globes of Saturn, Jupiter, the Sun, &c. but becaus these Bodies are placed so far above the reach of our Experience, and purpose; it shall bee sufficient to make the Description good upon the Earth. To do this, I think I may suppose, First, that the Constitution of the Whole Earth may bee gathered from the prevailing parts, such parts especially as do bear upon them the Marks and Signatures of the Whole. Then secondly, That the parts of the Earth, which lie couched about the Center, are not of a different of degenerous compliance from these which lie scattered about the Surface; which if anie bodie lift to rais suspicions upon, as Mr White hath don, they may: but I am sure they were no nearer Him, when hee lai'd the Foundations of the Earth, then wee. The prevailing parts about the Surface of the Earth, are the Mines of Loadstone, Steel, Iron, &c. of all which, it is certain, that they are indued with a virtue Magnetical, which enableth them to place themselvs in a set position betwixt North and South: And not onely these, but even Claie it self, burnt to Brick, and cooled North and South, if it bee hanged up in a close place, and left to it's libertie, will seat it self in the same Situation. But the most vigorous Magnetes are the Stone and the Steel, the Stone especially: And the Steel hath a capacitie to receiv a stronger virtue from the Stone, whereby it more firmly seateth it self in the North and South-Position of the Earth, directly pointing out those Windes to the Mariner; not in all parts directly, becaus in following the Constitution of the Great Magnete of the Whole Earth, it must needs bee here and there led aside towards the East or West, by the unequal temper of the Globe, consisting more of Water then of Earth in som places, and of Earth more or less Magnetical in others. This Deviation of the Needle, the Mariners call NorthEasting, or North-Westing, as it falleth out to bee; otherwise and more Artificially, the Variation of the Compass; which though it pretend uncertainly, yet proveth to bee one of the greatest helps the Seaman hath; for the Degrees of Variation, which the place it self exactly observed, giveth him a shrewd guess of the same, when hee meeteth with the same Variation again, unless the Variation it self should bee subject to a Change of Admirable Diminutions as the Late Discoverer calleth it in his Discours Mathematical, &c. This Needle, touched with the Stone, and directing towards the North and South, the Mariners (as the Magnetical Philosophers) call their Directorie-Needle, not onely for the reason intimated, but to distinguish it also from their other, called the Inclinatorie-Needle, becaus it is also found that the Needle touched with the Stone, will not onely turn towards the North, but make an Inclination under the Horizon, as to conform with the Diameter or Axis of the Earth. Mr Henrie Gellibrand. This Motion of the Needle was accidentally discovered by Robert Norman, a Man of great dexteritie in the framing and dressing up of the Mariner's Compass. It hapned to him, that, as often as hee had finished his Needles, and equally poized them upon their Pins, hee had no sooner touched them with the Stone, but still the North-Point of the Needle would forsake the parallel Site in which hee had placed it, and incline it self to the Axis of the Earth. The reason whereof not presently perceiv'd, escaped a while, with a conceit, as if the Artificer had deceived himself in ballancing the Needle; which therefore hee endeavoured to correct with a little peice of Wax stuck upon the lighter End (as hee took it to bee) till at last, beeing imploied in the framing of a Compass, the Needle whereof was to bee 6 inches in length, and having polished and levelled it with all possible care, and yet after the touching of it with the Stone, finding one end to weigh down the other, hee was forced to cut off som part of the heavier end, (as hee still mistook it) and so more, till hee had made the Needle unserviceable: whereupon, consulting with som knowing Friends, hee was advised to make som Instruments to trie out the experience. And it was found to bee this verie Inclination to the Axis of the Earth, and proportionably, though not equally, answering to the Degrees of Latitude. But this Inclination also, as the Direction, is variable, and for the same causses of the Earth's unequal temper. But all that which I have said will more evidently and expertly appear, upon the Terrella, or little Earth of Loadstone. As the Great Magnete of the Earth, so everie Magnetical part thereof, and everie part of that, hath Poles, Axis, Equator, Meridians, and Parallels of it's own. The Magnetical Philosophers therefore, to represent unto themselvs the Great Nature of the Whole, take a strong small piece of a Rock, which having reduced into a Globous form, they first found out the Poles by the filings of Steel (or otherwise) which will all meet together upon the North and South Points. A Circle drawn equidistantly from these describeth the Equator. This don, they take a smal Steel wyer, of about half an inch long, and applie it to anie part of the Equator, and it will precisely turn towards the North and South Poles, which is Motion of Direction, and marketh out the Meridians of the Terrella. But supposing a Concavitie to bee let into this Little Earth, in anie part, either about the Equator, or betwixt it and the Poles: In that case the Needle will not point directly to the Poles, but will make a Variation; unless it bee placed exactly towards the Middle of the Concavitie, and then it maketh no Variation at all, but turneth directly, as before; which from the Causses justifieth the Directions, and Variations of the Compass, towards and from the Poles of the Earth. Remove this Wyer from the Equator towards the Pole, and the one Ende of it will rise up as Norman's Needle did, and the other End will stick down upon the Stone, making an Acute Angle, and describing a Parallel. Remove it nearer to the Pole, and the Angle will bee less and less acute, till at a a a certain Parallel it becom a Right Angle to the Stone. Remove it yet nearer, and the Angle will bee Recto Major, or more and more obtuse. Bring it up to the Pole it self, and it will there stand bolt upright, and make one Line with the Axis of the Stone; which maketh good the Inclination of the Needle to the Diameter of the Great Magnete: for if Norman had touched his Needle under the Line, it would have stood level upon the Pin without anie Declination at all. If hee had touched it in anie place beyond the Line, the Inclination, would have been on the South side; but living here more towards this Pole, it must needs fall out as hee found it. Nobile experimentum , as Dr Gilbert cal's it, and hee is bold to saie, ut nullius unquam rationis aut mentis compos, &c. that hee who had considered of this, and holdeth not himself convinced of the Principles of Magnetical Philosophie, is not to bee taken for a man of sens or reason. I know what Scaliger saith to this; Gilbertus Medicus, &c. tres amplissimos Commentarios edidit, in quibus magìs mihi probavit Doctrinam suam, quàm Magnetis Naturam; nam incertior sum quàm dudum . Wee know what hee meaneth by amplissimos : but why tres Commentarios ? Sure the Man had not read all his Books, for the Dr wrote six: but England was a kinde of Nazareth to this Great Scholar; hee would not endure anie good should com out from hence. But to give the Art and the Nation but their due: As there is no point of Philosophie so admirable and secret with Nature as this; so none so immerst in visible practice and experiment, and bred up from the verie Cradle to that growth and stature, which now it hath in this verie Corner of the World, by English Men. Norman Burrough Wright Gilbert Ridley Barlow Gellibrand . Manie other Experiments of great Wonder and Satisfaction are made by the Magnetical Philosophers upon the Stone; but to the purpose I speak of, these are the Principal, which is, to give the Reasons of the Needles turning towards the North and South, which is the Original of the Mariner's Compass. The North and South Windes thus assured by the Motion either of Direction of Variation of the Needle, The Mariner supposeth his Ship to bee, as it alwaies is, upon som Horizon or other. The Center whereof is that of the Ship. The Line of North and South found out by the Needle, a Line crossing this at right Angles sheweth the East and West, and so they have the 4 Cardinal Windes; and the Indian They are drawn upon a white China dish filled with Water, upon the Center whereof there hangeth a Needle of 6 inches long. Compass consisteth of no more. Cross again each of these Lines, and they have the 8 Whole Windes, as they call them: Another Division of these maketh 8 more, which they call the Half Windes. A third maketh 16, which they call the Quarter Windes; so they are 32 in all. Martin Cortez noteth, that som Mariners of his time divided that Division over again, and so the Compass consisted of 64 Windes: but hee noteth also, that this Division was more exact then for the Use. Everie one of these Windes is otherwise termed a several point of the Compass, and the Whole Line consisting of 2 Windes, as the Line of North and South, or that of East and West, is called a Rombe. The Spaniards first gave that Name, as Peter of Medina taketh it upon them; yet not out of their own Language, but fancying to themselvs that the Lines of the rhe Compass (as indeed they do) much resembled the Spars of a Spining Wheel, which in Latine is called Rhombus, from the Greek rhembō, to turn about, they call those Lines Rumbos: and the Word hath taken. The Compass therefore is an Horizontical Division of the 32 Windes, upon a round piece of Pasteboard set in a Box, in the Center whereof upon a pin of Laten cinque bored, the Needle or Wyers, first touched with the Stone, are placed. This Box hangeth in another Box, between two hoops of Laten, that however the outermost Box bee tossed up and down by the Motion of the Ship, yet the innermost may alwaies hang level to the Horizon. It is placed in the middle of the Pupe, upon a right Line imagined to pass by the Main-mast through the Center of the Ship, and so putteth the Pilot in his Waie. These Compasses are represented, as they may upon the Globe, by those Circles which you see divided into 32 Parts with their Fleurç de Lis, alwaies pointing to the North. And though the Windes are not set down by Name, yet they may bee fetched from the Horizon without the Globe. And the Rumbes are drawn out at length circularly, if the Cours bee upon a Meridian, the Equator, or anie other parallel; otherwise they are Helispherical Lines, as they call them, that is, partly Circular, and partly Helical or Spiral, as you may see them described upon the Globe. In the Globes set out by Saunderson and Molineux, you have the Courses of Sr Francis Drake, and Fourbisher's Voyages; and in Janson's Globe that of Oliver Van-Nort described by the Rumbes, whereby you may judg of the rest. The Knowledg of all this is not of less use to the Geographer, then the other Description by Circles; aswel for the Reading of Sea-Voyages and Discoveries of New Lands and Passages, as for that the verie Descriptions of the Earth, for a great part, cannot bee made without references to the Water. As the Earth and Water are wholly represented upon the Globe, so the whole, or anie part of either may bee described in Plano, or upon a plane Surface in a Map or Sea-Chart. Janson's Globe of the Year 1616. The Great Meridian passeth by the Pike in Tenariff. The Lesser stand at 10 Degrees distance. And of these also somthing shall bee discoursed hereafter; for the present, Thus much of the Description: now followeth THe first care of this is to see that the Foot of the Globe stand level or parallel to the Horizon; for which purpose som Globes have a Plumb-line, and there bee that advise for a Triangular Level of Wood, with a Plummet for the purpose, to bee applied to anie part of the Horizon, after the manner as the Mechanicks trie their Planes: but the matter is not tied to such a severitie of exactness, but that a good Eie may pass for a sufficient Judg. The next thing is, that it bee placed in the North and South-Position of the Earth as directly as it may. This dependeth upon the knowledg of the Meridian of the place, but may well enough bee don by a Needle, whose Variation is known, such an one as is used to bee set upon the South side of the Foot of som Globes, for the same purpose: then lift up the North-Pole above the Horizon so manie Degrees as will answer to the Latitude of the Place unto which you mean to rectifie, which suppose to bee Oxford, therefore the Pole is to bee lifted up 51 Degrees, for that is the Elevation of this Place: then finde out Oxford in the Globe, and bring it to the Brass Meridian, and there staie it with a piece of paper, or the like, put between the Meridian and the Globe: And you have set before you Oxford with the verie same and all respects of Situation upon the Globe, as it hath upon the Earth it self. And this is called Rectification, or right setting of the Globe. THese Terms of Longitude and Latitude are understood either of the same or several Places. In the first sens they are absolutely called the Longitude or Latitude of this or that place. In the other sens wee use to say, The Difference of Longitude or Latitude between such and such a place. The Longitude of this or that place is the distance of it from the Great Meridian, to the Meridian of the Place reckoned in the Degrees of the Equator. The Latitude of a Place is the Distance of the Equator from the parallel of the place reckoned in the Degrees of the Meridian. Therefore if the place met with bee under the Great Meridian, it hath no Longitude at all, as the Hill in Tenariffe, unless it bee in respect of som other Great Meridian, as that by Corvo, or the other by St Michaël; and of such a place it will bee sufficient to know the Latitude. So again, if the place met with bee under the Equator, it hath no Latitude at all; and of such a place it shall bee sufficient to know the Longitude. But if the place should fall out to bee in the verie Intersection it self of the Equator, and the Great Meridian it hath neither Latitude nor Longitude; and of such a Place it is sufficiently said, that There it is. But if the known Place lie at anie distance from the Equator, it is but bringing it up to the Brass Meridian, and the Latitude is found by observing what Degrees the Meridian setteth off. Let Oxford bee the Place you meet with, turn the Globe till it lie precisely under the Meridian, and you will finde from the Equator 51 Degrees, 32 Minutes of Norther Latitude; and, by consequence, you also have the Elevation of the Pole: for that is alwaies equal to the Latitude of the Place. With the same labor you may finde out the Longitude, if holding still the Globe you observ the Degrees of Intersection cut off by the Meridian in the Equator: as put the case for Oxford still, it will bee found 22 Degrees from the Fortunate Islands, saith Camden; from St Michaël in the Azores 'tis exactly true by which the Preface promised to go; but from the Fortunate Isles or the Pike in Tenariffe, not out 15. In case anie of the lesser Meridians happen to pass through the Place, you may rekon of what number it is from the Great Meridian, as whether it bee the 3d, 5th, 9th, &c. and so manie times 10 Degrees, (for at that distance they are set) is the Longitude of the Place. The same cours may bee taken by the Parallels to account the Degrees of Latitude. And as the Longitude and Latitude are found out by the Place known, so after the same manner anie Place may bee found out by the fore-knowledg of them. This fore-knowledg was first had by Observation of the Eclipses of the Moon, and the Meridian Altitude of the Sun or Stars, but may bee now more easily gotten out of the Tables of Peter Appian, Gemma Frisius, Mercator, Ortelius, Tycho, and that annexed to Mr Hues his Treatise of the Use of the Globes, wherein the Longitudes and Latitudes of all the Principal Cities, Capes, Rivers, &c. are set down, but not accounting all from the same Meridian, which therefore also must bee considered off: For the named Autors, Appian, Gemma Frisius, and Tycho reckoned from the Canaries, the rest from St Michaël in the Azores. THe Respect of several Places one to another, is called the Difference of Longitude or Latitude, as the Latitude of Oxford is 51 Degrees, the Latitude of Durham 55. The Difference of Latitude is 4 Degrees. The Use of Longitude and Latitude, in the absolute sens, was to make out the Position of anie Place, in respect of the Whole Sphere. In this other meaning, the Intent is to shew the Situation and Distance of anie Place from and in respect of anie other. The Situation of a Place to another Place, is otherwise called the Angle of Position; but of the Distance first, and how that is to bee made into Miles. The several cases put by the Geographers of this Difference, are either of Places differing in Latitude onely, or Longitude onely, or both. Places differing in latitude onely, are all such as lie under the same Meridian, but several Parallels. This may so fall out, as that either both the Places may bee in North, or both in South Latitude, or one of them in each. If both the Places lie in North or South Latitude, then it is plain, that if the lesser Latitude bee subduced from the greater, the Remanent of Degrees, multiplied into Miles by 60, sheweth the Distance, as the Isl' de Maio in the Latitude of 14 Degrees; and the Isle of St Michaël 39 Degrees, are both under the same Meridian: the 14 Degrees are the lesser Latitude, which taken from the 39 the greater, the remainder is 25, which multiplied by 60, giveth the Distance in Miles. If one of the Places lie in North, the other in South Latitude, add the Degrees of both Latitudes together, and do the like. The verie same Cours is to be taken, if the Places differ in Longitude onely, in case they both lie under the Line it self, becaus there the measure is in a Great Circle, as in the Meridians of Latitude; but if otherwise it fall out to be bee in anie Parallel, on this or that side of the Line, the case is altered. Wee take for instance the Difference of Longitude betwixt London and Charlton, or Charls-Town, in Charlton Island, so honored with the Name of CHARLS Prince of WALES, by Captain Thomas James, at his Attempt upon the North-West Passage in the Wintering, the 29th of Maie, the Year 1632, which was the Daie on His Highness Nativitie. The Difference of Longitude is 79 Degrees, 30 Minutes, as it was taken from an Eclips of the Moon, observed there by the Learned Captain, Octob. 29, 1631, and by Mr Henrie Gellibrand at Gresham College at the same time. It is required that this Difference of Longitude bee converted into Miles. The Latitude of Charlton is 52 Degrees, 3 Minutes; that of London much about the same. Here the proportion of 60 Miles to a Degree, will over-reckon the Distance almost by the half. The reason whereof shall bee first reported out of the Nature of the Sphere. However, it bee certain, that the Artificial Globe (as the Natural is supposed to bee is of a Form precisely round, and may bee drawn upon all over with Great Circles Meridionally, yet considered from the Middle Line to the Poles, it hath a sensible Inclination or Depression of Sphere, as it is termed in their words, so that if the Artificial Globe bee turned about upon it's Axel, several parts of the same Bodie shall bee more swiftly moved then other at the same time; for it is plain, that the Equator is moved about in the same duration of time, as the smallest Parallel, but the Circumferences are of a Vast and Visible Disproportion, and therefore is not possible they should go an equal pace. It is upon the same grounds, that the Author of the Use of the Globe per Terram mobilem will tell you, that in the Diurnal Motion of the Earth, though Amsterdam (in the same Latitude with Oxford) keep pace with the Isle of St Thomas under the Line, yet they are of a very different dispatch; for Amsterdam goeth but 548 Miles in an hour, whereas the Isle of St Thomas posteth over 900 Miles in the same space of time, which is after the rate of 12 Miles in a Minute, and more. And all this is true (that is true to the Paradox) from the Inclination of the Sphere: But more plainly yet. Wee see that the Meridians upon the Globe are set at 10 Degrees Distance, but wee may perceiv too that this Distance groweth less and less, as the Meridians draw nearer towards their concurrence in the Poles, as the Globe it self doth from the Equator upwards, and therefore the Degrees however accounted proportionable, yet cannot possibly bee equal in the Lesser Parallels to those in the Equator, but must needs make an orderlie Diminution from thence to either of the Poles. When therefore it was formerly said that 60 Miles of the Surface of the Earthlie Globe answer to a degree in the Heaven, it is to bee understood of the Degrees of a Great Circle, and so is alwaies true in those of Latitude, but in the Degrees of Longitude it holdeth onely in the Equator it self, but in the Parallels more North, or South the proportion diminisheth from 60 to none at all. So that if I would convert the Longitudes of the Molucca's, or anie other parts under the Line into Miles, it is but multiplying the Degrees of Longitude by 60 and the thing is don; but if I would do the like by Oxford, or anie other place betwixt the Equator and the Poles, I must first know what number of Miles answereth to a Degree in that Parallel of Latitude. The knowledg of this dependeth upon the proportion which the Equator beareth to the Parallels, which is learned out by the skill of Trigonometrie, but need not now bee so hardly attained to; for the Proportions are alreadie cast up into a Table by Peter Appian in the first Part of his Cosmographie. They are there set down according to the rate of German Miles, one of which maketh 4 of ours. According to our own Rate they are as followeth: The Proportion of English Miles answering to their several Degrees of Latitude. Deg. of Lat. Miles English. Seconds. Deg. of Lat. Miles English. Seconds. Deg. of Lat. Miles English. Seconds. 1 59 59 31 51 26 61 29 5 2 59 58 32 50 53 62 28 10 3 59 55 33 50 19 63 27 10 4 59 51 34 49 45 64 26 18 5 59 46 35 49 9 65 25 21 6 59 40 36 48 32 66 14 24 7 59 33 37 47 55 67 23 27 8 59 25 38 47 17 68 22 29 9 59 16 39 46 38 69 21 30 10 59 5 40 45 58 70 20 31 11 58 54 41 45 17 71 19 32 12 58 41 42 44 35 72 18 32 13 58 28 43 43 53 73 17 33 14 58 13 44 43 10 74 16 32 15 57 57 45 42 26 75 15 32 16 57 41 46 41 41 76 14 31 17 57 23 47 40 55 77 13 30 18 57 4 48 40 9 78 12 28 19 56 44 49 39 22 79 11 27 20 56 23 50 38 34 80 10 25 21 56 1 51 37 46 81 9 23 22 55 38 52 36 56 82 8 21 23 55 14 53 36 7 83 7 19 24 54 49 54 35 16 84 6 16 25 54 23 55 34 25 85 5 14 26 53 56 56 33 33 86 4 11 27 53 28 57 32 41 87 3 8 28 52 59 58 31 48 88 2 5 29 52 29 59 30 54 89 1 3 30 51 58 60 30 0 90 0 0 KNowing then the Latitude of Charlton to bee 52 Degrees, and that of London much about the same: I enter the Table, where I finde the Sum of 36 Miles, or thereabouts to answer a Degree of that Parallel, therefore multiplying the Degrees of Longitude by 36, it giveth up the number of Miles from the Great Meridian to the Place. And very fit it were that these Proportions were written upon the Horizon of the Terrestrial Globes, rather then the Calendars. And what els there is, confessed by themselvs to belong of right to the other Globe, and of little use to the Geographer, till this will bee, they may bee cut upon a Silver-Plate, or Ruler of Box, or som how, or other; for without this Table, the Use of the Globe, as to this Case of Difference, is as good as none at all. The last Case is remaining, which is put of such Places as differ both in Longitude and Latitude; for the consideration whereof the Geographers have devised several waies, as the Arithmetical waie; That by the Sphærical Triangles, by the Semi-circle, &c. But the working by either of these is of more time and intricacie then was to bee wished. The readiest of all, and not much inferior to the certaintie of the rest is the Geometrical waie, as Peter Appian (one of the Fathers of this Art) hath termed it; and 'tis no more but this: Let the two Places bee the Isle of St Thomas and Tenariff in the Canaries. Take your Compasses and set one Foot of them Tenariff, the other in S. Thomas, and keeping the Feet of the Compasses at the same distance, remove them to the Equator, or Great Meridian, and see how many Degrees they set off; for that number multiplied by 60 is the Distance of the two Places in Miles. The ground of this Rule is, that the Distance of all Places not differing onely in Longitude, are to bee understood to bee in a Great Circle, and it was known before, that the Degrees of such a one are severally answered by 60 of our Miles upon the face of the Earth. You may do the like in the Quadrant of Altitude as will bee seen in the next Invention. THe Zenith is the Pole of the Horizon through which the Astronomers imagin Circles drawn (as the Meridians through the Poles of the World) so dividing the Degrees of the Horizon as to mark out the Site of the Stars from this or that Coast of the World. And becaus these Circles are supposed to bee drawn through the Semt, or Semith Alros, that is The Point over the Head, or Vertical Point, The Arabians called them Alsemuth, we cal them stil Azimuths. And for that the Zenith Point still altereth with the Horizon, these Circls could not have been describ'd upon the Globes, but are represented there by the Quadrant of Altitude, which is the 4th part of anie one of those, and most properly serving the other Globe, yet upon the same ground is useful to the Geographer in setting out that Angle which is made by the meeting of the Meridian of anie Place, with the Vertical Circle of anie other and of the same, called therefore the Angle of Position, or Site. To finde this out you are to elevate the Pole to the Latitude of one of the Places, then bring the Place to the Meridian, and it will fall out directly to bee in the Zenith of that Elevation upon this ground, That the Elevation is alwaies equal to the Latitude; then fasten the Quadrant of Altitude upon the Zenith, and turn it about till it fall upon the other Place, and the End of the Quadrant will point out the Situation upon the Horizon. Let the Places bee Oxford and the Hill in Tenariff, set the Globe to the Elevation of Oxford, that is 51 Degrees of Elevation above the Horizon, then bring Oxford to the Meridian, and it falleth under 51 Degrees of Latitude from the Equator, therefore it is found in it's own Vertical Point 90 Degrees equidistantly removed from the Horizon: Fasten there the Quadrant, and move about the Plate till it fall upon the Hill in Tenariff, and the end of the Quadrant where it toucheth the Horizon will shew that the Hill in Tenariff beareth from Oxford South South-West: and if you multiplie the the the Degrees of the Quadrant intercepted betwixt the two Places by 60, you have the Distance in Miles, which was promised before. If you finde, as you needs must, that the Proportion of Miles upon the Globe doth not alwaies answer to that which wee reckon upon in the Earth, you are desired not to think much; for when it is promised that 60 of our Miles shall run out a Degree of a Great Circle above, it is intended upon this Supposition, as if the Earth wee tread upon were precisely round as the Globe it self is, and not interrupted with Rivers, Hills, Vallies, &c. which though they bear no proportion otherwise, yet becaus it cometh to pass by this that wee cannot set our cours in a Streight Line upon the Earth as the Demonstration is forced to presuppose, wee must bee contented if som difference fall out. The more unhappie Difference will bee found in the Longitudes themselvs. The Difference of Longitude betwixt Rome and Norenberg (as M. Gellibrand hath already made the Observation) is according to te Kepler, but 4 Minutes of Time: Lansbergh reckoneth it at 10 Degrees, Mercator at 12, Stadius at 18, Longomontanus at 16, Stoffler at 18, Maginus at 26, Werner at 32, Origan at 33, Appian at 34, Regiomontanus at 36: with discouragement enough it may bee noted, for the Places are verie eminent, and of a near Distance: the Men professed able, and for the most part reckoning from the same Great Meridian; and yet the less to bee wondred at, if wee consider how much in this case must bee taken upon trust, even by these Men themselvs. Wee must not think they all spake this of their own Knowledg, for it is certain the thing might have been, and is don, though not without anie at all, yet without anie considerable disagreement. I saie the Longitudes for a very great part, are exactly enough agreed on. The perfection is not one Man's, nor one Ages Work, and must bee waited for. It must not seem strange if I tell you that you may distinguish the more certain from the doubtful by their disconvenience, for where you finde them to agree, you have caus to suspect (for the most part) that they have lien long upon the Lees of Time, not as yet enquired into. But if you finde them to disagree, you may conclude that they have been brought to a new Examination. And of these, you are to take the latest, and from such (if it may bee) as have don it by their own Observation, as out of the Tables of Tycho before others. The difference of Longitude by Tycho's Tables betwixt Rome and Norenberg is under 4 Degrees, which cometh nearest to Kepler, who also took it himself from two several observations of the Moon. There will still seem to bee som want of satisfaction, but it is sufficient for anie man to know in this as much as anie other man doth. If you would convert the Degrees of Longitude into Hours (for this also may bee don as well as into Miles) you are to allow 15 Degrees to one Hour, upon the Reasons taught before; and that which will bee gained by this is to know, by how much sooner or later the Sun Riseth, or Setteth to one Place then to another. As the Difference of Longitude betwixt Oxford and Charlton is 79 Degrees, 30 Minutes: that is, 5 Hours, 18 Minutes: and becaus Charlton lieth West from London, the Sun Riseth so much sooner here then there. THe Latitude and Longitude of a Place once resolved upon, the other Accidents of Sphere will follow of themselvs: the Position of Sphere you cannot miss of, for if the Place you trie for have no Latitude at all, you know alreadie that it must of necessitie lie under the Line it self, and therefore in a right Position. If it have less, or more the Position is oblique. If it have as much as it can have, that is the Whole Quadrant, or 90 Degrees, the Position is Parallel; the reasons were told before, and may evidently bee discerned upon the Globe. For the Climes and Parallels, and consequently the length of the longest Daie, The fore-knowledg of the Latitude leadeth you directly, in case the Climes bee set down upon the Brass Meridian, or in anie void part of the Globe, otherwise it is but entring the Table of Climes and Parallels proportioned to everie Degree of Latitude, and you have your desire. And as by the Latitude you may finde out the Clime, so if it happen that you knew the Clime before, as it may in the reading of the Estats du Monde, or the like Describers, you may by the Clime finde out the Latitude; And you cannot know either of these, but you must needs know the Zone: And if you know that, you can easily conclude upon the Distinction of Shadows, for you knew before that the Inhabitants of the Mid Zone are alwaies Ascii or Amphiscii ; those of the two Extreme Periscii ; those of the two Temperate or Intermedious, Heteroscii . To finde out the other Distinction of Habitation you may do thus: Let Oxford bee the Place; bring it to the Meridian, where you finde it to bee 51 Degrees lifted up above the Equator; account so manie Degrees of Southern Latitude below the Equator, and you meet with the Antæci (if anie bee) in the Terra Australis incognita ; remove Oxford from the Meridian 180 Degrees, and you shall finde your Periæci under the Meridian where Oxford was before, about the Bay of S. Michaël in the Kingdom of Quivira, and your Antipodes in the place where their Antæci stood before, but they are not, for the Place is covered over with Water. There yet remaineth one waie of Description, but out of Curious Art, and of no great Instruction, yet becaus it is made use of by som Geographers, and not left out by M. Camden himself in his Britannia, I may tell what it meaneth. THe Wisdom of the Antients (it was called so) held an Opinion that not our selvs onely, the Little Worlds, but the Great Globe of the Earth also is particularly reigned over by the Dominion of the 12 Signs, and Influence of the 7 Planets; upon which Principle (as wee receiv it by Ptolomie's Tradition) they divided this Globe into 4 Quadrants by the Intersection of the Equator with the Great Meridian passing by the Canaries. Every of these Quadrants they again divided into 4 Trigons, consisting each of them of 3 Signs of the Zodiack, not orderly, but so as that everie Trigon night bee made up of one Fixt Sign, one Moveable, and the third Common, as they distinguish. The first Quadrant was reckoned from the Vernal by the Pole to the Autumnal Intersection, and was called the Quadrant of the Habitable World: for every one of the other three was to that Time a Terra incognita. The first Trigon of this Quadrant falleth to the Dominion of Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius. The Second to Taurus, Virgo, and Capricornus, and to the Influence of such Planets as are connatural to such Signs. So Britain, France, Germanie, &c. fall to the share of Aries and his Planet Mars. Italie, Sicilie, &c. to Leo: Norwaie, Bavaria, &c. to Scorpio; and so forwards, concluding all, and every Part and Province of the Globe under one, or other of the Twelv. But this emptie Speculation stopped not here, but would make us believ too, that not Whole Countries onely, but everie Citie, Castle, Village, nay, not a private Hous, or a Ship that ride's upon the Oceän but is thus distinctly governed by their Planets. They do it upon this ground: Those men allow as earnest a livelihood to the Beam in the Timber, and Stone in the Wall as to themselvs. And when the first Stone of a Building is laid, a Citie or Hous is said to bee born, and as Formal a Figure erected of that, as of the Owner's Nativitie. The Emperor Constantine (though you would not think it) at the Building of his new Rome commanded Valens, (a named Astrologer of that Time) to Calculate the Nativitie, and make Judgment of the Life and Duration of that Imperial Citie. The Asscendent was Cancer, and the Astrologer said that the Empire should stand 696 years, and (whether hee knew so much or not) hee said true; the Citie lived longer indeed, but all the rest was but labor and sorrow. And for a more private Mansion, there is yet now to bee seen the Nativitie of the Warden's Lodgings of Merton College in one of the Windows; the Horoscope the same with that of Constantinople; now look what Sign of the twelv shall bee found to rise up in the Horoscope or Angle of the East, that is the Sign-Regent of that Hous, or Citie. Prepared thus, the Astrologers sit in Judgment upon the Inclinations and Fatalities of States and Men: and how little soever it may seem to us, or bee in it self, it was of moment to som of old, for Tiberius (an Astrologer himself) had the Genitures of all his Nobilitie by him, and according as hee found his own, or the Kingdom's Horoscope to bee well, or ill look't upon by theirs, so hee let them stand, or cut them off by Legislative Astrologie. According therefore to this waie of Description, the Kingdom of England is Astrologically Sited in the first Trigon of the first Quadrant, under the Dominion of Aries for the Sign, and for the Planet Mars; or otherwise under the Dominion of Pisces, now in the Place of Aries, and the Influence of the Moon and Mars. And Silen saith, that the Planet of England is the Moon, and Saturn of the Scots: Unde homines illius regionis (saith an old Astrologer) sunt vagi, & instabiles, ludibrio exponuntur, nunc ad summum, nunc ad imum delati. So the Jews and wee are governed by the same Stars equally, as Cardan is pleased to saie of us; Cardan. in 2. Tetra bib. Ptolomæi, cap. 3. tex. 12. A Rebellious and Unluckie Nation, ever now and then making of New Laws and Rites of Religion to the better somtimes, but for the most part to the worst. Now take an Essaie by all the waies of Description in the Geographie of Oxford. It lieth in an Oblique Position of Sphere in the Northern Temperate Zone: The Elevation of the Pole 51 Degrees, 30 Minutes: the Longitude from the Great Meridian in Tenariff 15 Degrees: under the 8 Clime, and 16 Parallel: the Longest Daie 16 Hours. The Sign-Regent is Capricorn: the Noon-Shadows are Heteroscian: Wee are Periœci to the Baie of S. Miguel in Quivira: Antæci to the Northern Parts of Terra Australis incognita below the Promontorie: Wee are Antipodes to none.

Science

The Description and Use of the Terrestrial Globe.

The description and use of the terrestrial globe. (Part of: Gregorii posthuma: or, Certain learned tracts.

SciB1652

SWETHLAND is bounded on the East with Muscovie, on the West with the Dofrine hils which divide it from Norway; on the North with the great Frozen Ocean, spoken of before; on the South with Denmark, Liefland, and the Baltick Sea. So called from the Sueci, Suethans, or Suethidi, and the word Land added for a termination; of which more hereafter. It is in length from Stockholm unto the borders of Lapland, above a 1000 Italian miles; and in breadth from Stockholm, lying on the Bodner Sea, to the borders of Denmark, about twenty good dayes journey on horse-back: insomuch as they which have travelled the length and breadth of it on this side of Lapland and the Gulf, account it little lesse then all Italy and France together: but taking in Lapland, and the Provinces on the other side of the Gulf, bigger then both by the quantity of 900 miles. The situation of it in regard of the heavenly bodies, is the same with Norway, under the same Parallels and Degrees; but of so different a temper, both for soil and air, as if disposed of under severall seveverall and long distant Climes. For the Aire here is very pure, but not so sharp, and insupportable, as it is in Norway: though in some places where the Moores and Waters setle for want of care to open and cleanse the water-courses, they have great fogges and mists which doe somewhat putrefie it: And for the soil, it is more fertile then any of the other Northern Provinces: so that besides those necessaries which they keep for themselves, they usually transport into other Countries store of Malt and Barley; together with great quantities of Brasse, Lead, Steel, Copper, Iron, the hides of Goats, Bucks, Oxen, and costly furres. They have also some Mines of Silver not mixt with any other metall; plenty of fish in their Lakes and Rivers; abundance of Pine-trees, Firre, Oaks, both for ships and houses; yeilding besides, among the woods, good store of Tarre, and Honey, and some other necessaries. But hereof we shall speak more punctually in the severall Provinces. The principall mountains of this Country are the Dofrine hils, a vast and continuall ridge of mountaines which divide it from Norway. And though they want not Rivers fit for common uses; yet partly by reason of their great frosts and flakes of Ice, partly by reason of the falling of trees which lie crosse their Channels; they have not many Navigable, or of any great fame. The principall of such as be, are 1 Meler, at the mouth whereof stands the City of Stockholm: 2 Lusen, 3 Dalecarlie, giving name to the Province so called, or as denominated from it. And of the Lakes, whereof here are exceeding many, that of most note is the lake of Werett which receiving it into 24 Rivers disburdneth it self at one mouth into the Baltick, with such noise and fury, that they call it commonly the Devils head. The people are naturally strong and active, provident, patient, and industrious; hospitable towards strangers, whom they entertain with great humanity: so healthy, that if they doe not shorten their dayes by excesse and riot, they live commonly to 140 years of age; and so laborious, that a Begger is not seen amongst them: exceeding apt to learn as well Tongues and Sciences, as the Arts Mechanicall: Gothland.every man in a manner being his own Artificer, without imploying Smith, Mason, Carpenter, or any of other manuall trades: very valiant both on foot and horseback, which their long wars against the Danes, and their late wars in Germany, have given good proof of. Their women are discreet and modest, free from that intemperance which these Northern parts are subject to. Both sexes use a corrupt Dutch, common to all three Northerne kingdoms: except in Finland, and the Provinces on the other side of the Bodner sea, where they partake somewhat of the Muscovite or Russian language. The Christian Religion was first planted amongst them by the care and diligence of Ansgarius Archbishop of Breme, the Apostle general of the North; corrupt with Popish superstitions, it was reformed, according to the Augustane Confession, in the time of Gustavus Ericus, the first of the present Royall familie; sollicited thereunto by one Petre Nevicius a Lutheran Divine, and Lawrence the Archdeacon of Strengnes; but chiefly moved (as others say) by a desire to appropriate to himselfe the goods of the Church. And this appeares to have had some strong influence upon him in it, in that he presently seised upon what he pleased; and made a Law that Bishops should enjoy no more then the King thought fit: yet having pretty well lessened their Revenues, he was content they should remain as formerly both in power and number, reserving to himselfe and his successours the nomination of the persons; but so as the approbation of the Clergy (in a kinde of election) doth usually goe along with the Kings appointment. The Bishops are in number seven, that is to say, 1 of Lincopen, containing in his Diocese 226 Parishes; 2 of Vexime, under whom are 210. 3 of Scara, ruling over the same number of Churches; 4 of Strengnes, under whom are an hundred onely; 5 of Aboe, the greatest for extent of all, as comprehending under it 500 Parishes; 6 of Wiburg, and 7 of Habsay, whose Dioceses for the most part lye out of the bounds of Sweden, in Muscovie, Livonia, and some other of the out parts of Poland: all of them under the Archbishop of Upsal, as their Metropolitan, whose Diocese extending into Lapland and Finmarch, containeth 171 Parish Churches. By which accompt there are in all the kingdome of Swethland, but 1417 Parishes; but many of them of a thousand or eight hundred families: the people being dispersed in Forrests and other places, where they have store of timber to build them houses, and store of pasturage for their Cattell; which is the reason why they have not so many great townes, nor so well inhabited, as is usuall in far lesser Countries: As for the Authority of these Bishops, they still retaine their voice in Parliament, and with them so many of the inferiour Clergie, as are from every Socken, (a certain number of Parishes like our Rurall Deaneries) deputed to appeare there in the name of the Church: the affaires whereof the Bishops do direct and order aswell in as out of publick meetings, according to the Ecclesiasticall Constitutions formerly established; and if any great occasion be, they may either advise with their Consistorials, or call a Diocesan Synod, (as they thinke most fit) and therein make such Lawes and Canons, as they conceive to be most proper for their owne edification. The whole kingdom is divided into two parts, the one lying on the East, the other on the West side of the Bay or Gulf of Bodner, called Sinus Bodicus in Latine, being a large and spacious branch of the Baltick Sea extending from the most southernly point of Gothland as farre as to Lapland on the north. According to which division we have the Provinces of 1 Gothland and 2 Sweden, lying on the West side of the Gulfe; 3 Lapland, shutting it up upon the North, 4 Bodia or Bodden, and 5 Finland, on the East side thereof; and 6 the Swedish Islands, where it mingleth with the rest of the Baltick. GOTHLAND, is bounded on the East with the Bodner Sea, on the West with the Mountains which divide it from Norwey, and so much of Denmark as lies in the same continent with it; on the North with Sweden; on the south with the sea Baltick. So called either from the Gothes, whose originall Countrey it is commonly affirmed to be; or quasi goot landt, from the goodnesse and fertility of the soyl (Goot landia, quæ Germanice Terra bona sonat (as Maginus out of Munster hath it) the soyle being very fruitfull for corne and cattell, affording plenty of Mines, with great store of fish, and generally a better conditioned Countrey then any of the rest of these Northern Regions. It is divided commonly into Ostrogoth, or East Gothland; Westergoth, divided from the former by the great lake of Weret spoken of before; and South Gothland, subdivided into Smalandia, Tuiscia, and Verendia. Chief townes whereof in Ostrogoth, are 1 Lincopen, a Bishops See; 2 Loduse, adorned with a very fair Haven: in Westergoth, 3 Scara on the lake Weret, a Bishops See also; 4 Elseburg on the Western sea, betwixt Denmark and Norwey; a place of consequence; and flankerd with two very strong Castles in the parts adjoining, the one called Croneberg, and the other Goldberg. 5 Tragualle, remarkable for iron workes, occasioned by the mines adjoining. And finally in South Gothland, there is 6 Vexim, or Vexio, another of the Episcopall Sees: 7 Walburg, a reasonable fair Town, with a strong Castle. 8 Rottenby, and 9 Elcholm in Verendia, neer the confines of Denmark, 10 Colmar, a noted and well traded Port on the Baltick Sea, beautified with a Castle not inferiour to that of Millain; and so well fortified throughout, that at the taking of it by Christiern the fourth of Denmark, anno 1611. there were found mounted on the Workes 108 brasse peeces of Ordinance, six men of war to guard the Haven, with all manner of Ammunition in proportion to them. Gothes The first Inhhabitants of these south parts of Scandia, are commonly affirmed to have beene the GOTHES, whom Jornandes in his Book de Rebus Geticis, makes to have issued out of this countrey, and to plant themselves on the north bankes of the Ister, nere the Euxine sea, some time before the Trojan war: ascribing to them whatsoever is reported in old writers of the antient Scythians, as their encounter with Vexoris or Sesostris the King of Egypt, the Act and acheivements of the Amazons, their congresse with Alexander the Great in his Persian war, and the like to these. In which Jornandes being himself a Goth, is no more to be credited, then Geofrie of Monmouth a Welchman, in the storie of Brute and his successours, to whom he doth ascribe the taking and sack of Rome under the conduct of Brennus, whom he makes to be the brother of Belinus a King of Britain. Most probable it is that they were originally a Dutch or German people, part of the great Nation of the Suevi, called by Tacitus the Gothones, inhabiting in his time (as it is conceived) in the land of Prussia. Who finding their own countrey too narrow for them might passe over the Baltick into the next adjoining Regions: and not well liking that cold clime might afterwards in some good numbers goe to seek new dwellings, and at lest seat themselves on the bankes of Ister, where Jornandes found them. That they were Dutch originally, besides the generall name of the Gothones or Gothes, and those of Ostrogothes, and Wisigothes, into which they were afterwards divided; the particular names of Alaric, Theodorick, Riccared, (the names of their Kings and Captains) seem to me to evidence. That they were once seated in this Countrie doth appeare as plainly 1 by the name of Gothland here still remaining; 2 by the title of Rex Gothorum, which the Kings of Swethland keep in the Royall style; and 3 by some inscriptions in antient unknown Charcters engraven on the rocks neere Scara in the Continent, and Wisby in the Isle of Gothland, supposed by learned men to be some monument of that people. And finally that their fixt dwellings, when first known by this name amongst the Romans, was on the north side of the Ister; is evident by the testimony of all antient Writers, from the time of Antoninus Caracalla, with whom they had some tumultuarie skirmishes in his way towards Persia; till their violent irruption into Italie and the Western Provinces: most famous in this intervall for a great fight with Decius the Roman Emperour, whom they overcame and slew in battell, anno 253. In the time of Valens and Valentinian the Roman Emperours a quarrell being grown amongst them, managed by Phritigernes and Athanaricus the leaders of the opposite factions, Phritigernes over throwne in fight had recourse to Valens, from whom he received such succours, that giving his adversary another day for it, he obtained the victory. Whereupon Phritigernes and his partie received the Gospell, but intermixt and corrupt with the leaven of Arianism, by the practise of Valens, who sent them none but Arian teachers, to whom and their faction in the Church, he was wholly addicted. Afterwards the whole Nation being driven over the Ister by the barbarous Huns, they obtained of Valens the out parts of Thrace for an habitation, on the condition they should serve under the pay of the Emperour, and become Christians: the cause that Arianism overspread the whole Nation generally, which had before infected but one partie onely. Ulphilas a devout and learned man, was their first Bishop; who for their better edification in the way of godlinesse, invented the Gothick Characters, and translated the Scriptures into that language: in the studie whereof they so well profited, that many of them in the time of their first conversion, suffered death for it at the hands of Athanaricus, and were counted Martyrs. Burdned by Valens, and denyed their accustomed pay, they harasse and depopulate the rest of Thrace, marching towards Constantinople: encountred in the way by Valens, whom they overcame, and killed, after all his favours. Vanquished by Theodosius the succeeding Emperour in many battels, they became good neighbours, inlarging their bounds with his leave and license as far as Pannonia, and grown into such estimation with him that Ricimir and Franita, two of that Nation, did obtaine the Consulship: not to say any thing of that exorbitant power and favour which Gainas had attained unto in the Court it selfe. Made insolent by so great honours, and apt to pick quarrels with their Patrons, they invaded Italy in two great bodies, consisting of no fewer then 200000 fighting men: the first whereof under the conduct of Rhadaguisus, was discomfited and cut in pieces by Stilico Lieutenant to Honorius the Western Emperour, at Fesulæ in the straits of the Appennine: the other by his treachery permitted to passe, sacked Rome, and subdued the most part of Italy, under the leading of Alaricus. He dying immediately after this great victory, left the fruits of it to his son Athaulfus, who marrying with Galla Placidia, the Emperours sister, relinquished Italy, and had all Gaul Narbonnoise, and a great part of Hispania Tarraconensis assigned unto him: where he erected the kingdome of the WisiGothes, or Western Gothes, possessed of Spain and Tingitana, for the space of 300 years, and upward, when they lost that kingdome to the Moores, as hath there been said. In the meane time the Gothes which were left in their owne countries, distinguished from these by the name of Ostro-Gothes by reason of their more Eastern situation, kept themselves in quiet, first subdued by the Huns, and when by Wilamer, freed from that subjection, not intermedling or attempting any thing against the Empire, till called by Zeno Emperour of Constantinople into Italie, against Odoacer and the Heruli, who had then subdued it. Which action they managed with so much prudence and good fortune by their King Theodorick, that they vanquished Odoacer, possessed Italie, and held it above 60 yeares, when broken in many set battels by Belisarius and Narses, Lieutenants for the Emperour Justinian, their Kingdome and name there came unto an end. As for the Kings of the Gothes, we have a succession of them in Jornandes, from Berig, who first conducted them out of Scandia towards the East, till the going of Theodorick into Italie: but made up with so little probalitie, that I dare give no more credit to it then to the stories of Brute, Dan, Fergus, or the Lady Scota Pharaohs daughter. Gothes. Such of whom there is any certaine knowledge and succession are these few that follow. The summe of their whole story, for varieties sake take thus out of Du Bartas. The Armes of these Kings are said to have been Or, three Ravens with displayed wings Purple, membred Gules. And let this suffice for the Originall, successes, and finall period of the Gothes; reserved by me unto this place, because most commonly conceived to be their originall countrey; at least the place out of which they issued, when they first moved towards the East to seeke new dwellings. SWEDEN is bounded on the East with the Bodner Sea, on the West with the Dofrine hils, which part it from Norwey; on the North with Lapland, on the South with Gotland. So called from the Suethans or Suethidi, the old Inhabitants hereof, of whom more anon. A countrey sufficiently fruitfull, but for the goodnesse of the soil inferiour to Gothland, and not so well planted or inhabited as that is, by reason of the vast Woods which they will not suffer to be destroyed, and the greatnesse of some marishes hitherto undrained: but might be made as rich and fertile, if the people would, as appeareth by that plenty of corn growing amongst the Woods, though much hindered by their shade and thicknesse both from Sunne and raine. Lapland.But for the character of this Countrey we had it formerly, when we spake of Swethland in the generall; relating specially to this as the principall part. And as the largest and principall part of this great body it containes in it many Provinces, and subdivisions, as namely 1 Upland, 2 Suderman, 3 Noricia, 4 Westman, 5 Dalecarle, 6 Wermelund, 7 Copperdale, 8 Gestricia, 9 Helsingen, 10 Middelphat, 11 Angerman, bordering on Lapland, the furthest of these Provinces towards the North. Many of which have no Townes or Cities of any greatnesse or beauty, the people living thin, and scattered, where they have wood for building, pasturage for their Beasts, and elbow roome enough for themselves and their Cattell. Of these the principall are 1 Upsal, an Archbishops See, and an Universitie, situate not far from the Bay of Bodner: beautified with a large Cathedrall, wherein many of the antient Kings of Swethland are interred. From this City the Countrey hereabouts is styled Archiepiscopatus Upsalensis. 2 Holm, by the Inhabitants called Stockholm, by the Russians Stecolne, the Royall seat of the Kings, a noted and well traded Port, and the chief of the kingdome: exceeding strong both by Art and Nature, as being situate in the Marishes like Venice, at the mouth of the Lake, or River of Meler, the passage to it out of the Bay, being very narrow and by consequence easily defended, and yet so deep withall, that the greatest ships of burden may saile up to the City: the Port within the Strait being so safe and capacious, that it is able to receive at one time 300 sail, which usually ride there without any Anchour. The Castle of this City is conceived to be one of the strongest holds in the world, fortified for the more assurance of it with 400 brasse peeces, many of which are double Canons. 3 Nicopen, a Sea town on the same Bay also. These three are in that part hereof which is called Upland. Then there is 4 Strengnes, an Episcopall See; and 5 Telge, on the lake of Meler, in the Province of Suderman; the title and estate of Charles father of Gustavus Adolphus late King of Sweden, before his getting of the Crown called Duke of Suderman. Next in the Province of Westman, there are 6 Arbogen, on the West side of the said Lake of Meler; and 7 Arose, rich in silver mines; out of which are made the best Dollars of Sweden: the mines here being so rich and profitable, that out of every fifteen pound weight of silver, the workmen draw a pound weight of gold. 8 Helsinge, upon the Bay of Bodner in the Province of Helsingen, taking name from hence. 9 Ozebo, or Ourbou, a strong piece in Nerisia; and 10 Lesinger, on the Bay of Bodner, one of the furthest North of Sweden, distinctly and specially so called. LAPLAND, the most Northern part of all Scandia, hath on the East Russia, on the West the Province or Prefecture of Wardhuys, in the kingdome of Norwey; on the North the main frozen Ocean, and on the South Bodia or Bodden on both sides of the Bay so called. It is named thus originally from the Lappi or Lappones, the Inhabitants of it; as they are from their blockish behaviour; the word Lappon signifying the same with ineptus or insulfus in Latine, for such they are: rude, barbarous, and without the knowledge of Arts or Letters, as also without corn and houses, or any certain habitations, (except onely in Finmarch) feeding for the most part on fish, and the flesh of wild beasts, with the skins whereof sowed together they hide their nakednesse. Generally they are meer Idolaters, giving divine honour all day following to that living creature whatsoever it be, which they see at their first setting out in the morning: selling winds to mariners great Sorcerers, and abhorring the sight of strangers, whom till of late they used to flee from, at their first approach; but within few yeares past beginning to be more sociable and familiar. In a word, they are the true descendants of the Antient Finni (possessed in old times of all that tract which lyeth betweene the Bay of Finland and the Frozen Ocean) whose naturall rudenesse and barbaritie, unmixt with the conditions of more civill people, they doe still retain. It is divided into the Eastern and the Western Lapland. The former appertaining to the Knez or Great Duke of Muscovie, by which people the Inhabitants are called Dikiloppi, or the wild Lappians; is subdivided into Biarmia and Corelia, of which if there be any thing in them worth taking notice of, wee shall there speake more. The latter doth belong to the Crown of Sweden, subdivided into 2 parts also, that is to say, Finmarch, and 2 Scricfinnia. 1 FINMARCH, being that part hereof which lyeth next to Norwey, is the more populous of the two, the people for the most part idolatrous, but by the neighbourhood of the Norwegians, and resort of strangers unto Wardhuys, and the parts adjoining, somewhat civilized; and in the borders of both kingdoms savouring of Religion, possessed of sheds or sorry houses, & those house reduced to parishes, under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Upsal, the chiefe of which, (if there be any chief amongst them) are named 1 Samman, and 2 Hielso. Called Finmarch, as the antient bounds and Marches of the Finni (of whom more anon) and therefore erroneously by Maginus made a part of the kingdom of Norwey. 2 SCRICFINNIA lyeth between Finmarch and Russia, the name derived from the Finni, a great people of Scandia, and Scriken a Dutch word signifying leaping, sliding or bounding, for such is their gate. An etymologie not much improbable, in that the wooden-soled shoes with sharp bottomes, which they used for their more speedy sliding over the yce, of which this countrey is full, are by the Germans (who also use them) called Skates. Scrikeshoenen, or sliding-shoes. The ancient Writers call this people Scrictofinni. Finland. These are indeed the naturall and proper Laplanders; and unto these the former character doth of right belong. Of stature very low, little more then Pigmeys, but strong and active, well skilled in Archerie, and patient of cold and labour. Much given to hunting of wild beasts whom they kill with their bowes, devoure the flesh, and cloath themselves with their skins, which they tie at the top of their heads, and leave no place open but for the sight, giving thereby occasion unto some to write, that they are hairie all over like kine or horses. Such Deere (whereof they have great plenty) as they take unkilled, they make to draw in little carts, as they shift their Quarters. But having served them for a while they are killed at last, though perhaps for nothing but their skinnes; a certaine number of which they pay yeerly to the King of Sweden in the way of tribute. Three companies of these Laplanders, so clad and armed as aforesaid, came into Germanie in the year 1630 to serve Gustavus in those wars; looked on with admiration by all spectators. Townes we must look for none here, where no houses be: and yet there are some sheds and cabbins on the Sea shore; which Mariners having made for their refreshment when they came on land, have bestowed some names on, and possibly in time may become good townes, now not worth the naming. BODIA, BODEN, or BODNER, is situate on the South of Scricfinnia, betwixt it and the Bay or Gulfe hence named; extending southwards on the West side of it till it joines to Sweden, and on the East side till it meet with the Province of Finland. Hence the division of this countrey, into the Eastern, Northern, and Western Bodden; with reference to the situation of it on the Bay aforesaid. The countrey not very plentifull of grain or fruites, but full of great variety of wilde beasts, whose rich skins yeeld great profit unto the Inhabitants; and by reason of the commodious situation on all sides of the Bay, well stored with Fish. Antiently it was part of the possessions of the Finni, but how or whence it had the name of Bodia, or Bodden, or Bodner, I am yet to learn. But whence soever it had the name, certain I am, that from hence the Gulfe adjoining, is called Sinus Bodicus, Bodner Zee, by the Dutch or Germans. Chief Townes here in are 1 Barkara, in West Bodden betwixt the Bay and a great navigable lake; 2 Gernia, a well traded Emporie at the very bottom of the Bay in North Bodden; 3 Helsingeliac, more North then that, towards the borders of Lapland, and 4 Korldby, in East Bodden, on the bank of the Gulfe, conveniently seated for a town of Trade. FINLAND hath on the North, Bodia; on the South, the Baltick Sea, or Mare Suevicum: on the East, Sinus Finnicus; on the West, Sinus Bodicus. It is by Munster thought to be called Finland, quasi fine land; quod pulchrior & amanior sit Suecia, because it is a more fine and pleasing countrey than Sweden it selfe. But indeed it is so called from the Finni, or Fenni; a potent Nation who have here dwelt; whose character is thus framed by Tacitus: Finnis mira feritas, fœda paupertas, non arma, non equi, no penates, victui herbæ, vestitui pelles, cubile humus, sola in sagittis spes. The Finnes, saith he, are wonderfully barbarous, miserably poore, without Armes, Horse, or Household Goods: Herbs their food, the ground their bed, and the skins of beasts their best apparell, armed onely with their Arrowes, and in them their hopes. A Character which agreeth every way with our present Finlanders, especially those of Scricfinnia, and some parts of Finmarchia, who are not so well reclaimed to civility, as the other are; but very different from that which Jornandes gives them, who living within 400 yeares after Tacitus, before they had much (if any) entercourse with forein Nations, telleth us of them that they were Scanziæ Cultoribus omnibus mitiores , more tractable and civill then any of the Inhabitants of Scandia, not excepting the Suethidi themselves. If so, they did deserve to live in so good a Countrey, more plentifull and plaine then Sweden, and neither so hilly nor so moorish. The principall places in it are 1. Abo, an Archbishops See, situate on the most Southern point of it, shooting into the Baltick. 2 Wiburg, a Bishops See also, whose jurisdiction for the most part is without this Province, on some part of Russia; all Finland being in the Diocese of the Bishop of Abo. A town conveniently seated at the bottome of the Bay or Gulfe of Finland (called Sinus Finnicus in Latine) which divides this Countrey from Livonia: well fortified as the chief Bulwarke of this Kingdome against the Moscovite; and so well garrisoned withall, that the keeping of this town, and Rivallia in the borders of Liefland, doe cost the king of Sweden 100000 Dollars yearly. 3. Udden, on a point or Promontorie of the same Gulfe opposite to Narve, another Garrison of this king, in Liefland. 4. Verma upon the Bodner Zee, 5 Cronaburg, more within the land, at the efflux of a River out of the Lake called Puente, 6 Deckala, on the banks of the great Lake called Hosela. 7 Varta, more northwards towards Lapland: of which last four I finde not any thing ovservable in the way of story. And now at last I come to the Swedish Islands, here and there interspersed in the Baltick Seas, betwixt the Isle of Bornholm which belongs to Denmark, and Liefland or Livonia, appertaining to the King of Poland; the principall of which are 1. Gothia, or the Isle of Gothland, and 2 Insulæ Ulandæ, or the Isles of Oelandt. 1. GOTHIA, or the Isle of GOTHLAND, is situate over against Colmar, a strong town in the Continent of Gothland; in length 18 Dutch miles, and five in breadth. Of a rich soile, but more fit for pasturage then tillage, yeelding great heards of Cattell, store of game for hunting, plenty of fish, excellent marble, and aboundance of pitch, which it sends forth to other Countreys. There are in it 18 large and wealthy Villages; besides the Haven town of Wisbich, heretofore rich, and of very great geeat trading, as much frequented by the Merchant as most in Europe, but now much decayed, and neither so well peopled, nor so rich as formerly. The trade removed hither from Wollin of Pomerania (destroyed by Waldemar the first of Denmark, anno 1170) made it flourish mightily: the greatest traffick of the Baltick being managed here: but after that by reason of the long and continuall wars betwixt Denmark and Swethland for the possession of this Isle, it became unsafe; the Factorie was transferred unto other places. For being conveniently seated to annoy the Swedes, the Danes have much contended for it, and sometimes possessed it; but at the present is in the hand of the Swethlander. By some conceived to be the Eningia spoken of by Pliny. 2 OELAND, or this Isles of Ulandt, so called in the plurall number because there are many of them, of which this the principall, is situate over against Abo, the chief City of Finland. Of no great note, but that it is commodiously seated to invade or annoy this kingdome; and therefore very well fortified, and as strongly garrisoned: here being the good towns of 1 Viburg, 2 Vames, and 3 the strong Castle of Castrolm. Besides which Countreys here described, the King of Sweden is possessed of the strong townes of Narve and Rivallia, and Pernow in Liefland; of Kexholm or Hexholm in Corelia, a Province of Russia; with very fair and ample territories appertaining to them: subdued and added to this Crown by John the second, anno 1581. except Rivallia, which voluntarily submitted to Ericus the second King of this present Race, anno 1561. But being these Townes and Territories are not within the bounds of Swethland; we shall deferre further all discourse thereof, to a place more proper. The first Inhabitants of this kingdome, besides the Gothes and Finni, spoken of already, were the Sitones, and Suiones, mentioned in Tacitus; together with the Phavonæ, the Phiræsi, and the Levoni, whom we finde in Ptolemie, placed by him in the East and middle of this great Peninsula. Which being the generall names of some mighty Nations, are by Jornandes branched into lesser tribes, of the Suethans, Theustad, Vagoth, Bergio, Hallin, Liothida, Athelnil, Gaurigoth, Raumaricæ, Rauragnicii, Grannii, Aganziæ, Unixæ, Arochitamii, Enageræ, Othingi, and divers others by him named. But from what root the name of Sweden, Swedes, or Swethland, by which the chief Province of it, the people generally, and the whole kingdome is now called, is not yet agreed on, nor spoken of at all by Munster or Crantzius, which two, (but specially the last) have written purposely of this people. Gaspar Peucerus deriveth them from the Suevi, who antiently inhabited in the North parts of Germanie beyond the Albis; from whom the Baltick sea was called Mare Suevicum: which people hee conceiveth to have beene driven by the Gothes and Daci into this countrey, and by the change of one letter onely to be called Sueci. But this hath no good ground to stand on, though I meet with many others which are more improbable. For when they left those colder countreys, they fell into these parts which are still called Suevia (the Schwaben of the modern Dutch) where we finde them in the time of Cæsar. And after, in fatali illa gentium commigratione, when almost all the Northern Nations did shift their seats, we finde such of them as had staid behinde, to have accompanied the Vandals, in their on-fals into Gaul and Spain. Of any expedition of theirs crosse the Baltick seas, ne gry quidem, nothing to be found in more antient Authors. We must therefore reserve the originall of this people either to the Suiones, or the Suethidi, or perhaps to both: both being antiently setled in these Northern Regions. Of the Suiones wee read in the booke of Tacitus inscribed De moribus Germanorum; by whom reported to be strong in men, armour and shipping: and that they were inhabitants of Scandia, appeares by two circumstances in that Authour. 1 That the people were not permitted to weare weapons, quia subitos hostium incursus prohibet Oceanus, because the Ocean was to them a sufficient Rampart; which could not be affirmed of the antient Suevians, but agreeth very well with the situation of this present Countrey, defended by the Baltick, and vast Northern Ocean, from the sudden assaults of any enemy. 2. Because the Sea which hemmed in that people was conceived to be the utmost bound of the World; trans Suiones mare aliud, quo cingi claudique terrarum orbis finis, as his words there are: which wee know to hold good of this Countrey. Adde unto these this passage of the old Annals of the Emperour Lewis the second, where it is told us of the Danes, relicta patria apud Suiones exulabant, that they were banished into the countrey of the Suiones, which cannot so well be understood of any place as of this Sweden; being next neighbour unto Denmark. And 4 that this people both by Munster and Crantzius, are as well called Suiones as Sueci or Suedi: which sheweth what they conceived of their true Originall. Then for the Suethans or the Suethidi, whom Jornandes speaks of in his book De rebus Geticis, they are by him placed in the Isle of Scandia (for such this great Peninsula was esteemed to be by most antient writers.) Now that these Suethidi are no other then the present Swethlanders appeareth 1. by the propinquity of the names; 2 In that he maketh the Finni and Finnaithæ, the next neighbours to them; and 3 in that they are affirmed by the same Authour, to have furnished the Romans with rich Furs, and the skins of wilde Beasts, with which commodities this countrey is aboundantly well stored. Now to which of these two Nations, either the Suiones or the Suethidi, those of Sweden are most endebted for their originall, will (I conceive) be no great controversie: the Suethans, and Suethidi of Jornandes, being no other then a tribe of the Suiones, though the greatest and most powerfull of all those tribes: placed therefore in the front to command the rest, and so most like to give the name unto the whole. Their government was antiently under Kings, affirmed so to be by Tacitus, who telleth us also that they were absolute and free, nullis exceptionibus, non precario jure regnandi, not bound in Covenant with their people, nor holding their Estates at the will of the Subject. But their Historians have gone for Antiquity hereof beyond the story of Brute or the Trojan warre, (beyond which very few of that strain have dared to pretend) as high as unto Magog the son of Japhet; reigning here within 90 years after the flood. But letting passe these dreams and dotages of the Monkish times, certain it is, that sometimes they were under the Danes, sometimes under the Norwegians, sometimes had distinct Kings of their owne, and finally sometimes were comprehended with the Danes and Norwegians, under the generall name of Normans, conducted by one King or Captain upon forain actions. Omitting therefore the succession of their former kings, of whose very being there is cause to make great question; we will begin our Catalogue of them with Jermanicus, wo entertained Harald King of Denmark, and his brother Regenfride, driven out of that kingdome by Gottricus or Godfrey, the Contemporary of Charlemagne, of whose successours Munster giveth us more certainty. But leaving these things to the doubtfull issue of contingencie, let us next looke upon the forces and Revenues of the Crowne of Sweden, before the time of Gustavus Adolphus, or as hee found it at his succession to that Crowne. For though the Swedes pretend their Kingdome to be elective, especially since the failing of the Royall line in Magnus the fourth and Albert of Mecklenbourg; yet still the eldest son, or next heir succeedeth, unlesse put by, by faction and strong hand, as in the case of Sigismund, and his Uncle Charles. Which Charles so ordered his affaires that having engaged the kingdome in a warre against his Nephew, hee was sollicited at the last to accept of the Crowne: to which he would by no meanes yeeld till a Law was made for the entailing of the same for ever unto his posterity, whether male or female, as an Hereditary Crown. But whether Hereditary or Elective, the King once setled in the Throne is an absolute Monarch: having not onely power to levie taxes on his subjects, as hee seeth occasion, as five, six, seven, eight dollars, or more yearely, upon every housholder, according to the Proportion of his estate; but also to grant a certaine number of Paisants unto such as hee meanes to favour, to bee as subjects and vassals to him, according to his well deserving. And whereas in the constitution of this Govervment every Parish hath a Landsman or Consul to decide the controversies of the same; as every Territorie hath its Vicount and each Province his Lamen: there lyeth an Appeal from the Landsman unto the Vicount, and from the Vicount to the Lamen; who if they bee supposed not to judge uprightly, then the Appeale lies unto the Counsell, and from the Counsell of Estate to the King himselfe, (in whom is fixed the Soveraignty and DERNIER RESORT) and not unto the King and Counsell, as before in Denmark. The Forces of this King are either by Sea, or Land. By Sea, hee is Commander wholly of Bodner, and hath a great power in all the rest of the Baltick: being able to set out 70 good Men of Warre; as John the second did in the yeare 1578. seven of which were good Gallions; and all the rest did carry above 50 cast peeces of all sorts; besides many other good Vessels fit for service. And if a Navie of this size will not serve the turne, hee is not onely furnished with timber, cordage, and all other necessaries for the building of Ships, and with good store of Ordinance and Ammunition for present use; but is able to raise upon a sudden 6000 Mariners, and upon little warning as many more: all which hee entertaineth at no other charges in a manner then to finde them victuals, insomuch as John the second before mentioned did use to say, that that which cost the King of Spaine a Million of Crownes, cost not him 100000 Dollars. For his Land-forces, they may best be estimated by the Trained Bands, (as wee may call them) in every Province: there being in all 32 Vexilles (or Ensignes) of Foot constantly trained and mustered in the severall Provinces; each Vexille comprehending 600 or 700 men, amounting in the totall to 20000 Foot, all in a manner Musketiers, ready to march whensoever the Kings occasion shall so require. And then for Horse there are eleven Cornets in continuall readinesse, for Sweden, and Gothland, and two for Finland, maintained at the charges of those Countries, to which the King may adde at his owne charges, as many more as hee pleaseth. And for an instance of what this King is able to doe, without putting his estates in hazard by drayning them too drye of men to make good his kingdome; wee finde that John the second in his Navie of 70 Ships spoken of before, had above 18000 Land-souldiers, beside Mariners: And in the Army, which Gustavus Adolphus the late King brought into Germanie, there were mustered no fewer at one time then 12000 Horse, and 34000 Foot, all Finnes, and Swethlanders. For the accommodating of which Armies with Artillerie, and the like Engines of war, it is thought that the kings hereof are masters of 8000 great peeces, for the most part brasse, with Mortar peeces and Granadoes in proportion to them. But that which makes his Land-forces most considerable is their hardnesse in enduring the extremities of winde and weather, insomuch that it is usuall with them to stand Centinell a whole Winters night of 18 houres long without being relieved: their exact Discipline, and obedience to their Commanders, and finally their indefatigable industry in making their owne shoes, Apparrels, stockes for Muskets, and all other necessaries. Which doth not onely make them fit to endure any labour which is put upon them in the warres; but keepes them from idlenesse, and the pride of Mutinies, the ordinary effect in great Armies of sloth and ease. Nor doe they want incouragement on the Kings part neither; who first, gives to every souldier victuals, which hee accompts not in their pay, and that according to his obedience and desert; 2. If a souldier be taken Prisoner, him the King doth usually redeem at his owne charges: and 3 if a souldiers horse be slain under him, the King supplyeth him with another: which makes the souldiers (very sensible of such obligations) exceedingly conformable unto his commands, how dangerous soever they may seem to be. Finally as for his Revenues they must needes bee great, there being foure wayes allowed him to amasse his treasures. First the Revenues of the Church, consisting before the Reformation of seven Bishopricks and sixty Monasteries, which enjoyed very great possessions; all seized on by Gustavus Ericus, and by him incorporate to the Crowne; excepting onely what is given back to maintaine the Bishops. 2 Mines, which are here of all metalls in very great plenty, except of Gold and Silver, which they have more sparingly; the tenth whereof in all places belongs to the King, and yeelds him such a fair Intrado, that in the yeare 1578. the Kings part out of two or three Mines of Copper onely amounted to 30000 Dollars. 3 Tenths, out of all increase, as Rie, Wheat, Barley, Fish, Oxen, Skinnes, and the like commodities; the summe whereof though not certainly knowne (because the increase is so uncertaine) yet it was once computed that the tenth of the Oxen onely came in one yeare to 18000 Dollars, besides provision for his houshold. 4 And lastly, Customes imposed on Merchandise, and paid in all his Haven Townes for all commodities imported, or exported of what sort soever. Besides all which hee hath his Contributions in all times of warre, power of imposing taxes (though moderately used) as his necessities require: and on the marriage of a daughter, the kingdome is to provide her portion, which of late times hath beene fixed at the certaine summe of 100000 Dollars, besides Plate and Moveables. Out of which severall Items to summe up the totall, it was observed that in the yeare 1578. King John the second, (all charges ordinary and extraordinary being first deducted) did lay up in his Treasurie no lesse then 700000 Dollars: which was a vast summe for those times, considering especially the great charge which the King had beene at that yeare, in furnishing a Navie of 70 sayle, and raising 18000 Land-souldiers, (besides Horse) for defence of his Realme against the Danes. And yet it is conceived by some knowing men that his Revenues would be much greater then they are, if hee did employ strangers to worke the mines, which the Natives doe not husband to the best advantage; and yet are fearfull to discover them to other Nations, upon some jealousies which they are naturally addicted to: or if hee would turne Merchant, and in his owne ships send out Corn and Cordage with Masts and Timber fit for building, and in them bring back salt and other necessaries, which his kingdome wants, setting them at a farre lesse price then now they goe at, and yet gaining very greatly by it too. The Armes of this Kingdome are Azure, three Crownes, Or. There are in Swethland Archbishops 2. Bishops 8. Universities but one, viz. Upsal. And thus much for SWETHLAND.

Science

OF SWETHLAND.

Cosmographie in four bookes [...] Ch. "Of Swethland".

SciB1666

It is the modell of Heaven, but chiefely of the eight sphere, wherein three things are to be observed in generall. viz. It is a sphericall body, having a poynt or center in the middest, from whence right lines being extended to the superficies they are all equall. Which are these three, 1. FIrst of the Lines or Circles, every of which are actually or intellectually divided into 360 equall parts called Degrees, the more principle whereof are these tenn, which make up the Sphæra armillaris, six whereof are great circles, as be all those which divide the Globe into two equall parts, or hemispheres, having the same center with the Globe; And the other foure are called smaller cyrcles, because they divide the Globe into two unequall parts or segments. 1. The Horizon is that broad cyrcle upon the frame, this divideth the Globe into two hemispheres, the one which we see, is allwaies above the horizon, the other which we see not is below: And on the horizon are drawn divers cyrcles, viz. of the 12 Signes, and of the dayes of the Months, and the 32 winds. 2. The Meridian is the brasse cyrcle which standeth at right angles to the Horizon, and in which the Globe is hanged and turned about on its poles, which are the ends or extremity of the axis of the World, and upon the Meridian, is another little howre cyrcle fastened, with an index moving about upon the Pole. 3. The Equinoctiall is drawn upon the superficies of the Globe, in the middest between the two Poles of the World, and the degrees thereof are numbred with 10, 20, 30, &c. to 360. 4. The Ecliptick line, this cutteth the Equinoctiall in two poynts, and is divided into 12 Signes, each containing 30 degrees, and it passeth in the middest of the Zodiac, for the Zodiac is a broad cyrcle containing 16 degrees in breadth, and is the bounder of the 7 Planets. 5. The Equinoctiall Colure, this cutteth the Equinoctiall at right angles, in the two poynts where the Ecliptick passeth over the same Equinoctiall line, and so passeth through the Poles of the World. 6. The Solsticall Colure, this passeth through the Ecliptick where it toucheth both the Tropicks, and cutteth both the Equinoctial and Ecliptick at right Angles, and passeth through the Poles of the World, where also it cutteth the Equinoctial Coloure at right Angles. 1. The two Tropicks, each being parallel to the Equinoctial, and about 23 degrees, and 31 from it. That which is toward the North Pole, is called the Tropick of Cancer; That which is toward the South Pole, is called the Tropick of Capricorne, and these are the bounders of the greatest Declination of the Sun. 2. The two Polar Cyrcles, these are so far distant fromt the Poles of the World, as the Tropicks are from the Equinoctial; That which is next the North Pole, is called the Artick Polar Cyrcle, and that which is next the South Pole, is called the Antartick Polar cyrcle. There are moreover drawn upon this Globe divers other great Cyrcles passing by the beginning of the twelve Signes, cutting each other in two opposite points, and these with the Solstitial Coloure, divide the Globe into 12 equal parts, and these are called the Cyrcles of the Longitude of Stars. Also through every point of the Meridian, there are small Cyrcles imagined to be drawn parallel to the Equinoctial, which are called the parallels of Declination of the Sunne and Stars. Also the like small Cyrcles are imagined to be drawn parallel to the Horizon, and these are called Almicantars, or Cyrcles of Altitude. 1. THe more principal are these, viz. The two Points on which the Globe is hanged and turned about within the Brazen Meridian, these represent the Poles of the World, from one of which to the other, there passeth a streight line through the Center of the Globe called the Axis of the World: where Note, that the two Poles of the World are the common Sections of all the Meridian Cyrcles. 2. The two Poles of the Ecliptick, which are the two points in which the six Cyrcles of Longitude of Stars do cross or cut each other, and is near about 23 degrees 30 minutes distant from the Poles of the World. 3. The points of Zenith and Nadir, the Zenith is that Point in the Heavens which is directly over our Head, and the Nadir, is on the contrary, directly under our Feet, these two are the Poles of the Horizon, being every where 90 degrees from it, and in these two points do all the Vertical or Azimuthal cyrcles meet or cut each other. 4. The points of East and West, viz. The two points where the Equinoctial cutteth the Horizon; these are also Diametrically opposite, and are the Poles of the Meridian being every where 90 degrees from it. 5. The two Equinoctial points of Aries and Libra, being two points where the Ecliptick cutteth the Equinoctial, and are Diametrically opposite, the former is called the vernal Equinoctial because the Sun coming to it, the spring beginneth; the other is called the Autumnal Equinoctial, because when the Sun cometh to it, the Autumn beginneth. 6. The two Solstitial points, being also diametrically opposite, are the two points on the Globe, where the Ecliptick toucheth the two Tropicks and the Ecliptick in their touch point, viz. in the beginning of Cancer and Capricorn, and these two are called Solstitial points, because the Sunne moving in the Ecliptick, near either of them, which is in June and December, it causeth the days to stand still a while, without a sensible lengthning or shortning. Here is to be noted, that the Horizon and Meridian Cyrcles are said to be immoveable, because they are fixed to the same place; but all other cyrcles of the Sphear are said to be movable, because they being drawn upon the Surface of the Globe or Sphere, must needs move about with it in the Diurnal motion, yet other men denominate them by the contrary names. THere hath been 48 Asterismes or Constellations observed of ancient time, and about them in this Globe are described certain Figures, not because there are any such Figures in the Heavens, but are only imagined there to give denomination to the Stars of the Firmament, and yet not to all the Stars, for they are innumerable numerable , but onely to such as are most conspicuous, and whereof use may best be made, as occasion serveth. There are 12 Constellations of the Zodiack, through which the Zodiack passeth, and these give Denomination to the 12 Signes of the Zodiack, in particular these with their number of Stars. of old. of late. of old. of late. [aries] 13 21 [libra] 8 17 [taurus] 33 43 [scorpio] 21 16 [gemini] 18 25 [sagittarius] 32 14 [cancer] 9 15 [capricornus] 28 28 [leo] 27 40 [aquarius] 42 41 [virgo] 26 39 [pisces] 34 36 There hath been 21 Constellations observed on the North side of the Ecliptick, which are called the Northern Constellations, whose names and number of Stars here follow. of old. The little Bear 7 The great Bear 27 The Dragon 31 Cepheus 11 Bootes 22 The Northern Northen Crown 8 Hercules 09 The Vulture Cadent 10 The Swan 17 Cassiopeia 13 Perseus 26 Auriga 14 Serpentarius 24 The Serpent 18 The Arrow or Dart 5 The Eagle 9 The Dolphin 10 The lesser Horse 4 Pegasus or great Horse 20 Andromeda 23 The Northern Northen Triangle. 4 Antinous. 8 There are 15 Constellations on the Southside of the Ecliptick, which are called the Southern Constellations, whose names and number of Stars here follow. of old. The Whale 22 Orion 38 The River Eridanus 34 The Hare 12 The great Dog 18 The lesser Dog 3 The Ship 45 Hydra 25 The Goblet 7 The Raven 7 The Centaur 37 The Wolf 19 The Altar 7 The Southern Crown 13 The South-fish. 12 Besides the number of the Stars noted in the former Constellations, the modern Astronomers have noted divers others, which were left informes by the Ancients, and put them into their proper Figures; as may be seen in some of the Globes put forth since noble Ticho Brach, namely, Johannes Jansonius, his small Globes of the Year 1620. And in Petrus Plantius his Globes of the Year 1625. Berenices hair 14 The Bee 4 The River Jordan 21 Camelopardalis 18 The River Euphrates 13 The lesser Crabb 4 The Unicorne 22 Moreover because the antient Astronomers lived all in North Latitude, they could not see the starrs which are neer the South pole, but they have been since discovered by such as have travailed that way, and are put into constellations, namely these, The Dove 11 The Southern triangle 5 The apous Indica 12 The Peacock 17 The Indian 12 The Crane 13 The Toucan Towcan 8 The Hydrus 14 The Phenix 14 The Dorado 6 The Sea Swallow 7 The Camelion 8 The Crosse called Crusero 6 The Flye 4 Besides the Constellations before named, there are some other appearances in the heavens, namely, the White broad cyrcle called Via Lactea, or milkie way: and two little clouds observed neer the South pole. Thus much of the Delineations, or things noted on the outside of the Celestiall Globe. Which consisteth in these three things following. viz. The knowledge of the In the first place of the motions which are also three in number, viz. 1. The Diurnall motion. 2. The Proper motion. 3. The Tremblimg motion. First concerning the Motions. 1. The Diurnall motion is made upon the Poles of the World, once about from East toward the West in 24 howres, and this is also called motus raptus, or the motion of the primum mobile . 2. The second motion is called the annuall motion, and is made within the primum mobile upon the Poles of the Ecliptick, according to the succession of the signes, which is contrary to that of the primum mobile, viz. from West toward East, and this motion is called Motus secundus , or Motus proprius , because that every Spheare hath a motion proper to it self, As that of the Sunne [sun] finisheth once about secundum seriem signorum in the space of 12 months, which is called the Solar yeare, Also Venus, [venus], and Mercurie [mercury], are moved about the same way in the same time, But the Moon [moon] is moved about in one month, and the Month is of two sorts, for the time wherein the Moon [moon], departeth from any poynt of the Zodiack and returneth to it againe, is called the periodicall Month, or month of peragration, But the time wherein the Moon departeth from the Sunne [sun], and overtaketh him againe is called the month of Consecution, or Synodicall month. this paragraph is printed on an inserted sheet in the original; the sequence of the text on p.15 is therefore not quite clear 3. The third Motion is called Motus trepidationis, or the trembling or tottering Motion, made by the eighth Sphere of fixed Stars, and all other inferior Orbs, from North to South, and again from South toward North, and so back and forward by the space of 24. Minutes of a degree. This is the cause of the alteration of the greatest declination of the Sun and other Planets. But concerning these internal Motions, more is to be found in reading of the Theoricks of the Planets. Mars [mars] moveth through the Zodiack in about two Solar years, and that time is called the yeare of Mars [mars]. Jupiter [jupiter] is moved through the Zodiack in about 12 Solar years, and that time is called the yeare of Jupiter [jupiter]. Saturne [saturn] in about 30 years runneth through the Zodiack, and that time is called the yeare of Saturne [saturn]. The fixed Starrs, according to Ptolomie move about the Zodiack in 36000 Solar years; But according to the Alphonsines in 49000 years; And according to Copernicus in 17000 years; But Gassendus hath it 25000 years; And this time is called the great yeare, or Platonicall yeare. 1. First it is called Sphera recta, or a right Sphere, because in such position, the Equinoctiall cutteth the Horizon at right sphericall angles. The properties of this sphere is to have the poles of the world ly in the horizon, and the Equinoctiall passeth through the Zenith and Nadir; and in this sphere not only the Equinoctiall, but also both the Tropicks, and all other the Equinoctiall parallels, are divided into two equall parts by the right horizon, which causeth the dayes, and nights, at all times of the yeare to be equall, viz. 12 howres long between Sun rising and setting without alteration, to those who live under the Equinoctiall line. 2. Secondly it is called Sphæra obliqua, whereof there are so many in number as there be degrees, minutes, seconds, &c. in a quadrant, And it is called oblique, because the Equinoctiall cutteth the horizon with an oblique angle; The properties of this sphere is to have one pole elevated above the horizon, and the other as far depressed; Also because in this sphere the Equinoctiall is divided equally by the horizon, and the parallels of the Equinoctiall unequally, therfore the days, and the nights are equall only twice a year, viz. in the beginning of the Spring, & Autumne, at which times the Sunne passeth over the first points of Aries [aries] and Libra [libra], but at all other times of the year, the days and nights are unequall. 3. It is called Sphera parallela or a parallel Sphere, because the Equinoctiall being the same with the Horizon, all the parallels of the Equinoctiall are also olso parallell to the Horizon; In this sphere, one of the poles of the World is the Zenith, and the other is the Nadir, and in this sphere the Sun continueth above the Horizon above halfe a yeare together, and again as long under the Horizon, whereby the artificiall day and night are each about half a year long. 1. To find the Suns place in the Ecliptick first find the day of the Month, upon the Horizon, and within upon the limb of the Horizon standeth the degree in which the Sun is, this you may apply to the Ecliptick upon the Globe. 2. First find the Suns place in the Ecliptick upon the Globe, and bring it to the brazen Meridian, and there account how many degrees it is distant from the Equinoctiall, for the declination of any point in the heavens is its Meridionall distance from the Equator. The declination of any star upon the Globe, is found by bringing it to the brazen meridian and accounting as before. 3. Move the degree of the Ecliptick wherein the Sun is to the Meridian, and note the degree of the Equinoctiall which cometh to the Meridian with it, for the arch of the Equinoctiall conteyned between that point and the first point of Aries [aries], is the right ascention, that is to say, it riseth with it in a right sphere. The right ascention of a starr is to be accounted as before, if the starr be brought to the Meridian. 4. The Longitude of the Sun, is that arch of the Ecliptick which is contained between the first point of Aries, and that point of the Ecliptick wherein the Sun [sun], is; But the Longitude of a Star is that arch of the Ecliptick which is contained between the first point of Aries, and the section of the Ecliptick with a great circle drawn from the pole of the Ecliptick through the center of the starr, being reckoned reconed according to the succession of the signes. Which to finde, Lay one end of the Quadrant of altitude upon the pole of the Ecliptick, and the graduated edge thereof, upon the center of the starr, and so it shall shew in the Ecliptick, the signe and degree of Longitude. 5. It is accounted in a great cyrcle distance from the Ecliptick toward either Pole thereof, therefore the Sunn, or any starr being in the Ecliptick, hath no Latitude, but the Moon [moon], or any other Planet being not in the Dragons Head [ascnode], or Dragons taile [descnode], or other stars being not in the Ecliptick, are said to have Latitude so many degrees as they be distant from the Ecliptick toward either pole thereof. Which to finde, Lay one end of the quadrant of altitude upon the pole of the Ecliptick, and the graduated edge thereof, upon the center of the starr, then may you see how many degrees thereof are contained between the starr and the Ecliptick, and that is the Latitude thereof. But if you want the quadrant of Altitude then take a pair of compasses, and setting one point in the center of the starr, extend the other till in the neerest distance it touch the Ecliptick, and the compasses so opened and applied to the Equinoctiall, shall shew how many degrees the Latitude is. Here note, That the declination and right ascention of the Sunn and Starrs, have respect to the Equinoctiall, but their Longitudes and Latitudes have respect to the Ecliptick. 6. Elevate Elivate the proper pole so farr above the horizon as the Latitude of the place proposed, by moving the pole of the Globe so high by help of the degrees of the meridian. 7. After the former rectification, to bring the Suns place in the Ecliptick, to the meridian, turning up the index of the howre wheele to 12 at noon. 8. After the first rectification, to fasten the nutt or screw of the Quadrant of altitude at the Zenith, that is, so many degrees from the Equinoctiall as the Pole is elevated. 9. The Amplitude is the horizontall distance of rising or setting from the true points of East and West, which to find rectify the Globe by the sixt Proposition according to the Latitude, and bring the degree of the Sun in the Ecliptick, or Center of the Starr to the horizon, and therein see how many degrees it is from the East or West. 10. By the sixt Prop. rectify according to the Latitude, and turning about the Globe mark what starrs passe between the elevated pole and the horizon, for those (if the North pole be elevated) are contained within the arctick circle and cannot set; for the arctick circle as heretofore it hath been taken, is drawn upon the North pole, through the north point of the Horizon. 11. By the seaventh Prop. rectifie for the Sunns place, and move the degree of the Sun or center of the Starr to the East or West part of the horizon, and then the index of the hower wheel shall shew the time. 12. By the seaventh Prop. rectifie, for the Suns place, and move about the Globe till the index come to the howre desired, and there hold the Globe to shew the present scituation of the Constellations. 13. By the sixt Prop. rectifie for the Latitude, and bring the degree of the Sun, or center of the Star to the East part of the horizon, and observe the degree of the Equinoctiall which riseth with it, for the arch of the Equinoctiall contained between the first point of Aries [aries], and the point of the Equinoctiall so ascending is called the oblique ascention. 14. By the third Prop. find the right ascention, and again by the thirteenth prop. find the oblique ascention thereof, and subtract the lesser of them from the greater, and the remain is the difference of ascention: for the difference of ascention, is only the difference between the right & oblique ascentions: where note that the difference of ascention is an arch of the Æquinoctiall, and is alwaies the time of the Sunns rising before 6 and after 6, the time of the year being considered. Hereby. 15. To get the time of the Sun's rising to a minute of an howre; turn the ascentionall difference into time, allowing 15 gr. thereof to every howre, and to every degree 4 minuts of an howre; And if the Sun be in the Northern signes the ascentionall difference is the time of the Suns rising before 6 a clock, if in the Southern then after 6 a clock. Again. 16. Having the time of the Suns rising, before or after 6 a clock, you may get the length of the Artificiall day (that is, the time of the Sunns continuance above the horizon) If the Suns declination be North add it to 6, if South subtract it from 6, and so shall come forth the semidiurnall arch, this doubled giveth the length of the artificiall day; But if the length of the artificiall night be required, then work contrary to that of the day. 17. First by a Quadrant or some other instrument find the Altitude of the Sunn above the horizon, and then by the 6, 7, and 8, prop. rectify the Globe for the Latitude, the Suns place, and the Zenith, and bring the degree of the Ecliptick wherein the Sunn is, to agree to the same Altitude upon the edge of the quadrant of altitude, and then the index of the howre wheele, shall shew the time of the day. 18. The Azimuth of the Sunn, is the distance thereof, accounted in the Horizon from East West, north or South; by the 6, 7 & 8, prop. rectify the Globe, and bring the Sunns place in the Ecliptick, to agree to the same Altitude on the graduated edge of the Quadrant of Altitude, and then the quadrant of Altitude shall shew his azimuth in the horizon. 19, By the 6, 7 and 8 prop. rectify the Globe, and turne it about till the index of the howrewheele, do point to the howre given, then lay the quadrant of altitude upon the Suns place in the Ecliptick, and it sheweth the Azimuth in the Horizon. 20. By the 6, 7, & 8 prop. rectifie the globe and elevate the opposite degree of the Sun at the West 18 degrees above the horizon, and then the index of the howre wheel shall shew the time. 21. By the 6, 7, & 8 prop. rectifie the globe and move about the Globe till the starr have the given altitude in the graduated edge of the quadrant of altitude, & then shall the index of the howre wheele shew the howre required. 22. By the 6, & 7 prop. rectifie the globe and turn the globe till the same starr come to the brasen meridian, so shall the index of the howre wheel shew the howre. A Starr riseth Cosmicall when it riseth with the Sunn, and setteth Cosmicall, if it sett when the Sunn riseth. 23. By the 6 prop: rectify, and bring the starr to the East part of the Horizon, and observe the degree of the Ecliptick which is at the east part of the horizon with it, and then find in the circle of the horizon what day of the month answereth to the same degree of the Ecliptick. 24. By the 6 prop. rectifie and bring the starr to the West part of the horizon, and note the degree of the Ecliptick at the east part of the horizon, and find the day of the month on the horizon as before. A Starr riseth Acronicall, when it riseth in the East, and the Sunn is setting in the West; And it setteth Acronicall when it setteth with the Sunn. 25. By the 6 prop. rectifie, and bring the starr to the east part of the horizon, and note the degree of the Ecliptick cut by the horizon at the West, and find the day of the month answering thereunto upon the horizon as before. 26. By the sixt prop. rectifie and bring the Starr to the West part of the horizon, and note the degree of the Ecliptick cutt at the West of the horizon and find the day of the Month upon the Horizon as before. Heliacall rising of a starr is the rising of a starr out of the Sun beams, for then it appeareth before the Sun rising, though before it could not be seen by reason of its neernes to the Sun being within the Arch of vision. Heliacall setting is when a starr cometh within the Sun beams, or when a starr is entring into its arch of vision, and then cannot be seen setting after the Sunn, by reason of its neernes to the Sun. The Arch of vision is the Arch of a verticall circle contained between the Horizon and the center of the Sun after it is sett, or before it riseth, this altereth according to the severall magnitudes of the starrs, for the greater the starr is, the lesse is the Arch of vision, and contrarie. To the First 12 To the Planets. Second 13 Venus 5 Third 14 Mercurie 10 Fourth 15 Saturne 11 Fift 16 Jupiter 9 Sixt 17 Mars 12 2/3 Least 18 Moone uncertain. 27. By the sixt Prop. rectifie, and bring the starr to the east part of the horizon, and note the degree of the Ecliptick elevated above the west part of the horizon acording to the arch of vision appertaining to the same starr, and then as before, find the day of the month on the limb of the Horizon, answering to the opposite degree of the Ecliptick so elevated at the west as aforesaid. 28. By the sixt prop. rectify and bring the starr to the west part of the Horizon, and note the degree of the Ecliptick elevated at the east part of the horizon, according to the arch of vision belonging to the same star, & by the opposite of it find the day of the month on the limb of the horizon as before. IT is a round or sphericall body, representing the forme of the earth and waters. On this Globe are also described the ten circles of the sphæra spæra armillaris, viz. the Horizon, Meridian, Equator, Ecliptick, the two Colures which with the fower lesser circles, viz. the two Tropicks, and the two polar circles. Besides these common circles there are described upon this Globe divers other circles passing through both poles of the World, these are called Meridians, or circles of Longitude; Also certain other circles parallel to the Equinocticall, called circles or parallels of Longitude Latitude; Also certain oblique circular lines passing through the centers of certain roses (so called) and these are called Rhombs, Courses, or points of the compasse. On this Globe are described the known parts of the World divided into severall quarters, Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, to which is added the unknown land about the South Pole called Megalanica. And these quarters of the World are subdivided into severall Kingdoms and Provinces, as may be seen in the Geographers. This Globe is also divided into five Zones, one is called the Torrid or burnt Zone, and this lyeth between the Tropicks, the inhabitants hereof are called Amphiscii, because they have two contrary meridionall shadows in a year. Two are called temperate, and these lye between the Tropicks and the Polar circles; The inhabitants hereof are called Heterescii, because they have their Meridionall shadow one way all the yeare. The two frigid Zones, are comprehended within the polar circles; The inhabitants whereof are called Periscii because their shadow at some time of the yeare goeth round about them. The Inhabitants of the Terrestiall Globe, do also receive other names relating to their positions each to other. The Antipodes are such as dwell diametrically opposite each to other, & have all things contrary, as seasons of the yeare, and times of the day. The Antœci are such as dwell so far remote from the Equinoctiall on one side, as the other dwelleth on the other side, both under the same Meridian. These have some things common, and some things proper, the common, as to have their noon tides together: Proper as that the winter of the one, is the others Summer time, and the longest day of the one, is the shortest of the other. The Periæa are such as live in the same parallel of Latitude toward the same Pole, and are directly opposite each to other, both having the same meridian, These have their Summers, Winters, and increase, and shortning of dayes and nights together, but the night of the one is the day of the other. Besides the parallels of Latitude formerly mentioned, there are other parallels immagined to be drawn upon this Globe, which are called parallels of the longest day: The first of them is to be drawn at that distance from the Equinoctiall, where the longest day of the year is 12 1/4 howres long: The second where the longest day of the yeare is 12 1/2 howres long: The third where the longest day of the year is 12 3/4 howres long, &c. through places increasing their longest day by 1/4 of an howre, till you come to the parallel where the longest day of the yeare is 24 howres long, which is under the polar cyrcles; these being drawn each way from the Equinoctiall toward each pole, divide the Globe into unequall parts or spaces, for though they be equall in time, yet they agree not in equall distance of place, but are greater or broader neer to the Equinoctiall, and are narrower the farther they are from it. A Climate containeth two of the parallels of the longest day, and altereth the longest day by the space of half an howre, beginning at the Equinoctiall, and are in all 24, which end under the polar circle; but the antients, for want of knowledge of the parts under the Equinoctiall made at first but seaven Climats, and called them by names, & afterwards were added two more, which made up their number to be nine. And these of the antients began to be accounted at 12 and 15[deg] from the Equator. Bring the place to the brazen meridian, and therein account how many degrees are betwixt the Equinoctiall and the place, for that is the Latitude you seek; for the Latitude is but the remotion of the Zenith of a place frõ the equator. Bring the place under the brasen meridian, and then the meridian shall cut the Equinoctiall in the Longitude of the same place; for the Longitude is but the remotion of a place from the first meridian which passeth through the Azores accounting Eastwardly. Put the center of the quadrant of altitude upon one of the places, and the graduated edge upon the other, & the degrees interjacent shall shew their distance in degrees, and these may be turned into miles by multiplying by 60. Elevate the pole according to the Latitude of the place where you are, & fasten the quadrant of altitude at the Zenith, then bring the place where you are to the zenith, and move the graduated edge of the quadrant of altitude to the other place, and then the end of the quadrant of altitude shall fall upon the horizon in the point of bearing. Bring the place where you are to the meridian, and turne the index of the howre wheel to the howre it is with you at the present, then turne the other place to the brasen meridian, and the index of the howre wheele will shew the howre desired. Elevate the pole of the Globe according to the latitude of the place given, and bring the Solstitiall point of cancer (if the north pole be elevated) to the meridian, & turn the index of the howre wheel to 12 at noon, then if you put the Solstitiall point of Cancer to the west part of the horizon, the index on the howre wheel sheweth the time of Sun setting there, & that is also the semidiurnall arch, & being doubled giveth the length of the day, if it exceed not 24 howres, which end under the polar circle. But if the place assigned be within the polar cyrcle, then elevate the pole of af the globe according to the latitude of the place, & turn the globe till some point of the vernall signes in the Ecliptick touch the north point of the horizon & note how many degrees of the Ecliptick is from the Solstitiall point of Cancer, for that number doubled giveth neerly the length of the day in our common days, and these days may be turned into weeks or months, &c. Finis.

Science

NOTES UPON Both Globes Celestiall and Terrestiall.

Globe notes.

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THe Acquaintance I had the happiness to have with you formerly in Oxon, and the Civilities you have been pleased to confer on me since, with the readiness you have ever exprest of encouraging all ingenious Inquiries, have emboldened me to give you this Interruption. The desire also I understand you have expressed to Mr. Robert Chapman an Apothecary of this City, of a better account of the Contents of these Waters, which hath hitherto I know not how, been too much neglected, and concerning which I have of late made some Experiments, hath further encouraged me only at present to acquaint you, that about Michaelmas next, God willing, I shall have a conveniency by a friend of mine, your Neighbour, to send you the true Contents of all the Baths apart, which if you please to examine, and honour me so far as to return me your thoughts of the Ingredients, being doubtless a Compounded body, I shall with all alacrity and obsequiousness imaginable give you a larger account of my Observations, vvhich I forbear to do till you please to favour me with an Answer, that so I may not preoccupy your more exact enquiry. The thing it self being of so grand import, and so well suiting with your own genius, I may promise my self the greater happiness in your Correspondence, &c. which is all the trouble shall at this time be given by

Science

A discourse of Bathe, and the hot waters there. Also, some enquiries into the nature of the water [...]

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AS the most numerous part of the Pores of Bodies is too minute to be seen, so the Contemplation of them has been thought too inconsiderable to be regarded. But when I consider, how much most of the Qualities of Bodies, and consequently their operations depend upon the structure of their minute, and singly invisible, particles, and that to this latent contexture, the bigness the figure and the collocation of the Intervals and Pores do necessarily concur with the Size, Shape and Disposition or contrivance of the substantial parts I cannot but think the Doctrine of the small Pores of Bodies, of no small importance to Natural Philosophy. And I scarce doubt, but if such little things had not escaped the sight of our Illustrious Verulam, he would have afforded a good Porology (if I may so call it) a place, (and perhaps not the lowest neither,) among his Desiderata. And, though other imployments and avocations hinder me from attempting to treat of this subject as amply and particularly as it deserveth, or even as I had design'd in a Scheme drawn diverse years since, and seen by some Virtuosi; Yet, not to leave apart of Physicks, that seems to me so curious and important, altogether as uncultivated as I found it; I shall present you as many of the Notes I had drawn together about this subject, as I can conveniently (for I do not pretend to do it methodically) reduced to three heads: Whereof the first, which will challenge to it self this present essay, is the porosity of Animal Bodies, about which I shall not be solicitous to marshal my observations, since they all conspire to shew but this one thing; That the parts of Animals, especially whilest these are alive, are furnished with numerous Pores. Those parts of the Bodies of Animals, wherein their porosity may be best shewn seem to be their Membranes or Skins, the Bones, the Flesh, and Coagmentations of Membranes, Flesh and Juices. And therefore it would be proper enough to treat of these Heads distinctly, and give Instances of each of them in particular. But yet I think it will be more convenient, to set down in order the principal Fountains, whence the Porousness of the substances belonging to the Animal Kingdom (as the Chymists speak) may be derived, and to annex to each of these the Experiments and observations, upon which I argue from it, and which it will be easy to refer, if that be thought fit, to this or that of the parts above mentioned (namely the Membranes, Bones, &c.) whereto they shall (respectively) appear the most properly to belong. THe first thing from which I will deduce the Porosity we have been speaking of, is, the Frame or Constitution of the stable Parts of the Bodies of Animals. For the Body of an Animal being not a rude and indigested lump of matter, but a curious engine, admirably framed and contrived for the exercise of several Functions as Nutrition, Generation, Sensation, and many differing local Motions, it was necessary that it should be furnished with variety of Dissimilar and Organical parts not only very Skilfully, but very differingly, contrived congruous to the several uses for which they were designed, or if you please, to the several Functions they were to perform. And, because 'twill be easily granted, that the Corpuscles, that are skilfully brought together for such purposes, must be so contexed as not to touch one another exactly every where, it will readily follow that they must leave little Intervals or Pores between them, and that, considering the multitude of particles that must go to the making up the Body of the Animal, and the great difference and variety in point of bigness and figure of the Corpuscles that are requisite to contex such differing parts, as Membranes, Fibres Bones, Grizles, Ligaments, Veins, Arterys, Nerves, &c. Both the number and the variety of the Pores cannot but be very great. This argument will be much confirmed, by what there will be occasion to say further to the same purpose, in the Essay touching the Porosity of even Solid Bodies. Wherefore I shall now proceed to the Second thing, whence we may derive that of Animal Substances. THis is afforded us by considering the Nutrition of Animals. For there being continually a great waste made of their substance, partly by the exclusion of visible excrements, and partly by the avolation of invisible invisibles steam, this great loss must necessarily from time to time be repaired repairpaired by the supplies afforded by Nutrition of which the best, if not the only Intelligible, way of giving an account, is, to conceive that the alimental Juice, prepared chiefly in the Stomach is impelled or attracted (for to our present purpose it matters not which) to the parts of the Body that are to be nourished by it, and the Corpuscles of the juice insinuate themselves at those Pores they find commensurate to their Bigness, and Shape; and those that are most must congruous, being assimilated, add to the substance of the part wherein they settle, and so make amends for the Consumption of those that were lost by that part before. This may be illustrated by what happens in Plants, and especially Trees, in which, of the various Corpuscles that are to be found in the liquors, that moisten the Earth, and are agitated by the heat of the Sun and the Air, those that happen to be commensurate to the Pores of the Root, are by their Intervention impelled into it, or imbibed by it, and thence conveyed to the other parts of the Tree in the form of Sap which passing through new strainers, (whereby its Corpuscles are separated, and prepared or fitted to be detained in several parts) receives the alterations requisite to the being turned into Wood, Bark, Leaves, Blossoms, Fruit, &c. But to return to Animals, our argument from their Nutrition will be much confirmed, by considering, that in Children and in other young Animals, that have not yet attained their due Stature and Bulk, the Nutrition is so copious as to amount to a continu'd Augmentation. For, as 'tis evident that Animals grow in all their parts, and each part according to all its Dimensions, in so much that even the cavities of Bones increase; so we cannot well conceive how this can be done, unless the Nutritive liquor be distributed through the whole Body of the part that is to be nourished and augmented. And to this distribution 'tis requisite that the Body abound with Pores into which the congruous particles of the Juice may be intimatly admitted, & penetrating even into the innermost recesses, may place or lodge themselves in the manner that is most convenient for the Natural Increase of the part. But the more particular Declaration of this Process I leave to Anatomists and Physicians. HAving premis'd once for all, that in this Essay, I often use the word Skin in the lax and popular sense of it, without nicely distinguishing the Epidermis or Cuticula, called in English the Scarf-skin, from the Cutis it invests and sticks closely to; I shall proceed to another Topic, whence the Porousness of Animals may be argued, namely, the great plenty of matter that is daily carried off by Sweat, and insensible Transpiration. For, 'tis confest that Sweat is discharged at the Pores of the skin; and since there is no penetration of Dimensions, we may safely conclude, that the matter that is not wasted by Sweat, or by any other sensible way of evacuation, must have small Pores or out-lets in the Skin, at which it may issue in the form of steams; though nothing hinders but that invisible Effluvia also may evaporate at the same Pores with the Sweat, though for want of plenty or grossness, or a fit disposition in the ambient, those Effluvia be not at the Orifices of those pores brought into little Drops, such as those of sweat. That therefore the Skins of a multitude of Animals, though they seem close to the eye, may be porous, may (as we have been saying) be argued in many of them from their sweating. But because all of them have not been observed to sweat, as is wont to be particularly affirmed of Dogs, we shall add some other Instances to make it probable. We may sometimes, in the smooth skin of a living man, discern Pores with good Microscopes, and, with one that is none of the best, we may easily on the inside of gloves, which are made but of skins drest, discern good store of these little out-lets: Sometimes orderly enough ranged to make the sight not unpleasant. And though some of them may, I think, be suspected to have been made by the Hairs that grew on the skin before 'twas drest, yet that greater numbers of them, than can be supposed to come from thence, are perforations that pass quite through the Leather, may, not improbably, be shewn by the usual Practice of Chymists, to purify Quick-silver by tying it up strictly in a piece of kids or sheeps Leather, and then wringing it hard to force it out; by which means the lower surface of the Leather will be covered with a Mercurial Dew or Sweat which will fall down and fly out, as the Pores happen to open this or that way, in a thick shower of globules, leaving the dross behind in the Leather. And tho when a mans skin is tanned it is of a greater thickness then one would expect, and that which I employed seem'd almost as thick as a Buck skin Glove yet having had the curiosity to try the same Experiment with the skin of a mans Arm, I found the Quick Silver would be squeez'd out at the Pores of that also. 'Tis not necessary that I should here inquire, whether the little holes, unperceiv'd by the naked Eye, at which the Sweat is discharged, and perhaps the matter that the Body looses by insensible transpiration gets out, be not, at least most of them, the Orifices of small excretory vessels, belonging to those very numerous glandules which the excellent Anatomists Steno and Malpighi are said to have discovered beneath the Cuticula, and which for their smalness and shape have been called Glandulæ miliares . I need not, I say, engage in this inquiry, since according to this ingenious opinion also, the Skin must be allow'd a multitude of small Perforations or Pores, and that is sufficient for my purpose, from whencesoever this Porosity proceeds in a mans Skin. For the next observation will shew that some membranes of Animals may give passage to transpir'd matter without being perforated by the excretory Vessels of Glandules. The Membranes or Skins under the shells of Hens Eggs, though they be very thin, are of a Contexture very fine and close as may be confirmed by their resisting the sharp Corpuscles of Vinegar; and yet, that not only these Skins, but the shells that cover them, are porous, may be inferred from the Experiments I made, of keeping them suspended for a good while, and carefully counterpoised in good scales; for by these it appeared, that the Eggs did from time to time manifestly lose in weight; which could not reasonably be imputed but to an invisible Transpiration, the rather, because usually in eggs that have been kept long, there will be at one end a cavity which is wont to increase with their age, and is made by the shrinking of the Membrane from the Shell, to accomodate it self to the diminished quantity of matter, that remains to be involved by it. When I consider the plenty of matter, that is wont to be discharged daily by insensible Perspiration, especially in Healthful men that exercise themselves moderately, I cannot but think it probable, that the minute Pores, that suffice for the carrying off so much matter, are very numerous, and are much more so than even by the multitude of drops of sweat, that serve to wet the skin, men are wont to imagine. For Sanctorius in his excellent little Tract de Medicina statica affirms, that what is barely carryed off by insensible transpiration does ordinarily amount to more, that is, diminishes more the weight of a mans Body, than all the visible excrements (whether gross or liquid) put together. Aph. vt. He adds, If the meat and Drink, taken in one day, amount to the weight of eight pound, the insensible Transpiration ordinarily amounts to five pounds or thereabouts. And elsewhere says, that sometimes in the space of 24 hours, in the Winter time, a healthy Body may exhale fifty ounces or more. And some Tryals, that I have carefully made upon my self, added to some others of a very curious as well as great Prince, that made use of a like instrument, & did me the honour to acquaint me with the events, gave me no cause to reject Sanctorius's observations, considering the difference in point of heat, between the climate of Italy, where he writ, and that of England, where ours were made; only I fear, there has been committed an oversight by those many that ascribe all the decrement of weight, that is not referrable to the grosser Excrements, to what transpires at the Pores of the visible parts of the skin, without taking notice of that great plenty of steams that is in expirations discharged through the Windpipe by the Lungs, and appear manifest to the Eye it self in frosty weather; though they may be presumed to be then less copious than those Invisible ones that are emitted in Summer, when the ambient Air is much warmer. But though I look upon the Windpipe as the great Chimney of the Body in comparison of those little Chimneys (if I may so call them) in the Skin, at which the matter that is wasted by perspiration is emitted, yet the number of these little vents is so very great, that the fuliginous Exhalations that steal out at them, cannot but be very considerable. Besides that, those that are discharged at the Aspera Arteria , do probably, at least for the most part, issue out at the latent Pores of the Membranes that invest the Lungs; which membranes may be lookt upon as external parts of the Body, in reference to the air, tho not in reference to our sight. But, to return to our Eggs, we may safely allow a very great evacuation to be made at the Pores of the skin in man, who is a sanguineous and hot Animal, since we see that even Eggs, that are still actually cold, transpire. And I elsewhere mention the copious transpiration even of Frogs, that are always cold to the touch; and the Decrement in weight of some Animals, soon after they are strangled or suffocated, when, their vital Heat being extinct, no more fumes are emitted by expirations at the wind-Pipe: To which signs may be added the trivial experiment of holding in warm weather the palp of ones Finger, as near as one can without contact, to some cold & solid smooth body, as to a piece of polished Steel or Silver; for you will often times see this Body presently sullyed or overcast, with the invisible steams that issue out of the Pores of the Finger, and are by the cold and smooth surface of the Body condensed into visible steams, that do as 'twere cloud that surface, but upon the Removal of the Finger, quickly fly off, and leave it bright again. The Perviousness of the skin outwards may not improbably be argued from the quickness wherewith some Medicines take away some black and blew Discolorations of the skin, that happen upon some lighter stroke, or other contusions. For, since these preternatural and unsightly colours are wont by Physicians to be imputed to some small portions of blood, that upon the contusion is forced out of the capillary vessels that lye beneath the surface of it, & being extravasated are obliged to stagnate there; it seems very likely, that if a powerful Medicine do quickly remove the discoloration, that work is performed by attenuating, and dissolving, and agitating the matter, and disposing it to transpire through the cutaneous Pores, though perhaps, when 'tis thus changed, some part of it may be imbibed again by the Capillary Vessels, and so by the circulation carryed into the mass of Blood. Now, that there are Medicines that will speedily work upon such black and blew marks, the Books and Practice of Physicians and Chirurgeons will oblige us to admit. Helmont talks much of the great vertue of white Briony root in such cases. And a notable Experiment made a while ago by a Learned acquaintence of mine in an odd case, did not give Helmont the Lye. And I know an eminent Person, who having some while since received a stroke, by a kick of an Horse, on his Leg, a very threatning contusion, which made the part look black and frightful, he was in a few hours cured of the pain of the hurt, and freed from the black part of the Discoloration by the bare application of the chopt leaves of Hissop mixt with fresh Butter into the form of a Pultess. Nor is it only the Skin that covers the visible parts of the body that we judg to be thus porous, but in the Membranes that invest the internal parts, we may reasonably suppose both numerous and very various Pores, according to the exigency of their peculiar and different Functions or Offices. For, the two first causes of Porosity mention'd in this Essay, are as well applicable to the Membranes that cover the internal parts, as the Liver, the Spleen, &c. as to the external Skin, or Membrane that covers the Limbs; and in some respects the transpiration through such Pores seems more advantaged, than that through the Pores of the surface of the Body; since the parts that environ the Spleen, Liver, Kidneys, &c. in man, are hot in comparison of the ambient Air, and being also wet, which the Air is not, the laxity of the Pores of the internal parts is doubly befriended. And perhaps it may be allowable to conceive, both the Skin that covers the Limbs, and the Membranes that invest the internal parts of the Body, to be like worsted stockings, Wast-Coats, &c. Which in their ordinary state have a kind of continuity, but upon occasion can have their Pores every way enlarged and stretched, in this or that manner, as the Agents that work on them determine them to be. This may be confirmed, by what we manifestly see in the finer sort of leather, as that of Kid or Lamb, and by the latent Pores that may be opened in Sheeps Leather, and mans Leather, by the pressure of included Quick-Silver. This Porosity of a living mans Skin and other Membranes, though internal ones, will the more easily be assented to if it appear that such thick and gross Membranes, as the urinary bladders of dead Animals, are Porous and Penetrable even by Water. This we tryed, by putting some salt of Tartar in a clean well dryed bladder (which ought to be afterwards tyed up close in the neck, lest the effect should be ascribed to the moist Air) and leaving the lower part of the bladder as far as the Salt, reached immersed in common Water, whose particles by degrees insinuated themselves into the Pores of the bladder, in plenty enough to resolve the Salt of Tartar into a liquor. And, that it may not be said that the Acrimony of the Salt, by fretting the bladder, made way for the Corpuscles of the Water, I shall add that the Experiment succeeded, but much more slowly, when we tryed it with Sugar instead of Salt of Tartar. And there are some, who pretend that certain Syrups made this slovenly way, which they would have pass for a secret, are very much preferable to those made of common Water. That the films that line the shells of Eggs are of a very close Contexture seems probable, as by other things, so by their resisting some liquors, sharp enough to corrode the shell, and yet that such Membranes are pervious to Liquors that are none of the most subtile of all, we found by the ensuing Experiment. This was made by taking an ordinary Hens Egg, and keeping it for two or three days in distill'd Vinegar, or in strong crude Vinegar. For then taking it out of the Liquor and wiping it well, it was visibly, and not inconsiderably, swell'd, which I concluded to be from the ingress of some particles of the liquors, at the Pores of the Skins that invest the White of the Egg. For we found nothing broken, though we made the Tryal more than once. And to be satisfied that the manifest expansion proceeded from some other cause, than the meer dilatation of the White, or Yolk, or both, we compared the weight of the Egg, after it was taken out and well wiped, with that which had been taken before 'twas put into the Menstruum, and found the Egg, notwithstanding the loss of the Shell, to be considerably heavier than 'twas before its immersion. I shall add on this occasion that by a more unlikely way than that newly recited, both the Egg, Shell and Lining of an Egg, may be penetrated. For, notwithstanding the fine and close contexture of the Membranes, that invest the Eggs, the Chineses have a way of Salting them in the shell, as I have been assured both by English and Dutch Merchants trading to the East Indies. And in one of the Dutch Journals sent by the Council of Batavia to their Principals in Holland, and intercepted by an English man of War, I met with divers accounts of great numbers of salted Eggs, that were such or such a day of such a Month brought in by Sea to Batavia or other Ports. Long after which time, meeting with an ingenious Physician, that liv'd in Batavia, I learned by enquiry from him, that 'tis very true that such Eggs are frequently met with in those parts; he having divers times eaten of them there; some that he judged to have been either boyled or roasted, before they were salted; and others that were raw, when they came to be dressed for him, but yet remained a Briny tast. And, though the Merchants I enquired of could not tell me what way the Chineses employed to Salt their Eggs, without making them unfit for common use, yet by a tryal made with clay and Brine, in which I kept the Eggs for a competent time, I was perswaded that 'twas possible the Chineses should have the Art ascribed to them. For upon the breaking of an Egg coated with clay, after it had lain for a competent time in Brine, I found its Tast considerably Salt, but was, by I know not what accident, hindered from prosecuting the Experiment, and endeavouring to make it more practicable and useful. I knew a Physitian of more learning than vertue, who, being tormented with a violent and obstinate Colic of a peculiar kind, was wont to relieve himself by Clisters of Sack; thô he usually found that not long after he had taken any of them, they would make him giddy, and fuddle him, as he himself confessed to me. But upon this Instance I lay not much weight, and less upon what was answered me by a great Chirurgeon, who having practised his Art in the West-Indies, and being asked by me whether he had not dressed Wounds and Ulcers with the recent juice of Tobacco (a plant I use to keep growing in my Garden for its excellent vertues in cuts, burns, and tumors;) and whether, if he employed it, he did not find it emetick, he told me among other things, that having Divers times dressed with this Juice a small Ulcer in a Womans leg, the patient soon after the application would grow sick, and have her stomack turned, or actually vomit. But, as I was saying, on this instance I lay no stress, because the Corpuscles of the Tobacco might probably enough get in at the small Orifices of some corroded Vessels, and so be conveyed inwards, rather by the help of the Circulation of the blood, than on the account of the porousness of the Parts. And therefore I shall rather mention what has been related to me, by an eminent Physician of the famous Colledge of London, namely, that he had divers times given himself a vomit, by a certain application of decocted Tobacco to his wrists, and some other external parts; which brings into my mind, what is affirmed to have been observed in some Children that have scabb'd Heads, who have been made Drunk, by the application of Clothes or spunges wetted in Infusion of Tobacco, or of strong Liquors, and applied to the part affected. Though in this case the inebriating Particles may be suspected to have got in, not at the meer Pores, but rather at the Orifices of the Capillary Vessels, that were made accessible by such little solutions of Continuity, as are seldom wanting in scabbed Heads. That Children may be purged by outward applications is asserted by some Physicians; and an experienced Person of that number has affirmed to me, that he can almost constantly do it by a Plaister. But 'tis more considerable what was related to me by an eminent Virtuoso, who being indisposed to believe such things a while before he told me the story, was desired by a curious Person to shew him his Hand which the Relator having done the other took it in his hand, which was moistened (as was afterwards confessed) with a kind of subtile Chymical Oil, but so slightly, that the Relator scarce minded it, till some time after when he found himself prest with a motion, like that which a purge would have given him; for the other thereupon smiling, my acquaintance began to suspect what the matter might be, and was in a short time purged four times, without griping, or other pain or discomposure. But to return to the Porousness of Membranes, it may serve to make way for your admitting it, to observe, that though Lute-strings be but Ropes of Fibres (which are at least the chief parts that Membranes consist of) dead, cold and stiff, yet when the lute is in tune they will sometimes in wet weather swell so forcibly as with noise and violence to break, which proceeds from the copious ingress of moist vapors into their Pores, whereby they are not only shortened, but as I have tryed in nice scales, made manifestly heavier. The Porosity of the internal parts of Animals by both the foremention'd ways (viz. of emission and reception of Corpuscles,) may be confirmed by the things that happen in some of the Metastases or Translations (as the Physitians call them) of the morbifick matter in diseased Bodies. 'Tis known to them that are any thing conversant with Hospitals, or the observations of Physicians, that there do not seldom occur in Diseases sudden Removes of the matter that caused them, from one part to another according to the nature and functions of which, there may emerge a new Disease, more or less dangerous than the former, as the invaded part is more or less noble. Thus oftentimes the matter, which in the sanguiferous Vessels produced a Feaver, being discharged upon some internal parts of the Head, produces a Delirium or Phrenitis; in the latter of which I have somewhat wondered, to see the Patients Water so like that of a Person without a Feaver; the same Febril Febrile matter either by a deviation of Nature, or medicines improper or unskillfully given, is discharged sometimes upon the Pleura , or Membrane that lines the sides of the Chest; sometimes upon the throat; sometimes upon the Guts; and causes in the first case a Pleurisie, in the 2d a Squinancy, and in the third a Flux, for the most part dysenterical. But, because I suppose, that many, if not most, of these translations of peccant humors, are made by the help of the circulation of the Blood, I forebore at the beginning of this Section to speak in general terms, when I mentioned them in reference to the Porousness of the internal parts of the Body, and contented my self to intimate, that some of them may serve to confirm that Porosity. This will not perhaps seem improbable, if we consider that 'tis in effect already proved, by the same arguments by which we have shewn, that both the Skin and the internal Membranes are furnished with Pores, Permeable by Particles whose Shape and Size are correspondent to them. For we may thence probably deduce, that when a morbifick matter, whether in the form of Liquor, or of exhalations, chances to have Corpuscles suited to the Pores of this or that part of the Body, it may, by a concourse of Circumstances, be determined to invade it, and so dislodge from its former receptacle, and excite Disorders in the part it removes to. ANother thing whence the Porosity of Animals may be argued, is, their taking in of Effluvia from without. For these cannot get into the internal parts of the Body, to perform their operations there, without penetrating the Skin, and consequently entring the Pores of it. Now, That things, outwardly applyed to the Body, may without wounding the Skin, be convey'd to the internal parts, there are many things that argue. And first, it has been observed in some Persons, (for all are not equally disposed to admit the action of particular Poysons) that Cantharides, being externally apply'd by Chyrurgions or Physicians, may soon, and before they break the Skin, produce great disorders in the Urinary Passages, and sometimes cause bloody Water. And I remember, that having once had a blistering Plaister, applyed by a skilful Chyrurgion between my shoulders, though I knew not that there were any Cantharides at all mixt with the other Ingredients, yet it gave me about the neck of my Bladder one of the sensiblest pains I had ever felt, and forced me to send for help at a very unseasonable time of night. The Porousness of the Skin may be also argued from divers of the effects even of Milder Plaisters. For, though some Plaisters may operate as they closely stick to the Skin, and hinder Perspiration from within, and fence the part from the external cold; yet, twill scarce be denied, that many of them have notable effects upon other accounts, whereof none is so likely and considerable as the copious ingress of the Corpuscles of the Plaister, that enter at the Pores of the Skin, and being once got in, act according to their respective Natures & Vertues. The like may be said of Ointments, whose operations, especially on Children (whose Skin is ordinarily more soft and lax) are sometimes very notable. And I have known considerable things performed by them, in an internal Disease of grown men, where I should scarce have expected a Vegetable Ointment should perform so much: I say, a Vegetable Ointment, for 'tis vulgarly known that by Mercurial Ointments Salivation may be excited; and sometimes, against the Physitians will, the Corpuscles of the Quick Silver get so far into the Body, that he is not able to get them out again. What we lately said of Plaisters, may be applyed to those that Physitians call Pericarpia, or Wrist-bands: The better sort of which, though sometimes ineffectual, are oftentimes successful in stopping Fits or Agues, as I have frequently found in a mixture, elsewhere mention'd, of Currans, Hops, Baysalt well beaten together, by which, by Gods blessing, many, and I among others, have been freed from simple Tertians, and either double Tertians or Quotidians. The Argument of the Porosity of Animals, drawn from those things that get in through their skins, without breaking or wounding them, may be much strengthned, if it can be made appear, that those Physitians do not deceive us, who ascribe sensible Operations and Vertues, to things externally applyed, in so loose a way, that they do not so much as stick to the Skin, or perhaps immediately touch it; such as some call Periapta and Appensa ; divers of which are best known among us, by the name of Amulets; such as are the Quills containing Quick-silver or Arsenick, that some hang about their necks, and wear under their Shirts, against the Plague and other Contagious Diseases; and the Bloodstones that others wear against Hæmorrhages; and the stone which the Women use in the East Indies, for a quite contrary effect, in Obstructione Mensium . That many of these external Medicines, answer not the promises of those that extol them, having some of them no sensible operation at all, and others no considerable one, experience has assured judicious observers; but that some of them, especially on some Patients, may have considerable, not to say admirable, operations, I confess my self by other motives, as well as Authority, to be perswaded. Having been one summer frequently subject to bleed at the Nose, and reduced to imploy several remedies to check that distemper; that which I found the most effectual to stanch the blod, was some moss of a dead mans Scull (sent for a present out of Ireland where 'tis far less rare than in most other Countrys) though it did but touch my skin till the herb was a little warm'd by it. And though I remember not that I have known any great matter done to stop Hæmorrhagies by the bare outward application of other Blood-stones; yet of one that look'd almost like an Agate, I admired the effects, especially upon a young and extraordinarily Sanguin person. To which I shall add a memorable thing, communicated to the experienced Zwelfer by the chief Physitian of the States of Moravia. If one would see this passage at large he may find it at the end of the Essay. For this learned man whom he extols for a great Physician and Philosopher; assures him, that having prepared some Trochischs of Toads according to Helmonts way, (which I remember I also was solicitous to prepare, but had not occasion to make tryal of their vertue,) he not only found, that being worn as Amulets they preserved him and all his Domesticks, and Friends, from the Plague (though he daily visited the infected) but that having caused these Trochischs to be put upon the Plague sores of several persons, none of them died, but the venom of the pestilential Carbuncles was thereby so weakened that the ulcers were afterward easily cured by vulgar remedies. And now, as to the difficulty, which I acknowledge not to be small, to conceive how Bodies actually cold can emit Effluvia, capable of penetrating (without moistening it) a Membrane of so close a Contexture as a mans Skin; I suppose it will be much lessened in the objectors opinion, by what he will meet with hereafter about the Pores of Bodies, and the Figures of Corpuscles. For supposing these to be congruous, it will not seem incredible, that the Effluvia of Amulets should in tract of time get passage through the Pores of the Skin of a Living Body. And to make this the more probable, I will give an Instance in the Skin of a dead Animal. And, because this requires a Liquor I much employ in these trials about Porology, though I have many years since in another Tract taught how to make it for another purpose; yet I shall here repeat, that 'tis made by exactly mingling Flower of Brimstone, powdered Sal Armoniac and good Quicklime in equal quantities, save that, if the Quicklime be not very dry and good, a fourth or fifth part must be superadded, for these being nimbly mixed, and distilled by degrees of Fire in a Retort, till the Sand be at length brought to be almost red hot, there will come over a smoaking Spirit, which must be kept very carefully stopt, and which for distinctions sake, I also use to call, The Permeating Menstruum or Liquor, and its expirations the Penetrant, or Permeating Fumes. And now you will easily understand the experiment I was about to mention, which was this; We took a very clean piece of polish'd Copper, in want of which one of silver will serve the turn, and having lapt it up in a piece of either Lambs or sheeps Leather, so that it was every way inclosed, we then held it over the Orifice of the Vial that contained the Spirit, at a pretty distance from the Liquor whose fumes nevertheless did quickly, (perhaps in a minute of an hour or less) pervade the Pores of the Leather, and operate upon the included metal as appeared by the deep and lasting tincture it had given to the lower surface of it, though the interposed Leather it self was not deprived of its whiteness, nor at all sensibly discoloured; however it smelt of the Sulphureous Sulplureous steams that had invaded it. And, if I misremember not, the same Experiment succeeded, though somewhat more slowly, when a double Leather was interposed between the fumes and a new piece of Copper coin. This will be thought the less strange, when I shall come to some other Instances of the Penetrancy of these Spirits. In the mean while I leave it to be considered, whether this may not suggest some conjecture at that strange Phœnomenon, which is recorded by Authors of good repute, That sometimes in great Thunders the Lightening, among other operations, has been found to have manifestly discoloured mens money, without burning the Purses or Pockets wherein it lay. For in our experiment, the steams that in a trice pervaded the Leather, the most usual matter whereof Purses are made, were sulphureous, as the smell argues, that those which accompany the Fulmen are wont to be; and whereas these, when they invade Bodies, are usually very hot, ours operated when the Liquor that emitted them was actually cold. And if it be said, that sometimes their money has been found discolored in their Pockets, who were not struck, by the Fulmen , but had it only pass near them, it may be objected, that tho the intire Body, whether fluid or solid, if there be any of this latter kind that is in Latine called Fulmen (for our English word, Thunderbolt seems not so applicable to a fluid) did not touch them, yet it might scatter steams enough round about it, to cause the Phænomenon. For confirmation of which I shall take notice, that a considerable Person of my acquaintance, having had the Curiosity to ascend a burning mountain in America, till the sulphureous steams grew too offensive to him, he told me that, among other operations he observed them to have upon him, one was, that he found the money he had about him turned of a black and dirty colour, such as I have observed our sulphureous steams often give both to Copper, and to Silver Coins. But whether or no our Spirits will justify the conjecture, they invited me to mention, at least their so easily pervading the Skin of a dead Animal may make it probable, that the Skin of a Living man may be easily penetrated by external steams whose approach the Eye does not perceive, and whose operations, though not inconsiderable, may therefore be unsuspected. I leave to Physitians to consider, what use may be made of this observation, in reference to the propagation of contagious Diseases, by the contact of infected Air, distinct from the Respiration of it, and by the penetration of the steams, that issuing from divers Bodies invade the Skin, and may perhaps be capable of operations, either hurtful or friendly, that are not usually suspected to proceed from such causes, and are therefore misascribed to others. And on this occasion it will not be impertinent to add, that by hanging up sheeps Leather or Lambs Leather in the free Air, the vapors of it would so insinuate themselves into the Pores in wet weather, that a moderate degree of moisture in the Air would add to it a not inconsiderable weight, of which dry weather, whether hot or cold, would deprive it. I Must not in this place omit some Instances, very proper to manifest the Penetrableness of Membranes to Fumes themselves, if they be subtile enough for their pores, or correspondent enough to them. Among the observations published by Physicians I have met with some by which it appears that Cantharides may have great Effects upon the internal Parts of the Body, though they do not so much as touch the Skin, but are placed at some distance from it, so that their Effluvia must be transmitted through other Bodies before they can penetrate that. Schenkii Observationum lib. 7. Obs. 37. The learned Michael Paschalius mentions a Chyrurgion, who was twice brought to void much Blood with his Urine, by some Spanish Flies that he carryed about in a Purse or Bag. And another Doctor of note relates of another person that came to complain to him, that he pissed Blood, having carryed about with him Cantharides , though in his Pocket, and adds, that a like Case was recounted to him by Helidæus, whom he calls an eminent Bolognian Physician. We see, that in Linnen Cloth, the finer and more slender the threads are the closer and less Porous, cæteris paribus, the Linnen is: By analogy to which one may esteem the thin film that lines the shell of an Egg, to be of an exceeding close Contexture; and yet that even this film is not impervious to some Fumes, I have found by the following Tryal. To make this, we slowly and warily pick'd off a sufficient part of the Shell of a Hens Egg, from the Skin that lay just beneath it, and is wont to stick so close to it, that their separation, without injuring the Membrane, is not easy. In this Skin, being wip'd, we wrapt up a flat piece of Copper, whose surface was made bright, that the change of Colour might be the better seen; and having kept this covered bit of Plate, over the Fumes of our smoaking Liquor lately mentioned for a minute or two by our ghess we unfolded the Skin, and found, as we expected, that the lower surface of the Copper which was it that had been held over the Fumes, was turned of a very dark colour, which manifested that even so fine and closely contexed a Membrane was not only, as we have formerly shewn, penetrable by Liquors, but readily pervious to our sulphureous exhalations, tho these were probably but faintly emitted, since the Liquor they came from was then actually cold. But in making the Tryal it is fit to hold (as we did that newly recited) the Membrane against the light, to see if it be intire, and have escaped all those little lacerations that are hardly avoidable in severing it from the Shell it sticks so close to. If this caution be neglected, 'tis easy to be imposed on, by overlooking some little holes, that are not easily discerned when one looks down upon the Skin, and yet may be sufficient to make the Experiment deceitful. But, thô when 'tis well made, it is a notable confirmation of the Doctrine endeavoured to be established in this Paper, yet I shall now subjoyn a more considerable Instance to the same purpose. The Porousness of the Internal Membranes of the Body, will be more easily granted, if it be considered that either the Liquors, or the moist Exhalations, whose Action is promoted by the Natural Heat of the Parts, keeps them constantly wet or moist, and thereby renders them more lax, and more penetrable by subtle Spirits or other Corpuscles. In favour of this Reflection I made the following Experiment. We took a piece of a dryed Urinary Bladder, which was judged to have been a Calfs; and having lapt it about a new piece of Silver Coin, so that the Bladder was single where it covered the lower side of the Piece, we kept it for divers Minutes, by guess, over the Spirituous Fumes of our often mentioned Permeating Liquor, but could not perceive that the Coin was thereby at all affected or ternished. Whence we concluded that the Pores of the dry Bladder were too close and narrow, to give passage to the Expirations of the Menstruum. But presuming that moisture would some what relax them with another piece of the same Bladder, made limber by being a little wetted in common Water, we lapt up another like peace of new Coin, as we had done the former, and kept it at the same distance as before, from the Liquor, but not for so long a time. For after about two Minutes, by guess, we remov'd and took out the Piece, and, as we expected, found much of its lower surface (that regarded the Liquor) deeply discoloured. Which Experiment will not only justify what I lately said, of the greater Laxity of moist than of dry Membranes, but will be thought no mean confirmation of what is in this Essay delivered about the porosity of Membranes, since the Urinary Bladder does, as Anatomists well know, consist of more than one Membrane, though they stick so close together, as to appear but one to the Eye. And this Bladder was speedily penetrated by the Fumes that our Liquor emitted in exceeding Cold and Frosty weather, though the Bladder it self was not in the warm Body of the live Animal, but had been so long kept dryed and cold, that probably the Moisture it introduced in scarce one minute of an Hour, could not restore it to the Laxity it had, whilst it was a part of the living Calf. One of the notablest Instances I ever met with, of the Porosity of the Internal Membranes of the Humane Body, was afforded me by that British Nobleman, of whom our famous Harvey tells a memorable, not to say matchless, story. This Gentleman, having in his youth, by an accident which that Doctor relates, had a great and lasting Perforation made in his Thorax, at which the motion of his Heart could be directly perceiv'd did not only out live the accident, but grew a strong, and somewhat corpulent man; and so robust, as well as Gallant, that he afterwards was a Souldier, and had the honour to command a Body of an Army for the King. This Earl of Mount-Alexander (for that was his last Title having marryed one of my nearest kinswomen, and having been told that I was very desirous to see, what I had heard such strange things of, very obligingly came, at a fit time, to give me that satisfaction. In order to which he removed that which covered the wide Orifice of his Hurt, and gave me the opportunity of looking into his Thorax, and of discerning there the motions of the Cone, as they call it, or Mucro of the Heart. But these things I mention but upon the by, and because of the strangeness of the fact; the thing I principally intended relates to my present argument. Having then made several inquiries fit for my purpose, his Lordship told me, that when he did, as he was wont to do from time to time, (though not every day) inject with a Syringe some actually warm medicated Liquor into his Thorax, to cleanse and cherish the Parts, he should quickly and plainly find in his Mouth the tast and smell of the Drugs, wherewith the Liquor had been impregnated. And I further learned, that, whereas he constantly wore upon the unclosed part of his Chest, a Silken quilt, stuffed with Aromatick and odoriferous Powders, to defend the neighbouring Parts and keep them warm; when he came, as he used to do after some weeks, to imploy a new Quilt, the fragrant Effluvia of it would mingle with his breath in exspiration, and very sensibly perfume it, not, as I declared I suspected, upon the score of the pleasing Exhalations that might get up between his Clothes and his Body, but that got into the Organs of Respiration, and came out with his Breath at his Mouth, as was confirmed to me by a grave & judicious Statesman, that happened to be then present, and knew this General very well. Other circumstances I might add, but that I dare not trust my memory for them, and unhappily lost the paper, wherein the oddness of the things invited me to set them down, for fear of forgetting them. That part of this Narrative which relates to Injections may be much confirm'd by what is delivered by Galen himself, who says that Mulsum or Honeyed Water, being injected at the Orifice of Wounds penetrating into the cavity of the Thorax, has been observed to be in part received into the Lungs, and discharged out of the Aspera Arteria by coughing. And this he mentions as a known thing, imploying it as a Medium whereby to prove another. The mention that has been made, of the Porosity of Membranes, brings into my mind what I once observed at the Dissection, made by some Physicians, and Anatomists, of a lusty Souldier, that was hanged for I know not what crime. This man, though otherwise young and sound, was observed to have been long molested with what they call a short, dry Cough, which made us expect to find something much amiss in his Lungs. But meeting with nothing there, we were at a loss for the cause of this Cough, till coming to consider the internal part of the Chest, we perceived something on one of the sides, by tracing of which we discovered, that between the Pleura and the substance of the intercostal muscles, there was lodged a certain matter, of the breadth of a Silver Crown piece, or thereabouts, of a roundish figure, and of the consistence and almost colour of new, soft Cheese, which odd stuff was concluded to have been the remains of some ill cured Pleurisy, and to have transmitted through the Pores of the Pleura , though that be a very close Membrane, some noxious Effluvia , which ever and anon irritated the Lungs into an irregular and troublesom motion, and so produced the Cough the Malefactor had been molested with. I Am well aware that 'tis far less difficult, to prove the permeableness of single Membranes, than that of such a Part of the Body, as seems to be an aggregate of several parts, which in regard of their close adhesion, are looked upon but as one part, to which, on that account, men commonly give a distinct name. But yet there are some Phænomena that seem to argue, that even such compounded or resulting parts, if I may so call them, are not destitute of Pores, which whether they be not some of them the Orifices of exceeding slender and therefore unobserved Capillary Vessels, I must not now stay to enquire. When the cavity of the Abdomen in those Hydropical Persons that are troubled with an Ascites, is filled with Water, or rather with a Liquor that I have found to be much more viscous, it justly appears strange, that by an Hydragogue, or some appropriated purging medicine, great quantities of this gross Liquor should in a short time be carryed off by Siege, and perhaps also by Urine, though to get into the cavity of the Guts, or that of either of the Kidneys, it seems necessary that it Permeate the Tunicles, and other component parts, of the Viscera it gets into. I know not whether I may on this occasion take notice of what Physicians observe to occur now and then in Empyema's that follow ill conditioned Pleurisies. For it has several times been observed, that upon the bursting of such imposthumes into the cavity of the Chest, the Purulent matter hath been voided by Siege and Urine. I hesitate, as I was saying, whether I should alledge this Phænomenon, as a proof of what I now contend for, till it be determined whether this Metastasis be made by transudation properly so called, or by the ingress of the Pus into the imperfectly closed Orifices of the Vessels of the Lungs; where being once admitted and mingled with the Blood they may with this circulating Liquor arrive at the Kidneys, or any other Parts fitted to make a secretion of this Heterogeneous matter. But whatever be the Reason or manner of it, we find that the Lungs do sometimes odly convey things to distant parts of the Body. And if I may here mention a thing, cui honos præfationis est, I shall add that I have several times observ'd in my self, that when I had been an actor or an assistant in the Dissection of a living Dog, especially if his Blood or Body were rankly Scented, I should divers hours after plainly find that odour in the excrements I voided by Siege. A famous Chirurgeon and Anatomist relates, that one who was very ill of a dropsy, judged to arise from a Scirrhus of the Spleen, coming to ask his counsel and assistance, though he judged the patients case desperate, yet to content him, he ordered him to dip a very large Sponge in good Quicklime-Water, and having squeezed out the superfluous Liquor, to bind it upon the region of the Spleen, only shifting it from time to time. He adds, that after some months he was much surprized to receive a visit from this Patient, with solemn thanks for his recovery; the outward Medicine having, it seems, resolved the Scirrhus and concurred with nature to evacuate the hydropical humour. For the resolution of which hard tumour it seems necessary, that the sanative Corpuscles of the external remedy should at length penetrate, not only the Epidermis, and the true Cutis , but the Muscles themselves of the Abdomen, and some other interposed parts. These instances may be strengthen'd by an eminent observation of Galen, who takes notice that Bones being sometimes broken, without piercing the Skin that covers the part they belong to, when the Callus is making, and the broken parts of the bone begin to be conglutinated together, a Portion of that Blood which had flowed to the part affected is carryed to the Skin and permeats that, so as to wet and foul the Dressings or Bandages that are kept upon the limb affected by the Fracture. BOnes, Horns, and parts of the like Substance, being those that are granted to be the most solid of the Bodies of Animals, I come in the last place to shew by particular Experiments that these also have their Pores. I say, by particular Experiments, because in a general way, their Porosity has been already proved, by the same Arguments, from their original Texture, Nutrition, Augmentation, &c. That have been employed to manifest the Porousness of Animal substances in general. That the Nails of men, as well as their Skins, are Porous, may be gathered from their being easily and permanently tinged with divers metalline solutions, and particularly those of silver in Aquafortis, and Gold in Aqua Regia ; the former of which solutions though cold, will but too easily tinge the Skin and Nails it chances to touch, and makes some little stay upon, with a dark and blackish colour; which I found not that I could wash out with water, or, even with a far more penetrating and abstersive liquor. The like durableness I found in the Purple spots, that I sometimes purposely made on my Nails, by letting some little drops of the solution of Gold in Aqua Regia dry upon them, which I now and then did, to observe the way of the Nails growth. For if the stain were made near the root of the nail, it would be still, though very slowly, thrust on by the new matter, till after some weeks it arrived to the further end of the Nail, and was fit to be pared off with it. But this only upon the by. 'Tis more to our purpose to take notice, that, though the Menstruums imployed in the recited Experiments be of themselves very acid and corrosive, yet they are so changed by the metals they have dissolved, that they are Acid no more, the solution of Silver being rather extreamly bitter, and that of Gold of a kind of Stiptic tast, almost like that which sloes, growing in the hedges, are wont to be of. Ivory is a thing too well known to need to be described. And, since 'tis generally lookt upon (for I have had no opportunity to compare it with the Bones) as the solidest part of the vastest of Terestrial Animals, Experiments proving its porosity, will be strong presumptions for that of the hardest parts of other Animals. And the Porousness of Ivory may be argued from the several ways of dying it with permanent colours. For in these colorations the Tinctures that make them, must penetrate into, and be lodged in the Substance of the Ivory, especially when the Substance remains smooth and glassy, as I have divers times made it do, when I employed fit Menstruums and Metalline Pigments. The solution I formerly mentioned of Silver in Aqua fortis , being laid upon Ivory, will soon give it a dark and blackish stain, which is not, that I have found, to be washed off. I remember also that I many years since taught some ingenious artificers, to adorn Ivory with a fine purple colour, by moistening it with, and suffering leisurely to dry on it, a solution of Gold made in Aqua Regia . And if occasion required, allayed with water, nor needs either of these solutions be applyed hot, any more than the Ivory needs to be heated. Both which circumstances favour the Porousness of the solid Body. Copper dissolved in Aqua fortis stains Ivory with a blewish colour, as I have sometimes seen in the hafts of knifes, about whose coloration nevertheless another way is also employed. But I remember that without making use of any Acid or Corrosive Menstruum , I have even in the cold stained Ivory, with a fine and permanent blew, like a Turquois, by suffering to dry upon it as deep a solution as I could make of Crude Copper, in an urinous Spirit, as that of Sal Armoniack . But now to return to Bones, their growth in all their dimensions, does, as I lately noted, argue their Porosity and the marrow that is found in the great hollow Bones, whether it nourish them or no, must it self be supplyed by some alimental juice, that soaks or otherways penetrates, into the cavities that contain it. Nor does it seem at all improbable, that Blood it self may through small Vessels be conveyed into the very substance of the Bone, so as that the Vessels reach at least a little way in it, though perhaps the Liquor they carry may afterwards by Imbibition be brought to the more internal parts of the Bone. For not to urge that we manifestly see, that on each side of the lower Jaw, Nature has been careful to perforate the Bones and make a Channel in the substance of it; which Channel receives not only a larger Nerve but a Vein, & Artery to bring in & carry back Blood for the nourishment of the Teeth, by distinct Sprigs sent from the great branch to the particular Teeth. Not to urge this, I say, (which I mention but to shew that the opinion lately proposed is agreeable to a known practice of Nature) I have been assured by eminent Anatomists, whom I purposely consulted, that they have observed Blood vessels to enter a great way into the substance of the larger Bones. And one of them affirmed, that he had traced a Vessel even to the great Cavity of the Bone. Which I the less scrupled to admit, because it has been observed, that in younger Animals the Cavity is in great part furnished with Blood, as well as Marrow, and in those larger Pores, whereof many are found in the more Spongy Substance of divers Bones, Blood has been observed to have been lodged, as also in the spongy part of the Skull, that lies between the two Tables, as I have been assured by Skilful Eyewitnesses. The blackness also, that Bones acquire when put into a competent heat, and a peculiar kind of fatness which they may by heat be made to afford, shew that they harbour, even in their internal parts, store of Unctuous Particles, separable from the solid substance, (which still retains its shape and continues solid) in whose Pores they may thereby be argued to have been lodged. The Lightness of Bones, even when their Cavity is accessible to (Air and) Water, is also a great sign of their Porosity. And so is their being corroded by tinging liquors, if they be penetrative and well applyed. I know not whether I should add on this occasion, that having taken calcined and pulverized Bones, such as we use to make our Cupels of, and, after having given them a good heat, kept them for some time in the Air, but in a well covered place; I found the imbibed moisture of the Air to have manifestly increased their weight; and that I also observed in a curious Skeleton, where the Bones were kept together by wires, instead of other Ligaments, that though I kept it in a well covered place, not far from a Kitchin Fire, yet in very moist weather the Bones seemed to swell, since those joynts that were easy to be bent, in dry weather, and that after several manners, would grow stiff and refractory, and indisposed to be put into such motions, when the weather was considerably wet. These particulars (as I was saying) I am somewhat doubtful whether I should here insert, because one may suspect the Phænomena may proceed rather from somewhat else, than the imbibed moisture of the Air; and yet I would not omitt to mention these observations, because I do not yet see any cause to which they may more probably (or indeed so probably) be assigned. And on this occasion I shall subjoyn some observations made on large and solid Ox Bones, which in one of my Note Books I find thus registred. Nov. 15. We weighed two [entire or unbroken] Marrow Bones, and found the one to weigh [ounce]xxix + [dram]ss;, and the other [ounce]xxiv + [dram]iv + 30 gr. Nov. 24. The former weighed [ounce]xxix + [dram]vi, and the latter [ounce]xxv + [dram]i + 30 gr. Decemb. 28. the former weighed [ounce]xxix + [dram]iij. 55 gr. and the latter [ounce]xxiv + [dram]vii. + 39 gr. June 7th of the following year, the former weigh'd [ounce]xxix + [dram]ii. And the latter [ounce]xxiv + [dram]vii. By which observations purposely made at differing times of the year, and in very good scales, it seems that Bones do plentifully enough imbibe the Exhalations of the Air, and emit them again, together with some of their own, according as the ambient happens to be disposed. And these alterations argue the Bones to abound with Pores, since the external steams must have Pores to receive them, and the Effluvia must upon their recess leave Pores behind them. I confess that to think (as with some Anatomists I lately seemed to do) that Bones themselves admit into their substance, Vessels capable of conveying a nutritive Liquor, we must suppose those Vessels extreamly slender. But that 'tis not only possible but somewhat credible, there may be such, I am induced to think, by what is known to happen in that disease, which from the Country it most infests is called the Plica Polonica. For, tho one would think that the hairs of men are much too slender, to have cavities in them capable of visible Liquors; and though I have found it very difficult, even with a good Microscope, to perceive any cavities in the hair of a man transversly cut; yet not only some other writers of good note, but the Judicious Sennertus himself deliver, that in this disease (of which he particularly treats) it has been observed, that if the Patients cause their intangled hair to be cut, as they sometimes do, by reason of its nastiness or unsightliness, they are not only thereby endangered, but sometimes the single hairs will actually bleed, where the ends have been cut off; so that so thick a Liquor as Blood may be conveyed through Vessels, that can at most be but in a proper sense Capillary and must be far less than hairs, if their Perforations be like those by which many Plants have their nourishment conveyed to them, or such as are obvious in divers Canes, which being cut quite through transversly, discover a multitude of distinct Pores, that by some Experiments one may be induced to guess, reach all along, and make the Cane like a Cylindrical Bundle of Minute Pipes; or rather a multitude of small cavities, that perforate from end to end the Parenchyma , or Substance analogous to it, that gives them stability. And for the present this sort of Vessels seem to me, the more likely to be those that convey the Blood to the extream Parts of the Hair, because even in Horse hairs, which yet are nourished and grow, I am not yet sure, that I have discovered with my Microscopes any cavity, and therefore suspect there may be divers imperceptible ones, for the Hair is nourished and grows, which it is not like it should do if the Body were solid; and if there were but a single cavity in it, as in the lower part of a Quill, 'tis like the Microscope I used would have discovered it, since with one much inferiour I could easily see, that several little short Hairs, that grow upon the Animal that yields Musk, had each of them a cavity in it like that of the lower part of a Quill. To the things that have already been said about the Porosity of Bones, I shall now add an observation of a very learned Physician, that is very remarkable to our present purpose, because it argues, that even Bodies not saline, nor actually moist, may from without get into the Pores and Cavities of Humane Bones. Divers Physicians have complain'd of the mischiefs done to the Bones by Mercury, employ'd to salivate in Venereal Diseases. Whereof I remember I have read a very notable Instance, in a learned Book (which I have not now by me) of an eminent Roman Professor of Physick, who had the opportunity of making several curious observations in the famous Hospital of the Incurabili at Rome; and is therefore the more to be credited; where he relates, that in the Cavity of at least one Pocky-mans Bones, there was found real Quick Silver that had penetrated thither. And this brings into my mind a memorable observation of an ancient and experienced Physician, who being famous for the cure of Venereal Diseases, was asked by me, what Instances he had found of the Penetration of Quick-Silver, either outwardly or inwardly administred, into the Bones of men? To this he answered, that he could not say he had himself taken notice of any QuickSilver, in the Cavities of greater Bones, but that some other Practitioners had told him, that they had met with such Instances, as I enquired after. But for himself, he only remembred that a Patient, who had been terribly fluxed with mercurial Inunctions, coming afterwards to have one of the Grinders of his lower Jaw pulled out, because of the raging pain it had long put him to; my Relater had the curiosity to view narrowly this great Tooth, and found, to his wonder, a little drop of true Mercury in that slender Cavity of the Root, that admits the small Vessels which convey nourishment and sense to the Tooth, in more than one of whose three Roots he affirmed to me that he found true, though but exceeding little, Quick-Silver. Eustach. Ruchius (apud Sennertum) lib. 5. de morbis acutis cap. 15. But a full Testimony to my present purpose is afforded me by the experienced Physician Eustachius Rudius, who relates, that he saw himself, and that others also observed, some Bodies dissected, of those that had been anointed for the Venereal Pox, in the Cavities of whose Bones no small quantity of Quick Silver was got together, (which yet (to add that upon the by) he says, did not hinder some of them from living many years, surviving those Inunctions.) I Am not ignorant that, among the Particulars laid together in the foregoing Essay, there are some that are not absolutely necessary, to prove the Porousness of the Bodies of Animals. But I thought it not impertinent to mention them, because I hoped that they, in conjunction with the rest, may be of some use to Naturalists, in giving an account of several things that pass in a Humane Body, whether sound or sick, especially if it be of a Topical disease, and may remove, or much lessen that great Prejudice, that makes many (and some of them otherwise learned) Physicians despise the use of all Amulets, Pericarpia , and other external Medicines in Distempers of the Inward parts, upon a confident, but not well grounded supposition, that these Remedies immediately touching but the outside of the Skin, cannot exercise any considerable operations upon the internal parts of the Body. But though I have thus acknowledged some Passages of the foregoing Essay to be supernumerary, yet I must not dismiss it without intimating that I might from one Topick more have fetched a probable, though not a demonstrative argument, in favour of the Porousness of Animals. For this may be very probably argued from hence, that even Inanimate, Solid and Ponderous Bodies, that in all likelyhood must be of a far closer Texture than the living Bodies of Animals (whose various Functions require a greater number and diversity of Pores in their differing Organs) are not devoid of Pores, and have some of them very numerous ones, as will be sufficiently made out in the following Essay, to which I shall therefore hasten.

Science

An Essay of the POROUSNESS OF ANIMAL BODIES.

Experiments and considerations about the porosity of bodies, in two essays

SciB1696

Observations to be made at Sea. KEEP a Journal of the Ship's Course: Of the Latitude, as often as taken: Of the Variation of the Compass: of the Soundings, observing what sorts of Shells, Sand, or other Matter is brought up with the Plummet. In Calmes, or with any other Opportunity, both at Main Sea, or elsewhere, sound to the Bottom, if all the Line or Tackle you have will reach it; but if not, only note what Length of Line you used. In the said Journal also keep an Account of the Currents: of the Brizes, and other Winds, as well those which are settled and constant, as those which are accidental: of Storms and Hurricanes: of the Rise and Fall of the Weather-glass: Of the Weather, Heat and Cold, Fogs, Mists, Snow, Hail, Rain, Spouts or Trombs, vast Discharges of Water from the Clouds, Thunder, Lightning, Meteors, &c. Observe whether some Seas be not salter than others, or distant Parts of the same Sea differ not in Saltness: Whether the Water of the Sea be not warmer than ordinary, or suffer not some unusual Bubblings or Commotions before Storms, or there do not some other like uncommon Accidents forerun them, whereby they may be foreseen: What Voragines or Whirlpools appear at Sea, to what Distance the Force of their Flux or Stream extends, whether they only receive and swallow in the Water, or spue it forth, or, if both, with what Periods, i.e. at what time doth each begin and end: What sorts of Fowls occurr at Main Sea: What Fishes, what Weeds, Shrubs, or other things. In brief, take notice of every observable natural Occurrence throughout the whole Voyage, and this too in as full and circumstantial a manner as may be. Upon the Shores. OBserve to what perpendicular Height the Sea rises at high-water: what Space of Time passes between the Ebb and Flood, and again, between Flood and Ebb: What kinds of Fish reside near the Shores, particularly what Shell-fish: What Fowl are most frequent there: What Weeds, Shrubs, &c. also what Shells, are flung up by the Sea: What Shrubs, Weeds, Mosses, Sponges, Coralls, or Coralline Bodies, e.g. Sea fans, Sea-roses, &c. grow out upon the Shores, Rocks, or Cliffs: What sorts of Pebbles, Flints, Marchasites, or other Stones, lie upon the Shores, or are washed out of the Cliffs, by the Tides, and beating of the Sea-waves: Whether there be not found Grains of Gold, or Silver, or Lumps of other Metalls, or Minerals, Amber, Crystal-pebbles, Agates, Cornelians, or other Stones that have somewhat observable in them, either for Lustre, Texture, or Figure; and particularly Stones that resemble Muscles, Cockles, Periwinckles, or other Shells. But more especially take notice whether by great Inundations, Storms, or Hurricanes, there be not thrown up out of the Sea, some sorts of Shells that are not flung up ordinarily, and at other times; as also whether upon the Seas beating down, and washing away the Earth from the Cliffs, there be not disclosed Glossopetræ, Teeth, Bones, or Shells of Fishes, that were originally lodged in those Cliffs, but since beaten and washed out, these being commonly somewhat decayed, as also more dusky, foul, and black, than those Shells, &c. which are thrown up by the Sea. Directions to the Dyvers, for Pearl, Coral, and Amber. In all such Places where there is any sort of Dyveing, and particularly for Pearls, observe what sort of Earth, Sand, or other Terrestrial Matter, is found at the Bottom of the Sea: What Weeds, Shrubs, &c. what Shells of all kinds, or other Bodies, taking a particular account of all the several kinds of Shell-fish that yield Pearl; as also at what Distance from the Shores the diveing is made: To what Depth and how long the Dyvers can endure under Water. In the Coral-fishing observe in what Manner or Posture the Coral, particularly that which is shrubby, and the SeaFans grow; whether upright, horizontally, or flatwise, or hanging with the Heads downwards: To what Bodies it grows or adheres: Whether it grow only in such Parts as are constantly covered by the Sea Water, or such only as are uncovered when the Tide is down, or both indifferently: If constantly under Water, whether in the the the Shallower, or deeper Parts of it: And whether it grow chiefly in such Places of the Water that are calm, and still, or where it is more rough and an agitated by beating against the Rocks, Cliffs, &c. Of how many several Colours it is: And to what Bigness both the rude Coralline Mass, and the Shrubs, and other Coralline Bodies ever arrive. The same Directions may serve indifferently for the Amberfishers, with this only Addition, that they carefully observe whether the Amber be not also found in the Earth, and Cliffs, in all such Places where it is found upon the Shores: And whether that which is thrown up by the Seas Flood, may not justly be presumed to have been born down from the Cliffs by its foregoing Ebb. Observations of the Weather at Land. 1. TAKE an exact account of the Brizes, and other ordinary Winds, with the Quarter from whence they blow, what time they begin, and how long they last: Also of other Winds, Storms, and Hurricanes: As likewise of the Weather, Heat, Cold, Fogs, Mists, Snow, Hail, Rain, Thunder, Lightning, Meteors, &c. with the Seasons of the Year most obnoxious to these Rains, &c. Their Quantity: The Time of their Duration: keeping also a Register of the Weather-glasses, both Thermometer and Barometer. An Experiment to be made. 2. The following Experiment being of considerable Importance, as serving to determine several Difficulties in the Natural History of Rains, Vapours, &c. and being likewise very easily tryed, it is desired it may be done with Care and Exactness in all Parts of the World. Get some Vessel either of Copper, Wood, or Earth, about 2. Foot wide, (or if wider the better) and at least a Foot and half deep; be sure it be firm and sound, and that it do not leak in the least. Fill it about 3/4 full of Water: Cover it over with a Net, or very thin fine Wier-grate, to keep off Birds, or other Creatures from drinking the Water; and then set it forth, either upon the Leads of some flat-roof't House, or in the midst of a Garden, or some other fit Place, where the Sun may shine upon it all Day from Sun-rising to Sun-setting, or at least as much as may be. Then with some Rule or Measure take the just perpendicular Depth of the Water, noteing down the Depth, and the Day of the Month, and so leave the Vessel standing out. Once or twice a Week (or oftner, if either the Rain be so much as to fill the Vessel, and endanger its running over, or the Heat and Drought such as to quite dry up all the Water, for either of these Accidents will elude the Experiment) Visit the Vessel, and take nicely the Depth of the Water, noteing that Depth, (in a Register to be kept for the purpose) and the Day of the Month; and if it be dry Weather, so that the Water is evaporated and sunk lower than it stood when the Vessel was first set forth, then put in just as much more Water as will raise it to its original Height: But if it hath rained, so that the Water is raised higher than it was when first set forth, after that the just Measure of it is taken, and noted down, take out so much of the Water as to reduce it to the Level at which it stood when first set forth. This Experiment ought to be continued thus for one whole Year at least, but longer if possible; only during the Time of Frost, no Observation need be made, the Water in the Vessel then neither rising nor falling. Observations concerning Springs. 3. Let there be an account taken of all Springs; both the standing or stagnant ones, and those which emit forth their Water, forming Brooks, and Rivers; observing whether they rise out of high or low Grounds; whether they be turbid or clear: hot or cold: Whether they ebb or flow: Whether they incrust or petrifie Sticks, Straws, or other Bodies that lie in them: Whether they contain Bitumen, Petroleum, Salt, Nitre, Vitriol, or other Mineral Matter in their Water: Upon what Occasions, or at what Seasons chiefly their Water encreases or decreases. In the Running Springs observe the Quickness of the Stream, and Quantity of the Water discharged. Concerning Rivers and Lakes 4. As to Rivers, observe their ordinary Depth, Breadth, and the Quickness of their Stream: The several sorts of Fishes, particularly the Shell-fish in them: All sorts of Plants that grow in them. On their Shores take notice whether there be not Amber, Cornelians, or other Stones valuable either for their Colour, Texture, or Shape, and particularly whether any Stones that in Figure resemble the Shells of Muscles, Cochles, Perewinkles, or the like. The same Directions for the main may serve for Lakes and Meers, only it were to be wished that these were carefully sounded, and their Depths taken, in several Parts of them. Concerning Metalls, Minerals, Stones, Earth, &c. 5. Observe the several sorts of Marls, Clays, Loams, or other Soils, at the Surface of the Earth: And whether there be not almost every where a Coat of one or other of these at the Surface, whatever else lyes underneath. Take an Account of the several sorts of Metalls that the Countrey yields: As also of the Minerals, Rock-salt, Allum, Vitriol, Sulphur, Nitre, Loadstone, Cinnabar, Antimony, Talk, Spar, Crystal, Diamonds, Amethysts, Topazes, Emeraulds, and other precious Stones: Their Number, and the manner of their Growth: Likewise of Marchasites, Amber (for it is found in the Earth and at Land as well as at Sea) Selenites, Belemnites, Flints, Pebles, &c. in what manner they are found, and at what Depths: In what Quantities, and whether the Metalls and Minerals are separate and pure, or mixt: Of what Figure they are, and whether the said Metalls, Minerals, precious Stones, &c. lie in the Beds of Earth, Cole, Chalk, Stone, &c. or in the Veins, Clefts, or perpendicular Intervals, of the Stone, Marble, &c. Endeavour to get Information whether Metalls or Minerals have a Natural Growth, or a Natural Decrease, in any Part of the Mine: And what Rules the Miners give for the Discovery of Metalls and Minerals latent in the Earth; or by what Signs they find them. Also take Account of the several sorts of Stone, Marble, Alabaster, Cole, Chalk, Okers, Sands, Clays, and other Earths: Their Depths: The Thickness of their Strata or Beds: The Order in which they lie: the Situation of their Beds, whether level or not. Of Water, of Wind, and of Heat in Mines: also of Damps. In deep Quarries, Mines, Cole-pits, &c. observe in what manner the Water comes in: in what Quantity, and at what Season of the Year it abounds most: and whether it be clear and tasteless, or be impregnated with mineral matter. Take an account of the Damps: of what kind they are: what harm they do: at what season chiefly they happen: and whether there be not Sulphur, or Nitre, or both, in all Places where there are Damps. Observe also the Heat of Mines, by Assistance of the Weather-glass, if to be had, both Summer, and Winter, noteing how much it exceeds, or falls short of the Heat at the Surface of the Earth: and whether it be not greater at certain Depths, than at others And enquire whether in Mines, Colepits, deep Grottoes, or Caverns, the Work men are not sensible of Gusts of Wind breaking forth of the Bowels Browels of the Earth. Concerning Grottoes, and Mountains. 6. Get an Account of all Grottoes or Natural Caverns in the Earth: their Breadth, Depth, Length: what Rills or Rivers of Water passes them: what Metallick, Sparry, or other Mineral Incrustations cover their Stones, or hang down, like Iceycles, from them. Get an Account likewise of the several Mountains, and Rocks: the Stone, Marble, or other matter, of which they consist: what Plants grow upon them: what Metalls or Minerals they yield: what Springs or Rivers issue out of them: the Heighth of them: especially it is much to be desired that the height of Pico Teneriffe, of the highest Alps, and Pyrenæes, of Mount Atlas, of the Mountain called the Table, nigh the Cape of good Hope, of the Armenian, Persian, and Chinese Mountains, and of the Andes, and other high Mountains in America, were exactly taken by Observation. Enquire farther, whether they are not by little and washed away by Rains, and so become lower: whether their Tops be not covered with a Fog, or Mist, especially before Rain: whether some of the highest of them have not their Tops covered with Snow, a great part, or all the Year: whether at some times great Quantities of Water do not burst forth of them; with the Season that this happens, and whether attended with Heat, Thunder, Lightning, Storms, or what other Circumstances: whether some of them emitt not Sulphureous, or other Steams, Flores Sulphuris, Nitre, or Sal-Ammoniack: whether any send forth Heat, Smoke, or Flames, as Ætna, and other Volcanoes do: and whether near such there be not constantly Thermæ or Hot-springs. - > Of SeaShells, and other Marine Bodies, at Land, in Stone, &c. 7. But in regard that Sea-shells, Teeth, and Bones of Fishes, &c. are found very plentifully in England, and many other Countries, as well upon the Surface of the Earth, and the Tops of the highest Hills, as within the Earth, in Cole-pits, Mines, Quarries, &c. the said Shells, Teeth, &c. being lodged amongst the Cole, in the Mass and Substance of even the hardest Stone, Marble, &c. 'tis very extremely desirable that careful search be made after these things in all Parts of the World, and an account kept where-ever they are found; particularly search ought to be made after these Shells, and other Bodies, at the Tops, and on the Sides of Rocks, and the Stone of the said Rocks be broken with Hammers, or other fit Instruments, to discover the Shells lodged within the Stone. And it would be of very great Use if the Top of Pico Teneriffe, and of the rest recited in the foregoing Section, and indeed of all high Mountains whatsoever, were thus well examined by those who have Opportunity of doing it. Search likewise ought to be made upon the Surface of the Earth for the aforesaid Sea-shells, and for Stones that resemble them, especially upon the higher Grounds, as Hills, and particularly those which are plowed, where these Shells are very frequently found in great Numbers, and this too at great Distances from any Sea. But above all, where-ever there is any digging for Metalls, Minerals, Marble, Stone, Chalk, Cole, Gravel, Marl, or in short any other terrestrial matter whatever, if due Enquiry be made, there will be found of the abovenamed Shells in the said Marble, Stone, Chalk, Marl, &c. < - And in the Cole, and Stone above it, are frequently found Fern and other Plants, and sometimes in other Stone too, especially that which is very fine and compact. Wherever these Shells, Teeth, Plants, &c. are found, the Enquirer may please to note, along with the Place, what sorts of Shells they are: and whether they be of the same kinds with those found upon the Shores of those Parts or not: in what Numbers they are found: at what Depths: and what Earth, Sand, or other Matter, they contain in them. Concerning Trees found buried in the Earth. 8. In Stone, Marl, &c. there are sometimes found Trees, of several kinds, buried, and, along with them, Nuts, Acorns, PineApples, &c. but much more commonly are the said Trees found buried in Moores, Boggs, and Fenns, especially those out of which the Peat-Earth, or bituminous Turfs are digg'd for Fewel. Where Trees are thus found, be pleas'd to Note what kinds of Trees they are: and whether there be of the same sorts now growing in the Country: what bigness they are: and whether they be intire, with roots, and branches, as well as Trunks: in what numbers they are found: at what depth in the Earth: in what kind of Earth, or other matter, it is that they lye: and what else is found along with them. Of Diseases, Casualties, Earthquakes. 9. Take an account of the more observable and peculiar Diseases of the Country, with what seasons of the year are most subject to them: and of the other Casualties, particularly Earthquakes, noting all circumstances that precede, attend, and follow after them: e.g. the condition and temperature of the Air, as to heat and cold, wet or dry, thick or clear, calm or windy, before the Earthquake: and whether the Springs are warm, turbid, or emitt Sulphureous or other offensive steams: noting likewise the extent of the Shock, to what distance it was felt, and whether in all places precisely at the same minute of time: how great was the force of the Shock: whether it crackt and tore the earth: removed any tract of Ground: raised, or sunk it in: whether any heat, fire, water, &c. issued out at the said Cracks: whether, in case there be any Vulcanoes, or burning Mountains, near, they emitt not flames with greater violence and noise than usual, at the time of the Earthquake, or a little before, or after it: or whether they spue not forth water: whether the Water of the Wells, Springs, and Rivers thereabouts do not become warm, turbid, or send forth more Water than usual, at the time of the Earthquake: whether the Neighbouring Thermæ, or Hot-springs, if any, become not more hot, and muddy, than before; whether the Sea adjacent does not become warm, or hot, and suffer great Commotions, and extraordinary Tides, at that time: whether there follow not great winds, rains, thunders and lightning after the Earthquake is over: and whether fevers, and other distempers do not then invade the inhabitants of those parts, yea the very beasts, fowl and fish: whether lastly, Earthquakes happen in any, unless mountainous, cavernous, and stoney, Countries, and in such as yield Sulphur and Nitre. Concerning Plants and Animals. 10. As to the vegetable and animal productions of the Earth, observe whether the Country be fruitful or barren; what kinds of Trees, shrubs, and herbs it produceth that we have, and what kinds that we have not in England: whether in those Countries that lye betwixt the Tropicks, the Plants be not all in perpetual verdure, without ever falling all their leaves: and whether they have flowers, green, and ripe fruit upon them all the year round: or whether there be any of those sorts of Plants there which are called annual ones, and dye yearly: or any whose tops, and all, save their roots, dye away, and sink into the ground for some time, but afterwards spring forth and grow up afresh, as Daffadils, Tulips, and other bulbous Plants, do here; also what Fowls, what Beasts, Serpents, Lizards: what Flies, Moths, Locusts; what Beetles, Grashoppers, Spiders, or other Insects: what Tortoises, Snails, or other Creatures cover'd with Shells, are found living upon the Earth. 1. AS to their Bodies, observe the features, shapes, and proportions of them; but more particularly the features of their faces: their Eyes whether large, or small: their Noses whether flat and low, or sharp and raised: their Hair long, or short and curled or woolly: the colour of their Skin whether white, brown, tawny, olive, or black: the colour of their Infants when first born: whether white people removing into hot Countries become by degrees browner, &c. and Blacks removing into cold Countries, paler: whether People that inhabit the Countries which are hottest, be in Complexion of all the blackest: whether there be true Negroes Natives of any parts of the world, besides Guinea, and the adjacent parts of Africa. Observe also the size or bigness of their Bodies: their strength, agility, &c: and to what age they commonly live. Observe likewise whether they paint their bodies: what parts of them they paint, what colours they lay on: what figures they paint: and how they do it. Their Manners. 2. Observe their Tempers, Genius's, Inclinations, Virtues, and Vices. Their Traditions. 3. Enquire into their Traditions concerning the Creation of the World, the universal Deluge, the People from whom they are descended, and the Country from which they Originally came. Their Religion, &c. 4. Enquire into their Notions touching the Supreme God, Angels, or other inferiour Ministers: whether they pay any worship or reverence to the Sun, the Moon, the Earth, to high Mountains, to Rocks, Grottoes or Caves, in the Earth: to the Sea, Lakes, Rivers, Springs: to Serpents, or other Animals: to Trees, Woods, or Groves: and whether they do not use to build their Temples, and set up their Altars, or Images, in Groves. Enquire into all their other Religious Doctrines, and Ceremonies: their Sacrifices: whether they offer Men, or Children: their Idols: their Priests: their Temples, Altars, Feasts: their Lustrations, or Purifying themselves by Water: their Sortileges, or casting of Lots: their Divinations, Charms, and Conjurations: Also their opinions concerning the Devil, and whether they pay any sort of adoration to him: likewise their Doctrines concerning the Soul (its Immortality, its Transmigration into men, or other Creatures,) and a future State: their Customs and Usages at the birth of Children, and in the education of youth: their Ceremonies at Marriages, at Funerals, and whether they burn, or bury their Dead: if the latter, whether they embalm the body, or dry it, and bury money, Victuals, Cloths &c. along with it: the form of their Year: the time it begins: the method of their Computation of time, and to how many years backwards their Tradition reaches. Their Laws and Government, their Arts and Sciences, with their Customs both Civil, and Military. 5. Get an Account of their Laws, and Civil Government: their Language, their Learning: their Letters, and whether they write on Paper, the leaves of Palms, or other Plants, Bark of Trees, &c. or, instead of writing, use Painting, and Hieroglyphicks: their Musick: their Diet: their Agriculture, or Tillage: their methods of Hunting, Fowling, and Fishing: their Physick, Surgery, and the Simples they use: their Poysons; their Navigation, and the make of their Vessels: all their other Arts, and Sciences: their Manufactures, Traffick, Commodities, Money, Weights and Measures; whether they understand the melting and ordering Iron, and other Metals: their Apparel: their Houses, and other Buildings: their Utensils and Instruments, whether made of Iron, Stones, Fish-bones, Shells &c. their Exercises, and Sports: their Government and Discipline in War: their Weapons, Bows, Arrows, Darts, &c. their Warlike Instruments, Drums, Tambours, Cymbals: their Punishments, and Executions. To be brief, make enquiry into all their Customs and Usages, both Religious, Civil, and Military; and not only those hinted in this Paper, but any others whatever. What things to choose; and how many of each. 1. IN the Choice of these Things, neglect not any, tho' the most ordinary and trivial; the Commonest Peble or Flint, Cockle or Oyster-shell, Grass, Moss, Fern, or Thistle, will be as useful, and as proper to be gathered and sent, as any the rarest production of the Country. Only take care to choose of each the fairest of its kind, and such as are perfect or whole. As to the Number, six or eight of each sort is enough; But where so many of the same sort are not to be easily got, send one, two, or more as they can be procured. All Places and Seasons afford somewhat worth the Observing and Collecting. 2. For the time of making Observations none can ever be amiss; there being no season, nor indeed hardly any place wherein some Natural Thing or other does not present it self worthy of Remark: yea there are some things that require Observation all the Year round, as Springs, Rivers, &c. Nor is there any Season amiss for the gathering Natural Things. Bodies of one kind or other presenting themselves at all times, and in Winter as well as Summer; only for Amber, Onyxes, and other Stones that lye in the Sea Cliffs: as also for the Glossopetræ, Teeth, and Shells that are there, search may be made to best purpose after Storms, because they are then chiefly beaten and washed out of those Cliffs. So likewise for the Gold Grains, Stones of all sorts, and Shells that are found upon Mountains, search ought to be made especially after Rains, because these wash of the Soil, and so discover them. Minerals: and Fossil-Shells, of all sorts, to be sent. 3. It were very well that there were sent over hither some Specimens of all Natural Bodies whatever: To begin with Fossils; Let there be sent Samples of all the several Varieties of Marble, Ores of Metals, Native Minerals of all kinds, e.g. of Antimony, Sulphur, Nitre, Alum, Talck, Sparr, &c. of the Metallick, Sparry, Vitriolick, Nitrous, Aluminous, and other Iceycles that are found hanging down in Grottoes, and the Fissures of Rocks: the Crystallized Sparrs, Salts and Ores: common Pebles, Flints, Marchasites, &c. I call that a Variety wherein there is any difference as to Colour or outward Appearance, or in Weight, in the Quantitiy of the Metallick or Mineral matter or in the manner of its mixture. Of the forementioned, three or four of each Variety will be enough: but for Agates, Cornelians, Amber, Crystal, Diamonds, Amethysts, Selenites, Belemnites, or (as the Vulgar calls them) Thunderbolts, and the like, be pleased to send (of those which are found single and loose) six or eight of each, wherein there is any difference in Figure, Bigness or Colour: but for those which grow together (in Clusters or Bunches) to the Rocks, send Samples of them with part of the Rock to which they grow. As to those Stones that resemble Cockles, or other Shells, be sure to send six or eight of each wherein there is any the least difference, &c. For the Seashells, Teeth and Bones, that are found at Land, on Hills, &c. and those which are digged up out of the Earth, and lye loose in Gravel, Chalk, Marle, &c. six or eight of each sort will be sufficient; but for those which are found lodged in Marble or Stone, and are not easily got out single, send pieces of the said Marble and Stone, of all sorts, with the Shells so lodged in them; choosing only to break off (for these Samples) such parts of the Stone that contain the fairest and most entire Shells, and such wherein they lye thickest. The same likewise for the Fern, and other Plants found in Cole, Slate, &c. It were also not amiss that there were Samples sent over of the Nitre, Sal Ammoniac, Flores Sulphuris, Cinders, and other Bodies, that are flung forth of the Vulcanoes. How to be packed up. 4. In order to the sending over these Stones, Minerals, Ores, Fossil-Shells, Teeth, &c. each ought to be put up carefully in a piece of Paper (the Place where 'twas found being first noted thereon) by it self, to prevent rubbing, fretting, or breaking in Carriage: and then all put together into some Box, Trunk, or old Barrel, placing the heaviest and hardest at the Bottom. Those Minerals which are tender and easie to be broken, as also the tenderer kinds of Fossil-shells, ought to be put up carefully together in a Box that is not large, and (besides the Papers) Coton, Chaff, or Bran, put up with them, the better to secure them. Plants of all sorts to be sent over: and how to gather them. 5. As to Plants (as well those that grow at Sea, in Rivers, and Lakes, as those which grow at Land) four Samples of each kind (wherever there is any difference in Colour, or Figure, of the Leaf or Flower) will be sufficient. Where the Plant is large, as in Trees, Shrubs, and the like, a fair sprig, about a foot in length, with the Flower on that if that be to be had, may suffice: but of the lesser Plants, such as Sea-Weeds, Grasses, Mosses, Ferns, &c. take up the whole Plant, root and all. Chuse all these Samples of Plants when they are in prime, I mean in Flower, Head, or Seed, if possible; And if the lower or ground Leaves of any Plant be different from the upper leaves, take two or three of them, and put them up along with the Sample. Plants how to be dried, and preserved. 6. To preserve these Samples of Plants, put them each separately, betwixt the leaves of some large Book, or into a Quire of brown Paper, displaying and spreading them smooth and even. The next day, and afterwards three or four times at due distance, shift them into other Books or Paper, till they are sufficiently dryed, when a weight may be laid upon them to press and smooth them; and so keep them, in some dry place, till they be sent over, sending them in Quires of brown Paper, and writeing on the outside in what Country the inclosed collection of Plants were gathered. For, both for these, and all other things, 'twill be proper to put up the Productions of each Country apart, or at least with such distinction that it may be known whence they all came. Seeds, and Fruits, of all sorts, to be sent. 7. Be pleased likewise to send Samples of Seeds of all kinds of Plants, even the most Wild and Common. But gather them not till they are Ripe, and then put each sort by it self in a piece of Paper, and, along with it (if to be had) a leafe and flower of the Plant off which 'twas gathered, writing on the said Paper the Names (if any) by which the Country people call the Plants to which they belong'd, and the Medicinal, or other uses, they make of them. Also Samples of such Nuts, Pods, Berries, or other Fruits, that will keep. But both these and the Seeds ought to be well dryed before they are put up, and to be afterwards kept dry. I had like to have forgot to desire that Patterns might be sent over of all such Woods, Barks, Roots, Gumms, Rosins, Nat. Balsoms, &c. that are of any use, or have any thing remarkable in them: likewise of all sorts of Fuss-balls, and Mushrooms which are hardy and will keep, as most of those that grow out of Trees will: but for the Earth-Mushrooms, which are more tender, they ought to be put up in Glasses filled with Rum or Brandy; many of them being so very elegant and curious, as well to deserve such care in the preserving of them. Roots of many Plants may be so ordered as to grow when brought over into England. 8. In like manner Roots of Plants would be very acceptable. And there are many Sorts of them that, with very little trouble, might be so ordered that they would grow again when brought over, and set here, tho after a long Voyage. Particularly those which are Bulbous, Tuberous, and Fleshy; Such as the Roots of Tulips, of Lillies, Crocous's Crcous's , Onions, Garlicks, Squills, Anæmonies, Potatoes, Yaums, &c. These, I say, and all like Roots, may be sent as easily and safely as Seeds, if taken up out of the Ground, and laid to dry till the Ships come away, and then only put in very dry Moss, Coton, or Sand. Particularly of the Fernkind. Then for all kinds of Ferns, or Brakes, Maiden-Hairs, Polypodyes Harts-tongues &c. which are indeed a very Beautiful Family of Plants, their Roots may be taken up, (to be in readiness) and laid again into the Ground, and covered there, in some shady place till the Ships are ready to Sail; when each root need only be enclosed or wrapt up in a lump of Clay or Loame, and then put up into a Box with Moss, and so sent over. In the same manner may Roots of Gingers, Turmericks, Flower-de-luces, and the like be sent. As also of all sorts of Arums, or Cuckopints, HerbDragons, &c. Some whole Plants will grow when sent over hither. 9. Yea the very intire Plants themselves will, several of them, keep so long that they may be securely sent over hither; and will, if Set, grow afterwards, and thrive well enough. Such as all the kinds of Aloes, Semporvives House-leeks, Prickley-Pears, TurksCaps, Euphorbiums, Torch-thistles, or indeed any others that are of a very juicey crass, or thick substance. These need only be hanged up in the Air, at the top of some Cabbin, to keep them from rotting, and they will come safe without any further trouble. Beasts, Fish, Fowl, Serpents, &c. to be sent, and how. 10. For all larger Creatures, whether Beasts, Fish, or Fowl, 'twill be best to take off their Skins carefully and well, and send only one or two of each. But for the lesser Creatures, such as small Birds, and Fishes, Lizards, Camelions, Salamanders, Serpents, and such like, they may be most of them well enough preserved by drying, especially if their Guts and Entrails be taken out. Unless you rather think fit to put some or the more rare, curious, and tender, into small Jarrs, filled with Rum, Brandy, or Spirit of Wine, which will keep them extremely well; and you may safely put as many of them into the same Vessel as it will well hold without crowding them, filling it up afterwards with Rum, &c. and then carefully closeing it up. Of each of these three or four will be enough. Coralls, and Shells to be sent. 11. As to Sponges, Brain-stones, Sea-fanns, Sea-roses, Corals of all sorts, Crabs, Lobsters, Sea, River, and Land Shells, whether common or uncommon; great or small, send five or six of each, wherein there is any Difference in Figure, Colour or Bigness. Of the Shells, where they are easie to be got, chuse those that have the Creatures still living in them (which yet ought to be pluckt out, or they will putrifie and stink) such being by much the freshest and fairest: but where such are not to be got, take the empty and dead Shells as you find them; only of the Bivalves or double Shells, endeavour to send both the upper and under Shell together. Star-Fishes, and Sea-urchins. The several sorts of Starr-fishes, and of those round Shells (beset with Spikes or Prickles) which are called Sea-eggs, or Sea-urchins, are all very beautiful, and deserve well to be preserved. The Starrfishes may be very easily dried, or put up into Brandy, and so sent. But the Sea-urchins are very tender and brittle, so that 'tis not so easie to preserve them, especially with their Spikes on, which 'tis greatly desirable might be done; and of all, those that are beset with the largest Spikes, are the most rare and curious, so that too great Care and Exactness cannot be bestowed in Preservation of them. If they will not dry well, they ought to be put up, each by themselves in Vessels of Brandy, e.g. Gallypots just big enough to contain them, so that they may not shake, and be thereby dispoiled of their Prickles. But if any of them are capable of being dried, they may be put up (with their Spikes on) carefully with Coton in Pill-boxes that just fit them. Directions to the Fishers for Pearl, Amber, and Corall. At the fishings for Pearl, Amber, or Coral, save Samples, not only of the several sorts of Pearl-shells (as also of the Pearls themselves of all Sizes, Figures, and Colours) of Corals, and of Amber, but any other thing, whatever it be, that either the Divers, the Nets, or the Engines, bring up out of the Sea along with them. Shells, and Corals, how to be put up and sent over. These several sorts of Shells, Corals, &c. ought to be put up each in Paper, and then all into some Box, with Coton, Bran, or Chaff, and great care taken of those that are small, tender, and brittle. Flies, and Insects, how to be sent. 12. The greatest Difficulty of all will be to preserve, and send over safe, the Flies and Insects, by reason of the great Tenderness of them. Endeavour to procure some of all the several sorts of these, not exceeding 3. or 4. of each. Worms, Grubbs, Caterpillars, Spiders, Beetles, Grashoppers, &c. will keep best if put up, as many as conveniently may together, in Bottles with Brandy, &c. But the several sorts of Flies, Bees, Wasps, Butterflies, &c. ought to be put upon Pins, and stuck to the Bottoms, Sides, and Tops of small Boxes; but care must be taken that they stick very fast, for if one of them fall off and get loose, 'twill tumble about, and so break and destroy all the rest that are in the Box. Some of the Idols, Pictures, Money, &c. of the Savages to be sent over. 13. It were likewise not amiss to send over some of the Idols of the East or West Indians, or any other of the less civilized Nations, as also of their Pictures: their Writing, whether upon Paper, or the Leaves or Bark of Trees: their Money, Weights, Measures: their Instruments of any kind: their Domestick Utensils: their Habits, or the things they wear, Skins of Beasts, Feather-dresses, Rings, Beads, &c. their Medicines: their Poysons: their Musical Instruments: their Weapons, Bows, Arrows, Darts, especially those that are headed or pointed with Flints, Bones, or Shells: their Drums and Tambours, &c. A Caution about the sending the Boxes to and from the Ship: and about the Officers of the Customs. But for these, and especially for the natural things, that are thus sent over, great Caution ought to be used that the Boxes wherein they are, be not turned topsyturvy, or much tumbled and shaken in carrying to and from the Ship. And above all, that the things be not broken, or rifled and confounded by the Custom-house Officers and Searchers; which may be prevented by giving timely notice to your Correspondents here to get a Warrant, from the Honourable the Commissioners of the Customs, that the Cases and Boxes may not be searched on Ship-board, but brought into the Customhouse Ware-house, and that some careful person attend there at their opening, to see that no Inconvenience or Damage befall them. The Conclusion, to the Collectors of these Natural things. There remains now only one thing more to be hinted, and that is, in regard the Observations to be made both at Sea and Land are very many, and the Plants, Minerals, and Animals, to be collected, are also very numerous, 'tis not expected that any one single Person will have leisure to attend to so many things, and therefore 'tis only requested that he make such Observations and Collections, more or less, as may be best suitable to his Convenience, and to his Business. If there be never so few Observations made or things collected, yet even they will be very gratefully received. But for such curious, and inquisitive Persons who shall generously bestow a yet greater Diligence and Application in the Promotion of these many of them so very useful and considerable Parts of Knowledge, the learned and better Part of Mankind will be so much the more highly obliged unto them. And here are many of these things, especially the gathering and preserving of Insects, Shells, Plants, Minerals, &c. may be done by the hands of Servants; and that too at their spare and leisure times: or in Journies, in the Plantations, in Fishing, Fowling, &c. without Hindrance of any other Business, the things herein desired being common, and such as (one or other of them) occur in almost all Places. Pag. 1. line 18. WHether some Seas be not salter than others.] This may be tryed partly by boyling or evaporating an equal Quantity of the Water of different Seas, and then observing what Proportion of Salt each yields: and partly by finding the several Gravities of the Waters of the said Seas by means of the Instrument mentioned Numb. 4. in the List beneath. By the same Instrument may the Weight of the Waters of Mineral-springs, Hot-bathes, and Lakes, be tryed; which it were to be wish'd might be done in all Places. But above all, Enquiry should be made whether the Sea, in some Parts of it, and Lakes, have not their Water impregnated with Nitre and other Minerals besides Salt. This may be discovered by the Taste or Smell of the Water: by evaporating it, or some other proper means. The different Colour, Thickness, and Muddiness of the Water of the Sea and Lakes ought likewise to be noted. Pag. 2. line 2. What perpendicular Height the Sea rises at high-water.] I mean how much it rises above the Level of low-water. Observe further at what time of the Moon, and seasons of the Year, the Sea ebbs lowest, or flows highest in any Place; not neglecting to note all other Accidents and Circumstances of the Tydes whatever they be. ibid. line 6 Things flung upon the Shores by the Sea.] Amongst the rest look diligently for Amber-gris, the Natural History of which is yet very little known. 'Tis supposed to be cast out by the Sea; but whether it be so really, or be drawn out of the adjacent Cliffs (as many other Bodies are, that were supposed to be owing to the Sea) is to be determined by future Enquirers; who would do well not only to make this a Part of their Consideration, but to observe likewise its colour, smell, and taste: The Quantity of it: what other Bodies are mixt with it, or lye near it: Also the condition of the Sea thereabouts, whether turbulent usually, or calm: whether the Water be frothy or oyly; and, to be short, all other circumstances that may give any light into this matter. Pag 3. line 17. Of Winds.] Also of the different Effects, Constitutions, and Temperatures of Winds, which hot, which cold: which moist, or attended with Mists, or Rain: which dry, &c. Pag. 4. line 16. Of Springs.] And whether there do not sometimes happen extraordinary Eruptions, or vast discharges of water out of them, without any externally apparent Cause. The same also concerning Lakes: as likewise concerning Grottoes. ibid. line 27. Rivers.] And whether these do not also suffer sudden and unusual Eruptions of Water forth of their Sources: whether they have not periodical Inundations, occasioned by the great Rains that fall at certain Seasons, as the Nile, Ganges, and several other Rivers have: how high the Tides rise at their Ostia or outlets, and how far they flow up them; with the periods of the flux or reflux. Pag. 5. line 21. Mines.] How deep are the deepest Mines and Colepits: whether there be not water continually draining and ouzing through the Ores of Metals, and the Spar, and other Minerals that lie in the Cliffs of the Stone: what are the peculiar Diseases that attend the Miners: what Mines are chiefly detrimental to Health, and whether there be not some that are observed considerably to shorten the Lives of the Miners: also whether the Smoke, Ashes, &c. that fall upon the Grass near the Forges and Smelting-works be not hurtful to the Cattle that feed upon it: Lastly, Whether the very Waters of the Springs, Rivers and Brooks near, especially about Lead-Mines, are not sometimes infected with the Mineral steams, so as to be likewise noxious to the Cattle which drink of them. It would be of incredible advantage to this Design, were all the Thermometers and Hygrobaroscopes used in it adjusted nicely and exactly after some one common Standard. Which would be a Thing very easie to be done, were they all bought of the same Person. Nor can I, if I may presume to recommend one for this purpose, nominate a fitter than Mr. Hunt, Operator to the Royal Society at Gresham College; who will not only procure the two mentioned, (graduated very carefully) or indeed any of the other Instruments, but likewise be ready to direct any one, who shall desire it, in the method of using them; or to advise and assist them in any other thing tending to the promoting of this Design. For the Thermometers, were they thus all of them, adjusted to the same Standard, (to be kept constantly in the Repository at Gresham College, where any Man might have recourse to it) 'twere easie to make a true and certain Estimate of the Heat or Cold in any part of the World where these Thermometers were used, for they would all of them constantly answer to one another, in what Country soever they were. By this means the Heat or Cold of all Places in the same Climate or under the same Latitude may be compared and known, for any, or all, Seasons of the Year. The same way may a comparative judgment be made of the Heat or Cold of Climates tho never so different and distant: the Heat of one Countrey or Place may be conferred with another; of one Mine, Cole-pit, Grotto, or other Subterranean Cavern, with another: the temperature of Valleys or Plains with that of higher Ground, and with the sides or Tops of Mountains; which would be a thing of real and very great use in many respects. So likewise for the Hygrobaroscopes: were they all adjusted after the same Standard, there would be a fixt and standing Rule whereby to judge of the Gravity of Fluids all over the World whereever these Instruments were used. The Gravity of the Water of one Sea might be compared with that of another: of the Northern with the Southern Seas: of the Seas under the Æquinoctial, with those at the Poles. So also of different parts of the same Sea, the Shores with the Main, or the Waters of the very same place, taken up at different depths, with each other. In the same manner may be examined the Water of Lakes, of Rivers, of Mines, ColePits, &c. of Springs of all Sorts, both the Mineral ones and others, all over the World.

Science

Brief Instructions for the making Observations, and Collections, in order to the promotion of Natural History, in all parts of the World.

Brief instructions for making observations in all parts of the world [...]

SciB1701

I reflected often after my discovery from my Feaver on the method reviv'd by the Dispensary Physicians, of treating their Patients with a few Medicines (not almost hourly every day, as is the present mode of the Town) but as you observe the effect of the last, and the apparent exigence of the Disease. This Caution gave me a greater confidence in your Art, and was improv'd by the assurance I had of the Medicines being faithfully prepar'd and dispenc't at the College: the expence of which was less during my confinement, than I have had formerly exacted in one day. How often have I thought of the strict command you gave, that I should after my restless nights, remain undisturb'd till almost Noon, and of the repose and refreshment I never fail'd of during the morning. You demanded the first view of me, before I was rufled by any intrusion, especially by those who from a groundless pretence to skill disturb by vain enquiries, or terrifie by random Prognosticks, the entertainment for the mind during the inquietude of the night following. When you allow'd me to sit up and receive my Friends, I had one day the conversation of my Relations, who had consulted you, They entertain'd me with this new Revolution in Physick, and the generous design of the Dispensary, with which they declar'd themselves extremely satisfy'd. They told me that this Contest between the Honest Physicians of the Dispensary (thus it seems you are distinguisht, tho the word has lately lost its value) and the Apothecaries on the other side, supported by their Confederates the Anti-College Physicians, was as much the common Discourse abroad, as the difference of the two Companies, the Bank and their Antagonists, or the great Factions, which divide the Nation. 'Twas not very easie to us, to find out, upon what reasons and pretences this Controversy began, and is now carried on with so much heat and animosity. But we, who had been advis'd by you, and has us'd the College Remedies, could more easily discover the true causes of this Separation, than the Citizens, who yet ly under great Errours and Prejudices in this Affair. The case I presume (and it was the Opinion of the whole Company) may be stated in these few particulars. That the Honest Physician is oblig'd by the Trust repos'd in him by his Patient, and his Interest in the Success, to take Care, that the Medicines are effectual and Dispenc't with the utmost Fidelity. For if the Instruments he uses are not good, the effect of his Advice is lost, and by a mistake in Weight or Measure the Life of the Patient destroy'd. The Apothecary neglects his duty to the Physician and the Sick: Is rarely in his Shop, prepars few Medicines, but buys them abroad under great uncertainties, and trusts raw unexperienc'd Apprentices to select the Ingredients and measure the Proportion in the Prescript. The people, who are not acquainted with the Dispensary, of two Evils, as they thy think, choose the least. They believe, that, by using the Apothecary, they save the Physicians Fee, tho the Medicines excessively rated, and brought in little parcels to be taken often, rise to a greater sum, (by three in four in most cases) than both the Advice and Physick necessary in most Distempers. The Associate Party of the College often feeling the Apothecaries power in the Families, readily come in, or are forced to serve under them, on condition they forward with all their Arts the Increase of the Bill, and raise their Ability to advise to an equal pitch with their own: By both which the Apothecaries Interest is more confirm'd and improv'd. Your Design therefore is, to revive the former Practice of Physick, particularly that of Dr. Lower and Dr. Sydenham, who had much greater success with fewer Remedies, then are now upon these different projects forc'd upon the people: or rather to expose to publick view, the methods, the Physicians at this time and the Apothecaries, use to themselves and Friends, of avoiding carefully the excess, by which the most innocent things, when Nature is disorder'd, become destructive. You design to convince the People by their experience, that the most useful and effectual remedies are of no great price. The Publick will soon become sensible that the Expence in almost all Diseases of each day will be of one, two, or three Shillings, instead of so many pounds, at the usual rates of the modern management, and that their Distempers will sooner yeild to a few well prepar'd College Medicines, than to the common decay'd, vitious, and adulterate of the Shops, and that the Physician's Reward and the Expence of what he advises, comes far short of the Sum Total of a long Bill. Your Dispensary therefore cannot fail of the Universal approbation, especially when the people shall reflect, that in many cases they have us'd themselves, the method you recommend: preparing in their Houses the white Decoction, purging Infusions of Rhubarb, and Sena: or using the common Cordial Waters, Spirits and Tinctures, bought of the Druggist, Chymist, or Whole-sale-Shop. But when its use shall become more publick, your generous Charity and regard to Mankind, will be loudly applauded; and the advantage from it to this City allowed to be of greater extent, than all the Royal and munificent Hospitals in Europe. We could take this short view of the present and the future state of Physick (which is obvious to every one, who will consider his own Interest, or not be very unwilling to be inform'd) but because it is an Affair of the greatest concern of our Life. Your Friends oblig'd me to consult you, and report to them your Opinion of the greivous Distemper and the worst most probable methods of curing it, with an unanimous resolution to support and encourage a Design, by which all Conditions of Men are equally oblig'd. You prepar'd me to receive the dismal Account of the barbardous treatment of the Sick, by a Preliminary Postulatum, which no reasonable Person can refuse to allow, that the Zeal and Concern the Dispensary Physicians express to relieve the Publick, ought not to be less, than is justly expected by every particular, when he commits his Health and Life to the Care and Integrity of his Physician. I am afraid, my memory has not retain'd the whole, your information consisting of so many parts: But these have made on me too great an Impression, to be easily forgotten. That we are more impos'd on, than any other Nation in the World, in all the Arts, which relate to Health and Life. That the common and most useful Remedies are put on the people at a rate in the most fifty times, in many other one hundred times more, then their intrinsick value. That the exorbitant Expense ruines the Poor, deters them and the Wealthy from a just care of their Health, to avoid the oppressive treatment in subsequent Diseases. That to hide these Exactions from the people, the Apothecaries allow none to practice with them, but those Physicians who betray their Profession, countenance the use of a vast quantity of Physick, destructive to Health, and support the exorbitant rates in the Bill. That the Physicians are by them brought into all the Families, even those, in which the Publick is greatly concern'd, whose most distinguishing Character is taken from their Zeal to serve their Interest. Writing well is the Language for writing a very long Prescription; so much of it is for the Patient, the larger part is the Bribe or gratuity to these New Solicitors, who cannot fail; when they assume the power to govern and command (in the Physick business) all their Customers. The esteem of the Profession is sunk by the Scandal of all the Deaths in the Town thrown on the Physicians, who are rarely consulted, but when the Case is made desperate by the Apothecary. The Patient therefore takes the Prognostick of Death from the change of Advice, and is depriv'd of that Assurance, which is the greatest support in Sickness, as in War, from the opinion of the Generals Conduct from former Success, and in all other the greatest Affairs. That the Study of the Art is neglected, because the Diseases are by ill treatment forc'd into unnatural Symptomes, and to differ from all these, your Authors treat of. There are in all the Books of Physick no Cases of Distempers manag'd by an Apothecary, by almost one common random method, your Writers having been careful in this particular to conceal the Infamy of the People and your Profession. You perceiv'd my Surprize, and prevented my Reflection on the College, that they had not long since interpos'd to prevent the ruine of the People and themselves, by presenting me with the Papers publish'd by the President and Censors, and that lately concerning the Dispensary, subscrib'd by more than forty of the first Contributors. You pointed to me the Paragraphs which justifie, and support all the Articles of Impeachment. The account of the erection of the Dispensary at the desire of the City must silence even the Apothecaries, as well as the unwary Opposers, whose interest is procur'd by it. I observ'd its now almost ten years since, that a Committee of the Honest part of the College had expos'd these Grievances to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, and had afterward at several times convinc'd them of the necessity of removing the oppression the Publick had long felt and complain'd of. It was concluded, that the Physicians should rate the price of the Medicines in his Prescription. This was haughtily rejected by the Company. At the meeting in their Hall some months after, a small number of the younger Apothecaries offering to comply with it, were compell'd with Threats of the worst usage in their Society, to retract and withdraw their promise. The Committee of the Aldermen and Commons proposed: (the Apothecary thus flying of from that as necessary as reasonable Proposal) That the College would provide a Repository of Medicines, which will have and may justly claim (especially after twenty thousand Bills made up there) their Regard and Protection. The Governours of our Hospitals, who give their charity in directing the charity of the Founders in their respective Houses, where the health of some Hundreds is provided for, cannot observe the calamities of many Thousands without concern, and their Endeavour to promote their relief. Must we not conclude our selves Parties and Accessaries to the ruine of the Poor, who beside the pain and dread of the event of the Disease, are under the fear of spending their whole Substance, in one sickness, and being absolutely undone? They are often releast from the Distemper by the strength of Nature and their Constitution, and under the fear of Arrests or in Prison for a Bill of the then useless Physick above their Ability to discharge. The condition of the Wealthy is equally piteable, and as much wants redress. The Ship cast on the Shoar is fill'd not with design to save but plunder: More Art shewen to raise the Bill, than to recover the sick Person. Declining Nature loaded hour after hour, the complaining or refusing Stomach forc'd to submit by cramming in more, and Life overcome by Surfets of too many Courses of Boles and Juleps. The Laws of the last Age foresaw and provided against these vile abuses, but our Laws are subject to the same Diseases with our selves, or are falln into the Infirmity of old Age, to be regardless of others concerns, as they are neglected by them. 'Tis true, the Magistrate worthily shews his care of the publick in little things, adjusting the Measures and Scales, and the orderly enquiry into the goodness of the common Liquors. I suggested to you, and you allow'd it, that the Faculty could not want the Art of relieving it self: but you reminded me, that one Party turns its Force against the other, and like a vitious Composition of Ingredients of opposite qualities, had no Power or Vertue to subdue the Epidemick Malignity. Its allow'd, that from one Absurdity admitted, many others inevitably follow, as one Cause produces many Effects. The great Increase of Apothecaries is evidently the cause of all the present Grievances to the Profession of Physick, to Themselves and the People. They are become one Thousand, including the Partners, more then ten to one Physician. The regulated Cities abroad allow no more, then can readily make up the Physicians Directions, in the other proportion of one to ten. The consequence of so great and disproportionate a number is not to be avoided, that nine Hundred of them cannot possibly keep good Medicines in their Shops. For most of the Compositions, and many of the Simples often mov'd in little quantities, are subject to evaporate their most active parts, to corrupt in a little time, and become vappid, or sour, or rotten and stinking. Who will believe, that the simple Waters, Tinctures, Spirits, Powders of volatile parts, Syrups, Electuaries, &c. can wait and keep well, till they have their turn to be us'd, when the Shops are as numerous as the Sick. There must be a quick vent and expence and use of all perishable wares. They must be thrown away and supplied a new, if the Customer cannot be impos'd on. But that experiment shall be sooner made, then a new Preparation. This the Gentlemen soon observe in a Tavern, where the Draught is not great for want of Customers: and the Ladies see much antiquated Ware in the Mercers Shop not often visited. Their number obliges 'em in imitation of Hawkers, to be always visiting the Families to recommend the taking Trade in all the easiest Cases, and in other cases to quicken the use of the Boles and Draughts. They are rarely seen attending the business of the Shop. The Prescript of the Doctor and Apothecary himself is left to be made up by the raw heedless Boy, not presumed yet to have Discretion equal to his Master, whose utmost care is required and depended on, where the Patients Life is lost by almost every mistake. For the violent, Vomitive, Corrosive, Chymical Liquours or Powders may be taken down instead of the Cordials of the same Colours. Can the Boy bring his mind to a steadiness to number the drops of Laudanum or the violent Acids, or to weigh to half a grain Opium or Elaterium? Shall the Boy judge, that the languishing Patient, he never saw, must dy by the Apozeme boyl'd in the Port after this or that other Decoction, or that a Copper Vessel with a rising rust of Verdegrise shall make poysonous or vomitive the next Preparation? The honest Apothecaries lament the difficulties which by the exorbitant numbers are brought on the People and Themselves: That their Medicines cannot be vented while they are good and fit for use. That the Scent, Palate, Stomach of the Sick must condemn the corrupted stinking Dose, before he can lay it aside. That they are then put on the difficult task of justifying a sour or musty Draught, by arguing against the Senses of the Sick and Attendants. That they and their Servants are barely us'd as Porters, (which gave the Motto, Opiferque per urbem Dicor) sent forward and backward to fetch and carry the Boles and Glasses: that they have not leisure in their Shops to prepare and compound any thing, but buy abroad in the hurry of posting up and down, what e're they can have at the Wholesale. That they are forc'd to advise against their Conscience, commanded by the Nurses and the People to own themselves as skillful as other Apothecaries, (who undertake any thing,) that they may not forfeit their present and future business. That to live themselves they must endanger the Life of their Customer, and give oftentimes more than they would use themselves under the same Circumstance. They reflect with Horrour at first, that they violate the Laws of their Country, are subject to legal Fines, and adjudged Felons, if they mistake the Vertue or Dose of the Medicine. That they are oblig'd to set exorbitant prizes to the Poor and Servants, that the Wealthy may not discern the difference, and desire in that case, not to be rais'd so very far above the level with them. They are brought into the sad condition of the French King, who wantonly made his Meals on the raw limbs of his poor Subjects, as you may read the absurd description in the uniform Heroick Poem King Arthur. The odd confusion of their business perplexes them: to be one hour wiping the blistred part, and clapping on Melilote, then in another Family giving a Glyster: in the next to consider, what to advise in a Malignant Feaver, and in the Convulsions of a Child in another. The last must be done, by the basest perfidiousness of stealing off the File this or that other Physicians Bill, they imagine may happen to hit the Case, and save him the trouble of seeing the Patient. 'Tis obvious, the prodigious number of Apothecaries, who in a few years will naturally increase of more than twice as many, and so forward in a double proportion, will necessarily oblige them to improve the greater vent of Physick, and the higher prizes. They will not be wanting in the perpetual incroachment on the Faculty. They will be always plying in at the Families, to raise and support their Interest, against every thing which is not agreeable to it. They will assume the cures of many Thousands yearly, who would have been sooner well without Physick, to maintain the Title of Dr. given after a strict examination of the Nurse and the Attendants, who first salute them with it, and a Licence to Practice. They will struggle first with their own Fraternity, then the Members of the College, except their Tools the Confederates, while they gratify them, and write as well as can reasonably be expected, till another is known to practice a more profitable way of prescribing. They will not bear or commend any method of Cure, but where Physick is ordered every Hour, and the management decently prolong'd, especially if the Customer is pleas'd with always mending. They cannot suffer any Character of a Physician to pass without an Allay and Antidote, who will not justifie his Practice, and all his Medicines with the Air, and the assurance of a common Knight of the Post, and take the death of the Patient on himself. Any Citizen who will give himself the trouble of thinking, will easily hence discern the reason of the perpetual Dissensions of the College. When one party would raise its reputation by serving the Publick faithfully, the other strenuously oppose all Projects of that kind, to merit the favour of the Apothecaries. The Apostates from their own Profession are not to be inform'd, that the Dignity of the Faculty must sink, when the Physician is forc'd to delude the People, by applauding the unskillful or pernicious Treatment, and for his Fee has all the reproaches of the House and Funeral, when he dares not inform, that the Patient had the fatal stroke already given him, that the Medicines had not their vertue, that the usual mistake of the Apprentice in the change for another, or wrong proportion was the true cause of a now violent, not natural Death, when he rarely treats a Distemper at its beginning, commonly the only time to interpose between Nature and the Disease to any purpose: But is call'd in to no purpose in the end, when all is in confusion, the vigour of Nature spent, or opprest possibly with as many Doses, as you can number Hours in 8 or 10 Days. When he is chiefly impoly'd in worn out and vitiated Constitutions, as a Botcher or Cobler, when Mr. Tompion or any other eminent Artist would reject such a job or work with scorn. When I went abroad to return the Visits to my Friends, and was recommending the Advantages of the Dispensary, and the Integrity of the Physicians, who are the subscribers to it, you will not easily imagine, how suprising it was to me, that many express'd a Prejudice to it, without desiring to understand the design of it. A notable Company round a Tea-table, had been exclaming, I perceiv'd, a great while against it, and concluded, that they'd go the old way, and expect till it came more in Fashion. That since they did not certainly know, how many had been kill'd by the Apothecary's ill advice or Errors in the Doses of Physick, they were easie enough not to find out new occasions of trouble. That every Fee to the Doctor on many accidents in the Year, went to the Heart: that the Bill at Christmas, tho' long enough to spoil the diversions of the Season, give but one, though a pretty strong Fit; which went off as soon as they could forget it, and came not again till the Year after. That they would not let the Servant go to fetch the things, when they could make the Apothecary do it, and rather their Maids should prattle at home with them, than gossip hours abroad at their Shops. I could only reply, that they themselves approv'd of the design of the Dispensary, when they us'd the Purging Salts, Pearl Juleps, Harts-horn Decoction, or the Elixirs and Spirits of the Vapours, which their Physicians formerly had communicated to them, and which they bought off the Druggist at no great expence. It was allow'd, but extorted from one of the Company with a visible concern in every Face, that the taking of that Tax had necessarily brought on others, and that they paid dearly for those and other Domestick Preparations, if the Distemper requir'd Foreign Assistance, and the Medicines unknown to the Family. In the other visits, I made that day, I was startled at many scandalous Reports of the same form and contrivance industriously spread abroad against the Subscribers to, and the present management of the Dispensary. The first I contemn'd as malicious and senceless Imposthures; They had too much Poetry in 'em to pass for truth. The other part appear'd ridiculously little and very easily refuted. That their Physick is as dear as the Apothecary's, when we experience the difference of 18 or 19 in 20. That their goodness is justify'd by the Subscribers care in the choice of every Drug, which they buy at the highest prizes. And their Reputation is answerable for every Accident or Defect. That they have not Servants sufficient, when they can easily increase the Number from 3 or 4 to 10: and the want of Hands, supposes the growing business equal to defray the Charge of more. These Reflections are for the most part very awkardly made, there wanting the Assurance and self perswasion and concern, which becomes a Satyrist. If the subscribers have not the University Education or Capacity, for their Employment, they may consult the Apothecary's list of the College, and find out better, if they can. If they destroy all their Patients, and the Apothecaries and their Confederates never fail of success, the want of Advocates will prevent the tryal and nonsute the Debate. If the remedies are not good, the abus'd People will readily and seasonably complain. If they have no business, the Dispensary can have none, and will be only a Collection of Pots and Glasses, and the Servants sufficient to shew the useless Repository. The People will in a little time apprehend, that their Interest, in relation to Health, and Expence, is the subject of the Controversy, and that every one is both Judge and Party, and has power to give a definitive sentence, as far as himself is concern'd. Here is no Law to be enacted by Majority of Voices, or any Restraint to be put on the Liberty of any particular person. He need not express a childish dread, as if to be Kidnapt away, and us'd in the most terrible manner all his life, and never more to be Master of himself. But the Apothecaries complain with no Decorum, and the worst grace imaginable. You (to please the People) make your selves as like the Apothecaries, as you can, with the only difference of a Print from a Copper plate, where the figures are exactly the same, only look a different way. You are become Doctor-Apothecary, and they have been these 40 years Apothecary-Doctors. You restore the ancient and cautious Practice by providing effectual Remedies, and preventing many deadly mistakes. The Apothecary leaves his concern to the wholesale trade and his Boy, is always abroad giving advice. Can any two things be more alike in the outward feature and appearance? Can they be justly displeas'd with you, who give your care and countenance to the trade of making Medicines? As the Apothecary in return puts a value upon yours, in pleasing himself with the Practice of Physick. They reply They are forc't to it by the importunity of the People, so are you by the same importunity to send your Prescript to the College, by those, who like a good Medicine, at the Intrinsick value. They are afraid the Dispensary will in time ruine the Apothecaries Trade, who are industriously every day destroying your Profession. You are invaded with vast Numbers, like a Russian Army, who slay without Quarter, reserving only a few slaves to be cut of, if they bear not their Chains easily, or scruple any work they are put upon. In other Conversations I had better success: I had perswaded not a few to consult those of the Society they esteem'd, at the approach of the Spring. I have had their thanks with large Accounts of the difference of the old and new Practice of Physick. So many Converts in my Neighbourhood brought on me the resentment of my former Apothecary. He expostulated with me the ill consequence to their Trade with the most bitter and envenom'd Reflections on the Dispensary, and the Promoters of it. You shall judge from his manner of arguing the Case. We do govern and command all the Families in the City. They believe us in every thing, to the advancement of our Trade, and the lessening the College Interest. When the Men are abroad, or not in the sick Chamber, we can recommend what Physician we please and decry the opposite Party. Do you believe we will spare one of them? Here he took out hastily of his Pocket the scandalous List Printed at the desire of the Master and Wardens of the Apothecaries Company, where our honest Physicians are distinguish't by Marks from their honest Slaves, which being promiscuous in the College order, he blundred thrice, and shew'd me for Villains, those of their own Confederacy. But after some time he recover'd and told me, they were resolv'd to maintain the reputation of what they had hitherto done, as well as their Advantages over the College for the future. Many years since there has not been more than five Physicians, who have been rais'd but by serving us. They are call'd by us Topping Physicians, because we put 'em on the People, as we please. You may observe, there are now in the Town of several Sortments and different Abilities, who pass by our Artifices for the greatest Men. Has not one risen considerably by our Favour, who has employ'd much of his time in writing 3 Folio Poems, which have been exploded by his Brother Poets and Physicians for the vilest bombast, which is now meant by lofty Poetry, every expression relating to Physick or Philosophy prov'd in Print to be triflingly absurd or false, and judg'd so even by us? Do no several of the College come over to us, and betray all that passes there? The rest are afraid, and dare not be honest and just to their Patients, fearing to incur our displeasure? Will we, think you, pardon him, who cures a Feaver, at the rate of 1 or 2 pounds, when our onr Friends, will raise the Bill for us to 10, 20 or 40? He that brings in the Fidler to the Company, will make him play what Tunes and as often as he pleases. What does the Dispensary pretend to impose on the Publick, that we are not useful out of our Shops, who give Glysters, dress Blisters, and Bleed when its easie, and like to have no ill consequence. I would not further concern my self, but only put him in mind, that one Sex was accommodated without them, and that the other was properly the business of the Surgeon, who attends to these and the greater Cases of Surgery abroad without impediment to any part of his Profession. Besides, that the Blisters often inflam'd or corroded with the Acrimony of the Humours, or wanting to be drawn to evacuate more freely, required more then the common treatment of the Melilote Plaister. You had, I remember, made me very sensible, how much that excellent and most useful Art of Surgery was invaded by those bold Pretenders to every thing they do not understand. They Bleed without suspecting the Nerve or Artery may ly in the way. They apply to Inflammations or other Tumours, and keep in the putrid matter till the Sinuous, Fistula, or rotten bone gives pain loud enough to call the Surgeon. Having had various Fortune abroad, I remembred I was in the Evening to meet a select Company of Merchants, and other Eminent Citizens. I determin'd to ask their assistance and council. I shew'd them all your Papers, and laid before 'em in all the Informations relating to the College, and our own immediate Interest. Some were discoursing of the Treaties abroad, and the common danger of our Liberty and Property from another sort of Invader. But at mine and our Friends request who were there, we came to debate of our more immediate concern, leaving the other to the Physicians, proper in those Cases. I was desired by them to give you a farther trouble, that you would remove the common opprobrium on the Profession, that it wants certainty and acts often by conjecture: And that more scandalous, that the Apothecary by seeing the Patient and you at the Bed-side is able to give Physick himself. And (after our Assertion of the cheapness of the best Medicines, and some contests about it) that you would, as in our Papers for sale by the Candle, give a pretty near Estimate of the value of every Preparation and Composition or Simple now us'd in Physick. We must wait for this Account, upon which the whole Controversy depends, but the Company would not doubt of the easie prizes of the most effectual Remedies, (as are fit for the use of that Prince now the regard of all Europe) many of us having us'd of several kinds, of which the Dose was of no great value. After having lamented the miserable Condition of the Poor, and the vile treatment of all others these last 40 years, they were pleas'd they had now a prospect of better and more humane usage. They resolv'd, they would make all their Acquaintance sensible of the generous design of the Dispensary, and engage 'em to the most industrious publication of its use, the only Panacea to the many Calamities of the sick. That they would not doubt to convince the most hitherto obstinate or heedless opposers of it. That the Apothecary must be oblig'd to keep his Shop, that all his Medicines may be made at home, and dispenc't with his own hand, or under his careful inspection. That his Apprentice may be imploy'd in the Shop to learn his Trade, and to be taken of from the giddy ambition of aping a Profession a little too far remov'd from his. That our Servants shall be constantly sent for the Physick, the Directions being left at our Houses by the proper hand, that each of us sending our Porters, the hurry and confusion may be taken off from the Apothecary and his Servants, by which, many Patients Physick being convey'd at one time, the deadly Accidents which now frequently happen, may be avoided. Our Messenger will find the Shop sedately forwarding their important affair, every one will wait the mixture for his Master, by which the possibility of a mistake will be prevented. The College will be safe from the temptations they now ly under, and from being in so large numbers debaucht from their vertue, and their indispensable duty to their Patient, which branches into every distinct regard of his Welfare. And, whereas the present one Thousand have 2 or 3 Apprentices each, which multiplying in the same Proportion, must raise the prizes of Physick, and the Quantity and the Industry of giving more, to the ruine at last of their credit with the People, there is no other method even to preserve themselves. The Families will then, as formerly, make choice of a Physician from the visible success of his Art, and not with the greatest degree of stupidness, ask the Apothecary to bring one. Since from their numbers they are forc't to make the greatest profit of every Patient, which strong Byass naturally inclines him to a Physician most useful in that case. 'Twas resolv'd, after your answer of the prizes, to oblige the Physician to rate the Prescription sent to the Apothecary at the fairest Profit, to be paid at farthest after the Recovery: And to prevent the sipping of Cordials and Pearl Juleps, as Usquebaugh at the Coffee-house, upon every little humour of taking, promoted by the casual visit, and encourag'd by the mean and vile custom of going upon Tick till Christmas. A modest Gentleman gave his Assent with some doubt of success, that he would at home propose these considerations to the best advantage he could. Another, who sees through the Town, demanded what hope there may be to repell the confidence of the Men of the Bottle, and Wit and Banter, which admire only the childish wantonness of Thought, and the pretty Deviations from good sense, and therefore Character the Men of their Parts and Dress into the publick Esteem. They were left to their Fortune and Experience of others more discerning, and concluded, that the Signature ought to be taken from other affairs of equal concern and importance. The ablest Pilot, is put into the Ship, to be sail'd out or brought into Port. The Gravity, Learning, Application of a Judge is observ'd, when a Cause of Life or Estate is heard before him. We shall then raise our Hope of Recovery, from the manner our Cases will be weigh'd and consider'd, before the Verdict and Judgment shall be given. When you shan't be brought in durante bene placito of the Apothecary, Visitants or the Physick Brokers abroad; and shall not be chang'd and shifted as often as the Symptom, upon the different Projects of particular Interests. We shall know, who merits our gratitude and applause, and shall put down that Infamous Custom of accusing the Physician almost in the Burial Ticket. A Practice too vile to be expos'd, to impute the misfortune to the honest industry of the Physician, when he has not been consulted till the extremity, after many days dosing by our selves and visitants, and the Apothecary, not allowing the fair Inquest of Dissection, which would discover the Passages of the Heart stopt, the Ulcers or Gangrenes of the Viscera. We were agreed to controul our Families, and perswade our Friends to the same Resolutions: and were about to part, when one of our Society, who had been silent some time, exprest himself with some Heat, from the Relation he had to some of the Faculty. Let us not loose this only opportunity of raising the reputation of one of the most useful and learned Professions, when our Interest is inseparable from theirs. Shall we look on unconcern'd, when the Faculty and our selves are enslav'd and opprest by the number of Apothecaries, who were originally their Servants. What is the Mystery but a Mechanick and Handycraft Trade. They act nothing, but by the ordinance and Directions of the Physician. The Medicines, the Shops are furnish'd with, are all from their Appointment. The Drugs are powder'd, boyl'd, distill'd, and mixt together only by their order. What Books or Languages are understood and consider'd by them, but the publick Dispensatory or Receit Book? The Cook, Confectioner or Perfumer have as much pretence to learning, or the knowledge of the uses of what they prepare. Have not our Servants the skill to make up all our domestick collections of Receits, which are many of them the same with theirs? The under Servants to the Chymists Laboratory, while he cleanses the Glasses, and attends the Fires, speedily discerns the Mechanick part of making the Spirits, the Tincture, the Salts: Tho the Design and Process were given by the incomparable Mr. Boyle, or the Faculty, and the uses only known to the sagacious Physician. We pleas'd our selves at Parting, with the great reputation that worthy Gentleman had given to our Country with the learned of all Nations, which will last with that late Discovery of the Circulation.

Science

A Letter from a Merchant in London, to a Dispensary Physician.

The present state of physick & surgery in London [...]

SciB1714

OF all the Attempts which have been made hitherto by ingenious Men, for the Invention of Longitude, no Problem hath been more Erroneous and Ridiculous than that of late propos'd by William Whiston, M.A. some time Professor of the Mathematicks in the University of Cambridge, and Humphry Ditton, Master of the new Mathematical-School in Christ's Hospital, London. What Longitude is, Kepler tells us in these Words; Est arcus æquatoris terrestris (vel etiam paralleli per locum ducti) interceptus inter primum meridianum terrestrem & inter meridianum loci, & in consequentia numeratus. Epit. astron. copernic. lib. 3. Now the finding out of Longitude is to discover, as certain a Rule of knowing how far we are distant on the Spherical surface of the Earth in Degrees and Minutes, from any known Meridian, Eastward or Westward, as we do for knowing how far we are distant in Degrees and Minutes, on the same Surface, from the Equinoctial Line, Northward or Southward. In order to bring so necessary a Work to Perfection, it is requisite that all Nations should agree upon one first Meridian, or beginning of Longitude, which at present is not concluded on; for some Cosmographers do make the chief and first Meridian pass through the Islands St. Michael and of the Azores, and there are Two Reasons why they did there begin to reckon the Longitude of the Earth: First, because at that Time there was no Land known farther to the Westward than that Place; and Secondly, because under that Meridian the Needle in the Marriners Compass had no Variation, but did point directly North and South. However, according to Ptolomy, that Meridian is said to be first and farthest Westward which passes through the Insulæ Fortunatæ, or Canary Isles, as Maginus thus tells us in his Geographical Relation thereof, Autem nominat eas Aprositum, Heram vel Autolalam, Pluitaliam, Casperiam, Canariam, & Centuriam; omnesque in rectam fere lineam a septentrione in Meridiem disponit, unde sub eodem meridiano cadunt, qui quidem Meridianus initium est computationis longitudinis terræ , Pag. 201. Here it is that famous Geographer fixt first his Meridian, for the West-Indies were not known nor discover'd in his Days, nor of a long time after; since when the Discovery of America being made by Americus Vesputius, Christopher Columbus, and others, latter Cosmographers having made the Meridian to pass through the Azores, as above-noted; and which Islands, as appears by their Cards, are scituated more Westward from the foresaid Insulæ Fortunatæ by 5 Degrees; from this altering the antient placing of the first Meridian, they must likewise alter all the Longitudes set down heretofore by Ptolemy, or any other antient Writer: Nevertheless Vevertheless this Matter is easily rectified, for by adding to every Longitude Eastward 5 Degrees, or by substracting 5 Degrees from every Longitude Westward, you shall not greatly vary from those antient Longitudes set down by them who reckon'd their first Meridian from the Azores. Some endeavour to find out the Longitude of any City, Province, or Place, by the Eclipses of the Moon; which Gemma Frisius thinks to be the most exact and absolute of all other, and thus teaches to be done. Observe the beginning of the Eclipse in that Place whose Longitude is unknown, which if it shall agree in Hours and Minutes with the time of the beginning of the Eclipse at London, you may be certain that that Place is under the Meridian of London, whose Longitude is about 20 Degrees; but if the beginning of the Eclipse differs, then besure the Miridian and Longitude of that Place differs from the Meridian of London, which you may thus find: Substract the lesser Number of the Hours and Minutes of the beginning of the Eclipse from the greater, and the difference convert into Degrees and Minutes after this Manner: Take for every Hour 15 Degrees, for 4 Minutes 1 Degree, and for every Minute of an Hour 15 Minutes of a Degree; and the Number of Degrees and Minutes so found, add to the Degrees and Minutes of the Longitude of the Meridian of London, if it be more Oriental (that is, if the Number of Hours shall be found greater in the same) substract; if it be more Occidental (that is, if the Number of Hours there be found to be less) and you shall have the Longitude of the said City which was before unknown. I must acknowledge that Longitude may be pretty near found out this way, for being once with Sir Cloudesly Shovel, Admiral of the Red, in Italy, and taking an Observation at Venice, by an Eclipse of the Moon, I found the Longitude of that Place to be 36 Degrees 12 Minutes, correspondent to the Longitude given by Sansoon, the French Geographer, within 3 Minutes. To this Rule, for the most part, are Squared all Cosmographical Tables of Longitude; but yet in this divers Errors do happen, either by the Artificer oftentimes wanting Diligence in observing the right Hour and Moment of the Eclipse, or else the divers Epacts and Latitudes of the Moon are commonly neglected; wherefore it is the best way, in this Point, that exact Astronomers should at divers Places observe the same Eclipse, and so by conferring together, according to this Rule, find out the Longitude of different Places: But exact Astronomers cannot be easily found in every City or Town whereof we desire to know the Longitude, and neither is an Eclipse of the Moon always at command. Now another Way to find out the Longitude, may be perform'd by a true Horology or Watch, which by an Astrolabe is to be rectified, and set just at such an Hour as you depart from the Place where you are, to go to any other Place, whereof you are desirous to know the Longitude: In which your going must be diligent to see that your Watch never ceases going, and being arrived at that Place whereof you seek to know the Longitude, you must tarry until the Index does justly touch the Prick of some perfect Hour, and also at that instant, to see what Hour it is by your Astrolabe: For if your Astrolabe and Watch do both agree in one, then there is no Difference of Longitude, but you have still travelled under one same Meridian, either towards the North or South. But if they differ One Hour, or certain Minutes, then reduce them to Degrees, or to Minutes of Degrees, as above taught, and thereby you shall find the Longitude desired to be known. But to take the Longitude upon the Sea by this manner of way, in may Opinion it is better to do it by a great HourGlass, made to run Twenty Four Hours, which must be watched when it is ready to run out, that it may be immediately turn'd: For Watches made of Iron or Steel, will soon Rust upon the Sea. This way I made an Observation (at the Desire of Admiral Wheeler, drown'd near the Streights) when I was at Placentia-Bay in Newfoundland, and found the Experiment true according to the best SeaCharts; however, this way either by Watch or Hour-Glass is not always to be depended on, because Watches and Clocks will inequally move, especially on the Sea, and the Sands of an Hour-Glass do not always keep the like Motion: Therefore if any Certainty may be this way, it must be by the Help of the Automaton, or perpetual Motion, of which Invention we may as much doubt, as of Mr. Whiston or Mr. Ditton finding out the Longitude by firing Guns or Sky-Rockets. I must acknowledge that by Trigonometry, we may, when the Latitudes and Difference of Longitude of Two Places are given, find the Rhumb and Distance. When the Latitudes of two Places, and their Distances are given, we may find the Rumb, and Difference of Longitude. By the Rumb, and Latitudes of Two Places given, we may find their Distance and Difference of Longitude. By the Difference of Longitude, Rumb, and One Latitude, we may find the other Latitude and Distance. And by the Rumb, the Distance, and One Latitude given, we may find the other Latitude, and the Difference of Longitude. But for Mr. Whiston and Mr. Ditton, to impose so much upon the World, as to make People believe Longitude is to be Discover'd either by Sea or Land, by a Propagation of Sounds, the Noise of Cannon, and firing Squibs and Crackers, without taking any Notice of their fixing Hulls at certain Distances in the Sea, they may as well persuade our Country-Men, that White is Black, and Black's White: But never an Arrian in this Kingdom, shall seduce me to hold with him in so great an Error. Again, by the Distance betwixt the Moon and some known Star, which is situated near the Ecliptick, the Longitude may be found out, as taught by Appian, and illustrated by Gemma Frisius, to whose manner of Explication, we have for farther Illustration added a Figure of the Parallax, whereon this Invention is grounded. To shew then this Conclusion, we must tell you that the Distances betwixt the Moon and other Stars in the Firmament, are varied according to the Difference of Places, insomuch as Two Men living far distant in divers Places of the Earth, beholding at one Time the Moon, and some known fixt Star, will not find the like Distance betwixt them, whereof if a Man doubt, he may be inform'd by this Figure. We will imagine P. to be the Place of the Moon, as seated in the lower Orb; G. to be the Place of the fixt Star, whose Distance from the Moon is inquired; E. and F. Two Stations or Habitations of Men dwelling on the Earth, whereof we may imagine the one to be in Europe, and the other in America; it will be manifest that the Inhabitants situated in F. will behold the Moon in the Point B. and the fixt Star in G. figure referred to in the text because, as the Opticks teach us, all Things are seen in the Places opposite to the Eye, so the Distance between the Moon and Star, will be the Arch of the greatest Circle, B.G. and the Inhabitants situated in E. will behold the Moon by the Ray E.C. as likewise the fixt Star G. in the Point G. by the Ray E.G; so that the Distance betwixt the Moon and the fixt Star, will be in that Station the Arch of the Circle C.G. Now by the first common Axiom of Euclid, that the Arch B. G. is greater than the Arch C.G. the former being the whole, and the other a Part. Next, out of the same Ground, we may as easily collect that this Distance betwixt the Moon and some other known fixt Star is varied proportionally, according to the Distances of the Places on the Earth, because so many Places as there are, so many Diversities of Aspects will arise, being increased or diminisht, according to the Distances of Places on the Terrestrial Globe: This Conclusion thus demonstrated, I shall proceed to the Practice of it in this manner. I. It behoves you to search out by the Help of Astronomical Tables, the true Motion of the Moon, according to the Longitude, at the Time of your Observation at some certain Place, for whose Meridian the Roots of those Tables are calculated. II. You must know the Degree of Longitude of some fixed Star, nigh unto the Ecliptick, either preceeding or following the Motion of the Moon. III. You must seek out the Distance of the Motion of the Moon, and the said Star. IV. The Distance once had, apply the Cross-Staff of your Sight, and so move the Cross to and fro, till you may behold the Centre of the Moon at the one End, and the fixed Star with the other. So shall you see exprest by the Degrees and Minutes markt on the Staff, the Distance of the Moon and the said Star correspondent to the Place of your Observation; which being noted, set down also the Distance betwixt the Moon and the aforesaid Star which was first Calculated. Then Substract the lesser from the greater, the Remainder will shew the least Difference, which being Divided by the Motion which the Moon makes in One Hour, you shall know the Time in which the Moon is or was joyn'd with the first Distance of the said Star; then having converted that Time into Degrees and Minutes, the rest will be perform'd, either by Addition or Substraction of the Product thereof to or from that Meridian, for which the Tables whereby you first Calculated the Motion of the Moon were appointed and verified. If the Distance betwixt the Moon and the fixt Star of your Observation be lesser, then must you add the Degrees and Minutes to the known Longitude, so shall you find the Place of your Observation to be more Eastward. If it be greater, then Substract the Degrees and Minutes from the known Longitude, and the Place of your Observation in this Regard will be more Westward. The Rules are so far true, that the Moon being suppos'd to be more Westward than the fixt Star, for if otherwise your Working must be clean contrary; to wit, if the Distance betwixt the Moon and the fixed Star be lesser, you must Substract the Degrees and Minutes from the known Longitude, so shall the Place of your Observation be more Westward; but if it be greater, then must you add the Degrees and Minutes unto the known Longitude, and the Place of your Observation shall be found Eastward. This way, though more difficult, may seem better than the rest, because an Eclipse of the Moon seldom happens, and a Watch, Clock, or Hour-glass cannot so well be preserv'd, or at least so well observ'd in a long Voyage; when every Night may seem to give Occasion to this Experiment, if the Air be free from Clouds, and the Moon shews her self above the Horizon. This way of finding out the Longitude I have experienced in the Mediteranean Sea, when the late Earl of Orford first appear'd in those Parts of the World with the grand Fleet of England, after obtaining an entire Victory over the French at Sea; but besides, by the Observation of the Difference in the Motion of the Sun and Moon, the Longitude of Places may be found out. Now for the performing it hereof by this Rule, you must consider, that we take as granted by all Mathematicians, that the Motion of the Moon is 48 Minutes of an Hour slower in 24 Hours, or 360 Degrees, than that of the Sun; that by Observation of the Heavens, and other Mathematical Helps, an Artist may know in any Place the first Meridian, the Hour of the Day, and the Time of the Moon's coming to the Meridian by an Ephemerides: Then for Example, suppose that in London the Moon on some set Day comes to the Meridian at Four of the Clock past Noon, and in some Part of the West-Indies the Moon is observ'd to come to the Meridian the same Day at Ten Minutes after Four, these Grounds thus set down, the Distance of Longitude at that Place Westward from London may be in this manner found out by the Golden Rule. If the Difference of the Sun's and Moon's Motion be 48 Minutes of an Hour in 360 Degrees, what will it be in 10 Minutes? The fourth proportional Number will be 75 Degrees, the Distance of Longitude of the Place assign'd from London, in West Longitude; from which Number the Longitude from London being Substracted, and the Remainder from 360, the Residue will shew the Longitude: But Note, that if the Moon in the Place assign'd comes sooner to the Meridian, we must count so much in East Longitude. Indeed there are few Things in Nature, which have more perplext the Wits of ingenious Mathematicians, than the exactest way of finding out the Longitude of Places; not that the Matter was over difficult in it self, but that they fought out a Way to perform this Conclusion, not depending from the Observation of the Celestial Bodies and Motions; and also it is a Matter never found out as yet; because they propos'd to themselves one of these two Ways to find it out, either by some magnetical Instrument, or else by Industry of Navigation, neither of which can much profit. Not the former, because there have never been any fixed Points found in the Equator betwixt East and West, as have been observ'd betwixt North and South, so that nothing can proceed out of the meer Nature of the earthly Globe, whereon we may ground any difference of Longitude; neither is the second very beneficial, for all Voyages both by Sea and Land are very irregular and uncertain, either by reason of sundry Impediments, as Rocks, Mountains, Woods, contrary Winds, and other Dangers turning aside the direct Course of Passengers from any direct Way or Observation; or else by the Ignorance of Marriners, which seldom passes so far on Discovery; and if they do, know not perfectly to delineate out their Journey, as a Cosmographer would expect, to any tolerable satisfaction. Herein have we allow'd that at present the best Ways to find out the Longitudes of Places are by Eclipses of the Moon, the Motion of the Moon, and by Clocks, Watches, or HourGlasses; but cannot agree with Mr. Whiston and Ditton, that they may be found out by the Eclipses of Jupiter's Planets, or Satellits, nor by the Log-Line or dead Reckoning; which last Way is such an inaccurate Rule, that all Ingenious Men must think those Persons Mad who should offer to propose it for a Means to find out Longitude, when by it the best Seaman cannot tell in what Latitude he is. But when I seriously meditate on these Two Gentlemens Method of finding out the Longitude by Sounds, it seems to me the greatest Solœcism in Nature; for as Marriners, to be the better assur'd of their Routs and Courses on the Sea, divide every quarter of the Horizon into Eight several Winds, so that they make the Compass to contain 32 Points: Suppose then, that a Sound shall be made when the Wind is North-East, what Benefit shall they receive by it who are SouthEast and by South? It may go towards them that lie South-West, and one Point on each side of it; but to them in other Points can scarce, if at all be heard. Next considering the various Positions of the Wind, make what Invention they think fittest to diffuse a Sound more horizontally, and how suddenly it shifts its Corner for several Points together, what certainty can those that listen for it have, in order to find out Longitude? Especially such as lie to the Windward of Sounds about the Caribby Islands in the West-Indies, and in other Parts of the Atlantick Ocean, where there is a Trade-Wind or constant blowing always from one Point with little variation, excepting in or near the Month of August, when those Parts are dreadfully afflicted with furious Storms call'd Hurricanes. Also Sounds will be of no Effect in those Seas or Parts of the Ocean where Monsoons are usual, which is a periodical perodical blowing one half Year one way, and the other half Year the contrary; and the Limits of these Winds extend almost to the Latitude of 30 Degrees on each side the Equinoctial Line; besides the shifting of these contrary Winds call'd Monsoons, mostly between the two Tropicks on each side the Equator, is not all at once, but sometimes is attended with Calms and variable Winds, and sometimes with violent Storms that seem to be of the Nature of the West-Indian Hurricanes, and these Tempests or Tornado's are by the Marrines term'd the breaking up of the Monsoons. Moreover, it is impossible to make the Engines which are to make the Sounds, to give all of them Sounds of the same Strength, Tenor and Circumstances, so that the Hearers shall tell by Ear in what Longitude they be; nor can I conceive how a Sound can move circularly (as Mr. Whiston and Mr. Ditton do alledge) unless the Wind blows all the Points of the Compass at the same time the Sound is given. And again, when the Sound is heard, at such and such distances, I am sure they cannot tell no more by the Sound how many Miles off it was made, than they can by it discover what Meridian they are under; but could the Hearers by the Sound tell what Meridian they were near, why then I must own they could tell the distance of that Place from the Place departed; because as Langius tells us, Maximum usum habet Meridianus in supputandis locorum distantiis, quæ vel sola longitudine vel sola latitudine, vel etiam utraque dimensione differunt. Next as Cluverius rightly affirms, Mutabilis dicitur Meridianus, quia si tantillum, ortum occasumve versus progrediaris, alius continuo erit Meridianus . It is a Paradox to me how the hearers shall know that the interval of apparent Time, in Two Places, where a Sound is excited, and where it is receiv'd, besides that which is due to the real Propagation of the Sound itself, shall be the difference of their Meridians, or of their Longitude in Time. Now the Engine or Instrument which these Gentlemen propose to make the Sound with, is a great Gun, in which also can be no certainty, because every Gun, tho' of a like Bore, Bigness and Metal, will not give the like Sound, neither is Gun-powder of the like Strength; and when these two famous Artists talk, that Fire or Light 6440 Feet high will be visible, in the Night-time, when the Air is tolerably clear about 100 Measur'd, or 85 Geographical Miles, that is one whole Degree and 25 Minutes of a great Circle, from the Place where it is, even upon the Surface of the Sea; this Assertion seems to me as if they aim'd to have Beacons placed over the Watry Dominions of Neptune, and Warning Guns fixt on all the Mountains adjacent to the liquid Element, that the Spectator and Auditor may both see and hear how far he is from Land. A petty Projection I vow! As is also their fixing Hulls of Ships, without Sails or Rigging at Sea, in all ordinary Cases, by Anchors; and in extraordinary Cases, where the Ocean is vastly deep, by Weights let down from the Hulls quite thro' the upper Currents into the still Water below, as near as possible to the bottom. Indeed to try the Experiment would require a great many Hulls, for multiplying the Periphery or Cirumference of the World, which is 21600 Miles, by the Diameter 7200 Miles, the Product is 155520000 Miles, which is the Number of Square Miles on the face of the Terrestial Globe; then dividing them Square Miles by 7225, the Number of Square Miles in 85 Geographical Miles multiply'd in itself, and which is the distance they would have these Hulls placed from one another; besides having Masts erected upon hollow empty Vessels with White Spheres at their Tops, to be fixt in proper Places, at equal distances between these Hulls, for the more sure guiding Ships in Places of Danger, the Product of the aforesaid Operation in Division is 21525; but allowing one Third of the Globe to be Earth, and so dividing the last Number by 3, the Product will be 7175, the Number of Hulls to be continually kept in Use, and which will not take less than (if you allow but Eight Men to a Hull) 57400 Men to look after them. Truly this is a very whimsical Notion, looking very Ridiculous in Mr. Ditton and Mr. Whiston; the first of which Gentlemen I do not know, but as for the other, People says he is a little beside himself, or rather, if he has any such Thing as Brains, they are really crackt. They might as well have propos'd a Method of building half-way Houses on the Ocean from London to all Place as we Trade to; for suppose we could raise so many Men as above-mention'd, how many of them would be willing to lead such desolate Lives as they must on the Sea, in the danger of Drowning and Famine? Even Malefactors would refuse a Pardon upon Condition of living under such a solitary Confinement. But perhaps these Gentlemen may say that we are not to be at the aforesaid Charge of keeping so many Men and Hulls, but every Nation must keep a certain Compliment of these Hulls and empty Vessels with erected Masts, according to the Extent thereof abutting on the Sea: Why we'll suppose all this, and what then? As one Nation was at War with another, they would spoil these Sea-marks; and Pyrates having regard to no Nation, they would destroy all of 'em, to supply themselves with Men, as they should have occasion. Moreover, other ill Conveniencies will accrue to this Project, for in Storms the Cables of those Hulls that lie at Anchor will oftentimes break, and such as are in the Ocean with deep Weights hanging from them into the Water, will drive about with the Wind and strong Currents, were ever so many heavy Weights fixt to them; I have seen this Experiment try'd in a great Storm once in the Bay of Biscay, and another time in the Gulph of Florida, and found this Citation false which Mr. Whiston and Mr. Ditton quote out of the Philosophical Transactions, That Ships having heavy Weights let down by Ropes from them into the lower Parts of the Waters in the Ocean, when Tempestuous, will ride as firmly as if fasten'd by the strongest Cable and Anchor to the bottom. And if so be these Hulls, as I have Remark'd above, lie expos'd to the Casualties of having the Cables of their Anchors broke, and these Hulls which have Weights hanging from them into the Waters of the Ocean, will not remain fixt in Stormy Weather, but drive many Leagues about with the Wind and Currents, I demand which way they'll know how to find their old Stations again, when the Storm is over? Upon my Word this new Method of finding out the Longitude of Places is very insignificant, and if (as they say) in case some Parts of the Ocean prove so very deep and rough that no Hulls can be fixt in them, the way to recover the Longitude, which may be by this means interrupted, is rightly propos'd by Sir Isaac Newton himself, in his Paper deliver'd in to the House of Commons, declaring that upon such Accidents, they must Sail obliquely from the last Hull into the Parallel of the next, and so all along the same till upon approaching to that next Hull the Longitude be a new recover'd, and the Voyage be continu'd as before. Let me ask, may none of these Hulls be lost in bad Weather? And if so, what Course must the Ship then Sail that is to be guided by such a Mark at Sea? Again, is it be to suppos'd that Ships setting out from London, Bristol, Leith, or any other Part of Great-Britain, will Sail out of their way to be guided by these Hulls and empty Vessels, which may lie many Leagues to the Windward or Leeward of them? No, they will make the best of their way; and tho' they may get Men to supply these Hulls in hot Climates, I question whether any will be so mad as to look after them about Baffin's Bay, Groenland, Button's-Bay, Greenland, Scythick Ocean, Tartarian Sea, and the Streights of Magellan; where they must most part of the Year encounter with more than Cimmerian Darkness, destructive Cold, Mountains of Snow, and Rocks of Ice; in the midst of these Extremities the explorsions of Guns, firing combustible Matter in the Air, and other Signals would be wholly laid aside. As for the Method which Mr. Hobbs proposes for finding out of the Longitude, I shall not descant on that, because it is as useless as the other: I shall now proceed to declare, that the Rules which I have before allow'd for the finding out the Longitude of Places are the best hitherto know; but as the certainty is not infallible, give me leave to say farther, that the Longitude is never to be exactly found out till an Instrument is made for that Purpose, which shall shew the Longitude of any Place, when the Sun shines, with as much exactness as the Quadrate discovers the Latitude. Such an one I hope shortly to bring to Perfection, fixing the first Meridian at Westminster-Abby, and allowing for every Degree of Longitude on each side the Equinoctial Line, the Number of Miles and Minutes set down in the following Table. Degrees. Miles. Parts. Degrees. Miles. Parts. 1 59 59 18 57 4 2 59 58 19 56 44 3 59 55 20 56 23 4 59 51 21 56 1 5 59 46 22 55 38 6 59 40 23 55 14 7 59 33 24 54 49 8 59 25 25 54 23 9 59 16 26 53 6 10 59 5 27 53 28 11 58 54 28 52 59 12 58 41 29 52 29 13 58 2 30 51 58 14 58 13 31 51 26 15 57 57 32 50 53 16 57 41 33 50 19 17 57 23 34 49 45 Degrees. Miles. Parts. Degrees. Miles. Parts. 35 49 9 63 27 14 36 48 32 64 26 18 37 47 55 65 25 21 38 47 17 66 24 24 39 46 38 67 23 27 40 45 58 68 22 29 41 45 17 69 21 30 42 44 35 70 20 31 43 43 53 71 19 32 44 43 10 72 18 32 45 42 26 73 17 33 46 41 41 74 16 32 47 40 55 75 15 32 48 39 9 76 14 31 49 39 22 77 13 30 50 38 34 78 12 28 51 37 46 79 11 27 52 36 56 80 10 25 53 36 7 81 9 23 54 35 6 82 8 21 55 34 25 83 7 19 56 33 33 84 6 16 57 32 41 84 6 16 58 31 48 86 4 11 59 30 54 87 3 8 60 30 0 88 2 5 61 29 5 89 1 3 62 28 10 90 0 0 Note, that in the first Column you have the Number of Degrees, to the uttermost Extent of the Northern or Southern Pole on either side the Equator; the second Column shews the Number of Miles contain'd in each of the 90 Degrees upwards or downwards; and the third the Parts of a Mile; and the same Table serves to shew how many howmany Minutes and Seconds are requisite to make one Degree of the Equinoctial, by supposing the second Column to be Degrees instead of Miles, and the third Column Seconds instead of Parts of a Mile. 'Tis true, there is a great Difference among Authors concerning the Circuit of the whole Earth, for Strabo and Hipparchus compute it at 31500 Miles; Eratosthenes at 31250 Miles; Possidonius and the antient Arabians at 30000 Miles; Ptolomy at 22500 Miles; and the latter Arabians at 25500 Miles: But I follow the Italians and Germans, who reckon the Earth to be 21600 Miles in Circumference; and having no leisure now to enquire into the Reasons, for these great Mathematicians so widely disagreeing in their Mensuration of the Earth, I shall only add, that the Instrument which I shall propose for finding out of the Longitude of Places, will likewise shew the Elevation of the Pole in any Degree of Latitude North or South, the Bearings of one Place from another, and the exact Hour of the Day either by Sea or Land; but in the mean time, my Reader must Pardon me, for not describing by a Figure the Form thereof, and in what manner I shall make my Projection good, since such a Discovery would set others to try the Experiment; therefore the World must have a little Patience, for since I have spent a great deal of Pains and Time, without taking any notice of Charges, in the Invention of the Instrument, it is but reasonable that the Inventor should have the Encouragement to be given, in case it answers what he proposes.

Science

Longitude to be found out with an Instrument, by Sea and Land, &c.

Longitude to be found out with a new invented instrument, both by sea and land [...]

SciB1722

I Am very Sensible of the Respect that is due to the Profession, and Character of the Author of the Letter against Inoculating the Small Pox; but am no less sensible of the Obligation I lye under to vindicate my own Reputation, which a violent Fit of Sickness hath hitherto hinder'd me from doing. And I can do it with the more Freedom, because I am conscious to my self, that I began this Practice in England with the same View to the Publick Good, with which, I hope, the Learned Author condemns it. I must take the Liberty to say, that allowing the Doctor's Abilities to be as great as possible in his own Profession, he seems not quite so well qualify'd to write upon this Subject; because of the Narrowness of his Experience (as far as appears by his Letter) and his partial Credulity, or Incredulity in Matters of Fact, which he takes from others; and lastly, because of strong Prejudices, which impose upon his most excellent Understanding; and draw him into Reasonings, which either are inconsequential, or conclude strongly for the Practice of Inoculation, which they are brought to overturn. All these, I believe, will appear very plain to any Impartial Reader, in the following Animadversions, in which I will endeavour to be as short as the subject will allow. The Letter pretends to be an Admonition to Physicians not to meddle in this Practice of Inoculation, 'till they are better ascertain'd, by Experience, of the success of it: At the same Time, it is a most warm Dissuasive, not only to Physicians, but to all Sorts of People, not to practise it at all; and consequently, to deprive them of all Possibility of coming by Experience. Would it not sound somewhat absurd, if any one should say to a young Physician, Pray, Sir, don't Practise 'till you have Experience? But it is still more so in this Case, because in a Practice that is entirely to be laid aside, you can neither have the Benefit of your own, nor other Peoples Experience. As to Physicians meddling with this Practice of Inoculation, I can only say, it may savour too much of Novelty to be bigotly zealous for it; and to much of a FacultyInterest to be so violent against it. Physicians cannot ingraft People against their own, or their Parents Consent; and a Physician would be out of his Duty, who should persuade them to it contrary to their Inclinations: On the other hand, If a Person, from the Experience of the Fatality of the Small Pox in general, or in his own Family in particular, should resolve to ingraft his Child, any Physician, who should dissuade him from it, might, in a great measure, be chargeable with the fatal Consequences of the Neglect of a Method, which the Parent had propos'd, as the only Means to safe his Child's Life: And he would be still as much to blame, if when the Parent had resolv'd to ingraft his Child, he should refuse to attend him. It is very common with Parents, not only to leave their Children in Houses infected with the Small Pox, but to bring them into the Room, where their Brethren or Sisters lye ill of them; and a Parent who does so, conveys the Infection to his Child as deliberately, and according to the Doctor, more certainly certainly more than he, who orders him to be Inoculated. Would it not then be equally, impertinent in the Physician to deny his Attendance in either Case? I must put the Doctor in Mind, that there are very few of the most useful Discoveries in Physick, that have not been strenuously oppos'd by many of the Faculty upon their first Appearance. There is extant a Decree of the College of Physicians at Paris, against the Use of Antimonial Vomits: It were easy to assign many Instances of the like Nature. As the Doctor is surpriz'd, that an Experiment, practis'd only by a few ignorant Women, amongst an illiterate and unthinking People, should on a Sudden, and upon a slender Experience, so far obtain in one of the Politest Nations in the World, as to be receiv'd into the Royal Palace. I hope he has not forgot, that the Practice of Curing Intermitting Fevers by the Bark, was introduc'd of a Sudden, by a barbarous Indian, if not into the Royal Family, into the Family of a Viceroy; and thence transmitted to us. Page 7.] The Blood of the English if we speak of it as National, is the Product of the richest Dyet , &c. Ergo, to bring 'em to a spare Dyet before they have the Small Pox, must be extremely dangerous and hurtful. This must be the Doctor's Conclusion: mine, I own, would be the direct contradictory. If the Inflammatory State of the Blood, arising from the Richness of the Dyet, makes the Small Pox in England very mortal; That Practice, which either takes the Advantage of a contrary State of the Blood, or by a Spare Dyet introduces it, must be beneficial. Page 8.] The finest, the most Volatile, and indeed, Insensible Particles of the Animal Juices, are the most penetrating, and consequently the most contagious. And for the same Reason, the most noxious: Does it follow therefore, To convey the Infection by the grosser and sensible Parts, must be extremely unfit and dangerous? I confess, I should have inferr'd the contrary. The Symptoms are more or less, and the Distemper appears in a greater, or a less Degree, according to the State of the Blood at the Time of Infection. Therefore the Practice of Inoculation is highly to be encouraged, because it either finds, or puts the Blood into a good State, before the Infection; seems to be a more natural Conclusion, than the contrary One. Page 10.] If we could be assur'd, that the Distemper would not be equally uncertain by Inoculation, according to the Nature of the Injected Matter, or the Disposition of the Fluids, in the Person who receives it; so that it would constantly prove of the mildest Kind, Inoculation would, no doubt, be a very rational and useful Practice. The Doctor surely will not affirm, that a Person Inoculated is equally uncertain of the Circumstances mention'd, with one who catches the Small Pox by the common Way of Infection. First, He may be assur'd, if the Inoculation takes Place, of the Time when he shall have the Small Pox. Secondly, That he has not the Infection by the insensible Particles, which the Doctor owns to be the most contagious; or which is near the same Thing, convey the Contagion the strongest. Thirdly, He may be as sure, as his Operator is careful, that he is infected by a favourable Kind. And, Fourthly, He may be much more sure of the Disposition of his Fluids, than a Person who catches them by Chance, after a Surfeit, or a Debauch: And after all this, he may be assur'd, if he has not absolute Certainty, (which, I believe, one has hardly in Blood-letting) that he has a much greater Probability to escape, which is sufficient Ground for human Prudence to act upon: If the Doctor will deny those Things, I think it is Folly to reason upon this Subject any longer: And if , as the Doctor says, Inoculation may be a more uncertain Method to give the Contagion, than that which Nature has pursu'd; it may be, notwithstanding that, much more safe. Page 11.] The very Choice that is made of a thick purulent Matter, to intermix immediately with the Blood, seems a little repugnant to our Reason, since we know, that the Particles have such a different Contexture, and such different Powers to Attract. It may proceed from my Ignorance, or Dulness, but, I confess, I do not easily apprehend the Meaning of this Sentence: Whether by the Particles he means the Particles of purulent Matter, or the Particles of Blood; or whether the Particles of purulent Matter have different attractive Powers, from those of the Blood, is not obvious from the Construction of the Sentence. I chuse rather to understand him in the last Sense, because he has afterwards very sagaciously discover'd, That the blended Particles of Blood with Blood, may, in all Reason, be thought more likely to unite, and less liable to raise Commotions. But it happens unluckily in the Case of Inoculation, the Design is to raise a Commotion; and the purulent Matter, for the Reason mention'd by him, is fittest for that Pupose; And his Observation, that purging Medicines injected into the Blood will Purge, does not prove, that the Pus of the Small Pox, mix'd with the Blood, may not raise the Small Pox. What he says in this Paragraph, as likewise in the following, concerning the Experiment of the Mangey Dog, proves, that Pus is a more proper Vehicle to convey Infection than Blood; I cannot find any more in it. Page 13.] It never came into the Heads of the Practitioners above-mention'd to raise Distempers by Art in a human Body. Then I will be bold to say, it never came into their Heads to practise Physick; which, consider'd in a true Light, is founded upon that single Principle of Curing Natural, by raising Artificial Diseases. What is Bleeding, but an artificial Hæmorrhagy; Purging, but raising an artifcial Diarrhæa? Does the Vomiting produc'd by a Surfeit, and that procur'd by a Medicine differ so much, as that the One must be call'd a Disease, and the Other not? Are not Blisters, Issues, and Setons, artificial Imposthumations? I hope he has not forgot the To pyr poiein of his great Master Hippocrates. The Wounds and Amputations of Surgeons, differ only from accidental Ones, by the Manner and Intention; Morbus est ille corporis status qui functiones Animales lædit: And it may be likewise observ'd, that Physicians produce those Diseases in their Patients often by Way of Prevention as well as Cure; and in this they do nothing but imitate Nature, which often attempts the Cure of one Disease by another. Page 14.] His next Argument is taken from the fatal Consequences of this very Matter it self returning into the Blood, in the very Height of the Small Pox, where there seldom is a full and sufficient Discharge by the Skin, &c. One would imagine, that the natural Inference from this, would be to the Advantage of Inoculation; For if there are terrible Symptoms, which arise from Want of a sufficient Discharge of the purulent Matter in the Small Pox; Inoculation, which provides for such a Discharge, by artificial Out-lets, must needs be useful; and seems more proper than the Blisters, which the Physicians apply on that Occasion. As to the fatal Consequences arising for Want of a sufficient Discharge upon the Skin, I am affraid the Case is quite different from what the Doctor represents; for the more Matter is discharg'd upon the Skin, the more is often return'd into the Blood; witness the confluent Kind of Small Pox, where the Discharge upon the Skin, as well as the Symptoms arising from the Return of the Matter into the Blood, are both the greatest: And I believe it will be found, the less the Discharge upon the Skin, the less will be the Danger from these Symptoms. The Doctor says, That one may always observe in this artificial Method (even where the Distemper is the fairest and most kindly) that the Pustules scarce ever plump up to that Degree, or contain so laudable a Matter, as they do in the natural Sort. Here is an odd Jumble of the Words always, scarce ever: Suppose for scarce ever one put seldom, then the Sentence runs thus; One may always observe the Pustules seldom plump up, &c. What happens but seldom, happens sometimes; and to observe always That not to happen, which happens sometimes, is odd, or oddly express'd. I would be glad to know how many Cases the Doctor has observ'd, to frame this so general a Proposition upon; of the contrary of which, Hundreds of Persons about this Town, who know the Disease perfectly, have been Eye-Witnesses. Page 16.] The Doctor foresees some Inconvenience that must happen, from those viscid Particles intermixing with the Blood, without undergoing the common alterations of Aliment. But they have that in common with the Volatile and most Insensible Particles. But then they are viscid, and therefore, (according to the Doctor's Reasoning) don't convey the Infection so strong: But they occasion great Disorders; Not so great as the Insensible and Volatile Particles. At last, they break through the Glands of the Skin: If only the small Quantity of purulent Matter, that mixes with the Blood, break thro' the Pores of the Skin, the Eruption, indeed, would be very small; But to cause an Eruption, is the very Intention of the Operation; the Small Pox cannot be produc'd without it: And if the Doctor still insists, that it is only like the Small Pox; all I can say is, If he had been pleas'd to attend Multitudes of Cases of Inoculated Persons, here and elsewhere in England, since this Practice began, he must have been convinc'd, that the Eruptions, produc'd by Inoculation, are the Genuine Small Pox. If his Arguments so far prevail, as to hinder any future Inoculation, he must for ever continue in his Mistake; If the Patient recovers, then it was only something like the Small Pox; If any one dies, then to be sure it was the Small Pox catch'd by Inoculation, and of the worst Sort. In this Paragraph it is no Small Pox; by and by, it is a Small Pox so bad, that it is capable of spreading the Small Pox through a whole City; and an artificial Way of depopulating a whole Country. This Way of Arguing is a very plain Proof of the strong Prejudices the Doctor lyes under; and that as he has taken up his Opinion early, he is resolv'd to defend it obstinately. Page 20.] The Inoculators are charg'd with Acting like Empirics, because they are not ascertain'd of the different Doses for Children and Adults. There does not seem to be any great Matter in this Nicety, by Experience, as it stands hitherto; a small Quantity will communicate the Small Pox, and a greater has been found not to do hurt in any one Instance. If the Inoculation is perform'd by Incision, the different Apertures will answer that Intention: However, there is a great Difference between recommending Caution, and forbidding the Practice: It is still more strange to forbid the Practice, 'till that is determin'd, which can only be found out by Practice. According to this Principle, it had been impossible ever to have found out any Thing in Medicine; for he that gave the first Dose of a Vomiting, or Purging Medicine, or of any other, could never be sure of the proper Dose; nay farther, according to this Doctrine, it is impossible to give any Body their first Dose of any Medicine: For who can tell what is the proper Dose for any particular Person, there being often Singularities in every one's Constitution? In all these Matters, Mankind generally govern themselves by common Sense, and strong Probabilities; there being no absolute Certainty in any human Affairs. Page 25.] The Doctor returns to his former Point, that it is not the Genuine Small Pox, and consequently no Security against that Disease. The Matters of Fact I will answer by themselves; all I shall say at present is, that if the Symptoms of the Ingrafted Small Pox are more mild, than those of the natural Sort, I hope the Doctor will not bring that as an Objection against the Practice. I believe the Patient, in this Case, has just as great Certainty for not having the Small Pox again, as any other Person who has had them; which is no absolute one. Those who are Infected by any Method, I believe, are much in the same Condition, as to their Security from the Disease for the future; for which, I will give the Doctor this one plain Proof, which is sufficient to establish a moral Certainty. This Practice of Inoculation has been continu'd for many Years in several Countries; if the Inoculated had been subject to catch the Small Pox a second Time, something of this Kind must have happen'd; and a very few Instances of this, must have put an End to the whole Practice: For can any one imagine, that People in their Senses would have continu'd a troublesome Experiment, which was not effectual for the Purpose for which it was design'd? I will take the Freedom to say, that this single Reflection is a stronger Proof of this Point, than all the Doctor's Doubts and Suggestions, who knows nothing to the contrary; as I shall shew by and by. May it not at least be aviseable to allow a Truce in the Dispute, 'till an uncontested Case of that Kind happens? Page 28.] But, Innoculation does not always take Place and produce the Disease: is Therefore the Practice to be left off? There are some Persons, who by a Speciality of their Constitutions, seem hardly susceptible of the Distemper; and others, who have had the Disease, but it has been mistaken, or forgot. They go farther in Turky, and affirm, that the very running Sores are a Security against the Small Pox. There may be, indeed, a strong Presumption, that Persons, who have had so severe a Tryal as Inoculation, may not be susceptible of the Distemper. Besides, there are several Incidents in performing the Operation, which may not be carefully attended to; if the Patient has not the Small Pox, there is little Hurt done. There are some, whom a very strong Dose of Physick will not purge: What then? must we never afterwards give a Purge? If the Doctor's Aphorism, laid down, Page 36, That an Experiment, to make it useful, always must be nearly uniform; there must be no such Thing as the Practice of Physick; unless by the Word nearly he allows a very great Latitude. I cannot allow it as a solid Argument against Inoculation, that the French and Italians have not begun it; no more, than that the House of Bourbon has never been Inoculated. Were the Doctor's Letter publish'd in Italian too, as it is in very elegant French, both Nations, to be sure, will be sufficiently frighten'd from ever attempting this Practice: And to make the Antidote still more universal, let us have it in Sclavonic and HighDutch, Welsh and Irish also. What the Doctor says, Page 44, of the Attention that is to be given to the natural Weaknesses of the Constitutions of the Persons Inoculated, is a very proper Caution; and perhaps Miscarriages, if any such there be, may be owing to the Neglect of it. But, as I hinted before, if the least ill Success, even in the most innocent Branches of the Practice of Physick, arising from Want of Care, or Skill, should be a perpetual Bar to the Repitition of them, People must leave off to Purge, Vomit, Bleed, or even to cut Corns, of which Operation several die in a Year within the Bills of Mortality. Page 45.] But it is possible, and even probable, the Matter of the Small Pox may communicate the Diseases of the People from which it is taken. This is hard! The Doctor will scarcely allow, that the Matter of the Small Pox will communicate the Small Pox; but it is probable, that it will communicate any other Disease. Que vive Thomas Diaphoinus, il n'a Jamais eté vaincu en dispute! How are we sure, that the Aliment, or Drugs, both for External and Internal Uses, don't communicate the Diseases; nay, the very natural Qualities of those Animals from which they are taken? I think, indeed, the Election of wholsome Subjects to Inoculate from, is a proper Caution; but the Doctor demands absolute Certainty, which cannot be found in any human Affair, and less still in any Medical or Chyrurgical Practice. Mankind in all those Matters govern themselves by the strongest Probabilities; and that these are on the Side of Inoculation, I shall plainly demonstrate. Page 51.] The Doctor's Argument from the jarring Opinions of the Innoculators; if all he says were true, is just as strong against the Practice of Physick in General: For if no Body was to take any Medicine 'till Doctors cease to differ, I believe the Faculty would starve: May we not with more Truth affirm, that the Anti-inoculators (a Word more sonorous, and longer by two Syllables than that of Inoculators) are as inconsistent and changeable in their Opinions? One while they asserted, that it was impossible to give the Small Pox by this Method; when Experience had convinc'd them, some of 'em at least, of the Untenableness of this Doctrine; then they allow'd, if it prov'd mortal, that it was the Small Pox; if they escaped, to be sure they would have them again; If it was a favourable Sort, then there was some inveterate Distemper transplanted with it; If any Boils or Imposthumations appear'd at the going off of the Disease, those were the Effect of the Inoculation, not the Consequence of the Small Pox in General, or of the Constitution of the Patient. These are certainly, not the Reasonings of ingenious and inquisitive Philosophers, but the Cavils of interested Disputants; and it would be ridiculous, for any Man to be determin'd by the jarring Opinions, either of the one Side or t'other. There is nothing material in the Way of Argumentation, 'till we come to Page 62. There this Practice is condemn'd, as it tends to propagate and continue an Infection in any Place: Here again it is the Small Pox; else why should it spread the Small Pox? I answer, if it be true, that the Generality of Mankind have the Small Pox; if they are rare in some Years, they must be rife in others; because a new Stock of Subjects susceptible of the Distemper is produc'd; and the Operation of this Distemper upon the Mass of Mankind in any particular Place, is nearly uniform. When this general Run of the Small Pox happens; I take it to be indifferent to the Mass of the Inhabitants of any Place in general, exept in this one particular, that when the Disease is produc'd by a bad Constitution of Air, as it is most Epidemical, so it is then most mortal. Now if this Distemper should happen to be propagated by an artficial Method in a favourable Season, would not this be rather an Advantage to Mankind than otherwise? For example, The Doctor alledgeth that hardly one of a hundred hath dy'd of the natural Sort this Year; would it not then have been highly profitable to Mankind, that a general Run of the Small Pox had happen'd in so favourable a Season; and this would still operate more strongly for the Benefit of Mankind, if not only the Season, but the Method of Propagation had ten to one of odds of producing a mild Sort. So that this Argument of the Doctor's has the Misfortune, with a great many of the rest, to prove the Contradictory of his Conclusion: But without taking the Advantage of the Doctor's hardy Assertion, that hardly one of a hundred have dy'd this Year of the Small Pox: I will examine it a little by Numbers. I have not all the Bills of Mortality by me, but by a small Specimen, the Accompt stands thus: Dy'd of all Diseases. Dy'd of the Small Pox. 1707. 21600 1707. 1078 21291 1687 21800 1024 24620 3138 19833 0915 21198 1943 21057 1614 26569 2810 22232 1057 24436 2427 23446 2211 1718. 26523 1718. 1884 274605 21788 By which it appears that the single Branch of Mortality occasion'd by the Small Pox is some Years 1/8 and in a Circle of twelve Years about 1/12 of the whole Mortality in general; For 21,788 is near 1/12 of 274,615. During this Term of Years, London wanted an Addition of near 22000 People yearly to keep it equally full. If all Mankind had the Small Pox, then 22000 People, one Year with another had it; of which 1/12 dy'd; If one half of Mankind had the Small Pox, then 1 out of 6, who had the Distemper, dy'd of it. Which, by the way, shows the Doctor to be out in his Calculation; for if only 1000 die this Year, as perhaps may appear by the Bills, 100,000 must have been sick of the Distemper, to make his Assertion true, that one only of a hundred dy'd: If he means it only of Children, it is a strong Argument for Inoculation, because it allows that to be a favourable Age. By the Bills of Mortality of Breslaw it appears, that the Mass of Mankind lose above 25 per Cent, before they are a Year old; that is, of a 100 that are born, more than 25 die that first Year: I may say with great Probability that not 1/9 of those have the Small Pox at all; but die of other Diseases; and that in the Account, as it stands before us 8 of 9 of Infants may be reckon'd neither Subjects of the Distemper, nor of this Practice, but as it were non-Entities. Therefore out of the 22000 People, the yearly Recruits of London abovemention'd, substracting 4000, there remains 18000, of which yearly there died above 1800 of the Small Pox; that is, 1/10: So that the Small Pox may be reckon'd to cut off 1/10 of Mankind above the Age of one Year. I wish the World is not malicious enough to say, that Physicians (like the Clergy) are now strugling for their Tenths. But to proceed, If, as I said, all Mankind above a Year old have the Distemper, 1 out of 10 dies of it; If one half, then 1 out of 5, which have the Distemper the natural way, dies of it: If 1/4 of Mankind have the Small Pox once in their Life, then of them 2 out of 15 die: If 5/6, then 3 out of 25, which have the Distemper, die of it. According to D. Nettleton's Calculation; out of 1245 who had the natural Small Pox in some Neighbouring Towns in Yorkshire there died 270, which is about 22 out of a hundred. As to the prudential Part of Inoculation, it is all one whether a greater or lesser Number have the Small Pox; for the Chance of not dying by the Small Pox the natural Way, is made up of the Chance of escaping the Distemper, and that of escaping in the Distemper. If 1/2 of Mankind have the Distemper, it is 1/2 of 1/5 or 1/10: If 3/4 of Mankind have the Distemper, then it is 1/4 X 2/15 or 6/60 or 1/10 &c. Still all Mankind must be consider'd with the Seeds of a Distemper within them, which has the Chance of 1 to 9 to cut them off. Then surely they don't merit such hard Names, of Homicides and Spreaders of Infection, who do but attempt to lessen the Dread and Danger of this terrible Pestilence. By the Accounts of the Inoculation in England and the Plantations, tho' it is an early Practice, and has not been manag'd with due Care and Circumspection; out of about 500 on whom it has been perform'd, the Enemies of the Practice have not produc'd the Names of above 3 Persons that have died; allowing their Deaths chargeable on this Practice, which I believe is not in Fact true: A Practice which brings the Mortality of the Small Pox from one in ten to one in a hundred, if it obtain'd universally would save to the City of London at least 1500 People yearly; and the same Odds wou'd be a sufficient prudential Motive to any private Person to proceed upon, abstracting from the more occult and abstruse Causes which seem to favour this Operation. It is a self evident Proposition, that a Person who receives the Infection by Inoculation, has a much fairer Chance for his Life, than he who takes it the natural Way; unless it can be affirmed, that the having the Election of all the Circomstances of the Disease, is of no manner of Advantage. For Example, it must be of some Benefit, to know that one is to have the Distemper nine or ten Dayes before it comes; rather than to be surpris'd, or perhaps mistaken in it. To have it at an Age when it is not so mortal: To take it when the Body is in a temperate and cool State, rather than in a contrary one: When the Constitution of the Air is favourable, rather than malignant: After a cool Dyet and other due Preparations, rather than after a Surfeit or a drunken Bout. For if the principal Strokes towards the Cure, are in the Regimen, in the Beginning of a Distemper; it must be still more so, in a Regimen before it begins. If the Doctor will deny these Truths, I have done. But if the having all the Circumstances abovemention'd in one's Power be of some Advantage, then the Practice of Inoculation cannot be hurtfull but beneficial to Mankind in general: Then why must an Experiment already practis'd with Success in another Country, that bids fair to save the Lives of Multitudes, be entirely laid aside and crush'd in the Bud? Cannot the learned Physicians, who so zealously oppose it, have a little Patience, and Time will clear up many Things in it, which perhaps may be now doubtful? Therefore since this Practice cannot be hurtful but beneficial to Mankind in general, it ought not to be discouraged. As to the Inconsistencies and Mistakes, the Doctor is pleas'd to charge me withall: I shall always be so ingenuous as to own such, as my Inadvertency or Want of Experience have subjected me to. What I wrote was according to the best Information or Experience I had at that Time. General Propositions, in practical Matters, are not to be understood in the Strictness of a Logical Universality. The Symptoms from which I exempted the Inoculated Small Pox, are to be understood in a Comparative Sense, with regard to those of the natural Sort; the Word usual will justify this Meaning, in which any Reader, not quite Captious, will interpret them. If with all these Restrictions I cannot be favourably understood, I beg Pardon; and as I said before, I shall be always willing to recant any Mistake. But as on the one hand, I study to keep myself free from Prejudices, so far as to be susceptible of any future Conviction, which may arise from Experience; so I wou'd not submit a Point already establish'd, to the silly Cavils of those who have none. I am sure, I am not mistaken in the Account of the Inoculation at Newgate; but the Doctor is. I referr the Reader to my printed Journal; whereby it appears, that the Operation was fairly and equally perform'd on all: And I can with great Truth, declare, that I had no Intention to make any Difference in the Incisions; nor was there, indeed, any made. The Doctor not having seen Evans, the Man who had had the Small Pox before, till next Day, when they were partly heal'd, this might occasion his Mistake. Nor was the Matter taken from a violent Flux-kind, but from a full distinct Coherent kind, and at the proper Time. Mrs. Tompions Boil (as he call's it) on her Arm; was not the same from the first Day of the Eruption; nor the only one she had: But was a fair, regular Pustule of the Small Pox, of which also she had others, if he had been pleas'd to examine. Alcock, who had the Goal-Distemper, had also 60 Pustules, at least, of the Genuine Small Pox; with a gentle Fever before the Eruption. As to all of them, having had but few Eruptions; I hope, that is no Objection against the Practice. And as to the Time and Manner of their Pustules going off; they were much the same, as in the gentler Sort of Small Pox: Only that Alcock opening his with a Pin, made them fall off sooner. The Doctor might have taken Notice, that Eliz. Harrison, who had them as gently, at least, as any of them; has been employ'd since in Nursing above 20 People in the Small Pox, and never has catch'd them: Which any impartial Person will judge to be a better Proof of the Genuinness of the Distemper, than all his Observations can evince to the contrary. As to Mr. H---n's Case, it is true. But the Inference is only, that there was one Person, on whom the Inoculation did not take place. I hope the Doctor has not forgot that he own'd to me that Mr. Colt's Children had the true Small Pox; tho' their Case differ'd in nothing from those in Newgate; but in the Degrees of the Distemper. As to the Experiment in St. Thomas's Hospital, after two vastly large Incisions, and an immoderate Quantity of the Matter applied applay'd ; three Days and Nights Confinement of the Patient to his Bed, without opening his Bandage, a warm Regimen, in a hot Season; I visited him, (to know the Truth of the Noise that was made) on the sixth Day after the Operation, and saw no Eruptions, nor had he any; nor were his Incisions digested: I took the Freedom to ask Doctor Wadsworth then present, whether the Sores (pointing at them) were like those he saw at Newgate? And he fairly own'd, he cou'd not say they were. I again saw this Patient a Week after, but still no Eruption; If any Eruptions happen'd between these Times, they could not be the Small Pox: And I believe, none who saw and attended both Experiments, can truly say, they were like those in Newgate. I own that it seem'd probable that the six Persons in Mr. Batt's Family might have catch'd the Small Pox of the Girl that was Inoculated; but it is well known that the Small Pox were rife not only at Hertford, but in several Villages round it, many Months before any Person was Inoculated there: Witness Mr. Dobb's House in Christ's Hospital Buildings, where he himself died of the worst Sort with Purples; and his Children had it. Some other Families there, and particularly Mrs. Moss's, where the above-named Elizabeth Harrison, Inoculated in Newgate, attended several Persons under it, to prove whether she would catch the Distemper by Infection; Both Latin BoardingSchools; Mr. Stout's and Mr. Loyd's Families; Mr. John Dimsdale's Coachman and his Wife; and Mr. Santoon's Maid-Servant, who was brought to the same House, and died of the Confluent kind of the Small Pox; I took Matter from the said Coachman to Inoculate Mr. Batt's Daughter in the Country Farm House, the first Ingrafted in that Country. After this I took Matter also from Mr. Stout's Maid-Servant to Inoculate Mrs. Heath's two Sons; which were all I Inoculated in that Town. Besides all these there were a great many more, whose Names I cannot at present call to mind both in Town and Country about it, who had the Small Pox, and several died of it, the Summer before I began this Practice: These are Matters of Fact, which the Doctor's Author cannot disprove. To charge then the Spreading the Infection and the Consequences of it, thro' that Town, upon two single Boys who were Inoculated in a Court in a manner separated from all the rest of the Town, which was fuller of the Small Pox before than after the Inoculation, is not agreeable to that Ingenuity which the Doctor seems to demand of his Adversaries. The case of Mr. De Grave's Daughter which fills up three or four Pages in the Letter, and upon which the Doctor lays the Foundation of his Hypothesis, the Reader may please to take from her Father's own Words in his Letter annex'd. From which it appears that the Girl had the Small Pox but once, of the favourable kind; and in all Probability by Inoculation. So far the Case is singular, that it did not take place till eleven Weeks after the Operation; and untill the Blood was put into a Ferment by violent Motion. Here the Doctor triumphs in his Dilemma, Either she had, or she had not the Small Pox by Inoculation; If the first, then it is plain Inoculation is no preventive of the Disease; If the second, the Experiment is good for nothing. I think in this way of Argumentation, to make it conclusive, there ought to be a perfect Enumeration; but here is a Third Case, and the real one, not enumerated; which is, that the Girl had the Small Pox, and that but once, by Inoculation; tho' not at the same Time when the Doctor lays the Scene of his Dilemma. But to consider the Second Branch; allowing that this Small Pox was the natural Sort, and not produc'd by Inoculation, of which, I think, the contrary is plain; sure it is a strange Inference to say, that because Inoculation has not taken Effect in one Subject, it is therefore good for nothing. The Doctor's excellent Judgment will instruct him to reason with more Temper and Solidity in other Matters of his Profession; and not make Use of his Aphorism, That one Instance is as good as a thousand in Matters of Experience. What the Doctor says of his Fears of a great Class of Hypothetical Diseases, is all vanish'd, and the Girl is very well. I refer the Doctor upon this Head of the Preventive Power of Inoculation, to the Letter which he lays so much Stress upon, from Boston; where his Ally in this Dispute owns, That not one of the Inoculated (being about three Hundred) during the Space of five or six Months, in a general Run of the Small Pox, has had the Small Pox the natural Way, as far as we know: But of this more afterwards. As for his second Story of Captain Hussart, it requires only a bare Reading to make it ridiculous; For no unprejudic'd Person of common Sense can believe that one, after having been Inoculated twice without any Effect, would try it a third Time: But after a third Time, to try it a fourth, fifth, and sixth Time, passeth all Degrees of Credibility. But it seems this Captain was not very certain, whether it was five or six Times; one Inoculation had quite slipt out of his Memory: he wanted one Quality, which the Proverb demands in some Sort of People. Since the Doctor can give Credit to this Story of Captain Hussart, and at the same Time question the Truth of what is said by eminent Physicians, who writ from their own and other Peoples Observations on the Spot, where Inoculation is practis'd daily; I appeal to my Readers, if I may not with Justice tax him of being partially Credulous or Incredulous, as Facts make for or against his Purpose. And with all due Respect to the Senate of Boston, I question whether a Bill, or an Hypothesis, founded upon such a Fact, is more extraordinary. But allowing it to be true, what is the Inference? That a Person, who could not catch the Small Pox by Inoculation, had them the natural Way: If that were granted, will it prove, that one who has the Small Pox by Inoculation, may afterwards have them the natural Way? If upon the same Authority, the Doctor can believe the Story of the Muscovite Dragoon, or the Inoculated Soldiers in the French Army; I wish him much Joy. I promise him I will not (like the Gentry who went in quest of St. Alban's Trough) ride twenty Miles to be able to disprove it. I should be glad to know, which Way the Doctor supports so bold an Assertion, That [Page 17] by the Account Dr. Nettleton gives, as also by the best Observation upon those who have been Inoculated in this City, scarcely a fourth Part of them have had a true and genuine Small Pox ; I have read over carefully Dr. Nettleton's Account, contain'd in his Letters printed in the Transactions of the Royal Society, No 370; and for my Life I cannot find any Thing to justify this Assertion; on the contrary he says, We have not yet found, that ever any had the Distemper twice, neither is there any Reason to suppose it possible; there being no Difference that can be observ'd betwixt the natural and artificial Sort, (if we may be allow'd to call them so) but only that in the latter the Pustules are commonly fewer in Number; and all the rest of the Symptoms are in the same Proportion more favourable. I hope there is at least as much Credit due to an ingenious Practitioner, who writes from a very extended Experience, as to one who writes for the most Part by Hearsay. As to those who have been Inoculated in London; to oppose my own, and other Persons Testimony from ocular Inspection, against his, who talks by Report, may seem perhaps too great Presumption. I therefore challenge the Doctor to name the Cases and Authorities whereby he supports such a wild Assertion. As to Mr. Sp------r's Case, I will not preoccupy my Reader with any Reflection; but refer him to the Matter of Fact here subjoin'd, as it is testify'd by the Surgeon and Apothecaries that attended him. As to the Case of Lord B------ts's Servant, I refer to the Account subjoin'd. He is just as much misinform'd of the Case of Lord F------s's Son, who had a favourable Sort of Small Pox, and was in no Danger of his Life; as the Physician who attended him will readily own. As to the unfortunate Accidents which have happen'd to some of the First Rank by this Ingrafting Method; if I guess right who he means, one of them is perfectly well without any unfortunate Accident; and the Imposthumation, which had no Dependance nor Communication with the Incision, is perfectly cur'd without any Exfoliation of the Bone, or any Hectic Fever. But it is hard to charge the common Accidents of the Small Pox in general, upon this Method in particular. It is no less a Misinformation, that the Children of a Nobleman, understood in his Letter, were Ingrafted from a bad Sort of Small Pox. As to what he says of the poorer Sort of People of Scotland, running about with the Small Pox upon them, without either Shoes or Stockings; the Doctor seems here to intend a Reflection, but I choose to avoid all Reflections, either National or Domestick. I believe the People of England, as well as those of Scotland, for the most Part, neither wear Shoes nor Stockings in the Small Pox: As to their Costum or Ability of running about, they are much in the same Condition, as they are here; some have them favourably, some otherwise, and every one has Conveniencies and Helps according to their Circumstances. As for the three Letters from Boston in New England, printed by Way of Appendix to the Doctor's, It might suffice to say, that they are only a severe, and perhaps a just Invective, against the Clergy and others, for meddling in this Branch of the Physicians Practice: Upon which Encroachment, some of the Faculty invoke the Vengeance of the Civil Magistrate; and threaten the Offenders, as Poisoners and Spreaders of Infection, with Prisons and Gibbet's: And if the Laws in being are somewhat deficient, modestly call, as some others have done, upon the Legislature for new Ones. This general Consideration is sufficient to invalidate the Credit of any Thing that is said by a Person so strongly interested: But so great is the Force of Truth, that it has extorted enough from this partial Complainant to justify the Practice, which he so bitterly inveighs against. For first he owns, that the whole Practice of Inoculation was manag'd by unskillful Persons; and that many who dy'd or suffer'd much under Inoculation, if they had had better Management, might have had better Fate. That the Practitioners neglected as trivial both the Advantages of a suitable Season, and a wellprepared Body; That they Inoculated all Ages and Constitutions from the Beginning; That they Inoculated Women with Child, and Hysterical People: And after all. They practis'd it at first with indifferent good Success: That it had been practis'd, since the Middle of June to the Date of his Letter, Dec. 20. upon above two hundred Subjects with various Success. He tells you in his second Letter, That they had at that Time the Experience of two or three Hundred Inoculated: And after all this, in all his three Letters, he gives you only two Letters of the Name of one Inoculated Person who dy'd, Mrs. D---l. He says at Random, that others dy'd of it, whom Time may bring to Light. Were the Bodies of those Inoculated Persons hid under Dunghills? Had they not Christian Burial? It is wondrous strange, that in a Place, where the Practitioners in Physick and the Magistrates both were against Inoculation, he could not come at the Knowledge of a Mortal Case but one, the Inoculated Mrs. D----l, who is trump'd up upon all Occasions: He says, many of the Inoculated suffer much, Page 2. What then? A Person that has the Small Pox, even in the gentlest Sort, must suffer, And at last, Page 10, he ingenuously acknowledges, That the Small Pox (acquir'd by Inoculation) is frequently more favourable than in the common Way, and not altogether so mortal. Secondly, That not one of the Inoculated during the Space of five or six Months has had the Small Pox in the natural Way, so far as we know; that is, of about three hundred People Inoculated, some of which, no doubt, had only those Eruptions, which they will not allow to be the genuine Small Pox; In a Time, when the whole Town and Country was an Hospital of People sick of the Distemper, and few Persons exempt from its Rage, for the Space of five or six Months, not so much as one had the Small Pox, for ought they knew: I say, if such a Case had happen'd, it is not probable it could have been conceal'd; and that this Acknowledgment from one, who is so zealous an Enemy to the Practice, is a stronger Proof of the Efficacy of it, for the Purpose intended, than all the Ifs and May-be's of this or any other Letter-Writer. It had been fair in this Gentleman to have given in the Numbers that dy'd of the natural Sort of Small Pox, during that Season; or to have stated the Case fairly between two or three Hundred sick of the natural Sort, and as many of the Inoculated Kind, both under the Care and Direction of unskillful and unexperienc'd People: And then, perhaps, as in the Inoculated Kind, he could instance, by Name, only One that dy'd; In the other Sort he would have been puzzled to find the Names of those who escap'd. But to this he will say, that the Inoculated Small Pox propagated the Mortality of the natural Sort. There is a full Answer given to this Objection of spreading Infection before. I think it is hard to exclude Men from the Means of securing themselves from a great Pestilence, upon a meer Suggestion: The Influence of the natural Small Pox upon Mankind, in any Place, in a Circle of Years, may be affirm'd to be uniform with strong Probability; and if the Air of any Place, in a contagious Season, is such, as renders the Distemper very mortal, it is a strong Motive for People to take the Advantage of a good Season, and secure themselves in Time from a Plague, which is so likely to destroy them: And if Prudence only were to be consulted, it would perhaps be much more the Duty of the Legislature to order, than to forbid this Practice. And no Doubt, according to the Acknowledgment of the Enemies of this Practice, they would, by this Method, diminish the Mortality, and encrease the Number of their People; and the Magistrate is forc'd often upon more arbitrary Proceedings in any Pestilence: But as that would seem too great an Encroachment upon the natural Rights of Mankind, I should not approve of it. But on the other Hand, it would be a most Tyrannical Encroachment upon the same Rights, to debar Mankind from the lawful Means of securing themselves from the Fear and Danger of so terrible a Plague. As for the particular Fætor, that, according to the Letter, attends the Sores of the Inoculated; it is much of a Piece with the Story of the Kentish Long-Tayls: It shews him to be an utter Stranger to the whole Practice; and makes one doubt, whether he ever saw a Case of Inoculation quite through. And the Pointing at the Inoculated in the Streets, is as great an Instance of Barbarity, as the other is of Ignorance. There is a Letter in Town from the Revd. Mr. Mather at Boston of a later Date, which has several remarkable Passages in it. The Distemper (meaning the Small Pox) has lately visited and ransacked the City of Boston; and in little more than half a Year, of about five thousand Persons, that have undergone it, near nine hundred have died. But how many Lives might have been sav'd, if our unhappy Physicians had not poison'd and bewitch'd our People with a blind Rage, that has appear'd, very like a Satanick Possession, against the Method of Relief and Safety in the way of the Small Pox Inoculated? I prevail'd with one Physician (and for it, I have had bloody Attempts made upon my Life by some of our Energumens) to introduce the Practice; and the Experiment has been made upon almost three hundred Subjects in our Neighbourhood, young and old, from one Year to seventy; weak and strong, Male and Female, white and black; in Midsummer, in Autumn and Winter: And it succeeds to Admiration. I cannot learn that any one has died of it, tho' the Experiment has been made under various and marvellous Disadvantages. Five or six have died upon it or after it; but from other Accidents. He mentions afterward that Cats had it; and takes notice of the same thing in Doctor Leigh's History of Lancashire ; and subjoins, That it was generally complain'd that Pigeon-Houses of the City continu'd unfruitful; and the Pigeons did not lay or hatch, as they us'd to do, all the while that the Small Pox was in its Epidemical Progress: And it is very strongly affirmed, that our Dunghill Fowl felt much of the like upon them. At last concludes; with the great Benefit they have found by Blisters early apply'd and continu'd in the natural Small Pox, and is sorry it was so late before they fell into this Way; but it has constantly prosper'd: I know not, says he, that it has once miscarried since we came into it. I refer the Reader to his Letter annex'd. It appears by this Letter, that somewhat more than one out of five, and less than one out of six died of the Distemper. And likewise, by the Effects mention'd upon Animals, that the general Contagion was owing to a bad Disposition of the Air; and not chargeable upon Inoculation. And lastly, notwithstanding the unfavourable Constitution of the Air, the Inoculated did well. I doubt not but the impartial Reader is now satisfy'd that this Practice of Inoculation may be still beneficial to Mankind, notwithstanding any thing that the Doctor has adduc'd to the contrary, either by way of Argument or Fact. And that by the same zealous Partiality, it had been easy to have crush'd any, the most useful Practice in Medicine in the Beginning. It is pretty remarkable, that in a Neighbouring Nation, where Agues are the best Branch of the Physicians Practice, the Use of the Bark has been, and is still in a great Measure, suppress'd by Methods not much unlike what are us'd against Inoculation; and indeed every one of the Doctor's Arguments would have concluded more strongly against the Use of the Cortex, than against this Practice. I will suppose any Stickler against the Bark to have reason'd thus in the Doctor's Strain. A Drug that has been only us'd among Slaves, an illiterate unthinking People, who have the Advantage of a warm Climate, and a Spare Dyet, is not fit to be immediately dispens'd to the English, whose Blood, speaking of it as National, is the Product of the Richest Dyet: Is it not plain by the Disease that it often leaves behind it, that it spoils the Constitution? Witness the Jaundice, Tumours of the Legs, and other Cachexies that are often subsequent upon it. Besides none but Empirics can give a Medicine of which they are not sure of the Dose; It is not plain that it will not answer the Design of preventing the Disease for the future? For notwithstanding the Use of this Drug, the Patient suffers many a Relapse. Besides there are not only one or two, but innumerable Instances of People who have died after the Use of it; and others, who have had a diseased Constitution all the rest of their Lives. The Dispensers of this Medicine disagree widely among themselves, both as to the Manner of its Operation and the Dose; Some give it in Tincture; some in Substance; some in greater, some in lesser Quantities, &c. In fine, there are three Letters from a Friend in New England, which inform me that many who have taken the Bark have suffer'd very much; and Mrs. D---l, who had taken great Quantities of it, actually died, &c. Tho' I have not my self made Use of this Medicine, nor seen much of the Effects of it; I am well assur'd, that not a fourth part of the Diseases it pretends to cure, are Genuine Agues: Before I had seen the Practice of this Medicine, I affirmed, that it is was impossible, it would cure an Ague; but I am willing to retract that Opinion, being convinc'd by an Experiment, that it does so sometimes. It were easy to carry this Parallel reasoning thro' the whole Letter, not only with equal, but more Strength in most Places. The Doctor, in appearing with so great Zeal against this Practice, is not the Representative of the whole Faculty. For there are many of them who from their Disinterestedness and Innate Love to Mankind, are willing, that an Experiment should go on, which, in Proportion to the Extensiveness of the Practice, must necessarily diminish the Mortality of the Small Pox in general: This is a candid, as well as decent Way of proceeding. At the same Time, I only blame the Author of the Letter, and those who take part with him, for their too early and strong Prejudices; being unwilling to Censure their Intentions, which I hope, are for the Good of Mankind, as well as my own. But there is still a stronger Dr. Massey's Sermon, Page 6. Objection against this Practice; That it is Unlawful, and first introduc'd by the Devil, who Ingrafted Job of the Confluent Sort of Small Pox. From useful Discoveries, there can always be drawn important Consequences. First, Hence learn we, that the Small Pox is an ancient Disease; for if it was convey'd to Job by some such Way as Inoculation, the Matter must have been taken from some Body Infected with the Distemper. Secondly, That Sydenham was not the first that began the cool Regimen; for Job sat down upon the Ashes in the open Air; his Friends saw him afar off. Thirdly, That his Friends were tardy, above three Weeks before they came to see him; for in the Genuine Confluent Kind of Small Pox, it will be that Time before they can be scraping with a Potsherd. Fourthly, Beloved, this confluent Sort of Small Pox were more gentle, to be sure, than the common natural Ones; for he seems neither to have had Delirium, sore Throat, nor Shortness of Breath; he talk'd distinctly and good Sense. Now here a Question ariseth, Whether an honest Man can do that which the Devil has done? I answer in the Affirmative; there are three things mention'd; of the Devil's Assembling himself (as in this Place) with the Sons of God; Believing, and Quoting of Scripture. All these Things a good Man may not only do, but is bound to do. I readily agree with this Reverend Divine, that if Inoculating the Small Pox be an unlawful Action, it cannot be justify'd by the Good which may ensue from it; but that it is unlawful, must be prov'd, either by some natural or positive Law: That this Reverend Gentleman has brought no such Proof, either from natural or reveal'd Religion, will appear plain upon a very short Review of his Discourse. Page 13.] He says he will attempt to prove, That Diseases are utterly unlawful to be inflicted by any who profess themselves Christians: He terms it very right; for it is an Attempt to Prove, and no more. By restraining the Prohibition to Christians, one would think, there was some positive Command in the Gospel against it; but he has brought none, which, by the most forc'd Construction, can prove Inoculation to be prohibited by the Christian Dispensation. I know of no Immorality that is forbid to a Christian, the Practice of which is allow'd to an Infidel. Indeed Morality is more clearly taught and more strongly enforc'd by Rewards and Punishments amongst us; but it does not change its Nature amongst the rest of Mankind. He does not wonder, that the Practice of Inoculation should obtain, where the Doctrine of Fatality is believ'd; but the Misfortune is, that the Matter of Fact is quite otherwise: For if he had carefully perus'd Dr. Wagstaffe's Discourse, which he so much commends , that would have inform'd him, That no Body pretends to give us an Instance of an Inoculated Turk. And why? Because their Belief of a Fatality makes them neglect very much the ordinary Helps of Medicine for perserving their Lifes. Page 14.] The Instances which he gives of Almighty God's having given a miraculous Power to Mankind to inflict Diseases for their Punishment, does not prove, that He has not given them an ordinary one for their Benefit. And his saying, [Pag.15] That no Man was ever yet condemn'd to an immediate Sickness, for Want of sufficient Authority; is, without any Proof. Diseases are External, and Internal Innal ; the Magistrate very often inflicts both: That Criminals are lawfully punish'd with the Mutilation of their Body, I suppose he will allow to be common. Is not that inflicting a Disease with a Witness? And are there not many Executions perform'd by Poison, which is inflicting an Internal mortal Disease? And here his own Argument turns upon him; for if Diseases are sent for the Punishment of our Sins, then it would seem to follow, that the Magistrate, who has a Power from God to punish our Crimes, has likewise a Power to inflict Diseases, for Sins that are manifest to him and all the World. The greater Power of inflicting Death, certainly includes the lesser in the Choice of the Means: If, for Example, there should be a Law made to punish the Inoculators with the Inoculation of some Disease, I fancy this Reverend Divine would not think it sinful or unreasonable. Page 16.] He spends a long Paragraph, to prove what no Body ever deny'd; That a Man cannot lawfully do all that is in his Power to do: And another as evident, That the Means, as well as the Intention, must be lawful; but these are only general Propositions: The Subsumption, that inflicting Diseases for a good Purpose is unlawful, is only suppos'd, not prov'd. Page 18.] He doubts whether the Life of Man be a Good or not. If the Life of Man is no Good, then, indeed, to act for the Preservation of it, is not to act for any good End; and consequently, not only this Practice, but all others in Medicine, and many other charitable Actions, must be given up. The rest of the Argument of this Paragraph, is grounded upon the Insufficiency of this Method for the Purpose intended. The Doctor might have remember'd, from his Exposition of his Text, Job had the Small Pox by Inoculation from the Devil, even of a favourable Sort; that he recover'd of them, and never had them again. But in this he must forgive me, if I put him in Mind, that he is out of his Sphere; and that notwithstanding his Professions to the contrary, he lays aside the Divine, and takes upon him the Physician. The Question here is, Whether giving a Disease with a good Intention, be in it self an unlawful Action. Page 20.] Another Argument is, That a Law which forbids the Evil, forbids also every thing that has a Tendency to it; therefore all causeless and voluntary Mutilations are forbid: And yet, notwithstanding this Law against Mutilation, more express than any against Inoculation, Surgeons cut off Peoples Limbs. Here the Intention hallows the Action, which is in itself expresly forbid; and which is more, I believe no Surgeon will affirm, that in all Cases, where Limbs are cut off, there is a direct Impossibility to save the Patient's Life otherwise; or that the Operation is always successful. A Surgeon who cuts a Person for the Stone, even if his Patient dies of the Operation, does not think he has committed a mortal Sin, in inflicting a mortal Disease; and yet the Patient perhaps might have liv'd many Years, and not dy'd of the Distemper at last. The Difference of the two Cases, the one being for Cure, the other for Prevention, does not change the State of the Question; which, in general Terms, is this, Whether Mankind have a Lawful Power of inflicting Diseases for good Purposes? A Person who has not had the Small Pox, may be very justly consider'd, as having the Seeds of a mortal Distemper within him; and the Dread of it is surely a Suffering, that will justify the Lawfulness of using Means, which have the greatest Probability of saving him from a Danger, which, for ought he knows, may be nearer and greater, than that of a Stone in the Bladder. Anxiety and Bodily Pain, don't differ so much, as to make an Action lawful in one Case, sinful in the other. Page 21.] But it seems it is a Tempting of Providence. And there is no great Difference between the Devil's Proposal to our Saviour, to cast himself down headlong, and that of Inoculation . It is wonderful, into what Absurdities, Zeal for an Opinion, will drive a Man, even to assert that there is no Difference between a Man's running into a Danger absolutely unnecessary, and from which nothing but a direct Miracle can save him; and a Venturing on a small Hazard to avoid a much greater. The Case put it as disadvantagiously as possible, more resembles that of a Person who leaps out of a Window for fear of Fire, and surely that can never be reckon'd a Mistrust of Providence, even if he did it before he was much in Danger; for no body can say that God Almighty may not save a Man from Fire in the ordinary Course of his Providence; And if a Person, who being prompted by his too early Fears had taken this Course, and lost his Life by the Fall; no body will arraign him of Self-murder: He might have done an imprudent, but not a sinful Action. The Parents who suffer their Children to converse with their infected Relations; which differs in no Moral Point from the Case of Inoculation, would think it very hard to be treated as Homicides or Murderers of their Children, when the very Action proceeds from, the contrary Principle, extreme Tenderness. Pag. 22.] In the former Page, it was a presumptuous Trust; in this, it is an intire Mistrust of Providence. He is sure to have the Inoculators some way or other. Pag. 23.] They cannot pray for a Blessing upon their Endeavours; because Prayer supposes the Use of lawful Means. I believe the contrary is true, for as a Person, who is Inoculated, puts himself more immediately into the Hands of God, if he has any Sense of Religion, cannot avoid praying for a Blessing upon the Means, which, to be sure, he thinks lawful, and has not yet been prov'd to be otherwise. Page 24.] His Argument to prove that Inoculation tends to promote Vice and Immorality Immortality is the most extraordinary of all. This it does, by taking off the Dread of the Small Pox, and consequently the Restraints of Sobriety that Mankind lie under upon that Account. This Reverend Gentleman has very justly found fault with one Maxim, to do Evil that Good may come of it: But he has establish'd one, just as dangerous in the room of it, not to do Good least Evil come of it. For if the Diminishing the Fear of Dying of Diseases catch'd by Irregularity, is an Evil, then an able Physician is a common Nuisance. We have reason to be thankful, that there are a sufficient Number left, who cannot be charg'd with being Encouragers of Vice and Immorality, upon this Score. This Principle in its full Extent would destroy all Works of Charity and Mercy; for the Hope of Forgiveness is an Encouragment to do Injuries; and the Hope of being reliev'd in Want is a Discouragement to Industry. I am touch'd with the devout Reflections upon Providence, that are all along spread thro' his Sermon, to which I subscribe with all my Heart; but I cannot so much commend the Distorting those great and solemn Truths of our Holy Religion to mantain little Party Interests and fashionable Opinions. The Text that is quoted Pag. 22. that the very Hairs of our Head are numbred; I take to be a stronger Argument against Periwigs and Shaving; than all that the Sermon contains against Inoculation: Our Hair of our Beards were given us for an Ornament by Providence, and it is known, that many have catch'd great Colds with mortal Diseases ensuing upon them by Shaving. Is not a Man answerable for all the bad Effects that follow upon an unwarrantable Action that contradicts the very Intention of Providence? The Peroration Page 29, is equal to any Piece of the whole Performance, Let the Atheist and the Scoffer, the Heathen and the Unbeliever disclaim a Dependance upon Providence: Let them Inoculate and be Inoculated , &c. I think this clinches the whole Matter; and this Reverend Gentleman has furnish'd us with a new, sensible and religious Test, an Atheist or Infidel can be found out, as a Witch, by the Marks upon his Body: And that, as it has been intimated already, that the Devil was the first Inoculator; I think, it is not impossible that the next zealous Preacher upon this Subject may prove the Cicatrices of Inoculation to be the Mark of the Beast. Thus it appears, that the Doctors Position, of the Unlawfulness of inflicting Diseases for good Purposes, is groundless, and contrary to the common Usages of Mankind. I have been oblig'd to be the more particular in answering this Sermon, because the Charge in it against the Inoculators, is heavier than that in the Letter, in as much as Immorality is a greater Fault than bad Practice in Physick. From all that I have said, I will draw this one Conclusion; that there does not appear as yet any Objection of Weight enough to stop the Progress of the Practice of Inoculation. But if upon future Trials, it should be found that the Inconveniencies do overballance the Advantages of it; I shall then be as ready to condemn, as I am now to justify it.

Science

Mr. Maitland's Account of INOCULATING THE Small Pox Vindicated, &c.

Mr. Maitland's account of inoculating the small pox vindicated [...]

SciB1735

I. WHEN I read your Defence of the British Mathematicians, I could not, Sir, but admire your Courage in asserting with such undoubting Assurance things so easily disproved. This to me seemed unaccountable, till I reflected on what you say (p. 32.) when upon my having appealed to every thinking Reader, whether it be possible to frame any clear Conception of Fluxions, you express yourself in the following manner, "Pray, Sir, who are those thinking Readers you ap peal to? Are they Geometricians, or Persons wholly ignorant of Geometry? If the former, I leave it to them: If the latter, I ask how well are they qualified to judge of the Method of Fluxions"? It must be acknowledged you seem by this Dilemma secure in the favour of one Part of your Readers, and the ignorance of the other. I am nevertheless persuaded there are fair and candid Men among the Mathematicians. And for those who are not Mathematicians, I shall endeavour so to unveil this Mystery, and put the Controversy between us in such a Light, as that every Reader of ordinary Sense and Reflection may be a competent Judge thereof. II. "YOU express an extreme Surprize and Concern, that I should take so much Pains to depreciate one of the noblest Sciences, to disparage and traduce a Set of learned Men, whose Labours so greatly conduce to the Honour of this Island, (p. 5.) to lessen the Reputation and Authority of Sir Isaac Newton and his Followers, by shewing that they are not such Masters of Reason as they are generally presumed to be; and to depreciate the Science they profess, by demonstrating to the World, that it is not of that Clearness and Certainty as is commonly imagined. All which, you insist, appears very strange to you and the rest of that famous University, who plainly see of how great Use Mathematical Learning is to Mankind." Hence you take occasion to declaim on the Usefulness of Mathematics in the several Branches, and then to redouble your Surprize and Amazement (p. 19. and 20.). To all which Declamation I reply, that it is quite beside the Purpose. For I allow, and always have allowed, its full claim of Merit to whatever is useful and true in the Mathematics: But that which is not so, the less it employs Men's time and thoughts, the better. And after all you have said or can say, I believe the unprejudiced Reader will think with me, that things obscure are not therefore sacred; and that it is no more a Crime to canvass and detect unsound Principles or false Reasonings in Mathematics, than in any other Part of Learning. III. YOU are, it seems, much at a loss to understand the Usefulness or Tendency or Prudence of my Attempt. I thought I had sufficiently explained this in the Analyst. But for your further Satisfaction shall here tell you, it is very well known, that several Persons who deride Faith and Mysteries in Religion, admit the Doctrine of Fluxions for true and certain. Now if it be shewn that Fluxions are really most incomprehensible Mysteries, and that those, who believe them to be clear and scientific, do entertain an implicite Faith in the Author of that Method; will not this furnish a fair Argumentum ad Hominem against Men, who reject that very thing in Religion which they admit in human Learning? And is it not a proper Way to abate the Pride, and discredit the Pretensions of those, who insist upon clear Ideas in Points of Faith, if it be shewn that they do without them even in Science? IV. AS to my timeing this Charge; why now and not before, since I had published Hints thereof many Years ago? Surely I am obliged to give no Account of this: If what hath been said in the Analyst be not sufficient; suppose that I had not Leisure, or that I did not think it expedient, or that I had no Mind to it. When a Man thinks fit to publish any Thing, either in Mathematics, or in any other Part of Learning; what avails it, or indeed what Right hath any one to ask, why at this or that Time; in this or that Manner; upon this or that Motive? Let the Reader judge, if it suffice not, that what I publish is true, and that I have a Right to publish such Truths, when and how I please, in a free Country. V. I DO not say, that Mathematicians, as such, are Infidels; or that Geometry is a Friend to Infidelity; which you untruly insinuate, as you do many other Things; whence you raise Topics for invective: But I say there are certain Mathematicians, who are known to be so; and that there are others, who are not Mathematicians, who are influenced by a Regard for their Authority. Some, perhaps, who live in the University, may not be apprised of this; but the intelligent and observing Reader, who lives in the World, and is acquainted with the Humour of the Times, and the Characters of Men, is well aware, there are too many that deride Mysteries, and yet admire Fluxions; who yield that Faith to a mere Mortal, which they deny to Jesus Christ, whose Religion they make it their Study and Business to discredit. The owning this is not to own, that Men who reason well, are Enemies to Religion, as you would represent it: On the contrary, I endeavour to shew, that such Men are defective in Point of Reason and Judgment, and that they do the very Thing they would seem to despise. VI. THERE are, I make no doubt, among the Mathematicians many sincere Believers in Jesus Christ; I know several such my self; but I addressed my Analyst to an Infidel; and on very good Grounds, I supposed that besides him, there were other Deriders of Faith, who had nevertheless a profound Veneration for Fluxions; and I was willing to set forth the Inconsistence of such Men. If there be no such Thing as Infidels, who pretend to Knowledge in the modern Analysis, I own my self misinformed, and shall gladly be found in a Mistake; but even in that Case, my Remarks upon Fluxions are not the less true; nor will it follow, that I have no Right to examine them on the Foot of humane Science, even though Religion were quite unconcerned, and though I had no End to serve but Truth. But you are very angry (P. 13 and 14.) that I should enter the Lists with reasoning Infidels, and attack them upon their Pretensions to Science: And hence you take Occasion to shew your Spleen against the Clergy. I will not take upon me to say, that I know you to be a Minute Philosopher your self: But I know, the Minute Philosophers make just such Compliments as you do to our Church, and are just as angry, as you can be, at any who undertake to defend Religion by Reason. If we resolve all into Faith, they laugh at us and our Faith: And if we attempt to Reason, they are angry at us: They pretend we go out of our Province, and they recommend to us a blind implicite Faith. Such is the Inconsistence of our Adversaries. But it is to be hoped, there will never be wanting Men to deal with them at their own Weapons; and to shew, they are by no Means those Masters of Reason, which they would fain pass for. VII. I DO not say, as you would represent me, that we have no better Reason for our Religion, than you have for Fluxions: But I say, that an Infidel, who believes the Doctrine of Fluxions, acts a very inconsistent Part, in pretending to reject the Christian Religion, because he cannot believe what he doth not comprehend; or because he cannot assent without Evidence; or because he cannot submit his Faith to Authority. Whether there are such Infidels, I submit to the Judgment of the Reader. For my own Part I make no Doubt of it, having seen some shrewd Signs thereof my self, and having been very credibly informed thereof by others. Nor doth this Charge seem the less credible, for your being so sensibly touched, and denying it with so much Passion. You, indeed, do not stick to affirm, that the persons, who informed me are a pack of base, profligate, and impudent liars, (P. 27.) How far the Reader will think fit to adopt your passions, I cannot say; but I can truly say, the late celebrated Mr. Addison is one of the persons, whom you are pleased to characterize in those modest and mannerly terms. He assured me that the Infidelity of a certain noted Mathematician, still living, was one principal reason assigned by a witty man of those times for his being an Infidel. Not, that I imagine Geometry disposeth Men to Infidelity; but that from other causes, such as Presumption, Ignorance, or Vanity, like other Men, Geometricians also become Infidels, and that the supposed light and evidence of their Science gains credit to their Infidelity. VIII. "YOU reproach me with Calumny, detraction and artifice (P. 15.) You recommend such means as are innocent and just, rather than the criminal method of lessening or detracting from my opponents (ibid.) You accuse me of the Odium Theologicum, the intemperate Zeal of Divines, that I do stare super vias antiquas ," (P. 13) with much more to the same effect. For all which charge I depend on the reader's candour, that he will not take your word, but read and judge for himself. In which case he will be able to discern (though he should be no Mathematician) how passionate and unjust your reproaches are, and how possible it is for a Man to cry out against Calumny and practise it in the same breath. Considering how impatient all Mankind are when their prejudices are looked into, I do not wonder to see you rail and rage at the rate you do. But if your own Imagination be strongly shocked and moved, you cannot therefore conclude, that a sincere endeavour to free a science, so useful and ornamental to Humane Life, from those subtilties, obscurities, and paradoxes, which render it inaccessible to most Men, will be thought a criminal undertaking by such as are in their right Mind. Much less can you hope that an illustrious seminary of Learned Men, which hath produced so many free-spirited inquirers after Truth, will at once enter into your passions, and degenerate into a nest of Bigots. IX. I OBSERVE upon the Inconsistency of certain Infidel Analysts. I remark some defects in the principles of the modern Analysis. I take the liberty decently to dissent from Sir Isaac Newton. I propose some helps to abridge the trouble of Mathematical Studies, and render them more useful. What is there in all this, that should make you declaim on the usefulness of practical Mathematics? that should move you to cry out Spain, Inquisition, Odium Theologicum? By what figure of Speech, do you extend, what is said of the modern Analysis, to Mathematics in general, or what is said of Mathematical Infidels to all Mathematicians, or the confuting an errour in Science to burning or hanging the Authors? But it is nothing new or strange, that Men should choose to indulge their passions, rather than quit their opinions how absurd soever. Hence the frightful visions and tragical uproars of Bigotted Men, be the Subject of their Bigotry what it will. A very remarkable instance of this you give (P. 27.) where, upon my having said that a deference to certain Mathematical Infidels, as I was credibly informed, had been one motive to Infidelity, you ask with no small emotion, "For God's sake are we in England or in Spain? Is this the language of a Familiar who is whispering an Inquisitor, &c." And, the page before, you exclaim in the following Words; "Let us burn or hang up all the Mathematicians in Great Britain, or halloo the mob upon them to tear them to pieces every Mother's Son of them, Tros Rutulusve fuat, Laymen or Clergymen, &c. Let us dig up the bodies of Dr. Barrow and Sir Isaac Newton, and burn them under the Gallows. X. THE Reader need not be a Mathematician, to see how vain all this Tragedy of yours is. And if he be as thoroughly satisfied as I am, that the cause of Fluxions cannot be defended by reason, he will be as little surprised as I am, to see you betake your self to the arts of all bigotted men, raising terror, and calling in the passions to your assistance. Whether those Rhetorical flourishes about the Inquisition and the Gallows are not quite ridiculous, I leave to be determined by the Reader. Who will also judge (though he should not be skilled in Geometry) whether I have given the least grounds for this and a World of such like declamation? and whether I have not constantly treated those celebrated Writers, with all proper respect, though I take the liberty in certain points to differ from them? XI. AS I heartily abhor an Inquisition in Faith, so I think you have no right to erect one in Science. At the time of writing your defence, you seem to have been overcome with Passion: But now you may be supposed cool, I desire you to reflect whether it be not wrote in the true spirit of an Inquisitor? Whether this becomes a Person so exceeding delicate himself upon that Point? And whether your Brethren the Analysts will think themselves honoured or obliged by you, for having defended their Doctrine, in the same manner as any declaiming Bigot would defend Transubstantiation? The same false colours, the same intemperate Sallies, and the same Indignation against common Sense! XII. IN a matter of mere Science, where authority hath nothing to do, you constantly endeavour to overbear me with authorities, and load me with envy. If I see a Sophism in the writings of a great Author, and, in compliment to his understanding, suspect he could hardly be quite satisfy'd with his own demonstration: This sets you on declaiming for several pages. It is pompously set forth, as a criminal method of detracting from great men, as a concerted project to lessen their reputation, as making them pass for impostors. If I publish my free thoughts, which I have as much right to publish as any other man, it is imputed to rash ness and vanity and the love of opposition. Though perhaps my late publication, of what had been hinted twenty five years ago, may acquit me of this charge in the eyes of an impartial Reader. But when I consider the perplexities that beset a man, who undertakes to defend the doctrine of Fluxions, I can easily forgive your anger. XIII. TWO sorts of learned men there are; one, who candidly seek Truth by rational means. These are never averse to have their principles looked into, and examined by the test of Reason. Another sort there is, who learn by route a set of principles and a way of thinking which happen to be in vogue. These betray themselves by their anger and surprise, whenever their principles are freely canvassed. But you must not expect, that your Reader will make himself a party to your passions or your prejudices. I freely own that Sir Isaac Newton hath shew'd himself an extraordinary Mathematician, a profound Naturalist, a Person of the greatest Abilities and Erudition. Thus far I can readily go, but I cannot go the lengths that you do. I shall never say of him as you do, Vestigia pronus adoro , (p. 70.) This same adoration that you pay to him, I will pay only to Truth. XIV. YOU may, indeed, your self be an Idolator of whom you please: But then you have no right to insult and exclaim at other men, because they do not adore your Idol. Great as Sir Isaac Newton was, I think he hath, on more occasions than one, shew'd himself not to be infallible. Particularly, his demonstration of the Doctrine of Fluxions I take to be defective, and I cannot help thinking that he was not quite pleased with it himself. And yet this doth not hinder but the method may be useful, considered as an art of Invention. You, who are a Mathematician, must acknowledge, there have been divers such methods admitted in Mathematics, which are not demonstrative. Such, for instance, are the Inductions of Doctor Wallis in his Arithmetic of Infinites, and such, what Harriot and, after him, Descartes have wrote concerning the roots of affected Æquations. It will not, nevertheless, thence follow that those methods are useless; but only, that they are not to be allowed of as Premisses in a strict Demonstration. XV. NO great Name upon earth shall ever make me accept things obscure for clear, or Sophisms for Demonstrations. Nor may you ever hope to deter me from freely speaking what I freely think, by those arguments ab invidia which at every turn you employ against me. You represent your self (P. 52.) as a man, whose highest Ambition is in the lowest degree to imitate Sir Isaac Newton. . It might, perhaps, have suited better with your appellation of Philalethes , and been altogether as laudable, if your highest ambition had been to discover Truth. Very consistently with the character you give of your self, you speak of it as a sort of crime (P. 70.) to think it possible, you should ever see further, or go beyond Sir Isaac Newton. And I am persuaded you speak the Sentiments of many more besides your self. But there are others who are not afraid to sift the Principles of human Science, who think it no honour to imitate the greatest man in his Defects, who even think it no crime to desire to know, not only beyond Sir Isaac Newton, but beyond all Mankind. And whoever thinks otherwise, I appeal to the Reader, whether he can properly be called a Philosopher. XVI. BECAUSE I am not guilty of your mean Idolatry, you inveigh against me as a person conceited of my own Abilities; not considering that a person of less Abilities may know more on a certain point than one of greater; not considering that a purblind eye, in a close and narrow view, may discern more of a thing, than a much better eye in a more extensive prospect; not considering that this is to fix a ne plus ultra, to put a stop to all future inquiries; Lastly, not considering that this is in fact, so much as in you lies, converting the Republick of Letters into an absolute Monarchy, that it is even introducing a kind of Philosophic Popery among a free People. XVII. I HAVE said (and I venture still to say) that a Fluxion is incomprehensible: That second, third, and fourth Fluxions are yet more incomprehensible: That it is not possible to conceive a simple Infinitesimal, that it is yet less possible to conceive an Infinitesimal of an Infinitesimal, and so onward. Analyst, Sect. 4. 5,6,&c. What have you to say in answer to this? Do you attempt to clear up the notion of a Fluxion or a Difference? Nothing like it; "you only assure me (upon your bare word) from your own experience, and that of several others whom you could name, that the Doctrine of Fluxions may be clearly conceived and distinctly comprehended; and that if I am puzzled about it and do not understand it, yet others do". But can you think, Sir, I shall take your word when I refuse to take your Master's? XVIII. UPON this point every Reader of common sense may judge as well as the most profound Mathematician. The simple apprehension of a thing defined is not made more perfect by any subsequent progress in Mathematics. What any man evidently knows, he knows as well as you or Sir Isaac Newton. And every one can know whether the object of this method be (as you would have us think) clearly conceivable. To judge of this, no depth of Science is requisite, but only a bare attention to what passes in his own mind. And the same is to be understood of all definitions in all Sciences whatsoever. In none of which can be supposed, that a man of Sense and Spirit will take any definition or principle upon trust, without sifting it to the bottom, and trying how far he can or he cannot conceive it. This is the course I have taken and shall take, however you and your Brethren may declaim against it, and place it in the most invidious Light. XIX. IT is usual with you to admonish me to look over a second time, to consult, examine, weigh the words of Sir Isaac. In answer to which I will venture to say, that I have taken as much pains as (I sincerely believe) any man living, to understand that great Author, and to make sense of his principles. No industry nor caution nor attention, I assure you, have been wanting on my part. So that, if I do not understand him, it is not my fault but my misfortune. Upon other subjects you are pleased to compliment me with depth of thought and uncommon abilities, (P. 5. and 84.) But I freely own, I have no pretence to those things. The only advantage I pretend to, is that I have always thought and judged for my self. And, as I never had a master in Mathematics, so I fairly followed the dictates of my own mind in examining, and censuring the authors I read upon that subject, with the same freedom that I used upon any other; taking nothing upon trust, and believing that no writer was infallible. And a man of moderate parts, who takes this painful course in studying the principles of any Science, may be supposed to walk more surely than those of greater abilities, who set out with more speed and less care. XX. WHAT I insist on is, that the idea of a Fluxion, simply considered, is not at all improved or amended by any progress, though ever so great, in the Analysis: neither are the demonstrations of the general rules of that method at all cleared up by applying them. The reason of which is, because in operating or calculating, men do not return to contemplate the original principles of the method, which they constantly presuppose, but are employed in working, by notes and symbols, denoting the Fluxions supposed to have been at first explained, and according to rules supposed to have been at first demonstrated. This I say to encourage those, who are not far gone in these Studies, to use intrepidly their own judgment, without a blind or a mean deference to the best of Mathematicians, who are no more qualify'd than they are, to judge of the simple apprehension, or the evidence of what is delivered in the first elements of the method; men by further and frequent use or exercise becoming only more accustomed to the symbols and rules, which doth not make either the foregoing notions more clear, or the foregoing proofs more perfect. Every Reader of common sense, that will but use his faculties, knows as well as the most profound Analyst what idea he frames or can frame of Velocity without motion, or of motion without extension, of magnitude which is neither finite nor infinite, or of a quantity having no magnitude which is yet divisible, of a figure where there is no space, of pro portion between nothings, or of a real product from nothing multiplied by something. He need not be far gone in Geometry to know, that obscure principles are not to be admitted in Demonstration: That if a man destroys his own Hypothesis, he at the same time destroys what was built upon it: That error in the premises, not rectified, must produce error in the conclusion. XXI. IN my opinion the greatest men have their Prejudices. Men learn the elements of Science from others: And every learner hath a deference more or less to authority, especially the young learners, few of that kind caring to dwell long upon principles, but inclining rather to take them upon trust: And things early admitted by repetition become familiar: And this familiarity at length passeth for Evidence. Now to me it seems, there are certain points tacitly admitted by Mathematicians, which are neither evident nor true. And such points or principles ever mixing with their reasoning do lead them into paradoxes and perplexities. If the great author of the fluxionary method was early imbued with such notions, it would only shew he was a man. And if by virtue of some latent error in his principles a man be drawn into fallacious reasonings, it is nothing strange that he should take them for true: And, nevertheless, if, when urged by perplexities and uncouth consequences, and driven to arts and shifts, he should entertain some doubt thereof, it is no more than, one may naturally suppose, might befall a great genius grappling with an insuperable difficulty: Which is the light in which I have placed Sir Isaac Newton Analyst, Sect. xviij. Hereupon you are pleased to remark, that I represent the great author not only as a weak but an ill man, as a Deceiver and an Impostor. The Reader will judge how justly. XXII. AS to the rest of your colourings and glosses, your reproaches and insults and outcries, I shall pass them over, only desiring the Reader not to take your word, but read what I have written, and he will want no other answer. It hath been often observed that the worst cause produceth the greatest clamour, and indeed you are so clamorous throughout your defence that the Reader, although he should be no Mathematician, provided he understands common sense and hath observed the ways of men, will be apt to suspect you are in the wrong. It should seem, therefore, that your Brethren the Analysts are but little obliged to you, for this new method of declaiming in Mathematics. Whether they are more obliged by your Reasoning I shall now examine. XXIII. YOU ask me (p. 32.) where I find Sir Isaac Newton using such expressions as the Velocities of Velocities, the second, third, and fourth Velocities, &c. This you set forth as a pious fraud and unfair representation. I answer, that if according to Sir Isaac Newton a Fluxion be the velocity of an increment, then according to him I may call the Fluxion of a Fluxion the Velocity of a Velocity. But for the truth of the antecedent see his introduction to the Quadrature of Curves, where his own words are, motuum velincrementorum velocitates nominando Fluxiones . See also the second Lemma of the second Book of his mathematical principles of natural Philosophy, where he expresseth himself in the following manner, velocitates incrementorum ac decrementorum, quas etiam, motus, mutationes & fluxiones quantitatum nominare licet . And that he admits Fluxions of Fluxions, or second, third, fourth Fluxions, &c. see his Treatise of the Quadrature of the Curves. I ask now, Is it not plain, that if a Fluxion be a Velocity, then the Fluxion of a Fluxion may agreeably thereunto be called the Velocity of a Velocity? In like manner if by a Fluxion is meant a nascent augment, will it not then follow, that the Fluxion of a Fluxion, or second Fluxion is the nascent augment of a nascent augment? Can any thing be plainer? Let the Reader now judge who is unfair. XXIV. I HAD observed, that the Great Author had proceeded illegitimately, in obtaining the Fluxion or moment of the Rectangle of two flowing quantities; and that he did not fairly get rid of the Rectangle of the moments. In answer to this you alledge, that the error arising from the omission of such rectangle (allowing it to be an error) is so small that it is insignificant. This you dwell upon and examplify to no other purpose, but to amuse your Reader and mislead him from the Question; which in truth is not concerning the accuracy of computing or measuring in practice, but concerning the accuracy of the reasoning in science. That this was really the case, and that the smallness of the practical error no wise concerns it, must be so plain to any one who reads the Analyst, that I wonder how you could be ignorant of it. XXV. YOU would fain persuade your Reader, that I make an absurd quarrel against errors of no significancy in practice, and represent Mathematicians as proceeding blindfold in their approximations; in all which I cannot help thinking there is on your part either great ignorance or great disingenuity. If you mean to defend the reasonableness and use of approximations, or of the method of Indivisibles, I have nothing to say. But then you must remember this is not the Doctrine of Fluxions: It is none of that Analysis with which I am concerned. That I am far from quarrelling at approximations in Geometry is manifest from the thirty third and fifty third Queries in the Analyst. And that the method of Fluxions pretends to somewhat more than the method of Indivisibles is plain; because Sir Isaac disclaims this method as not Geometrical. See the Scholium at the end of the first Section, Lib. 1. Phil. Nat. Princip. Math. And that the method of Fluxions is supposed accurate in Geometrical rigour is manifest, to whoever considers what the Great Author writes about it; especially in his Introduction to the Quadrature of Curves, where he saith In rebus mathematicis errores quam minimi non sunt contemnendi. Which expression you have seen quoted in the Analyst, and yet you seem ignorant thereof, and indeed, of the very End and Design of the Great Author in this his invention of Fluxions. XXVI. AS oft as you talk of finite quantities inconsiderable in practice, Sir Isaac disowns your apology. Cave , saith he, intellexeris finitas . And although Quantities less than sensible may be of no account in practice, yet none of your masters, nor will even you yourself venture to say, they are of no account in Theory and in Reasoning. The application in gross practice is not the point questioned, but the rigour and justness of the reasoning. And it is evident that, be the subject ever so little, or ever so inconsiderable, this doth not hinder but that a person treating thereof may commit very great errors in Logic, which Logical errors are in no wise to be measured by the sensible or practical inconveniences thence arising, which, perchance, may be none at all. It must be owned, that after you have mislead and amused your less qualified Reader (as you call him) you return to the real point in controversy, and set your self to justifie Sir Isaac's method of getting rid of the abovementioned Rectangle. And here I must intreat the Reader to observe how fairly you proceed. XXVII. FIRST then you affirm (P. 44.) "that, neither in the Demonstration of the Rule for finding the Fluxion of the rectangle of two flowing quantities, nor in any thing preceding or following it, is any mention so much as once made of the increment of the rectangle of such flowing quantities." Now I affirm the direct contrary. For in the very passage by you quoted in this same page, from the first case of the second lemma of the second Book of Sir Isaac's Principles, beginning with Rectangulum quodvis motu perpetuo auctum, and ending with igitur laterum incrementis totis a et b generatur rectanguli incrementum a B x b A Q. E. D.. In this very passage, I say, is express mention made of the increment of such rectangle. As this is matter of fact, I refer it to the Reader's own eyes. Of what rectangle have we here the Increment? Is it not plainly of that whose sides have a and b for their Incrementa tota, that is of AB? Let any Reader judge whether it be not plain from the words, the sense, and the context, that the Great Author in the end of his demonstration understands his incrementum as belonging to the Rectangulum quodvis at the beginning. Is not the same also evident from the very Lemma it self prefixed to the Demonstration? The sense whereof is (as the Author there explains it) that if the moments of the flowing quantities A and B are called a and b, then the momentum vel mutatio geniti rectanguli AB will be aB x bA. Either therefore the conclusion of the demonstration is not the thing which was to be demonstrated, or the rectanguli incrementum formula belongs to the rectangle AB. XXVIII. ALL this is so plain that nothing can be more so; and yet you would fain perplex this case by distinguishing between an increment and a moment. But it is evident to every one, who has any notion of Demonstration, that the incrementum in the Conclusion must be the momentum in the Lemma; and to suppose it otherwise is no credit to the Author. It is in effect supposing him to be one who did not know what he would demonstrate. But let us hear Sir Isaac's own words: Earum (quantitatum scilicet fluentium) incrementa vel decrementa momentanea sub nomine momentorum intelligo . And you observe your self that he useth the word moment to signify either an increment or decrement. Hence, with an intention to puzzle me, you propose the increment and decrement of AB, and ask which of these I would call the moment? The case, you say, is difficult. My answer is very plain and easy, to wit, Either of them. You, indeed, make a different answer, and from the Author's saying that, by a moment he understands either the momentaneous increment or decrement of the flowing quantities, you would have us conclude, by a very wonderful inference, that his moment is neither the increment nor decrement thereof. Would it not be as good an inference, Because a number is either odd or even, to conclude it is neither? Can any one make sense of this? Or can even your self hope that this will go down with the Reader, how little soever qualified? It must be owned, you endeavour to obtrude this inference on him, rather by mirth and humour than by reasoning. You are merry, I say, and (P. 46.) represent the two mathematical quantities as pleading their rights, as tossing up cross and pile, as disputing amicably. You talk of their claiming preference, their agreeing, their boyishness and their gravity. And after this ingenious disgression you address me in the following words. Believe me there is no remedy, you must acquiesce. But my answer is, that I will neither believe you nor acquiesce; there is plain remedy in common sense; and, to prevent surprise, I desire the Reader always to keep the controverted point in view, to examine your reasons, and be cautious how he takes your word, but most of all when you are positive or eloquent or merry. XXIX. A PAGE or two after, you very candidly represent your case to be that of an Ass between two bottles of hay; it is your own expression. The cause of your perplexity is, that you know not whether the velocity of AB increasing or of AB decreasing is to esteemed the Fluxion, or proportional to the moment of the rectangle. My opinion, agreeably to what hath been premised, is that either may be deemed the Fluxion. But you tell us (P. 49.) "that you think, the venerable ghost of Sir Isaac Newton whispers you, The Velocity you seek for is neither the one nor the other of these, but is the velocity which the flowing rectangle hath, not while it is greater or less than AB, but at that very instant of time that it is AB." For my part, in the rectangle AB considered simply in it self, without either increasing or diminishing, I can conceive no velocity at all. And if the Reader is of my mind, he will not take either your word, or even the word of a Ghost, how venerable soever, for velocity without motion. You proceed and tell us that, in like manner, the moment of the rectangle is neither its increment nor decrement. This you would have us believe on the authority of his Ghost, in direct opposition to what Sir Isaac himself asserted when alive. In crementa (saith he) vel decrementa momentanea sub nomine momentorum intelligo: ita ut incrementa pro momentis addititiis seu affirmativis, ac decrementa pro subductitiis seu negativis habeantur . Princip. Phil. Nat. Lib. II Lem. II. I will not in your style bid the Reader believe me, but believe his eyes. XXX. TO me it verily seems, that you have undertaken the defence of what you do not understand. To mend the matter, you say, "you do not consider AB as lying at either extremity of the moment, but as extended to the middle of it; as having acquired the one half of the moment, and as being about to acquire the other; or, as having lost one half of it, and being about to lose the other." Now, in the name of Truth, I intreat you to tell what this moment is, to the middle whereof the rectangle is extended? This moment, I say, which is acquired, which is lost, which is cut in two, or distinguished into halfs? Is it a finite quantity, or an infinitesimal, or a mere limit, or nothing at all? Take it in what sense you will, I cannot make your defence either consistent or intelligible. For if you take it in either of the two former senses, you contradict Sir Isaac Newton. And if you take it in either of the latter, you contradict common sense; it being plain, that what hath no magnitude, or is no quantity, cannot be divided. And here I must intreat the Reader to preserve his full freedom of mind intire, and not weakly suffer his judgment to be overborn by your imagination and your prejudices, by great names and authorities, by Ghosts and Visions, and above all by that extreme satisfaction and complacency with which you utter your strange conceits; if words without a meaning may be called so. After having given this unintelligible account, you ask with your accustomed air, "What say you, Sir? Is this a just and legitimate reason for Sir Isaac's proceeding as he did? I think you must acknowledge it to be so." But alas! I acknowledge no such thing. I find no sense or reason in what you say. Let the Reader find it if he can. XXXI. IN the next Place (P. 50.) you charge me with want of caution. "Inasmuch (say you) as that quantity which Sir Isaac Newton through his whole Lemma, and all the several Cases of it, constantly calls a Moment, without confining it to be either an increment or decrement is by you inconsiderately and arbitrarily, and without any Shadow of of Reason Reasou given, supposed and determined to be an increment." To which Charge I reply that it is untrue as it is peremptory. For that, in the foregoing citation from the first case of Sir Isaac's Lemma, he expresly determines it to be an Increment. And as this particular Instance of Passage was that which I objected to, it was reasonable and proper for me to consider the Moment in that same Light. But take it increment or decrement as you will, the Objections still lie, and the Difficulties are equally insuperable. You then proceed to extoll the great Author of the fluxionary Method, and to bestow some Brusqueries upon those who unadvisedly dare to differ from him. To all which I shall give no answer. XXXII. AFTERWARDS to remove (as you say) all Scruple and Difficulty about this affair, you observe that the Moment of the Rectangle determined by Sir Isaac Newton, and the Increment of the Rectangle determined by me, are perfectly and exactly equal, supposing a and b to be diminished ad infinitum: and for proof of this, you refer to the first Lemma of the first Section of the first Book of Sir Isaac's Principles. I answer, that if a and b are real quantities, then ab is something, and consequently makes a real difference: but if they are nothing, then the Rectangles whereof they are coefficients become nothing likewise: and consequently the momentum or incrementum , whether Sir Isaac's or mine, are in that Case nothing at all. As for the abovementioned Lemma, which you refer to, and which you wish I had consulted sooner, both for my own sake and for yours; I tell you I had long since consulted and considered it. But I very much doubt whether you have sufficiently considered that Lemma, its Demonstration, and its Consequences. For, however that way of reasoning may do in the Method of exhaustions, where quantities less than assignable are regarded as nothing; yet for a Fluxionist writing about momentums, to argue that quantities must be equal because they have no assignable difference, seems the most injudicious Step that could be taken: it is directly demolishing the very Doctrine you would defend. For it will thence follow, that all homogeneous momentums are equal, and consequently the velocities, mutations, or fluxions proportional thereto, are all likewise equal. There is, therefore, only one proportion of equality throughout, which at once overthrows the whole System you undertake to defend. Your moments (I say) not being themselves assignable quantities, their differences cannot be assignable: and if this be true, by that way of reasoning it will follow, they are all equal, upon which Supposition you cannot make one Step in the Method of Fluxions. It appears from hence, how unjustly you blame me (P. 32.) for omitting to give any Account of that first Section of the first Book of the Principia, wherein (you say) the Foundation of the Method of Fluxions is geometrically demonstrated and largely explained, and difficulties and objections against it are clearly solved. All which is so far from being true, that the very first and fundamental Lemma of that Section is incompatible with, and subversive of the doctrine of Fluxions. And, indeed, who sees not that a Demonstration ad absurdum more veterum proceeding on a Supposition, that every difference must be some given quantity, cannot be admitted in, or consist with, a method, wherein Quantities, less than any given, are supposed really to exist, and be capable of division? XXXIII. THE next point you undertake to defend is that method for obtaining a rule to find the Fluxion of any Power of a flowing Quantity, which is delivered in the introduction to the Quadratures, and considered in the Analyst. Sect. 13,14, &c. And here the question between us is, whether I have rightly represented the sense of those words, evanescant jam augmenta illa , in rendering them, let the increments vanish, i.e. let the increments be nothing, or let there be no increments? This you deny, but, as your manner is, instead of giving a reason you declaim. I, on the contrary affirm, the increments must be understood to be quite gone and absolutely nothing at all. My reason is, because without that supposition you can never bring the quantity or expression formula &c. down to formula , the very thing aimed at by supposing the evanescence. Say whether this be not the truth of the case? Whether the former expression is not to be reduced to the latter? And whether this can possibly be done so long as o is supposed a real Quantity? I cannot indeed say you are scrupulous about your affirmations, and yet I believe that even you will not affirm this; it being most evident, that the product of two real quantities is something real; and that nothing real can be rejected either according to the akribeia of Geometry, or according to Sir Isaac's own principles; for the truth of which I appeal to all who know any thing of these matters. Further by evanescent must either be meant, let them (the increments) vanish and become nothing, in the obvious sense, or else let them become infinitely small. But that this latter is not Sir Isaac's sense is evident from his own words in the very same page, that is, in the last of the Introduction to his Quadratures, where he expressly saith volui ostendere quod in methodo Fluxionum non opus sit figuras infinitè parvas in Geometriam introducere. Upon the whole, you seem to have considered this affair so very superficially, as greatly to confirm me in the opinion, you are so angry with, to wit, that Sir Isaac's followers are much more eager in applying his method, than accurate in examining his principles. You raise a dust about evanescent augments which may perhaps amuse and amaze your Reader, but I am much mistaken if it ever instructs or enlightens him. For, to come to the point, those evanescent augments either are real quantities, or they are not. If you say they are; I desire to know, how you get rid of the rejectaneous quantity? If you say they are not; you instead get rid of those quantities in the composition whereof they are coefficients; but then you are of the same opinion with me, "which opinion you are pleased to call (P. 58.) a most palpable, inexcusable, and unpardonable blunder, although it be a Truth most palpably evident". XXXIV. NOTHING, I say, can be plainer to any impartial Reader, than that by the Evanescence of augments, in the above cited passage, Sir Isaac means their being actually reduced to nothing. But to put it out of all doubt, that this is the truth, and to convince even you, who shew so little disposition to be convinced, I desire you to look into his Analysis per æquationes infinitas (P. 20.) where, in his preparation for demonstrating the first rule for the squaring of simple Curves, you will find that on a parallel occasion, speaking of an augment which is supposed to vanish, he interprets the word evanescere by esse nihil. Nothing can be plainer than this, which at once destroys your defence. And yet, plain as it is, I despair of making you acknowledge it; though I am sure you feel it, and the Reader if he useth his eyes must see it. The words Evanescere sive esse nihil do (to use your own expression) stare us in the face. Lo! "This is what you call (P. 56.) so great, so unaccountable, so horrid, so truly Bœotian a blunder" that, according to you, it was not possible Sir Isaac Newton could be guilty of it. For the future, I advise you to be more sparing of hard words: Since, as you incautiously deal them about, they may chance to light on your friends as well as your adversaries. As for my part, I shall not retaliate. It is sufficient to say you are mistaken, But I can easily pardon your mistakes. Though, indeed, you tell me on this very occasion, that I must expect no quarter from Sir Isaac's followers. And I tell you that I neither expect nor desire any. My aim is truth. My reasons I have given. Confute them, if you can. But think not to overbear me either with authorities or harsh words. The latter will recoil upon your selves: The former in a matter of science are of no weight with indifferent Readers; and as for Bigots, I am not concerned about what they say or think. XXXV. IN the next place you proceed to declaim upon the following passage taken from the seventeenth section of the Analyst. "Considering the various arts and devices used by the great author of the fluxionary method: In how many lights he placeth his Fluxions: and in what different ways he attempts to demonstrate the same point: One would be inclined to think, he was himself suspicious of the justness of his own demonstrations." This passage you complain of as very hard usage of Sir Isaac Newton. You declaim copiously, and endeavour to shew that placing the same point in various lights is of great use to explain it; which you illustrate with much Rhetoric. But the fault of that passage is not the hard usage it contains: But on the contrary, that it is too modest, and not so full and expressive of my sense, as perhaps it should have been. Would you like it better if I should say, the various inconsistent accounts, which this great author gives of his momentums and his fluxions, may convince every intelligent Reader that he had no clear and steady notions of them, without which there can be no demonstration? I own frankly that I see no clearness or consistence in them. You tell me indeed, in Miltonic verse, that the fault is in my own eyes, So thick a drop serene has quench'd their orbs, Or dim Suffusion veil'd. At the same time you acknowledge your self obliged for those various lights, which have enabled you to understand his Doc trine. But as for me who do not understand it, you insult me, saying: "For God's sake what is it you are offended at, who do not still understand him"? May not I answer, that I am offended for this very reason; because I cannot understand him or make sense of what he says? You say to me, that I am all in the dark. I acknowledge it, and intreat you who see so clearly, to help me out. XXXVI. YOU, Sir, with the bright eyes, be pleased to tell me, whether Sir Isaac's momentum be a finite quantity, or an infinitesimal, or a mere limit? If you say, a finite quantity: Be pleased to reconcile this with what he says in the Scholium of the second Lemma of the first Section of the first book of his Principles: Cave intelligas quantitates magnitudine determinatas, sed cogita semper diminnuendas sine limite If you say, an infinitesimal: reconcile this with what is said in the Introduction to his Quadratures: Volui ostendere quod in methodo Fluxionum non opus sit figuras infinitè parvas in Geometriam introducere. If you should say, it is a mere limit, be pleased to reconcile this with what we find in the first case of the second Lemma in the second book of his principles: Ubi de lateribus A et B deerant momentorum dimidia, &c. where the moments are supposed to be divided. I should be very glad, a person of such luminous intellect would be so good as to explain, whether by Fluxions we are to understand the nascent or evanescent quantities themselves, or their motions, or their Velocities, or simply their proportions: and having interpreted them in what sense you will, that you would then condescend to explain the Doctrine of second, third, and fourth Fluxions, and shew it to be consistent with common sense if you can. You seem to be very sanguine when you express your self in the following terms. "I do assure you, Sir, from my own Experience, and that of many others whom I could name, that the Doctrine may be clearly conceived and distinctly comprehended" (p. 31.) And it may be uncivil not to believe what you so solemnly affirm, from your own experience. But I must needs own, I should be better satisfied of this, if, instead of entertaining us with your Rhetoric, you would vouchsafe to reconcile those difficulties, and explain those obscure points abovementioned. If either you, or any one of those many whom you could name, will but explain to others what you so clearly conceive your selves, I give you my word that several will be obliged to you who, I may venture to say, understand those matters no more than my self. But, if I am not much mistaken, you and your friends will modestly decline this task. XXXVII. I HAVE long ago done what you so often exhort me to do, diligently read and considered the several accounts of this Doctrine given by the great Author in different parts of his writings: and upon the whole I could never make it out to be consistent and intelligible. I was even led to say, "that one would be inclined to think , He was himself suspicious of the justness of his own demonstrations: and that he was not enough pleased with any one Notion steadily to adhere to it." After which I added, "Thus much is plain that he owned himself satisfied concerning certain points, which nevertheless he could not undertake to demonstrate to others." See the seventeenth section of the Analyst. It is one thing when a Doctrine is placed in various lights: and another, when the principles and notions are shifted. When new devices are introduced and substituted for others, a Doctrine instead of being illustrated may be explained away. Whether there be not something of this in the present case I appeal to the writings of the Great Author. His methodus rationum primarum et ultimarum , His second Lemma in the second book of his principles, his Introduction and Treatise of the Quadrature of the Curves. In all which it appears to me, there is not one uniform doctrine explained and carried throughout the whole, but rather sundry inconsistent accounts of this new Method, which still grows more dark and confused the more it is handled: I could not help thinking, the greatest genius might lie under the influence of false principles; and where the object and notions were exceeding obscure, he might possibly distrust even his own demonstrations. "At least thus much seemed plain, that Sir Isaac had sometime owned himself satisfied, where he could not demonstrate to others. In proof whereof I mentioned his letter to Mr. Collins; Hereupon you tell me: there is a great deal of difference between saying, I cannot undertake to prove a thing, and I will not undertake it." But in answer to this, I desire you will be pleased to consider, that I was not making a precise extract out of that letter, in which the very words of Sir Isaac should alone be inserted. But I made my own remark and inference, from what I remembred to have read in that letter; where, speaking of a certain Mathematical matter, Sir Isaac expresseth himself, in the following terms. "It is plain to me by the fountain I draw it from; though I will not undertake to prove it to others." Now whether my inference may not be fairly drawn from those words of Sir Isaac Newton; and whether the difference as to the sense be so great between will and can in that particular case, I leave to be determined by the Reader. XXXVIII. IN the next paragraph you talk big, but prove nothing. You speak of driving out of intrenchments, of fallying and attacking and carrying by assault; of slight and untenable words, of a new-raised and undisciplined militia, and of veteran regular troops. Need the Reader be a Mathematician to see the vanity of this paragraph? After this you employ (P. 65) your usual colouring, and represent the great Author of the method of Fluxions "as a Good old Gentleman fast asleep, and snoring in his easy chair; while dame Fortune is bringing him her apron full of beautiful theorems and problems, which he never knows or thinks of." This you would have pass for a consequence of my notions. But I appeal to all those who are ever so little knowing in such matters, whether there are not divers fountains of Experiment, Induction, and Analogy, whence a man may derive and satisfy himself concerning the truth of many points in Mathematics and Mechanical Philosophy, although the proofs thereof afforded by the modern Analyst should not amount to demonstration? I further appeal to the conscience of all the most profound Mathematicians, whether they can, with perfect acquiescence of mind free from all scruple, apply any proposition merely upon the strength of a Demonstration involving second or third Fluxions, without the aid of any such experiment or analogy or collateral proof whatsoever? Lastly, I appeal to the Reader's own heart, whether he cannot clearly conceive a medium between being fast asleep and demonstrating? But you will have it, that I represent Sir Isaac's Conclusions as coming out right, because one error is compensated by another contrary and equal error, which perhaps he never knew himself nor thought of: that by a twofold mistake he arrives though not at science yet at Truth: that he proceeds blindfold, &c. All which is untruly said by you, who have misapplied to Sir Isaac what was intended for the Marquis de l' Hospital and his fol lowers, for no other end (as I can see) but that you may have an opportunity to draw that ingenious portraiture of Sir Isaac Newton and Dame Fortune, as will be manifest to whoever whoevet reads the Analyst. XXXIX. YOU tell me (p. 70), if I think fit to persist in asserting, "that this affair of a double error is entirely a new discovery of my own, which Sir Isaac and his followers never knew nor thought of, that you have unquestionable evidence to convince me of the contrary, and that all his followers are already apprised, that this very objection of mine was long since foreseen, and clearly and fully removed by Sir Isaac Newton in the first section of the first book of his Principia". All which I do as strongly deny as you affirm. And I do aver, that this is an unquestionable proof of the matchless contempt which you, Philalethes , have for Truth. And I do here publickly call upon you, to produce that evidence which you pretend to have, and to make good that fact which you do so confidently affirm. And, at the same time, I do assure the Reader that you never will, nor can. XL. IF you defend Sir Isaac's notions as delivered in his Principia, it must be on the rigorous foot of rejecting nothing, neither admitting nor casting away infinitely small quantities. If you defend the Marquis, whom you also stile your Master, it must be on the foot of admitting that there are infinitesimals, that may be rejected, that they are nevertheless real quantities, and themselves infinitely subdivisible. But you seem to have grown giddy with passion, and in the heat of controversy to have mistaken and forgot your part. I beseech you, Sir, to consider, that the Marquis (whom alone, and not Sir Isaac this double error in finding the subtangent doth concern) rejects indeed infinitesimals, but not on the foot that you do, to wit, their being inconsiderable in practical Geometry or mixed Mathematics. But he rejects them in the accuracy of Speculative Knowledge: in which respect there may be great Logical errors, although there should be no sensible mistake in practice: which, it seems, is what you cannot comprehend. He rejects them likewise in virtue of a Postulatum, which I venture to call rejecting them without ceremony. And though he inferreth a conclusion accurately true, yet he doth it, contrary to the rules of Logic, from inac curate and false premises. And how this comes about, I have at large explained in the Analyst, and shewed in that particular case of Tangents, that the Rejectaneous Quantity might have been a finite quantity of any given magnitude, and yet the conclusion have come out exactly the same way; and consequently, that the truth of this method doth not depend on the reason assigned by the Marquis, to wit, the postulatum for throwing away Infinitesimals; and therefore that he and his followers acted blindfold, as not knowing the true reason for the conclusion's coming out accurately right, which I shew to have been the effect of a double error. XLI. THIS is the truth of the matter, which you shamefully misrepresent and declaim upon, to no sort of purpose but to amuse and mislead your Reader. For which conduct of yours throughout your remarks, you will pardon me if I cannot otherwise account, than from a secret hope that the reader of your defence would never read the Analyst. If he doth, He cannot but see what an admirable Method you take to defend your cause: How instead of justifying the Reasoning, the Logic or the Theory of the case specified, which is the real point, you discourse of sensible and practical errors: And how all this is a manifest imposition upon the Reader. He must needs see that I have expresly said, "I have no controversy except only about your Logic and method: that I consider how you demonstrate; what objects you are conversant about; and whether you conceive them clearly? That I have often expressed my self to the same effect, desiring the Reader to remember, that I am only concerned about the way of coming at your theorems, whether it be legitimate or illegitimate, clear or obscure, scientific or tentative: That I have on this very occasion, to prevent all possibility of mistake, repeated and insisted that I consider the Geometrical Analyst as a Logician, i.e. so far forth as he reasons and argues; and his mathematical conclusions not in themselves but in their premises; not as true or false, useful or insignificant, but as derived from such principles, and by such inferences". Analyst, Sect. XX. You affirm (and indeed what can you not affirm?) that the difference between the true subtangent and that found without any compensation is absolutely nothing at all. I profess my self of a contrary opini on. My reason is because nothing cannot be divided into parts. But this difference is capable of being divided into any, or into more than any given number of parts; For the truth of which consult the Marquis de l' Hospital. And, be the error in fact or in practice ever so small, it will not thence follow that the error in Reasoning, which is what I am alone concerned about, is one whit the less, it being evident that a man may reason most absurdly about the minutest things. XLII. PRAY answer me fairly, once for all, whether it be your opinion that whatsoever is little and inconsiderable enough to be rejected without inconvenience in practice, the same may in like manner be safely rejected and overlooked in Theory and Demonstration. If you say no, it will then follow, that all you have been saying here and elsewhere, about yards and inches and decimal fractions, setting forth and insisting on the extreme smallness of the rejectaneous quantity, is quite foreign to the argument, and only a piece of skill to impose upon your Reader. If you say yes, it follows that you then give up at once all the orders of Fluxions and Infinitesimal Differences; and so most imprudently turn all your sallies and attacks and Veterans to your own overthrow. If the Reader is of my mind, he will despair of ever seeing you get clear of this Dilemma. The points in controversy have been so often and so distinctly noted in the Analyst, that I very much wonder how you could mistake if you had no mind to mistake. It is very plain, if you are in earnest, that you neither understand me nor your Masters. And what shall we think of other ordinary Analysts, when it shall be found that even you, who, like a Champion step forth to defend their principles, have not considered them. XLIII. THE impartial Reader is intreated to remark throughout your whole performance, how confident you are in asserting, and withall how modest in proving or explaining: How frequent it is with you to employ Figures and Tropes instead of Reasons: How many difficulties proposed in the Analyst are discreetly overlooked by you, and what strange work you make with the rest: How grosly you mistake and misrepresent, and how little you practise the advice which you so liberally bestow. Believe me, Sir, I had long and maturely considered the principles of the modern Analysis, before I ventured to publish my thoughts thereupon in the Analyst. And since the publication thereof, I have my self freely conversed with Mathematicians of all ranks, and some of the ablest Professors, as well as made it my business to be informed of the Opinions of others, being very desirous to hear what could be said towards clearing my difficulties or answering my objections. But though you are not afraid or ashamed to represent the Analysts as very clear and uniform in their Conception of these matters, yet I do solemnly affirm (and several of themselves know it to be true) that I found no harmony or agreement among them, but the reverse thereof, the greatest dissonance, and even contrariety of Opinions, employed to explain what after all seemed inexplicable. XLIV. SOME fly to proportions between nothings. Some reject quantities because infinitesimal. Others allow only finite quantities, and reject them because inconsiderable. Others place the method of Fluxions on a foot with that of Exhaustions, and admit nothing new therein. Some maintain the clear conception of Fluxions. Others hold they can demonstrate about things incomprehensible. Some would prove the Algorism of Fluxions by reductio ad absurdum; others a priori . Some hold the evanescent increments to be real quantities, some to be nothings, some to be limits. As many Men, so many minds: Each differing one from another, and all from Sir Isaac Newton. Some plead inaccurate expressions in the great Author, whereby they would draw him to speak their sense, not considering that if he meant as they do, he could not want words to express his meaning. Others are magisterial and positive, say they are satisfied, and that is all, not considering that we, who deny Sir Isaac Newton's Authority, shall not submit to that of his Disciples. Some insist, that the Conclusions are true, and therefore the principles, not considering what hath been largely said in the Analyst Sect. XIX, XX. &c. on that head. Lastly several (and those none of the meanest) frankly owned the objections to be unanswerable. All which I mention by way of Antidote to your false Colours: and that the unprejudiced Inquirer after Truth may see, it is not without foundation, that I call on the celebrated Mathematicians of the present Age to clear up these obscure Analytics, and concur in giving to the publick some consistent and intelligible account of the principles of their great Master: which if they do not, I believe the World will take it for granted that they cannot. XLV. HAVING gone through your Defence of the British Mathematicians, I find in the next place, that you attack me on a point of Metaphysics, with what success the Reader will determine. I had upon another Occasion many years ago wrote against Abstract general Ideas. Introduction to a Treatise concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge, printed in the Year MDCCX. In opposition to which, you declare your self to adhere to the vulgar opinion, that neither Geometry nor any other general Science can subsist without general Ideas. (P. 74.) This implies that I hold there are no general Ideas. But I hold the direct contrary, that there are indeed general Ideas, but not formed by abstraction in the manner set forth by Mr. Locke. To me it is plain, there is no consistent Idea, the likeness whereof may not really exist. Whatsoever therefore is said to be somewhat which cannot exist, the Idea thereof must be inconsistent. Mr. Locke acknowledgeth it doth require Pains and Skill to form his general Idea of a Triangle. He further expresly saith, it must be neither oblique nor rectangular, neither equilateral, equicrural, nor scalenum; but all and none of these at once. He also saith, it is an Idea wherein some parts of several different and inconsistent Ideas are put together. Essay on Humane Understanding, b.iv. c.vii. [sect]. ix. All this looks very like a Contradiction. But to put the Matter past dispute, it must be noted, that he affirms it to be somewhat imperfect that cannot exist; consequently the Idea thereof is impossible or inconsistent. XLVI. I DESIRE to know, whether it is not possible for any thing to exist, which doth not include a contradiction: And if it is, whether we may not infer, that what cannot possibly exist, the same doth include a contradiction: I further desire to know, whether the reader can frame a distinct idea of any thing that includes a contradiction? For my part, I cannot, nor consequently of the abovementioned Triangle; Though you (who it seems know better than my self what I can do) are pleased to assure me of the contrary. Again, I ask whether that, which it is above the power of man to form a compleat idea of, may not be called incomprehensible? And whether the Reader can frame a compleat idea of this imperfect, impossible Triangle? And if not, whether it doth not follow that it is incomprehensible? It should seem, that a distinct aggregate of a few consistent parts was nothing so difficult to conceive, or impossible to exist; and that, therefore your Comment must be wide of the Author's meaning. You give me to understand (P. 82.) that this account of a general Triangle was a trap which Mr. Locke set to catch fools. Who is caught therein let the Reader judge. XLVII. IT is Mr. Locke's opinion, that every general name stands for a general abstract idea, which prescinds from the species or individuals comprehended under it. Thus, for example, according to him, the general name Colour stands for an idea, which is neither Blue, Red, Green nor any other particular colour, but somewhat distinct and abstracted from them all. To me it seems, the word Colour is only a more general name applicable to all and each of the particular colours; while the other specific names, as Blue, Red, Green, and the like are each restrained to a more limited signification. The same may be said of the word Triangle. Let the Reader judge whether this be not the case; and whether he can distinctly frame such an idea of colour as shall prescind from all the species there of, or of a triangle which shall answer Mr. Locke's account, prescinding and abstracting from all the particular sorts of triangles, in the manner aforesaid. XLVIII. I intreat my Reader to think. For if he doth not, he may be under some influence from your confident and positive way of talking. But any one who thinks may, if I mistake not, plainly perceive that you are deluded, as it often happens, by mistaking the terms for ideas. Nothing is easier, than to define in terms or words that which is incomprehensible in idea, forasmuch as any words can be either separated or joined as you please, but ideas always cannot. It is as easy to say a round square as an oblong square, though the former be inconceivable. If the Reader will but take a little care to distinguish between the Definition and the Idea, between words or expressions and the conceptions of the mind, he will judge of the truth of what I now advance, and clearly perceive how far you are mistaken, in attempting to illustrate Mr. Locke's Doctrine, and where your mistake lies. Or, if the Reader is minded to make short work, he needs only at once to try whether laying aside the words he can frame in his mind the idea of an impossible triangle; upon which trial the issue of this dispute may be fairly put. This doctrine of abstract general ideas seemed to me a capital error, productive of numberless difficulties and disputes, that runs not only throughout Mr. Locke's book, but through most parts of Learning. Consequently, my animadversions thereupon were not an effect of being inclined to carp or cavil at a single passage, as you would wrongfully insinuate, but proceeded from a love of Truth and a desire to banish, so far as in me lay, false principles and wrong ways of thinking, without respect of persons. And indeed, though you and other Party-men are violently attached to your respective Masters, yet I, who profess my self only attached to Truth, see no reason why I may not as freely animadvert on Mr. Locke or Sir Sit Isaac Newton, as they would on Aristotle or Descartes. Certainly the more extensive the influence of any Error, and the greater the authority which supports it, the more it deserves to be considered and detected by sincere Inquirers after Knowledge. XLIX. IN the close of your performance, you let me understand, that your Zeal for Truth and the reputation of your Masters hath occasioned your reprehending me with the utmost freedom. And it must be owned you have shewn a singular talent therein. But I am comforted under the severity of your reprehensions, when I consider the weakness of your arguments, which, were they as strong as your reproofs, could leave no doubt in the mind of the Reader concerning the matters in dispute between us. As it is, I leave him to reflect and examine by your light, how clearly he is enabled to conceive a fluxion, or the fluxion of a fluxion, a part infinitely small subdivided into an infinity of parts, a nascent or evanescent increment, that which is neither something nor nothing, a triangle formed in a point, velocity without motion, and the rest of those arcana of the modern Analysis. To conclude, I had some thoughts of advising you how to conduct your self for the future, in return for the advice you have so freely imparted to me: but, as you think it becomes me rather to inform my self than instruct others, I shall, for my further information, take leave to propose a few Queries to those learned Gentlemen of Cambridge, whom you associate with your self, and represent as being equally suprised at the tendency of my Analyst. L. I desire to know, whether those who can neither demonstrate nor conceive the principles of the modern Analysis, and yet give into it, may not be justly said to have Faith, and be styled believers of mysteries? Whether it is impossible to find among the Physicians, mechanical Philosophers, Mathematicians, and Philomathematicians of the present age, some such Believers, who yet deride Christians for their belief of Mysteries? Whether with such men it is not a fair, reasonable, and legitimate method to use the Argumentum ad Hominem? And being so, whether it ought to surprise either Christians or Scholars? Whether in an age wherein so many pretenders to science attack the Christian Religion, we may not be allowed to make reprisals, in order to shew that the Irreligion of those men is not to be presumed an effect of deep and just thinking? Whether an attempt to detect false reasonings, and remedy, defects in Mathematics, ought to be ill received by Mathematicians? Whether the introducing more easy methods and more intelligible principles in any science should be discountenanced? Whether there may not be fair objections as well as cavils? And whether to inquire diligently into the meaning of terms and the proof of propositions, not excepting against any thing without assigning a reason, nor affecting to mistake the signification of words, or stick at an expression where the sense was clear, but considering the subject in all lights, sincerely endeavouring to find out any sense or meaning whatsoever, candidly setting forth what seems obscure and what fallacious, and calling upon those, who profess the knowledge of such matters, to explain them; whether, I say, such a proceeding can be justly called cavilling? Whether there be an ipse dixit erected? And if so, when, where, by whom, and upon what Authority? Whether even where Authority was to take place, one might not hope the Mathematics, at least, would be excepted? Whether the chief end, in making Mathematics so considerable a part of Academical Education, be not to form in the minds of young Students habits of just and exact Reasoning? And whether the study of abstruse and subtile matters can conduce to this end, unless they are well understood, examined, and sifted to the bottom? Whether, therefore, the bringing Geometrical demonstrations to the severest test of Reason should be reckoned a discouragement to the studies of any learned Society? Whether to separate the clear parts of things from the obscure, to distinguish the real Principles, whereon Truths rest, and whence they are derived, and to proportion the just measures of assent according to the various degrees of evidence, be an useless or unworthy Undertaking? Whether the making more of an argument than it will bear, and placing it in an undue rank of evidence, be not the likely way to disparage it? Whether it may not be of some use, to provoke and stir up the learned professors to explain a part of Mathematical Learning, which is acknowledged to be most profound, difficult, and obscure, and at the same time set forth by Philalethes and many others, as the greatest instance that has ever been given of the extent of humane abilities? Whether for the sake of a Great man's discoveries, we must adopt his errors? Lastly, whether in an age wherein all other principles are canvassed with the utmost freedom, the principles of Fluxions are to be alone excepted?

Science

A DEFENCE OF FREE-THINKING IN Mathematics; &c.

A defence of free-thinking in mathematics [...]