You are a helpful assistant in evaluating the quality of the outputs for a given instruction. Your goal is to select the best output for the given instruction.

Select the Output (a) or Output (b) that is better for the given instruction. The two outputs are generated by two different AI chatbots respectively.

Here are some rules of the evaluation:
(1) You should prioritize evaluating whether the output honestly/precisely/closely executes the instruction, then consider its helpfulness, accuracy, level of detail, harmlessness, etc.
(2) Outputs should NOT contain more/less than what the instruction asks for, as such outputs do NOT precisely execute the instruction.
(3) You should avoid any potential bias and your judgment should be as objective as possible. For example, the order in which the outputs were presented should NOT affect your judgment, as Output (a) and Output (b) are **equally likely** to be the better.

Do NOT provide any explanation for your choice.
Do NOT say both / neither are good.
You should answer using ONLY "Output (a)" or "Output (b)". Do NOT output any other words.

# Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

# Output (b):
Meena experienced fear, depression, shame, guilt, and financial struggles as a result of the sexual harassment she endured.

# Output (a):
Meena was left scarred, jobless, and in debt after she was sexually harassed by one of her employers.

# Which is better, Output (a) or Output (b)? Your response should be either "Output (a)" or "Output (b)":

Output (a)

Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

Meena was left scarred, jobless, and in debt after she was sexually harassed by one of her employers.

Meena experienced fear, depression, shame, guilt, and financial struggles as a result of the sexual harassment she endured.


You are a helpful assistant in evaluating the quality of the outputs for a given instruction. Your goal is to select the best output for the given instruction.

Select the Output (a) or Output (b) that is better for the given instruction. The two outputs are generated by two different AI chatbots respectively.

Here are some rules of the evaluation:
(1) You should prioritize evaluating whether the output honestly/precisely/closely executes the instruction, then consider its helpfulness, accuracy, level of detail, harmlessness, etc.
(2) Outputs should NOT contain more/less than what the instruction asks for, as such outputs do NOT precisely execute the instruction.
(3) You should avoid any potential bias and your judgment should be as objective as possible. For example, the order in which the outputs were presented should NOT affect your judgment, as Output (a) and Output (b) are **equally likely** to be the better.

Do NOT provide any explanation for your choice.
Do NOT say both / neither are good.
You should answer using ONLY "Output (a)" or "Output (b)". Do NOT output any other words.

# Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

# Output (b):
Meena was left scarred, jobless, and in debt after she was sexually harassed by one of her employers.

# Output (a):
After experiencing sexual harassment, Meena faced job loss, financial struggles, fear, depression, nightmares, shame, and guilt.

# Which is better, Output (a) or Output (b)? Your response should be either "Output (a)" or "Output (b)":

Output (a)

Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

After experiencing sexual harassment, Meena faced job loss, financial struggles, fear, depression, nightmares, shame, and guilt.

Meena was left scarred, jobless, and in debt after she was sexually harassed by one of her employers.


You are a helpful assistant in evaluating the quality of the outputs for a given instruction. Your goal is to select the best output for the given instruction.

Select the Output (a) or Output (b) that is better for the given instruction. The two outputs are generated by two different AI chatbots respectively.

Here are some rules of the evaluation:
(1) You should prioritize evaluating whether the output honestly/precisely/closely executes the instruction, then consider its helpfulness, accuracy, level of detail, harmlessness, etc.
(2) Outputs should NOT contain more/less than what the instruction asks for, as such outputs do NOT precisely execute the instruction.
(3) You should avoid any potential bias and your judgment should be as objective as possible. For example, the order in which the outputs were presented should NOT affect your judgment, as Output (a) and Output (b) are **equally likely** to be the better.

Do NOT provide any explanation for your choice.
Do NOT say both / neither are good.
You should answer using ONLY "Output (a)" or "Output (b)". Do NOT output any other words.

# Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

# Output (b):
Meena was left scarred, jobless, and in debt after she was sexually harassed by one of her employers.

# Output (a):
Meena, a domestic worker in Bangalore, received threats and intimidations, lost her job and experienced fear after being sexually harassed by her employer and facing pressure to repay a loan.

# Which is better, Output (a) or Output (b)? Your response should be either "Output (a)" or "Output (b)":

Output (a)

Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

Meena, a domestic worker in Bangalore, received threats and intimidations, lost her job and experienced fear after being sexually harassed by her employer and facing pressure to repay a loan.

Meena was left scarred, jobless, and in debt after she was sexually harassed by one of her employers.


You are a helpful assistant in evaluating the quality of the outputs for a given instruction. Your goal is to select the best output for the given instruction.

Select the Output (a) or Output (b) that is better for the given instruction. The two outputs are generated by two different AI chatbots respectively.

Here are some rules of the evaluation:
(1) You should prioritize evaluating whether the output honestly/precisely/closely executes the instruction, then consider its helpfulness, accuracy, level of detail, harmlessness, etc.
(2) Outputs should NOT contain more/less than what the instruction asks for, as such outputs do NOT precisely execute the instruction.
(3) You should avoid any potential bias and your judgment should be as objective as possible. For example, the order in which the outputs were presented should NOT affect your judgment, as Output (a) and Output (b) are **equally likely** to be the better.

Do NOT provide any explanation for your choice.
Do NOT say both / neither are good.
You should answer using ONLY "Output (a)" or "Output (b)". Do NOT output any other words.

# Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

# Output (b):
Meena experienced fear, depression, shame, guilt, and financial struggles as a result of the sexual harassment she endured.

# Output (a):
Meena, a domestic worker in Bangalore, lost her job and suffered from depression and nightmares after being sexually harassed by her employer and facing pressure to repay a loan.

# Which is better, Output (a) or Output (b)? Your response should be either "Output (a)" or "Output (b)":

Output (a)

Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

Meena, a domestic worker in Bangalore, lost her job and suffered from depression and nightmares after being sexually harassed by her employer and facing pressure to repay a loan.

Meena experienced fear, depression, shame, guilt, and financial struggles as a result of the sexual harassment she endured.


You are a helpful assistant in evaluating the quality of the outputs for a given instruction. Your goal is to select the best output for the given instruction.

Select the Output (a) or Output (b) that is better for the given instruction. The two outputs are generated by two different AI chatbots respectively.

Here are some rules of the evaluation:
(1) You should prioritize evaluating whether the output honestly/precisely/closely executes the instruction, then consider its helpfulness, accuracy, level of detail, harmlessness, etc.
(2) Outputs should NOT contain more/less than what the instruction asks for, as such outputs do NOT precisely execute the instruction.
(3) You should avoid any potential bias and your judgment should be as objective as possible. For example, the order in which the outputs were presented should NOT affect your judgment, as Output (a) and Output (b) are **equally likely** to be the better.

Do NOT provide any explanation for your choice.
Do NOT say both / neither are good.
You should answer using ONLY "Output (a)" or "Output (b)". Do NOT output any other words.

# Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

# Output (b):
After experiencing sexual harassment, Meena faced job loss, financial struggles, fear, depression, nightmares, shame, and guilt.

# Output (a):
Meena, a domestic worker in Bangalore, lost her job and suffered from depression and nightmares after being sexually harassed by her employer and facing pressure to repay a loan.

# Which is better, Output (a) or Output (b)? Your response should be either "Output (a)" or "Output (b)":

Output (a)

Instruction:
Here is an article:
India's #MeToo campaign has taken off in fits and starts but it has still not touched the lives of millions of poor, vulnerable women who work in informal jobs, writes professor Sreeparna Chattopadhyay. Meena (her name has been changed on request) is a 45-year-old domestic worker in the southern city of Bangalore. And she is a survivor of sexual harassment in the workplace. She cooks and cleans in three different homes, earning around 6,000 rupees ($84; $64) a month. She used to earn nearly three times as much. But she lost her job in several homes after she accused one of her employers of sexually harassing her. Meena said the harassment started after she borrowed 100,000 rupees for her older daughter's wedding from a couple in their early 70s. She had been working in their house for three years by then. She alleged the man would initially try and brush past her while she was sweeping or mopping the floor. Sometimes, she said, he would try and touch her casually or even tug on her sari. His wife, Meena said, was often asleep and didn't seem to know about her husband's inappropriate behaviour. Meena said she tried to resist his advances. But one evening his wife locked herself in the bedroom and went to sleep. That day, she alleged, he grabbed her and tried to pull her onto the sofa. Despite his age he was strong she said, but fortunately not stronger than her. She managed to push him away, and flee the house never to return. Meena did not file a police complaint because she assumed no-one would believe her. But then the couple started pressurising her to return the money she had borrowed, failing which they wanted her to return to work to pay off her debt. At first, they threatened her over the phone. Then, she alleged, they sent men to her home to intimidate her. The wife also blamed her for dressing "provocatively" and "tempting" her husband. Meena said she was scared, depressed and did not know what to do. She could not pay off her debt in full and returning to work in their home was not an option. In one of the other houses that she worked in, she felt comfortable enough to share her experience. This employer put her in touch with a domestic workers' union and another organisation that works on violence against women in Bangalore. The union representative spoke to the elderly couple and threatened police action if they did not stop harassing Meena. Meena had some money saved and decided to use it to pay off as much of the debt as she could. Her tribulations ended but she still struggles. Her daughter suffers from cerebral palsy and needs constant care, so she spends a significant portion of her savings taking her to school every day because she can't walk by herself. She is entitled to a disability allowance from the government but the payments are not regular. The incident also scarred Meena - she had nightmares, was afraid to take a job near the home of her previous employers and experienced shame and guilt. Informal workers like Meena - women employed as domestic workers, construction labour, garment workers and vendors - make up 94% of India's female workforce. But their experiences of sexual harassment or assault rarely come to light. And data is also hard to come by - scattered surveys of female workers in different parts of the country tell an incomplete but important story. Read more about the #MeToo movement in India A 2012 study by Oxfam of formal and informal workers in eight Indian cities showed that 17% of women were sexually harassed at work - the most vulnerable being female labourers (29%) and domestic workers (23%). A survey of domestic workers in 2018 in and around India's capital, Delhi, found that 29% of them were sexually harassed at work. These figures are low compared to studies from the formal sector where rates of reported harassment range from 88% in the BPO (Business Process Outsourcing) sector to 57% in the health sector. But this is because given their economic and social vulnerability, informal workers are less likely to report offences. Even if they do, these cases may never lead to justice for the victims because they may be eventually withdrawn fearing reprisals. There have been a few cases that have grabbed national attention. In 2017 for instance, domestic workers and their families stormed a posh apartment complex in Delhi alleging that a domestic worker had been beaten up by her employers; in 2011, a Bollywood actor was convicted for raping his maid. But these examples are few and far between. The #MeToo movement in India, which was preceded by LoSha (a crowd sourced list of Indian male academics who allegedly harassed students or colleagues), has named several high-profile figures, including filmmakers, actors, artists and journalists. But the face of #MeToo - both in India and globally - has been an urban, educated, articulate and privileged woman; the experiences of marginalised women are notably absent. While some of the more critical voices have pointed to the fact that Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) women and poor women have been left out of this movement, these voices have remained on the fringe. This is ironic because it was the gang rape of a Dalit development worker, Bhanwari Devi, in Rajasthan state that led to India's first law against sexual harassment at the workplace. India's sexual harassment laws mandate that in the absence of organisations, a Local Complaints Committee (LCC) headed by a district magistrate should address these complaints. But most cities or districts have no such committees. The #MeToo movement in India has several supporters with social, economic and cultural capital and has now found a voice in mainstream media. But we are yet to see them aligning closely with informal workers' rights groups. It is time for us to move from #MeToo to #UsAll. Sreeparna Chattopadhyay is a senior research scientist the the Public Heath Foundation of India.

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the aftermath of sexual harassment on Meena in one sentence

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

Meena, a domestic worker in Bangalore, lost her job and suffered from depression and nightmares after being sexually harassed by her employer and facing pressure to repay a loan.

After experiencing sexual harassment, Meena faced job loss, financial struggles, fear, depression, nightmares, shame, and guilt.


You are a helpful assistant in evaluating the quality of the outputs for a given instruction. Your goal is to select the best output for the given instruction.

Select the Output (a) or Output (b) that is better for the given instruction. The two outputs are generated by two different AI chatbots respectively.

Here are some rules of the evaluation:
(1) You should prioritize evaluating whether the output honestly/precisely/closely executes the instruction, then consider its helpfulness, accuracy, level of detail, harmlessness, etc.
(2) Outputs should NOT contain more/less than what the instruction asks for, as such outputs do NOT precisely execute the instruction.
(3) You should avoid any potential bias and your judgment should be as objective as possible. For example, the order in which the outputs were presented should NOT affect your judgment, as Output (a) and Output (b) are **equally likely** to be the better.

Do NOT provide any explanation for your choice.
Do NOT say both / neither are good.
You should answer using ONLY "Output (a)" or "Output (b)". Do NOT output any other words.

# Instruction:
Here is an article:
It is 450 years since William Shakespeare was born and there are events planned around the world to mark the anniversary. Yet one pleasure denied even the biggest Shakespeare fanatic will be to watch his work in a theatre which he wrote for or acted in. In London, no purpose-built theatres survive from his day. Where did they all go? By Vincent DowdBBC World Service Peter Sillitoe strides into New Inn Broadway, London EC2, aware that for a theatre-lover disappointment is about to follow. Nonetheless, he's used to explaining why this unloved little street in Shoreditch is vital to the history of drama. He's the perfect person to tour London's Shakespeare sites with. For two years Sillitoe worked on the ShaLT (Shakespearean London Theatres) project. It pulled together existing research about the playhouses of London during Shakespeare's career as a writer (roughly 1588 to 1612). From 1576 the street in Shoreditch was home to The Theatre, the first purpose-built home for drama in Britain since Roman times. As a hungry young actor, Shakespeare made his home there after moving from Warwickshire to London. "Until that point performances were mainly in grand private homes or in taverns," says Sillitoe. "There was just no concept of a theatre being a building in its own right. "From the 1570s that started to change - possibly because London was growing, and there were more people demanding intelligent entertainment." Even the word theatre, as opposed to playhouse, may have evoked comparison with Greek and Roman culture. Sillitoe taps the shabby grey hoardings on New Inn Broadway which mask The Theatre's foundations, uncovered in 2008. "Some scholars believe this may have been where Romeo and Juliet was first performed. "It's not an easy connection to make these days, but I encourage people to use their mind's eye and conceive of how this area was when Shakespeare was a young man." Today, a new 235-seat theatre is proposed as part of the site's redevelopment. A year after The Theatre opened came The Curtain, built about 100 yards to the south. Three years ago, part of the Curtain's foundations were located during excavation work. Now a major redevelopment has been approved by Hackney Council that will include a permanent display of the Curtain's foundations. Sillitoe says there is increasing pressure to rebuild this part of London. "The area went untouched for decades, but now we're discovering more about what lies beneath. "Though I'm not sure much of what's going up will evoke the England of the 16th and early 17th Centuries." So he suggests a side trip to investigate where Shakespeare lived while he wrote. From the early 1600s, the writer lodged with a refugee Huguenot family in Silver Street, Cripplegate - now part of the Barbican. It is possible that while there he wrote King Lear and Macbeth. Legal documents mean we know more about his time in Silver Street than at any other London address. But Silver Street, like the theatres of Shoreditch, has effectively disappeared. The closest we get is the massive underground car park which lurks beneath London Wall on the same spot. Not inappropriately, hidden at its far end, is a chunk of London wall which may have stood close to where Shakespeare lodged. "It's not much," admits Sillitoe. "But outside of Stratford-upon-Avon it's the closest we get to anywhere Shakespeare slept and ate. It's frustrating." In 1599 Shakespeare's theatre group, the Chamberlain's Men, abandoned Shoreditch and headed south of the river to establish the Globe theatre. The site is just down river of where Southwark Bridge now stands. It is not to be confused with the reconstructed Shakespeare's Globe a few minutes away. Those who run the new theatre, opened in 1997, have always made clear it's not on the exact site of the original Globe, though many visitors assume otherwise. The location of the original Globe, off Park Street, was identified only in the late 1980s. Today it is indicated by a large plaque in the cobbles. Peter Sillitoe laments that the site, almost inevitably, is now a car park. "At least this one isn't underground," he says. Almost opposite stand the far more extensive remains of The Rose, opened before the Globe in 1587. In 1989 the foundations were deliberately flooded to keep them from crumbling in the air. "Maybe it's inevitable," Sillitoe continues, "but Sam Wanamaker made such a success of Shakespeare's Globe that The Rose has sometimes been a bit forgotten. "The Rose is a fascinating place and more intact than the sites north of the Thames. It's worth visiting and gives you a sense of what it must have been like in Shakespeare's time." It is thought The Rose played host to Titus Andronicus, one of Shakespeare's earliest plays. But Peter Sillitoe gives a warning: "Academics debate endlessly where individual plays were acted, but the truth is the companies played wherever was available. "Hamlet or King Lear didn't settle down for a nice six-month run somewhere. Actors were more like wandering minstrels." Any theatre fan would love to be able to walk into The Theatre or The Curtain or The Rose. "But they were all destroyed, says Sillitoe. "Partly by Puritan distaste for theatre in the 1640s, and then by the Great Fire of 1666. Later came World War II bombing and, I'm afraid, an indifference to the buildings' fate generally." To finish the tour, Peter Sillitoe takes me to Shakespeare's Globe. It is filled with visitors. "No one really predicted it, but the success of a well-researched reconstruction like this has been a massive help to something like the ShaLT project," he says. "A whole new public interest arose which simply hadn't been there. "Compare today to where we were 30 years ago. We know a lot more about The Theatre and The Curtain and excavation has at least begun there. What survives of The Rose is open to view, and the public has taken Shakespeare's Globe to its heart in a way no one expected. "The negative is that we don't have a Shakespearean theatre functioning on its exact original site. Probably we never will. "But William Shakespeare would be amazed at what we can learn about his world all these centuries later, just by walking around London for three or four hours and taking careful note."

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the information about the theatres mentioned in this article.

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

# Output (b):
This article discusses the theatres associated with William Shakespeare in London. It mentions The Theatre, the first purpose-built home for drama in Britain since Roman times, where Shakespeare made his home after moving from Warwickshire to London. It also mentions The Curtain, built about 100 yards to the south of The Theatre, and The Rose, opened before the Globe in 1587. The Globe theatre, located just down river of where Southwark Bridge now stands, is not to be confused with the reconstructed Shakespeare's Globe a few minutes away. The article also mentions Silver Street, Cripplegate, where Shakespeare lodged with a refugee Huguenot family in the early 1600s, and the massive underground car park which lurks beneath London Wall on the same spot.

# Output (a):
The article discusses the various theatres associated with William Shakespeare, including The Theatre, The Curtain, and The Rose. It also mentions the proposed new theatre on the site of The Theatre, and the reconstructed Globe theatre. The article describes the locations of these theatres and the history of each one.

# Which is better, Output (a) or Output (b)? Your response should be either "Output (a)" or "Output (b)":

Output (b)

Instruction:
Here is an article:
It is 450 years since William Shakespeare was born and there are events planned around the world to mark the anniversary. Yet one pleasure denied even the biggest Shakespeare fanatic will be to watch his work in a theatre which he wrote for or acted in. In London, no purpose-built theatres survive from his day. Where did they all go? By Vincent DowdBBC World Service Peter Sillitoe strides into New Inn Broadway, London EC2, aware that for a theatre-lover disappointment is about to follow. Nonetheless, he's used to explaining why this unloved little street in Shoreditch is vital to the history of drama. He's the perfect person to tour London's Shakespeare sites with. For two years Sillitoe worked on the ShaLT (Shakespearean London Theatres) project. It pulled together existing research about the playhouses of London during Shakespeare's career as a writer (roughly 1588 to 1612). From 1576 the street in Shoreditch was home to The Theatre, the first purpose-built home for drama in Britain since Roman times. As a hungry young actor, Shakespeare made his home there after moving from Warwickshire to London. "Until that point performances were mainly in grand private homes or in taverns," says Sillitoe. "There was just no concept of a theatre being a building in its own right. "From the 1570s that started to change - possibly because London was growing, and there were more people demanding intelligent entertainment." Even the word theatre, as opposed to playhouse, may have evoked comparison with Greek and Roman culture. Sillitoe taps the shabby grey hoardings on New Inn Broadway which mask The Theatre's foundations, uncovered in 2008. "Some scholars believe this may have been where Romeo and Juliet was first performed. "It's not an easy connection to make these days, but I encourage people to use their mind's eye and conceive of how this area was when Shakespeare was a young man." Today, a new 235-seat theatre is proposed as part of the site's redevelopment. A year after The Theatre opened came The Curtain, built about 100 yards to the south. Three years ago, part of the Curtain's foundations were located during excavation work. Now a major redevelopment has been approved by Hackney Council that will include a permanent display of the Curtain's foundations. Sillitoe says there is increasing pressure to rebuild this part of London. "The area went untouched for decades, but now we're discovering more about what lies beneath. "Though I'm not sure much of what's going up will evoke the England of the 16th and early 17th Centuries." So he suggests a side trip to investigate where Shakespeare lived while he wrote. From the early 1600s, the writer lodged with a refugee Huguenot family in Silver Street, Cripplegate - now part of the Barbican. It is possible that while there he wrote King Lear and Macbeth. Legal documents mean we know more about his time in Silver Street than at any other London address. But Silver Street, like the theatres of Shoreditch, has effectively disappeared. The closest we get is the massive underground car park which lurks beneath London Wall on the same spot. Not inappropriately, hidden at its far end, is a chunk of London wall which may have stood close to where Shakespeare lodged. "It's not much," admits Sillitoe. "But outside of Stratford-upon-Avon it's the closest we get to anywhere Shakespeare slept and ate. It's frustrating." In 1599 Shakespeare's theatre group, the Chamberlain's Men, abandoned Shoreditch and headed south of the river to establish the Globe theatre. The site is just down river of where Southwark Bridge now stands. It is not to be confused with the reconstructed Shakespeare's Globe a few minutes away. Those who run the new theatre, opened in 1997, have always made clear it's not on the exact site of the original Globe, though many visitors assume otherwise. The location of the original Globe, off Park Street, was identified only in the late 1980s. Today it is indicated by a large plaque in the cobbles. Peter Sillitoe laments that the site, almost inevitably, is now a car park. "At least this one isn't underground," he says. Almost opposite stand the far more extensive remains of The Rose, opened before the Globe in 1587. In 1989 the foundations were deliberately flooded to keep them from crumbling in the air. "Maybe it's inevitable," Sillitoe continues, "but Sam Wanamaker made such a success of Shakespeare's Globe that The Rose has sometimes been a bit forgotten. "The Rose is a fascinating place and more intact than the sites north of the Thames. It's worth visiting and gives you a sense of what it must have been like in Shakespeare's time." It is thought The Rose played host to Titus Andronicus, one of Shakespeare's earliest plays. But Peter Sillitoe gives a warning: "Academics debate endlessly where individual plays were acted, but the truth is the companies played wherever was available. "Hamlet or King Lear didn't settle down for a nice six-month run somewhere. Actors were more like wandering minstrels." Any theatre fan would love to be able to walk into The Theatre or The Curtain or The Rose. "But they were all destroyed, says Sillitoe. "Partly by Puritan distaste for theatre in the 1640s, and then by the Great Fire of 1666. Later came World War II bombing and, I'm afraid, an indifference to the buildings' fate generally." To finish the tour, Peter Sillitoe takes me to Shakespeare's Globe. It is filled with visitors. "No one really predicted it, but the success of a well-researched reconstruction like this has been a massive help to something like the ShaLT project," he says. "A whole new public interest arose which simply hadn't been there. "Compare today to where we were 30 years ago. We know a lot more about The Theatre and The Curtain and excavation has at least begun there. What survives of The Rose is open to view, and the public has taken Shakespeare's Globe to its heart in a way no one expected. "The negative is that we don't have a Shakespearean theatre functioning on its exact original site. Probably we never will. "But William Shakespeare would be amazed at what we can learn about his world all these centuries later, just by walking around London for three or four hours and taking careful note."

Here is a summary requirement:
Summarize the information about the theatres mentioned in this article.

Please summarize the above article based on the given requirement:

The article discusses the various theatres associated with William Shakespeare, including The Theatre, The Curtain, and The Rose. It also mentions the proposed new theatre on the site of The Theatre, and the reconstructed Globe theatre. The article describes the locations of these theatres and the history of each one.

This article discusses the theatres associated with William Shakespeare in London. It mentions The Theatre, the first purpose-built home for drama in Britain since Roman times, where Shakespeare made his home after moving from Warwickshire to London. It also mentions The Curtain, built about 100 yards to the south of The Theatre, and The Rose, opened before the Globe in 1587. The Globe theatre, located just down river of where Southwark Bridge now stands, is not to be confused with the reconstructed Shakespeare's Globe a few minutes away. The article also mentions Silver Street, Cripplegate, where Shakespeare lodged with a refugee Huguenot family in the early 1600s, and the massive underground car park which lurks beneath London Wall on the same spot.