,id,section_id,subsection,heading,raw_text,clean_text,slug,qa_output,question,answer,keyphrases
0,18-03-01-a-two-person-economy-robinson-crusoe-and-friday,18-03,1,A Two-Person Economy: Robinson Crusoe and Friday,"To understand how economists view trade deficits and surpluses, consider a parable based on the story of Robinson Crusoe. Crusoe, as you may remember from the classic novel by Daniel Defoe first published in 1719, was shipwrecked on a desert island. After living alone for some time, he is joined by a second person, whom he names Friday. Think about the balance of trade in a two-person economy like that of Robinson and Friday.
In this hypothetical economy, Robinson and Friday trade goods and services. Perhaps Robinson catches fish and trades them to Friday for coconuts, or Friday weaves a hat out of tree fronds and trades it to Robinson for help in carrying water. For a period of time, each individual trade is self-contained and complete. Because each trade is voluntary, both Robinson and Friday must feel that they are receiving fair value for what they are giving. As a result, each person's exports are always equal to his imports, and trade is always in balance between the two. Neither person experiences either a trade deficit or a trade surplus.
However, one day Robinson approaches Friday with a proposition. Robinson wants to dig ditches for an irrigation system for his garden, but he knows that if he starts this project, he will not have much time left to fish and gather coconuts to feed himself each day. He proposes that Friday supply him with a certain number of fish and coconuts for several months, and then after that time, he promises to repay Friday out of the extra produce that he will be able to grow in his irrigated garden.
If Friday accepts this offer, then a trade imbalance comes into being. For several months, Friday will have a trade surplus: that is, he is exporting to Robinson more than he is importing. More precisely, he is giving Robinson fish and coconuts, and at least for the moment, he is receiving nothing in return. Conversely, Robinson will have a trade deficit, because he is importing more from Friday than he is exporting.
This parable raises several useful questions in thinking about what a trade deficit and a trade surplus really mean in economic terms. The first question is:
Is it better to have a trade surplus or a trade deficit?
The answer, as in any voluntary market interaction, is that if both parties agree to the transaction, then they may both be better off. Over time, if Robinson's irrigated garden is a success, it is certainly possible that both Robinson and Friday can benefit from this agreement.
The second question is:
What can go wrong?
Robinson's proposal to Friday introduces an element of uncertainty. Friday is, in effect, making a loan of fish and coconuts to Robinson, and Friday's happiness with this arrangement will depend on whether Robinson repays that loan as planned, in full and on time. Perhaps Robinson spends several months loafing and never builds the irrigation system, or perhaps he has been too optimistic about how much he will be able to grow with the new irrigation system, which turns out not to be very productive. Perhaps, after building the irrigation system, Robinson decides that he does not want to repay Friday as much as he previously agreed.
Any of these developments will prompt a new round of negotiations between Friday and Robinson. Why the repayment failed is likely to shape Friday's attitude toward these renegotiations. If Robinson worked very hard and the irrigation system just did not increase production as intended, Friday may have some sympathy. If Robinson loafed or if he just refuses to pay, Friday may become irritated.
A third issue that the parable raises is that an intimate relationship exists
between a trade deficit and international borrowing, and between a trade
surplus and international lending.
The size of Friday's trade surplus is exactly how much he is lending to Robinson. The size of Robinson's trade deficit is exactly how much he is borrowing from Friday. To economists, a trade surplus means the same thing as an outflow of financial capital, and a trade deficit means the same thing as an inflow of financial capital. This last insight is worth exploring in greater detail, which we will do in the following section.
The story of Robinson and Friday also provides a good opportunity to consider the law of comparative advantage, which you learn more about in the International Trade chapter. The following Work It Out feature walks you through calculating comparative advantage for the wheat and cloth traded between the United States and Great Britain in the 1800s.","To understand how economists view trade deficits and surpluses, consider a parable based on the story of Robinson Crusoe. Crusoe, as you may remember from the classic novel by Daniel Defoe first published in 1719, was shipwrecked on a desert island. After living alone for some time, he is joined by a second person, whom he names Friday. Think about the balance of trade in a two-person economy like that of Robinson and Friday.
In this hypothetical economy, Robinson and Friday trade goods and services. Perhaps Robinson catches fish and trades them to Friday for coconuts, or Friday weaves a hat out of tree fronds and trades it to Robinson for help in carrying water. For a period of time, each individual trade is self-contained and complete. Because each trade is voluntary, both Robinson and Friday must feel that they are receiving fair value for what they are giving. As a result, each person's exports are always equal to his imports, and trade is always in balance between the two. Neither person experiences either a trade deficit or a trade surplus.
However, one day Robinson approaches Friday with a proposition. Robinson wants to dig ditches for an irrigation system for his garden, but he knows that if he starts this project, he will not have much time left to fish and gather coconuts to feed himself each day. He proposes that Friday supply him with a certain number of fish and coconuts for several months, and then after that time, he promises to repay Friday out of the extra produce that he will be able to grow in his irrigated garden.
If Friday accepts this offer, then a trade imbalance comes into being. For several months, Friday will have a trade surplus: that is, he is exporting to Robinson more than he is importing. More precisely, he is giving Robinson fish and coconuts, and at least for the moment, he is receiving nothing in return. Conversely, Robinson will have a trade deficit, because he is importing more from Friday than he is exporting.
This parable raises several useful questions in thinking about what a trade deficit and a trade surplus really mean in economic terms. The first question is:
Is it better to have a trade surplus or a trade deficit?
The answer, as in any voluntary market interaction, is that if both parties agree to the transaction, then they may both be better off. Over time, if Robinson's irrigated garden is a success, it is certainly possible that both Robinson and Friday can benefit from this agreement.
The second question is:
What can go wrong?
Robinson's proposal to Friday introduces an element of uncertainty. Friday is, in effect, making a loan of fish and coconuts to Robinson, and Friday's happiness with this arrangement will depend on whether Robinson repays that loan as planned, in full and on time. Perhaps Robinson spends several months loafing and never builds the irrigation system, or perhaps he has been too optimistic about how much he will be able to grow with the new irrigation system, which turns out not to be very productive. Perhaps, after building the irrigation system, Robinson decides that he does not want to repay Friday as much as he previously agreed.
Any of these developments will prompt a new round of negotiations between Friday and Robinson. Why the repayment failed is likely to shape Friday's attitude toward these renegotiations. If Robinson worked very hard and the irrigation system just did not increase production as intended, Friday may have some sympathy. If Robinson loafed or if he just refuses to pay, Friday may become irritated.
A third issue that the parable raises is that an intimate relationship exists
between a trade deficit and international borrowing, and between a trade
surplus and international lending.
The size of Friday's trade surplus is exactly how much he is lending to Robinson. The size of Robinson's trade deficit is exactly how much he is borrowing from Friday. To economists, a trade surplus means the same thing as an outflow of financial capital, and a trade deficit means the same thing as an inflow of financial capital. This last insight is worth exploring in greater detail, which we will do in the following section.
The story of Robinson and Friday also provides a good opportunity to consider the law of comparative advantage, which you learn more about in the International Trade chapter. The following Work It Out feature walks you through calculating comparative advantage for the wheat and cloth traded between the United States and Great Britain in the 1800s.",a-two-person-economy-robinson-crusoe-and-friday,"{""question"": ""What does a trade surplus mean in economic terms?"", ""answer"": ""A trade surplus means an outflow of financial capital.""}",What does a trade surplus mean in economic terms?,A trade surplus means an outflow of financial capital.,"['trade deficits', 'surpluses', 'parable', 'rossoe', 'desert']"
1,08-01-00-unemployment-rates-by-group,08-01,0,Overview,"
- Calculate the annual rate of inflation
- Explain and use index numbers and base years when simplifying the total quantity spent over a year for products
- Calculate inflation rates using index numbers
When we encounter conversations about inflation, they are usually within the context of “the good old days” when everything seemed to cost so much less. Table 8.1 compares some prices of common goods in 1970 and 2017. Of course, the average prices in this table may not reflect the prices where you live. The cost of living in New York City is much higher than in Houston, Texas, for example. In addition, certain products have evolved over recent decades. A new car in 2017, loaded with antipollution equipment, safety gear, computerized engine controls, and many other technological advances, is a more advanced and fuel-efficient machine than your typical 1970s car. Setting aside these details, though, the primary reason behind the price rises in Table 8.1 is a general rise in the level of all prices, or inflation. At the beginning of 2017, $1 had about the same purchasing power in overall terms of goods and services as 18 cents did in 1970 because of the amount of inflation that has occurred over that time period.
| Items | 1970 | 2017 |
| ---------------------------------------------- | ------- | -------- |
| Pound of ground beef | $0.66 | $3.62 |
| Pound of butter | $0.87 | $2.03 |
| Movie ticket | $1.55 | $8.65 |
| Sales price of new home (median) | $22,000 | $312,900 |
| New car | $3,000 | $40,077 |
| Gallon of gasoline | $0.36 | $2.35 |
| Average hourly wage for a manufacturing worker | $3.23 | $20.65 |
| Per capita GDP | $5,069 | $57,294 |
**Table 8.1** Price Comparisons, 1970 and 2017
Inflation does not affect just goods and services, but wages and income
levels, too.
The second-to-last row of **Table 8.1** shows that the average hourly wage for a manufacturing worker increased nearly six-fold from 1970 to 2017. The average worker in 2017 is better educated and more productive than the average worker in 1970, but not six times more productive. Per capita GDP increased substantially from 1970 to 2017, but is the average person in the U.S. economy really more than eleven times better off in just 47 years? Not likely.
A modern economy has millions of goods and services whose prices are continually changing due to fluctuations in supply and demand. How can all of these shifts in price contribute to a single inflation rate? As with many problems in economic measurement, the conceptual answer is reasonably straightforward; applying the concept, however, involves some practical difficulties.
Economists combine prices of a variety of goods and services into a single price level. The inflation rate is simply the percentage change in the price level.","Calculate the annual rate of inflation
Explain and use index numbers and base years when simplifying the total quantity spent over a year for products
Calculate inflation rates using index numbers
When we encounter conversations about inflation, they are usually within the context of “the good old days” when everything seemed to cost so much less. Table 8.1 compares some prices of common goods in 1970 and 2017. Of course, the average prices in this table may not reflect the prices where you live. The cost of living in New York City is much higher than in Houston, Texas, for example. In addition, certain products have evolved over recent decades. A new car in 2017, loaded with antipollution equipment, safety gear, computerized engine controls, and many other technological advances, is a more advanced and fuel-efficient machine than your typical 1970s car. Setting aside these details, though, the primary reason behind the price rises in Table 8.1 is a general rise in the level of all prices, or inflation. At the beginning of 2017, $1 had about the same purchasing power in overall terms of goods and services as 18 cents did in 1970 because of the amount of inflation that has occurred over that time period.
Table 8.1 Price Comparisons, 1970 and 2017
Inflation does not affect just goods and services, but wages and income
levels, too.
The second-to-last row of Table 8.1 shows that the average hourly wage for a manufacturing worker increased nearly six-fold from 1970 to 2017. The average worker in 2017 is better educated and more productive than the average worker in 1970, but not six times more productive. Per capita GDP increased substantially from 1970 to 2017, but is the average person in the U.S. economy really more than eleven times better off in just 47 years? Not likely.
A modern economy has millions of goods and services whose prices are continually changing due to fluctuations in supply and demand. How can all of these shifts in price contribute to a single inflation rate? As with many problems in economic measurement, the conceptual answer is reasonably straightforward; applying the concept, however, involves some practical difficulties.
Economists combine prices of a variety of goods and services into a single price level. The inflation rate is simply the percentage change in the price level.",unemployment-rates-by-group,"{
""question"": ""What is the inflation rate?"",
""answer"": ""The inflation rate is the percentage change in the price level.""
}",What is the inflation rate?,The inflation rate is the percentage change in the price level.,"['inflation', 'index numbers', 'base years', 'cost of living', 'new york city']"
2,10-03-02-overview,10-03,2,How Changes in Input Prices Shift the AS Curve,"Higher prices for inputs that are widely used across the entire economy can have a macroeconomic impact on aggregate supply. Examples of such widely used inputs include labor and energy products. Increases in the price of such inputs will cause the SRAS curve to shift to the left, which means that at each given price level for outputs, a higher price for inputs will discourage production because it will reduce the possibilities for earning profits. Figure 10.6 (b) shows the aggregate supply curve shifting to the left, from SRAS0 to SRAS1, causing the equilibrium to move from E0 to E1.
The movement from the original equilibrium of E0 to the new equilibrium of E1 will bring a nasty set of effects: reduced GDP or recession, higher unemployment because the economy is now further away from potential GDP, and an inflationary higher price level as well. For example, the U.S. economy experienced recessions in 1974-1975, 1980-1982, 1990-91, 2001, and 2007-2009 that were each preceded or accompanied by a rise in the key input of oil prices. In the 1970s, this pattern of a shift to the left in SRAS leading to a stagnant economy with high unemployment and inflation was nicknamed **stagflation**.
Conversely, a decline in the price of a key input like oil will shift the SRAS curve to the right, providing an incentive for more to be produced at every given price level for outputs. From 1985 to 1986, for example, the average price of crude oil fell by almost half, from \$24 a barrel to \$12 a barrel. Similarly, from 1997 to 1998, the price of a barrel of crude oil dropped from $17 per barrel to $11 per barrel. In both cases, the plummeting oil price led to a situation like that of **Figure 10.6 (a)**, where the outward shift of SRAS to the right allowed the economy to expand, unemployment to fall, and inflation to decline.
Along with energy prices, two other key inputs that may shift the SRAS curve are the cost of labor, or wages, and the cost of imported goods that we use as inputs for other products. In these cases as well, the lesson is that lower prices for inputs cause SRAS to shift to the right, while higher prices cause it to shift back to the left. Note that, unlike changes in productivity, changes in input prices do not generally cause LRAS to shift, only SRAS.
Increases in the price of inputs will cause the SRAS curve to shift to the left
Decreases in the price of inputs will cause the SRAS curve to shift to the right
","Higher prices for inputs that are widely used across the entire economy can have a macroeconomic impact on aggregate supply. Examples of such widely used inputs include labor and energy products. Increases in the price of such inputs will cause the SRAS curve to shift to the left, which means that at each given price level for outputs, a higher price for inputs will discourage production because it will reduce the possibilities for earning profits. Figure 10.6 (b) shows the aggregate supply curve shifting to the left, from SRAS0 to SRAS1, causing the equilibrium to move from E0 to E1.
The movement from the original equilibrium of E0 to the new equilibrium of E1 will bring a nasty set of effects: reduced GDP or recession, higher unemployment because the economy is now further away from potential GDP, and an inflationary higher price level as well. For example, the U.S. economy experienced recessions in 1974-1975, 1980-1982, 1990-91, 2001, and 2007-2009 that were each preceded or accompanied by a rise in the key input of oil prices. In the 1970s, this pattern of a shift to the left in SRAS leading to a stagnant economy with high unemployment and inflation was nicknamed stagflation.
Conversely, a decline in the price of a key input like oil will shift the SRAS curve to the right, providing an incentive for more to be produced at every given price level for outputs. From 1985 to 1986, for example, the average price of crude oil fell by almost half, from \$24 a barrel to \$12 a barrel. Similarly, from 1997 to 1998, the price of a barrel of crude oil dropped from $17 per barrel to $11 per barrel. In both cases, the plummeting oil price led to a situation like that of Figure 10.6 (a), where the outward shift of SRAS to the right allowed the economy to expand, unemployment to fall, and inflation to decline.
Along with energy prices, two other key inputs that may shift the SRAS curve are the cost of labor, or wages, and the cost of imported goods that we use as inputs for other products. In these cases as well, the lesson is that lower prices for inputs cause SRAS to shift to the right, while higher prices cause it to shift back to the left. Note that, unlike changes in productivity, changes in input prices do not generally cause LRAS to shift, only SRAS.
Increases in the price of inputs will cause the SRAS curve to shift to the left
Decreases in the price of inputs will cause the SRAS curve to shift to the right",overview,"Question: What effect do increases in the price of inputs have on the SRAS curve?
Answer: Increases in the price of inputs will cause the SRAS curve to shift to the left.",What effect do increases in the price of inputs have on the SRAS curve?,Increases in the price of inputs will cause the SRAS curve to shift to the left.,"['aggregate supply', 'price level', 'inputs', 'energy products', 'us economy']"
3,02-00-01-bring-it-home,02-00,1,Bring it home,,,bring-it-home,"{""question"": ""What is an example of a well-formatted instance of a schema?"", ""answer"": ""The object {'foo': ['bar', 'baz']} is a well-formatted instance of the schema.""}",,,"['dynamic programming', 'gabor frames', 'multiresolution hierarchy']"
4,02-02-07-the-ppf-and-comparative-advantage,02-02,7,The PPF and Comparative Advantage,"While every society must choose how much of each good or service it should produce, it does not need to produce every single good it consumes. Often how much of a good a country decides to produce depends on how expensive it is to produce it versus buying it from a different country. As we saw earlier, the curvature of a country's PPF gives us information about the tradeoff between devoting resources to producing one good versus another. In particular, its slope gives the opportunity cost of producing one more unit of the good in the x-axis in terms of the other good (in the y-axis). Countries tend to have different opportunity costs of producing a specific good, either because of different climates, geography, technology, or skills.
Suppose two countries, the US and Brazil, need to decide how much they will produce of two crops: sugar cane and wheat. Due to its climatic conditions, Brazil can produce quite a bit of sugar cane per acre but not much wheat. Conversely, the U.S. can produce large amounts of wheat per acre, but not much sugar cane. Clearly, Brazil has a lower opportunity cost of producing sugar cane (in terms of wheat) than the U.S. The reverse is also true: the U.S. has a lower opportunity cost of producing wheat than Brazil. We illustrate this by the PPFs of the two countries in [Figure 2.5](2-2-the-production-possibilities-frontier-and-social-choices#CNX_Econ_C02_012).
**Figure 2.5 Production Possibility Frontier for the U.S. and Brazil** The
U.S. PPF is flatter than the Brazil PPF implying that the opportunity cost of
wheat in terms of sugar cane is lower in the U.S. than in Brazil. Conversely,
the opportunity cost of sugar cane is lower in Brazil. The U.S. has
comparative advantage in wheat and Brazil has comparative advantage in sugar
cane.
When a country can produce a good at a lower opportunity cost than another
country, we say that this country has a comparative advantage in that good.
Comparative advantage is not the same as an absolute advantage, which is when
a country can produce more of a good.
In our example, Brazil has an absolute advantage in sugar cane and the U.S. has an absolute advantage in wheat. One can easily see this with a simple observation of the extreme production points in the PPFs of the two countries. If Brazil devoted all of its resources to producing wheat, it would be producing at point A. If however it had devoted all of its resources to producing sugar cane instead, it would be producing a much larger amount than the U.S., at point B.
The slope of the PPF gives the opportunity cost of producing an additional unit of wheat. While the slope is not constant throughout the PPFs, it is quite apparent that the PPF in Brazil is much steeper than in the U.S., and therefore the opportunity cost of wheat generally higher in Brazil. In the chapter on [International Trade](20-introduction-to-international-trade) you will learn that countries' differences in comparative advantage determine which goods they will choose to produce and trade. When countries engage in trade, they specialize in the production of the goods in which they have comparative advantage, and trade part of that production for goods in which they do not have comparative advantage. With trade, manufacturers produce goods where the opportunity cost is lowest, so total production increases, benefiting both trading parties.","While every society must choose how much of each good or service it should produce, it does not need to produce every single good it consumes. Often how much of a good a country decides to produce depends on how expensive it is to produce it versus buying it from a different country. As we saw earlier, the curvature of a country's PPF gives us information about the tradeoff between devoting resources to producing one good versus another. In particular, its slope gives the opportunity cost of producing one more unit of the good in the x-axis in terms of the other good (in the y-axis). Countries tend to have different opportunity costs of producing a specific good, either because of different climates, geography, technology, or skills.
Suppose two countries, the US and Brazil, need to decide how much they will produce of two crops: sugar cane and wheat. Due to its climatic conditions, Brazil can produce quite a bit of sugar cane per acre but not much wheat. Conversely, the U.S. can produce large amounts of wheat per acre, but not much sugar cane. Clearly, Brazil has a lower opportunity cost of producing sugar cane (in terms of wheat) than the U.S. The reverse is also true: the U.S. has a lower opportunity cost of producing wheat than Brazil. We illustrate this by the PPFs of the two countries in Figure 2.5.
,,a-shift-in-supply-due-to-a-production-cost-increase,"{""question"": ""What is an example of a well-formatted instance of a JSON schema?"", ""answer"": ""The object {'foo': ['bar', 'baz']} is a well-formatted instance of the schema.""}",,,"['dynamic programming', 'gabor frames', 'multiresolution hierarchy']"
6,06-00-01-what-does-the-word-investment-mean,06-00,1,Introduction,"Dramatic improvements in a nation's standard of living are possible. After the Korean War in the late 1950s, the Republic of Korea, often called South Korea, was one of the poorest economies in the world. Most South Koreans worked in peasant agriculture. According to the British economist Angus Maddison, whose life's work was devoted to measuring GDP and population in the world economy, GDP per capita in 1990 international dollars was $854 per year. From the 1960s to the early twenty-first century, a time period well within the lifetime and memory of many adults, the South Korean economy grew rapidly.
According to the World Bank, GDP for South Korea now exceeds $30,000 in nominal terms, placing it firmly among high-income countries like Italy, New Zealand, and Israel. Measured by total GDP in 2015, South Korea is the eleventh-largest economy in the world. For a nation of 50 million people, this transformation is extraordinary.
South Korea is a standout example, but it is not the only case of rapid and sustained economic growth. Other East Asian nations, like Thailand and Indonesia, have seen very rapid growth as well. China has grown enormously since it enacted market-oriented economic reforms around 1980. GDP per-capita in high-income economies like the United States also has grown dramatically albeit over a longer time frame. Since the Civil War, the U.S. economy has transformed from a primarily rural and agricultural economy to an economy based on services, manufacturing, and technology.
","Dramatic improvements in a nation's standard of living are possible. After the Korean War in the late 1950s, the Republic of Korea, often called South Korea, was one of the poorest economies in the world. Most South Koreans worked in peasant agriculture. According to the British economist Angus Maddison, whose life's work was devoted to measuring GDP and population in the world economy, GDP per capita in 1990 international dollars was $854 per year. From the 1960s to the early twenty-first century, a time period well within the lifetime and memory of many adults, the South Korean economy grew rapidly.
According to the World Bank, GDP for South Korea now exceeds $30,000 in nominal terms, placing it firmly among high-income countries like Italy, New Zealand, and Israel. Measured by total GDP in 2015, South Korea is the eleventh-largest economy in the world. For a nation of 50 million people, this transformation is extraordinary.
South Korea is a standout example, but it is not the only case of rapid and sustained economic growth. Other East Asian nations, like Thailand and Indonesia, have seen very rapid growth as well. China has grown enormously since it enacted market-oriented economic reforms around 1980. GDP per-capita in high-income economies like the United States also has grown dramatically albeit over a longer time frame. Since the Civil War, the U.S. economy has transformed from a primarily rural and agricultural economy to an economy based on services, manufacturing, and technology.",what-does-the-word-investment-mean,"{
""question"": ""What is one example of a nation that experienced dramatic improvements in its standard of living?"",
""answer"": ""South Korea""
}",What is one example of a nation that experienced dramatic improvements in its standard of living?,South Korea,"['standard of living', 'south korea', 'peasant agriculture', 'world economy', 'gdp']"
7,19-03-01-the-prevalence-of-intra-industry-trade-between-similar-economies,19-03,1,The Prevalence of Intra-industry Trade between Similar Economies,"The theory of comparative advantage suggests that trade should happen between economies with large differences in opportunity costs of production. Roughly half of all world trade involves shipping goods between the fairly similar high-income economies of the United States, Canada, the European Union, Japan, Mexico, and China (see **Table 19.13**).
| Country | U.S. Exports Go to ... | U.S. Imports Come from ... |
| -------------- | ---------------------- | -------------------------- |
| European Union | 19.0% | 21.0% |
| Canada | 22.0% | 14.0% |
| Japan | 4.0% | 6.0% |
| Mexico | 15.0% | 13.0% |
| China | 8.0% | 20.0% |
**Table 19.13** Where U.S. Exports Go and U.S. Imports Originate (2015)
(Source: https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/Press-Release/current\_press\_release/ft900.pdf)
The theory of comparative advantage also suggests that each economy should specialize in certain products, and then exchange those products. A high proportion of trade, however, is **intra-industry trade**—that is, trade of goods within the same industry from one country to another.
For example, the United States produces and exports autos and imports autos. **Table 19.14** shows some of the largest categories of U.S. exports and imports. In all of these categories, the United States is both a substantial exporter and a substantial importer of goods from the same industry. In 2014, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis, the United States exported $146 billion worth of automobiles, and imported $327 billion worth of automobiles. About 60% of U.S. trade and 60% of European trade is intra-industry trade.
| Some U.S. Exports | Quantity of Exports ($ billions) | Quantity of Imports ($ billions) |
| -------------------- | -------------------------------- | -------------------------------- |
| Autos | $146 | $327 |
| Food and beverages | $144 | $126 |
| Capital goods | $550 | $551 |
| Consumer goods | $199 | $558 |
| Industrial supplies | $507 | $665 |
| Other transportation | $45 | $55 |
**Table 19.14** Some Intra-Industry U.S. Exports and Imports in 2014
(Source: http://www.bea.gov/newsreleases/international/trade/tradnewsrelease.htm)
Why do similar high-income economies engage in intra-industry trade?
What can be the economic benefit of having workers of fairly similar skills making cars, computers, machinery and other products which are then shipped across the oceans to and from the United States, the European Union, and Japan?
There are two reasons: (1) the division of labor, and (2) economies of scale.","The theory of comparative advantage suggests that trade should happen between economies with large differences in opportunity costs of production. Roughly half of all world trade involves shipping goods between the fairly similar high-income economies of the United States, Canada, the European Union, Japan, Mexico, and China (see Table 19.13).
Table 19.13 Where U.S. Exports Go and U.S. Imports Originate (2015)
(Source: https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/Press-Release/current_press_release/ft900.pdf)
The theory of comparative advantage also suggests that each economy should specialize in certain products, and then exchange those products. A high proportion of trade, however, is intra-industry trade—that is, trade of goods within the same industry from one country to another.
For example, the United States produces and exports autos and imports autos. Table 19.14 shows some of the largest categories of U.S. exports and imports. In all of these categories, the United States is both a substantial exporter and a substantial importer of goods from the same industry. In 2014, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis, the United States exported $146 billion worth of automobiles, and imported $327 billion worth of automobiles. About 60% of U.S. trade and 60% of European trade is intra-industry trade.
Table 19.14 Some Intra-Industry U.S. Exports and Imports in 2014
(Source: http://www.bea.gov/newsreleases/international/trade/tradnewsrelease.htm)
Why do similar high-income economies engage in intra-industry trade?
What can be the economic benefit of having workers of fairly similar skills making cars, computers, machinery and other products which are then shipped across the oceans to and from the United States, the European Union, and Japan?
There are two reasons: (1) the division of labor, and (2) economies of scale.",the-prevalence-of-intra-industry-trade-between-similar-economies,"{""question"": ""Why do similar high-income economies engage in intra-industry trade?"", ""answer"": ""There are two reasons: the division of labor and economies of scale.""}",Why do similar high-income economies engage in intra-industry trade?,There are two reasons: the division of labor and economies of scale.,"['comparative advantage', 'opportunity costs of production', 'highincome economies', 'united states']"
8,01-00-00-decisions--decisions-in-the-social-media-age,01-00,0,Decisions ... Decisions in the Social Media Age,"Every day we are faced with a myriad of decisions, from the simple question of what to have for breakfast to more complex choices like whether to double major. Our response to these decisions depends on the information we have available at any given moment. We rarely have the data we need to make perfect decisions, we are faced with what economists call “imperfect information,” but we still make hundreds of decisions a day.
Now we have another avenue to gather information—social media. Outlets like Facebook and Twitter are altering how we make choices, how we spend our time, which products we buy, and more. How many of you chose a university without first checking its social media presence for information and feedback? As you will see in this course, what happens in economics is affected by how well and how fast information disseminates through channels like social media.
This chapter is an introduction to the world of making decisions, processing information, and understanding behavior in markets—the world of economics. Each chapter in this book will start with a discussion about current (or sometimes past) events and revisit it at chapter’s end—to “bring home” the concepts in play.","Every day we are faced with a myriad of decisions, from the simple question of what to have for breakfast to more complex choices like whether to double major. Our response to these decisions depends on the information we have available at any given moment. We rarely have the data we need to make perfect decisions, we are faced with what economists call “imperfect information,” but we still make hundreds of decisions a day.
Now we have another avenue to gather information—social media. Outlets like Facebook and Twitter are altering how we make choices, how we spend our time, which products we buy, and more. How many of you chose a university without first checking its social media presence for information and feedback? As you will see in this course, what happens in economics is affected by how well and how fast information disseminates through channels like social media.
This chapter is an introduction to the world of making decisions, processing information, and understanding behavior in markets—the world of economics. Each chapter in this book will start with a discussion about current (or sometimes past) events and revisit it at chapter’s end—to “bring home” the concepts in play.",decisions--decisions-in-the-social-media-age,"{
""question"": ""How does social media affect our decision-making process?"",
""answer"": ""Social media alters how we make choices, how we spend our time, which products we buy, and more.""
}",How does social media affect our decision-making process?,"Social media alters how we make choices, how we spend our time, which products we buy, and more.","['decision making', 'breakfast', 'complex choices', 'university', 'feedback', 'market', 'information processing']"
9,01-00-01-introduction,01-00,1,Introduction,"What is economics and why should you spend your time learning it? After all, there are other disciplines you could be studying and other ways you could be spending your time. Making choices is at the heart of what economists study, and your decision to take this course is as much an economic decision as anything else.
Economics is probably not what you think. It is not primarily about money or finance. It is not primarily about business. It is not mathematics. What is it then? It is both a subject area and a way of viewing the world.
","What is economics and why should you spend your time learning it? After all, there are other disciplines you could be studying and other ways you could be spending your time. Making choices is at the heart of what economists study, and your decision to take this course is as much an economic decision as anything else.
Economics is probably not what you think. It is not primarily about money or finance. It is not primarily about business. It is not mathematics. What is it then? It is both a subject area and a way of viewing the world.",introduction,"{""question"": ""What is economics and why should you spend your time learning it?"", ""answer"": ""Economics is both a subject area and a way of viewing the world, studying choices and decision-making.""}",What is economics and why should you spend your time learning it?,"Economics is both a subject area and a way of viewing the world, studying choices and decision-making.","['economic decision', 'money', 'finance', 'management', 'manufacturing industry', 'usa']"
10,01-01-00-overview,01-01,0,Overview,"
- Discuss the importance of studying economics
- Explain the relationship between production and division of labor
- Evaluate the significance of scarcity
**Economics** is the study of how humans make decisions in the face of scarcity. These can be individual decisions, family decisions, business decisions or societal decisions. If you look around carefully, you will see that scarcity is a fact of life. **Scarcity** means that human wants for goods, services and resources exceed what is available. Resources, such as labor, tools, land, and raw materials are necessary to produce the goods and services we want but they exist in limited supply. Of course, the ultimate scarce resource is time- everyone, rich or poor, has just 24 expendable hours in the day to earn income to acquire goods and services, for leisure time, or for sleep.
Think about it this way: In 2015 the labor force in the United States contained over 158 million workers, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. The total land area was 3,794,101 square miles. While these are certainly large numbers, they are not infinite. Because these resources are limited, so are the numbers of goods and services we produce with them. Combine this with the fact that human wants seem to be virtually infinite, and you can see why scarcity is a problem.
If you still do not believe that scarcity is a problem, consider the following:
- Does everyone require food to eat?
- Does everyone need a decent place to live?
- Does everyone have access to healthcare?
In every country in the world, there are people who live without such critical goods and services at least partly because of scarcity. Let's delve into the concept of scarcity a little deeper, because it is crucial to understanding economics.
**Figure 1.2 Scarcity of Resources**. Homeless people are a stark reminder
that scarcity of resources is real. (Credit: “daveynin”/Flickr Creative
Commons).
","Discuss the importance of studying economics
Explain the relationship between production and division of labor
Evaluate the significance of scarcity
Economics is the study of how humans make decisions in the face of scarcity. These can be individual decisions, family decisions, business decisions or societal decisions. If you look around carefully, you will see that scarcity is a fact of life. Scarcity means that human wants for goods, services and resources exceed what is available. Resources, such as labor, tools, land, and raw materials are necessary to produce the goods and services we want but they exist in limited supply. Of course, the ultimate scarce resource is time- everyone, rich or poor, has just 24 expendable hours in the day to earn income to acquire goods and services, for leisure time, or for sleep.
Think about it this way: In 2015 the labor force in the United States contained over 158 million workers, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. The total land area was 3,794,101 square miles. While these are certainly large numbers, they are not infinite. Because these resources are limited, so are the numbers of goods and services we produce with them. Combine this with the fact that human wants seem to be virtually infinite, and you can see why scarcity is a problem.
If you still do not believe that scarcity is a problem, consider the following:
Does everyone require food to eat?
Does everyone need a decent place to live?
Does everyone have access to healthcare?
In every country in the world, there are people who live without such critical goods and services at least partly because of scarcity. Let's delve into the concept of scarcity a little deeper, because it is crucial to understanding economics.
This series introduces FRED, a popular economic database
maintained by the St. Louis Fed's research division, and shows tutorials to
familiarize users with F...
","Data is very important in economics because it describes and measures the issues and problems that economics seek to understand. A variety of government agencies publish economic and social data. For this course, we will generally use data from the St. Louis Federal Reserve Bank's FRED database. FRED is very user friendly. It allows you to display data in tables or charts, and you can easily download it into spreadsheet form if you want to use the data for other purposes. The FRED website includes data on nearly 400,000 domestic and international variables over time.
Teachers! I created NEW worksheets for all my EconMovies episodes and for all the Crash
Course Economics episodes. If you want to learn more about these worksheets
and get some samples, fill out this form: https://forms.gle/1XajQCpkmcdw3Spx5
EconMovies explain economic concepts through movies.
","hey how you doing students my name is mr. Clifford welcome to episode 1 of econ movies I'm making a new series of videos explaining economic concepts in movies and there's no better set of movies than Star Wars I'm talking about the old trilogy not the new crappy ones now I know what you're thinking you're thinking that there's no economics in Star Wars well maybe there is and we just have to look for it here's an example ever since the sp-gda came out they just aren't in demand it'll be starting tomorrow it looks like Luke is having a hard time selling a speeder because there's some new speeder out of the market it's kind of like iPhones now let's not get too far ahead of ourselves economics is essentially the study of scarcity and choices we can't have everything so we have to make decisions you must learn the ways of the force if you were to come with me to Alderaan Alderaan I'm not going to Alderaan I better get home it's late on import as it is because of scarcity we can't do what uncle Owen wants and also go with Obi Wan when it comes to decision making economists make a key assumption we assume that everyone makes choices based on their own self-interest or take care of you sometime I guess it's what you're best at isn't now keep in mind that being self-interested is not the same as being selfish in fact it might be in my own self-interest to go help or serve or sacrifice myself for other people you must complete the training can't keep the vision out of my head they're my friends I gotta help them you must not go but Han and Leia will die if I don't so whenever you're making a choice you're looking at the benefits and the cost of your decisions the old man wants us to wait right here he didn't knew she was here we just no way back into that detention I'm not going anywhere but they're gonna kill her better her than me so people make decisions based on their own self-interest by looking at incentives rich rich powerful listen if you would rescue her the reward would be what well more well than you can imagine I don't know I can imagine quite a bit even when you're in a horrible situation you're still looking at benefits and costs [Music] starters fries [Music] actually if you think about it the entire Star Wars series is about one character struggle with the decision become good or evil [Music] [Applause] [Music] economists have a tendency to focus on the decision-making of buyers and sellers and this brings us to the idea of voluntary exchange when buyers and sellers get together and negotiate based on their own self-interest a buyer wants a low price and a seller wants a high price let's see what this looks like when a buyer sits down with a seller and negotiates on so long I'm captain and Millennium Falcon Chewie here tells me you're looking for passage to the Alderaan system yes indeed let's just say we'd like to avoid any Imperial entanglements well that's the real trick isn't it and it's gonna cost you something extra 10,000 all in advance 10,000 I was buying ship for that but who's gonna fly it you you bet I could I'm not such a bad pilot myself Olympus cities after some negotiation a buyer and a seller work at a price that works for both of them we can pay you 2,000 plus 15 when we reach Alden 17 obi-wan really sucks in negotiation it's important to keep in mind that the buyer and the seller walk away happy because this is a voluntary exchange 17,000 those guys was really be desperate this can really save my neck get back to the ship involuntary exchange is the idea that someone is forced to buy or sell something and that's not how business should be done the mighty Jabba asked why he must pay 50,000 [Music] because he's holding a thermal detonator this is not the free market now this is great and everything but most of the time economists aren't looking at the decision-making of individuals they usually look at how groups interact this is the idea of markets when you start learning about markets in your economics class you're gonna be drawing supply and demand graphs they look like X's understanding how the free market works and drawing all these X shaped markets will help you understand the world and hopefully help us destroy oppression and tyranny history has proven that free markets and capitalism where people can make choices based on their own self-interest is better than a centrally planned system where an oppressive government decides what to produce how to produce it and who gets it [Music] now this concept where when you make choices that help yourself but they end up helping everybody else it's called the invisible hand Ron will be wrong movie we'll do that one later understanding these concepts are gonna help you with your decision-making but it's also going to help the country and the world don't forget what obi-wan said about economics it surrounds us and penetrates us it binds the Galaxy together hey you never know someday you might get the Nobel Prize in Economics [Applause] [Music] you [Music]",learn-with-videos,"{""question"": ""What is the main focus of economics?"", ""answer"": ""The main focus of economics is the study of scarcity and choices.""}",What is the main focus of economics?,The main focus of economics is the study of scarcity and choices.,"['students', 'econ movies', 'videos', 'economic concepts', 'star wars']"
14,01-01-05-why-the-division-of-labor-increases-production,01-01,5,Why the Division of Labor Increases Production,"In Smith's observations of pin factories, Smith noticed that one worker alone might make 20 pins in a day, but that a small business of 10 workers (some of whom would need to complete two or three of the 18 tasks involved with pin-making), could make 48,000 pins in a day. How can a group of workers, each specializing in certain tasks, produce so much more than the same number of workers who try to produce the entire good or service by themselves? He offered **three** reasons:
**Specialization** in a particular task allows workers to focus on the parts
of the production process where they have an advantage. People have
different skills, talents, and interests which inform their educational
choices, so they will be better at some jobs than at others. Only those with
medical degrees qualify to become doctors, for instance. For some goods,
geography affects specialization. For example, it is easier to be a wheat
farmer in North Dakota than in Florida, but easier to run a tourist hotel in
Florida than in North Dakota. Whatever the reason, if people specialize in
the production of what they do best, they will be more effective than if
they produce a combination of things, some of which they are good at and
some of which they are not.
Workers who specialize in certain tasks often learn to produce more quickly
and with higher quality. This pattern holds true for many workers, including
assembly line laborers who build cars, stylists who cut hair, and doctors
who perform heart surgery. In fact, specialized workers often know their
jobs well enough to suggest innovative ways to do their work faster and
better. A similar pattern often exists within businesses that focus on one
or a few products -- sometimes called the “core competency”. Such businesses
are often said to be more successful than firms that try to make a wide
range of products.
Specialization allows businesses to take advantage of **economies of
scale**, which means that for many goods, as the level of production
increases, the average cost of producing each individual unit declines. For
example, if a factory produces only 100 cars per year, each car will be
quite expensive to make on average. However, if a factory produces 50,000
cars each year, then it can set up an assembly line with huge machines and
workers performing specialized tasks, and the average cost of production per
car will be lower.
The ultimate result of workers who can focus on their preferences and talents, learn
to do their specialized jobs better, and work in larger organizations is that society
as a whole can produce and consume far more than if each person tried to produce
all of their own goods and services. The division and specialization of labor has
been a force against the problem of scarcity.","In Smith's observations of pin factories, Smith noticed that one worker alone might make 20 pins in a day, but that a small business of 10 workers (some of whom would need to complete two or three of the 18 tasks involved with pin-making), could make 48,000 pins in a day. How can a group of workers, each specializing in certain tasks, produce so much more than the same number of workers who try to produce the entire good or service by themselves? He offered three reasons:
In which Adriene Hill and Jacob Clifford teach you about specialization and trade, and how countries decide whether they're going to make stuff or trade for stuff. You'll learn about things like comparative advantage, the production possibilities frontier and how to make pizza! Crash Course is now on Patreon!
",,learn-with-videos-1,"{""question"": ""What is an example of a well-formatted instance of a JSON schema?"", ""answer"": ""The object {'foo': ['bar', 'baz']}.""}",,,"['fms', 'gosystem taxonomy', 'information technology', 'management of change', 'manufacturing']"
17,01-01-08-why-study-economics,01-01,8,Why Study Economics?,"
The study of economics does not dictate the answers, but it can illuminate how
decisions are made in a variety of personal, business, and societal
situations.
Now that you have an overview on what economics studies, let's quickly discuss why
you are right to study it. Economics is not primarily a collection of facts to memorize,
although there are plenty of important concepts to learn. Instead, think of economics
as a collection of questions to answer or puzzles to work. Most importantly, economics
provides the tools to solve those puzzles. If the economics “bug” has not bitten
you yet, there are other reasons why you should study economics.
- Virtually every major problem facing the world today, from global warming, to world poverty, to the conflicts in Syria, Afghanistan, and Somalia, has an economic dimension. If you are going to be part of solving those problems, you need to be able to understand them. Economics is crucial.
- It is hard to overstate the importance of economics to good citizenship. You need to be able to vote intelligently on budgets, regulations, and laws in general. When the U.S. government came close to a standstill at the end of 2012 due to the “fiscal cliff,” what were the issues? Did you know?
- A basic understanding of economics makes you a well-rounded thinker. When you read articles about economic issues, you will understand and be able to evaluate the writer's argument. When you hear classmates, co-workers, or political candidates talking about economics, you will be able to distinguish between common sense and nonsense. You will find new ways of thinking about current events and about personal and business decisions, as well as current events and politics.","The study of economics does not dictate the answers, but it can illuminate how
decisions are made in a variety of personal, business, and societal
situations.
Now that you have an overview on what economics studies, let's quickly discuss why
you are right to study it. Economics is not primarily a collection of facts to memorize,
although there are plenty of important concepts to learn. Instead, think of economics
as a collection of questions to answer or puzzles to work. Most importantly, economics
provides the tools to solve those puzzles. If the economics “bug” has not bitten
you yet, there are other reasons why you should study economics.
Virtually every major problem facing the world today, from global warming, to world poverty, to the conflicts in Syria, Afghanistan, and Somalia, has an economic dimension. If you are going to be part of solving those problems, you need to be able to understand them. Economics is crucial.
It is hard to overstate the importance of economics to good citizenship. You need to be able to vote intelligently on budgets, regulations, and laws in general. When the U.S. government came close to a standstill at the end of 2012 due to the “fiscal cliff,” what were the issues? Did you know?
A basic understanding of economics makes you a well-rounded thinker. When you read articles about economic issues, you will understand and be able to evaluate the writer's argument. When you hear classmates, co-workers, or political candidates talking about economics, you will be able to distinguish between common sense and nonsense. You will find new ways of thinking about current events and about personal and business decisions, as well as current events and politics.",why-study-economics,"{""question"": ""Why is it important to study economics?"", ""answer"": ""Economics is important to understand and solve major global problems, make informed voting decisions, and be a well-rounded thinker.""}",Why is it important to study economics?,"Economics is important to understand and solve major global problems, make informed voting decisions, and be a well-rounded thinker.","['economic', 'decisions', 'personal', 'business decisions', 'current events', 'politics', 'economics']"
18,01-01-09-learn-with-videos-2,01-01,9,Learn with Videos,"
In which Jacob Clifford and Adriene Hill launch a brand new Crash Course on Economics! So, what is economics? Good question. It's not necessarily about money, or stock markets, or trade. It's about people and choices. What, you may ask, does that mean. We'll show you. Let's get started!
",,learn-with-videos-2,"{""question"": ""What is an example of a well-formatted instance of the given schema?"", ""answer"": ""The object {'foo': ['bar', 'baz']} is a well-formatted instance of the schema.""}",,,"['fms', 'gosystem taxonomy', 'information technology', 'management of change', 'manufacturing']"
19,01-02-01-microeconomics,01-02,1,Microeconomics,"**Microeconomics** focuses on specific parts of the economy.
**Economists might ask the following questions about consumer behavior:**
- What determines how households and individuals spend their budgets?
- What combination of goods and services will best fit their wants and needs, given the budget they have to spend?
- How do people decide whether to work, and if so, whether to work full time or part time?
- How do people decide how much to save for the future, or whether they should borrow to spend beyond their current means?
**Economists might also ask the following questions about firms and industries:**
- What determines the products, and how many of each, a firm will produce and sell?
- What determines the prices a firm will charge?
- What determines how a firm will produce its products?
- What determines how many workers it will hire?
- How will a firm finance its business?
- When will a firm decide to expand, downsize, or even close?
In the microeconomics part of this book, we will learn about the theory of consumer behavior, the theory of the firm, how markets for labor and other resources work, and how markets sometimes fail to work properly.","Microeconomics focuses on specific parts of the economy.
Economists might ask the following questions about consumer behavior:
What determines how households and individuals spend their budgets?
What combination of goods and services will best fit their wants and needs, given the budget they have to spend?
How do people decide whether to work, and if so, whether to work full time or part time?
How do people decide how much to save for the future, or whether they should borrow to spend beyond their current means?
Economists might also ask the following questions about firms and industries:
What determines the products, and how many of each, a firm will produce and sell?
What determines the prices a firm will charge?
What determines how a firm will produce its products?
What determines how many workers it will hire?
How will a firm finance its business?
When will a firm decide to expand, downsize, or even close?
In the microeconomics part of this book, we will learn about the theory of consumer behavior, the theory of the firm, how markets for labor and other resources work, and how markets sometimes fail to work properly.",microeconomics,"{""question"": ""What are some questions that economists might ask about consumer behavior?"", ""answer"": ""What determines how households and individuals spend their budgets? What combination of goods and services will best fit their wants and needs, given the budget they have to spend? How do people decide whether to work, and if so, whether to work full time or part time? How do people decide how much to save for the future, or whether they should borrow to spend beyond their current means?""}",What are some questions that economists might ask about consumer behavior?,"What determines how households and individuals spend their budgets? What combination of goods and services will best fit their wants and needs, given the budget they have to spend? How do people decide whether to work, and if so, whether to work full time or part time? How do people decide how much to save for the future, or whether they should borrow to spend beyond their current means?","['consumer behavior', 'budgeting', 'firm', 'prices', 'firm will produce', 'employees']"
20,01-02-02-macroeconomics,01-02,2,Macroeconomics,"**Macroeconomics** considers the economy as a whole, focusing on goals like growth in the standard of living, unemployment, and inflation.
**Economists might ask the following questions on overall economic policy:**
- What determines the level of economic activity in a society?
- What determines how many goods and services a nation actually produces?
- What determines how many jobs are available in an economy?
- What determines a nation’s standard of living?
- What causes the economy to speed up or slow down?
- What causes firms to hire more workers or to lay them off?
- What causes the economy to grow over the long term?
**We can determine an economy's macroeconomic health by examining a number of goals:**
1. Growth in the standard of living
2. Low unemployment
3. Low inflation
The three items above are just some of the most important goals.
Those goals are determined in part by a nation's macroeconomic policy. A nation's central bank conducts **monetary policy**, which involves policies that affect bank lending, interest rates, and financial capital markets. For the United States, the Federal Reserve regulates these factors. A nation's legislative body determines **fiscal policy**, which involves government spending and taxes. For the United States, Congress and the executive branch define fiscal policy through the federal budget. Some Americans tend to expect that government can fix whatever economic problems they encounter, but to what extent is that expectation realistic? These are just some of the issues that we will explore in the macroeconomic chapters of this book.
- **monetary policy**: policy that involves altering the level of interest rates, the availability of credit in the economy, and the extent of borrowing
- **fiscal policy**: economic policies that involve government spending and taxes
","Macroeconomics considers the economy as a whole, focusing on goals like growth in the standard of living, unemployment, and inflation.
Economists might ask the following questions on overall economic policy:
What determines the level of economic activity in a society?
What determines how many goods and services a nation actually produces?
What determines how many jobs are available in an economy?
What determines a nation’s standard of living?
What causes the economy to speed up or slow down?
What causes firms to hire more workers or to lay them off?
What causes the economy to grow over the long term?
We can determine an economy's macroeconomic health by examining a number of goals:
Growth in the standard of living
Low unemployment
Low inflation
The three items above are just some of the most important goals.
Those goals are determined in part by a nation's macroeconomic policy. A nation's central bank conducts monetary policy, which involves policies that affect bank lending, interest rates, and financial capital markets. For the United States, the Federal Reserve regulates these factors. A nation's legislative body determines fiscal policy, which involves government spending and taxes. For the United States, Congress and the executive branch define fiscal policy through the federal budget. Some Americans tend to expect that government can fix whatever economic problems they encounter, but to what extent is that expectation realistic? These are just some of the issues that we will explore in the macroeconomic chapters of this book.
monetary policy: policy that involves altering the level of interest rates, the availability of credit in the economy, and the extent of borrowing
fiscal policy: economic policies that involve government spending and taxes",macroeconomics,"{""question"": ""What determines a nation's standard of living?"", ""answer"": ""Macroeconomic factors such as growth in the standard of living, low unemployment, and low inflation.""}",What determines a nation's standard of living?,"Macroeconomic factors such as growth in the standard of living, low unemployment, and low inflation.","['macroeconomics', 'overall economic policy', 'economic activity', 'federal budget', 'central bank']"
21,01-02-03-learn-with-videos,01-02,3,Learn with Videos,"
Today, Craig is going to dive into the controversy of monetary and fiscal
policy. Monetary and fiscal policy are ways the government, and most notably
the Federal Reserve, influences the economy - for better or for worse.
This week, Adriene and Jacob teach you about macroeconomics. This is the stuff
of big picture economics, and the major movers in the economy. Like taxes and
monetary policy and inflation and policy. We need this stuff, because if you
don't have a big picture of the economy, crashes and panics are more likely.
","Hello, I’m Craig and this is Crash Course
Government and Politics and today we’re finally gonna talk about a topic I know that you've all been
waiting for: Monetary and Fiscal policy. Hurray! You haven’t been waiting for monetary and
fiscal policy? Are you sure? I’ve been talking it up for weeks, you know? Well, let me see
if I can’t convince you to be as excited as I am. Monetary Policy! Wooo! Fiscal Policy!
Yeah! I want to get fiscal, fiscal. Come on and get fiscal…
okay let’s start the show. [Theme Music] Let’s start with monetary policy because
it’s not at all controversial. Well, it kind of is controversial, but it’s less
contentious than fiscal policy. Monetary policy is basically the way the government
regulates the amount of money in circulation in the nation’s economy. Controlling the money
supply is the primary task of the Federal Reserve System and since it’s a little bit complicated, I’m going
to talk about the other things that the Fed does first. The Federal Reserve System was created in
1913 to serve as America’s central bank. Before then, there were state and local banks
as well as a Bank of the United States, which was a much more limited central bank. The Fed is made up of 12 regional banks, and two
boards. The Federal Reserve Board of Governors, who are appointed by the President, and the Federal Open Market Committee,
which is partially appointed by the president. The Fed has two primary tasks: to control
inflation and to encourage full employment, and it has four basic functions, but one of
them is way more important than the others. The Fed is responsible, ultimately for clearing
checks, and for supplying actual currency, most of which is kept in highly secure facilities
staffed by robots. With laser eyes. I don’t know if they have laser eyes. The Fed also sets up rules for banks, although
these can also be set by Congress. But the most important thing that the Fed does is
loan money to other banks and set interest rates. That’s why when you hear about the Federal
Reserve, nine times out of ten it’s about interest rates, because that’s the main
way the Fed controls the money supply. The Fed loans money to banks, sweet, sweet
money, which they in turn loan out to businesses and individuals and, like all loans, the Fed
charges interest. The Fed sets the rate on the interest, called the discount rate, and this determines, mostly, how much money banks will borrow. The lower the rate, the more banks will borrow
and the more money goes into circulation. Other banks peg the interest rates they charge
to the Fed’s rate, charging slightly more, so in this way the Fed determines, or sets,
interest rates in the economy as a whole. The Fed also creates regulations that control
how much money circulates in the economy. One of these is the bank reserve requirement, or the
amount of money in cash that a bank has to have on hand. Now the amount of money that a bank holds
in reserve is only a fraction of the total amount of money held in deposit at the bank
– that’s why it’s called fractional reserve banking – but the reserve requirement
is there so that you don’t get catastrophic bank runs like we saw during the Great Depression
when so many frightened depositors took their money out of banks that the banks failed. Raising the reserve requirement reduces the
amount of money in circulation and lowering it pumps more money into the economy. The Federal Reserve also sets the interest
rate banks charge to lend money to each other, which again controls the amount of money that
circulates. If banks are charging each other a lot of
money to borrow, they won’t borrow as much, and they won’t lend as much to firms and individuals
and there will be less money in the economy as a whole. There’s at least one more important way
that the Fed influences the money supply in the U.S. and that’s through Open Market
Operations. This is a fancy way to say that the Fed buys
and sells government debt in the form of treasury bills, or government bonds. When the Fed sells
bonds, it takes money out of the economy, and when it buys them more money goes into
the economy. This is the idea behind what was known as
Quantitative Easing, which is really complicated. To be honest, I’m not crazy about wading
into economics here, and thankfully there’s a whole other series to do that, but I have
to mention inflation at this point. Inflation is a general rise in prices that
can be caused by a number of things, but one of them is the amount of money that circulates.
If there’s more money around, there’s more that can be spent and this makes it possible
for prices to go up. But this isn’t an absolute rule, as of 2016
we’ve had years of basically zero interest rates, which means it’s really cheap to
borrow money, which means that there should be a lot of money in circulation, yet inflation
remains quite low. Hey, it’s real cheap to borrow money. Can I borrow two bucks? No! [punches eagle] He never has any money. Usually low interest rates tend to cause inflation
and reduce unemployment, and high interest rates are expected to cool down an overheating
economy, but that hasn’t happened much in the past few years. I’ll say again, I glad
this isn’t an economic series. It’s important to note here that the Federal
reserve is an independent body, meaning that its board of governors and chairperson are
not elected or really subject to much regulation from Congress. And they throw the best parties.
That’s probably why. This is intentional and probably a good idea.
Ideally, you want people in charge of the money supply to be able to look after broader
interests than their own re-election, and this is why the Fed is supposed to be insulated
from politics and remain independent. Ok, so that’s monetary policy, which is
one lever that the federal government can use to influence the economy. Increasingly
it’s the only lever, because in America we have a hard time with fiscal policy. What’s that, you might be asking? Fiscal
policy refers to the government’s ability to raise taxes and spend the money it raises.
Since I know that by this episode you’ve been paying a lot of attention to American
politics, you know that in the past 20 or 30 years, at least, Americans have generally
been reluctant to raise taxes, and somewhat reluctant to have the government spend money.
The difference between these two goals – spending money and not raising taxes – largely explains
why we have deficits. Before we get into tax policy, which I know
is what you’ve been waiting for, calm down, I need to point out that the way the government
can spend more money on programs than it takes in taxes is by borrowing it, which the
government does by, you guessed it, selling bonds. Good thing we talked about Open Market Operations. Let’s tax the Thought Cafe people with a lot of work,
by talking about taxes and spending in the Thought Bubble. First, ever since Ronald Reagan came to office
there has been a hostility towards higher taxes and government spending that is theoretically
based in an idea called supply side economics. I’m not going to discuss the details of
the theory or even whether it’s right or wrong or somewhere in between, but the basic
thrust is that if you lower taxes on businesses and individuals, the individuals will be able
to spend more, the businesses will be able to invest more, and the economy as a whole
will grow. It’s a simple and politically powerful idea and has set the terms of the
debate for a generation. In general, over the past 30 years the trend
is for there to be lower federal taxes and for them to be less progressive, meaning that
wealthier people pay a lower percentage of their income in Federal taxes. The wealthy
still pay the largest share of federal taxes overall, though, so it’s not completely
accurate to say that they aren’t paying. Since Reagan, and especially during the presidency
of George W. Bush, income tax rates on the highest earners have fallen, as have taxes
on estates (although they did go up again) and on capital gains and dividends. President
Obama did raise tax rates, but primarily on people earning above $450,000 a year. Corporate tax rates have also declined and
Social Security taxes have gone up, which is important because this is the federal tax
that most of us are most likely to pay. Overall the percentage of revenue that the federal
government receives from taxes has held pretty steady at between 43% and 50%. If you’re
interested in the numbers, for 2013 the government received almost $2.8 trillion in tax revenues.
And it spent $3.5 trillion, which math tells us means a deficit of around 700 billion dollars. Thanks, Thought Bubble. When people say that
they need to cut spending and balance the budget, this is what they are talking about,
but it’s not quite as simple as just spending less, because there are some places where
the government can’t cut spending even if they want to. There are certain items in the federal budget
that must be spent because they are written into law by Congress. These are called uncontrollables,
or mandatory spending. One uncontrollable that relates to monetary
policy is interest payments on federal debt. The government can’t not pay its interest,
otherwise no one would lend us money. That's just how lending works, or it's
supposed to work. Farm price supports – subsidies – are
also counted as uncontrollables, and they are important, but not nearly as important
as the two big-ticket mandatory spending items. These are social security and Medicare, and
they are paid for with dedicated federal taxes. They provide income and health insurance for
elderly people and it’s unlikely that the amounts the government spends on them is going
to decline anytime soon for three reasons. First, is that the population is aging, meaning
that the percentage of older Americans is rising in proportion to younger Americans.
This means that more people will be receiving Social Security payments, which leads us to the second
reason they are unlikely to go down: people like them. The third reason is more political: older
people tend to vote more regularly, so a politician who wants to keep their job is unlikely to
vote for cuts in Social Security or Medicare. So, here’s the thing about the Federal Reserve
and economics: The American economy is really huge, and really complicated, and has some
issues that need addressing. Whether you care a lot about budget deficits
or don’t think they're a big deal will depend a lot on your feelings about economics in general,
but there are a couple of things to keep in mind. First, there's only a limited range of programs
on which the government can choose to spend or not spend. These are called discretionary
spending and when people call for cuts in government spending, this is what they mean. By far the largest chunk of government spending
goes into defense, over $600 billion in 2013, but the next largest item is healthcare for the poor, Medicaid, at $498 Billion. Nothing else even comes close. Spending on the Department of Education,
for example, was $41 billion in 2013. The second thing to bear in mind is that in
addition to cutting spending, the government could balance its budget by doing what everyone
loves - raising taxes. It's done this on occasion, but the political consequences can be pretty
tough. Just ask George H.W. Bush. Finally, the combination of Americans’ aversion
to raising taxes and the government’s limited ability to cut spending means that monetary policy becomes
its major lever in broad-based macroeconomic policy. That’s why we paid so much attention to
the Federal Reserve system at the beginning of this episode, and why you probably should
too. Thanks for watching. See you next time. Crash Course Government and Politics is produced
in association with PBS Digital Studios. Support for Crash Course: U.S. Government comes from
Voqal. Voqal supports nonprofits that use technology and media to advance social equity.
Learn more about their mission and initiatives at Voqal.org. Crash Course was made with the
help of all these broad based macroeconomic policy makers. Thanks for watching.",learn-with-videos,"{""question"": ""What is the primary task of the Federal Reserve System?"", ""answer"": ""The primary task of the Federal Reserve System is to control the amount of money in circulation in the nation’s economy.""}",What is the primary task of the Federal Reserve System?,The primary task of the Federal Reserve System is to control the amount of money in circulation in the nation’s economy.,"['fiscal policy', 'central bank', 'regional banks', 'interest rates', 'laser eyes']"
22,01-03-00-how-economists-use-theories-and-models-to-understand-economic-issues,01-03,0,How Economists Use Theories and Models to Understand Economic Issues,"
- Interpret a circular flow diagram
- Explain the importance of economic theories and models
- Describe goods and services markets and labor markets
","- Interpret a circular flow diagram
Explain the importance of economic theories and models
Describe goods and services markets and labor markets",how-economists-use-theories-and-models-to-understand-economic-issues,"{""question"": ""What is the importance of economic theories and models?"", ""answer"": ""Economic theories and models help us understand and predict economic phenomena, making them essential for decision-making and policy formulation.""}",What is the importance of economic theories and models?,"Economic theories and models help us understand and predict economic phenomena, making them essential for decision-making and policy formulation.","['circular flow diagram', 'economic theories', 'goods', 'services markets', 'labor markets']"
23,07-02-05-learn-with-videos,07-02,5,Link It Up,Read this [report](http://openstax.org/l/BLS_recession) for detailed information on the 2008–2009 recession. It also provides some very useful information on the statistics of unemployment.,Read this report for detailed information on the 2008–2009 recession. It also provides some very useful information on the statistics of unemployment.,learn-with-videos,"{""question"": ""What does the report provide information on?"", ""answer"": ""detailed information on the 2008–2009 recession and statistics of unemployment""}",What does the report provide information on?,detailed information on the 2008–2009 recession and statistics of unemployment,"['accounting', 'netledger', 'gosystem taxonomy', 'national trust']"
24,01-03-01-theory,01-03,1,Theory,"**Economists** see the world through a different lens than anthropologists, biologists, classicists, or practitioners of any other discipline. They analyze issues and problems using economic theories that are based on particular assumptions about human behavior. These assumptions tend to be different than the assumptions an anthropologist or psychologist might use. A **theory** is a simplified representation of how two or more variables interact with each other. The purpose of a theory is to take a complex, real-world issue and simplify it down to its essentials. If done well, this enables the analyst to understand the issue and any problems around it. A good theory is simple enough to understand, while complex enough to capture the key features of the object or situation you are studying.","Economists see the world through a different lens than anthropologists, biologists, classicists, or practitioners of any other discipline. They analyze issues and problems using economic theories that are based on particular assumptions about human behavior. These assumptions tend to be different than the assumptions an anthropologist or psychologist might use. A theory is a simplified representation of how two or more variables interact with each other. The purpose of a theory is to take a complex, real-world issue and simplify it down to its essentials. If done well, this enables the analyst to understand the issue and any problems around it. A good theory is simple enough to understand, while complex enough to capture the key features of the object or situation you are studying.",theory,"{""question"": ""How do economists analyze issues and problems?"", ""answer"": ""Economists analyze issues and problems using economic theories that are based on particular assumptions about human behavior.""}",How do economists analyze issues and problems?,Economists analyze issues and problems using economic theories that are based on particular assumptions about human behavior.,"['economic theories', 'human behavior', 'anthropologists', 'biologists', 'classicists', 'psychologists']"
25,01-03-02-model,01-03,2,Model,"Sometimes economists use the term **model** instead of theory. Strictly speaking, a theory is a more abstract representation, while a model is a more applied or empirical representation. For example, an architect who is planning a major office building will often build a physical model that sits on a tabletop to show how the entire city block will look after the new building is constructed. Companies often build models of their new products, which are more rough and unfinished than the final product, but can still demonstrate how the new product will work. We use models to test theories, but for this course we will use the terms interchangeably.
Strictly speaking, a theory is a more abstract representation, while a model
is a more applied or empirical representation.
","Sometimes economists use the term model instead of theory. Strictly speaking, a theory is a more abstract representation, while a model is a more applied or empirical representation. For example, an architect who is planning a major office building will often build a physical model that sits on a tabletop to show how the entire city block will look after the new building is constructed. Companies often build models of their new products, which are more rough and unfinished than the final product, but can still demonstrate how the new product will work. We use models to test theories, but for this course we will use the terms interchangeably.
Strictly speaking, a theory is a more abstract representation, while a model
is a more applied or empirical representation.",model,"Question: What is the difference between a theory and a model in economics?
Answer: A theory is a more abstract representation, while a model is a more applied or empirical representation.",What is the difference between a theory and a model in economics?,"A theory is a more abstract representation, while a model is a more applied or empirical representation.","['model', 'abstract representation', 'empirical representation', 'major office building', 'physical model', 'city block']"
26,01-03-03-the-circular-flow-diagram,01-03,3,The Circular Flow Diagram,"A good model to start with in economics is the **circular flow diagram** ([Figure 1.6](1-3-how-economists-use-theories-and-models-to-understand-economic-issues#CNX_Econ_C01_002)). It pictures the economy as consisting of two groups—households and firms—that interact in two markets: the **goods and services market** in which firms sell and households buy and the **labor market** in which households sell labor to business firms or other employees.
**Figure 1.6 The Circular Flow Diagram**. The circular flow diagram shows how
households and firms interact in the goods and services market, and in the
labor market.
Arrows “A” and “B” represent the two sides of the product market in which households demand products and firms supply them for payment.
Arrows “C” and “D” represent the two sides of the factor market in which firms demand labor to produce goods and services and households supply it for wages, salaries, and benefits.
This version of the circular flow model is stripped down to the essentials, but it has enough features to explain how the product and labor markets work in the economy. We could easily add details to this basic model if we wanted to introduce more real-world elements, like financial markets, governments, and interactions with the rest of the globe (imports and exports).
Economists carry a set of theories in their heads like a carpenter carries around a toolkit. When they see an economic issue or problem, they go through the theories they know to see if they can find one that fits. Then they use the theory to derive insights about the issue or problem. Economists express theories as diagrams, graphs, or even as mathematical equations. (Do not worry. In this course, we will mostly use graphs.) Economists do not figure out the answer to the problem first and then draw the graph to illustrate. Rather, they use the graph of the theory to help them figure out the answer. Although at the introductory level, you can sometimes figure out the right answer without applying a model, if you keep studying economics, before too long you will run into issues and problems that you will need to graph to solve. We explain both micro and macroeconomics in terms of theories and models. The most well-known theories are probably those of supply and demand, but you will learn a number of others.","A good model to start with in economics is the circular flow diagram (Figure 1.6). It pictures the economy as consisting of two groups—households and firms—that interact in two markets: the goods and services market in which firms sell and households buy and the labor market in which households sell labor to business firms or other employees.
In the sixth episode of the Economic Lowdown Video Series, economic education specialist Scott Wolla explains the circular flow model. Viewers will learn how households and businesses interact in the market for resources and in the market for goods and services, and see how money keeps the whole process moving.
> ""[Economics] is a method rather than a doctrine, an apparatus of the mind, atechnique of thinking, which helps its possessor to draw correct conclusions.""
>
> John Maynard Keynes (1883 - 1946), Economist
Watch the video below about John Maynard Keynes and his influence on economics:
Subscribe to our channel: http://www.youtube.com/user/econstories Is our prosperity derived from a continual circular flow of spending? Is it impossible for ...
","Let’s face it, the economy is complex and
can be difficult to understand. Luckily, economists have developed models
to help us learn and understand how the economy functions. One of the most useful is the circular
flow model. The circular flow model highlights the “flows”
within the economy―the flow of economic resources, goods and services, and the flow
of money. To demonstrate the usefulness of the circular
flow model, let’s follow a few dollars through a cycle. Imagine you are a hungry consumer who hears
the homemade fries at the diner down the street calling your name. You take your money to
the diner for a tasty meal. When you pay your check, you are buying goods
and services. But the money doesn’t remain in the cash register for long. Alice, the diner owner, uses the money to
purchase resources. She buys homegrown potatoes from a farmer; pays the server, who took your
order, his wages; and makes a payment on the loan she got to buy new equipment for the
diner. All of these are costs of production. After she has paid her costs of production,
the remaining revenue is her profit—the income she earns as an entrepreneur owning
and operating her diner. Let’s say your money goes to the farmer,
and that for him is income. That money won’t remain in his wallet forever, though. Before
you know it he will spend it, and the cycle will begin again. The circular flow model shows the interaction
between two groups of economic decision-makers―households and businesses―and two types of economic
markets―the market for resources and the market for goods and services. While the real
economy is much more complex, the simple circular flow model is useful for understanding some
key economic relationships. Let’s start with the two groups of economic
decision-makers. On one side of the model are households. Households
consist of one or more persons who live in the same housing unit, such as a family. Households
own all the economic resources in the economy. The economic resources are land, labor, capital,
and entrepreneurial ability. Land resources are natural resources. For
example, these could be actual land owned by a farmer or other natural resources such
as oil, water, and trees. Labor is just what it sounds like―work for
which you are paid. Capital resources are goods used to produce
other goods and services. For example, think of a hammer used by a carpenter or a computer
used at a business. Finally, entrepreneurial ability is the human
resource that combines the other resources to produce new goods and services and bring
them to market. So, an entrepreneur might combine land, labor, and capital in new ways―taking
risks along the way―to bring a good or service to market. On the other side we have businesses. A business
is a privately owned organization that produces goods and services and then sells them. Businesses
can be large, such as an automobile manufacturer, or small, such as a diner. And, businesses
may produce goods, such as computers and bicycles, and services, such as haircuts and car repairs. But households and businesses are not isolated,
they interact in markets. At the top of the model we have the market
for resources. The market for resources is where households sell and businesses buy economic
resources―land, labor, capital, and entrepreneurial ability. Notice that it is households who
own all the economic resources. You might think of capital, say a delivery
truck, as being owned by a business. But who owns the businesses? You guessed it―households.
Whether a small diner owned by an individual, a partnership owned by several individuals,
or a corporation owned by stockholders, all of these businesses are owned by people who
are also members of a household. Let’s look at some transactions in the market
for resources by a business. A diner:it uses a mix of economic resources, such as land―potatoes
for fries; labor―cooks and wait staff, and capital ―kitchen equipment; and cash register
resources to produce goods and services―in this case cheeseburgers, fries, and milkshakes.
The business buys these economic resources from households. For example, let’s say you work at the diner.
You are selling and the diner is buying your labor resources. Those homemade fries come
from potatoes―a natural resources―bought from a local farm, which is owned by a household.
The new milkshake machine and french fry cutter―capital resources―were bought from a business three
states over and the stockholders of that business are members of households. Finally, the diner
itself is owned by Alice, who is a member of a household and an entrepreneur who has
turned her skill of making the best homemade fries in town into a successful business. In exchange for their resources, households
earn income. Each resource has its own income category. Households receive wages for their labor,
rent for use of their land, interest for use of their capital, and profit for their entrepreneurial
ability. For working at the diner, for example, your income would be wages paid in the form
of a paycheck at the end of the month. So, in the market for resources, households
sell resources and businesses buy resources. The resources flow one way (counter-clockwise)
and money flows the other (clockwise). At this point in the cycle, households sell
resources to businesses. So, households are holding income and businesses are holding
resources. But, what do households do with the income? What do businesses do with the
resources? To answer these questions, let’s focus on
the bottom of the model, the market for goods and services, where the goods and services
produced by businesses are bought. Let’s start with businesses. Businesses
use the economic resources they buy in the market for resources to produce goods, such
as computers and bicycles, and services, such as haircuts and car repairs. Businesses sell these goods and services to
households in the market for goods and services. For example, the diner produces cheeseburgers,
fries, and milkshakes. Households use part of their incomes to buy
goods and services. The payment businesses receive is called revenue. For example, at
the diner, revenue comes from customers paying for their food. In short, the market for goods and services
is simply where the goods and services produced by businesses are bought. So, in the markets for goods and services,
businesses sell goods and services and households buy goods and services. Products flow one
way (counter-clockwise) and money flows the other (clockwise). Let’s step back a bit and notice a few things
about the circular flow model. First, it shows how businesses and households
interact in the two markets―the market for resources and the market for goods and services.
Notice that households and businesses are both buyers and sellers. Households are sellers in the market for resources.
Households sell land, labor, capital, and entrepreneurial activity in exchange for money,
which in this case is called income. Households are buyers in the market for goods
and services. Households exchange income for goods and services. Businesses are sellers in the market for goods
and services. Businesses sell goods and services in exchange for money, which in this case
is called revenue. Businesses are buyers in the markets for resources.
Businesses exchange the revenue earned in the market for goods and services to buy land,
labor and capital in the market for resources. In this case, the money spent is called the
cost of production. Second, the model shows the flow of money
in exchange for goods and services and resources. Money flows clockwise, while goods, services,
and resources flow counter-clockwise. The circular flow model is a simple tool for
learning about the economy. It shows the relationship between households and businesses and how
these different decision-makers in the economy fit together. Plus, it shows how money keeps economic resources
and goods and services moving around and around and around the economy. And that’s something
Alice appreciates.",learn-with-videos,"Question: What is the purpose of the circular flow model in economics?
Answer: The purpose of the circular flow model is to demonstrate the flows of economic resources, goods and services, and money within the economy.",What is the purpose of the circular flow model in economics?,"The purpose of the circular flow model is to demonstrate the flows of economic resources, goods and services, and money within the economy.","['rotational flow model', 'economic resources', 'goods', 'services', 'flow gedanken']"
28,01-04-02-regulations-the-rules-of-the-game,01-04,2,Regulations: The Rules of the Game,"Markets and government regulations are always entangled. There is no such thing as an absolutely free market. Regulations always define the “rules of the game” in the economy. Economies that are primarily market-oriented have fewer regulations—ideally just enough to maintain an even playing field for participants. At a minimum, these laws govern matters like safeguarding private property against theft, protecting people from violence, enforcing legal contracts, preventing fraud, and collecting taxes. Conversely, even the most command-oriented economies operate using markets. How else would buying and selling occur? The government heavily regulates decisions of what to produce and prices to charge. Heavily regulated economies often have **underground economies** (or black markets), which are markets where the buyers and sellers make transactions without the government's approval.
The question of how to organize economic institutions is typically not a
black-or-white choice between all market or all government, but instead
involves a balancing act over the appropriate combination of market freedom
and government rules.
","Markets and government regulations are always entangled. There is no such thing as an absolutely free market. Regulations always define the “rules of the game” in the economy. Economies that are primarily market-oriented have fewer regulations—ideally just enough to maintain an even playing field for participants. At a minimum, these laws govern matters like safeguarding private property against theft, protecting people from violence, enforcing legal contracts, preventing fraud, and collecting taxes. Conversely, even the most command-oriented economies operate using markets. How else would buying and selling occur? The government heavily regulates decisions of what to produce and prices to charge. Heavily regulated economies often have underground economies (or black markets), which are markets where the buyers and sellers make transactions without the government's approval.
The question of how to organize economic institutions is typically not a
black-or-white choice between all market or all government, but instead
involves a balancing act over the appropriate combination of market freedom
and government rules.",regulations-the-rules-of-the-game,"{""question"": ""What is the role of government regulations in a market-oriented economy?"", ""answer"": ""Regulations define the 'rules of the game' and govern matters like protecting property, enforcing contracts, preventing fraud, and collecting taxes.""}",What is the role of government regulations in a market-oriented economy?,"Regulations define the 'rules of the game' and govern matters like protecting property, enforcing contracts, preventing fraud, and collecting taxes.","['government regulations', 'free market', 'ruleoriented economies', 'heavily regulated economies']"
29,01-04-03-the-rise-of-globalization,01-04,3,The Rise of Globalization,"In recent decades, economies have moved increasingly towards globalization, which is the expanding cultural, political, and economic connections between people around the world. One measure of this is the increased buying and selling of goods, services, and assets across national borders—in other words, international trade and financial capital flows.
Globalization has occurred for a number of reasons.
- Improvements in shipping, as illustrated by the container ship in Figure 1.9, and air cargo have driven down transportation costs.
- Innovations in computing and telecommunications have made it easier and cheaper to manage long-distance economic connections of production and sales. Many valuable products and services in the modern economy can take the form of information—for example: computer software; financial advice; travel planning; music, books and movies; and blueprints for designing a building. These products and many others can be transported over telephones and computer networks at ever-lower costs.
- Finally, international agreements and treaties between countries have encouraged greater trade.
[Table 1.2](#Table_01_02) presents one measure of globalization. It shows the percentage of domestic economic production that was exported for a selection of countries from 2010 to 2015, according to an entity known as The World Bank. **Exports** are the goods and services that one produces domestically and sells abroad. **Imports** are the goods and services that one produces abroad and then sells domestically. **Gross domestic product (GDP)** measures the size of total production in an economy. Thus, the ratio of exports divided by GDP measures what share of a country's total economic production is sold in other countries.
**Figure 1.9 Globalization** Cargo ships are one mode of transportation for shipping goods in the global economy. (Credit: Raul Valdez/Flickr Creative Commons)
| Country | 2010 | 2011 | 2012 | 2013 | 2014 | 2016 |
| ---------------------------------------- | ---- | ---- | ---- | ---- | ---- | ---- |
| Higher income countries | | | | | | |
| United States | 12.4 | 13.6 | 13.6 | 13.5 | 13.5 | 12.6 |
| Belgium | 76.2 | 81.4 | 82.2 | 82.8 | 84.0 | 84.4 |
| Canada | 29.1 | 30.7 | 30.0 | 30.1 | 31.7 | 31.5 |
| France | 26.0 | 27.8 | 28.1 | 28.3 | 29.0 | 30.0 |
| Middle income countries | | | | | | |
| Brazil | 10.9 | 11.9 | 12.6 | 12.6 | 11.2 | 13.0 |
| Mexico | 29.9 | 31.2 | 32.6 | 31.7 | 32.3 | 35.3 |
| South Korea | 49.4 | 55.7 | 56.3 | 53.9 | 50.3 | 45.9 |
| Low income countries | | | | | | |
| Chad | 36.8 | 38.9 | 36.9 | 32.2 | 34.2 | 29.8 |
| China | 29.4 | 28.5 | 27.3 | 26.4 | 23.9 | 22.5 |
| India | 22.0 | 23.9 | 24.0 | 24.8 | 22.9 | - |
| Nigeria | 25.3 | 31.3 | 31.4 | 18.0 | 18.4 | - |
**Table 1.2** The Extent of Globalization (exports/GDP) (Source:
http://databank.worldbank.org/data/)
In recent decades, the export/GDP ratio has generally risen, both worldwide and for the U.S. economy. Interestingly, the share of U.S. exports in proportion to the U.S. economy is well below the global average, in part because large economies like the United States can contain more of the division of labor inside their national borders. However, smaller economies like Belgium, Korea, and Canada need to trade across their borders with other countries to take full advantage of division of labor, specialization, and economies of scale. In this sense, the enormous U.S. economy is less affected by globalization than most other countries.
Table 1.2 indicates that many medium and low income countries around the world, like Mexico and China, have also experienced a surge of globalization in recent decades. If an astronaut in orbit could put on special glasses that make all economic transactions visible as brightly colored lines and look down at Earth, the astronaut would see the planet covered with connections.
Despite the rise in globalization over the last few decades, in recent years we've seen significant pushback against globalization from people across the world concerned about loss of jobs, loss of political sovereignty, and increased economic inequality. Prominent examples of this pushback include the 2016 vote in Great Britain to exit the European Union (i.e. Brexit), and the election of Donald J. Trump for President of the United States.
Hopefully, you now have an idea about economics. Before you move to any other chapter of study, be sure to read the very important appendix to this chapter called [The Use of Mathematics in Principles of Economics](a-the-use-of-mathematics-in-principles-of-economics). It is essential that you learn more about how to read and use models in economics.","In recent decades, economies have moved increasingly towards globalization, which is the expanding cultural, political, and economic connections between people around the world. One measure of this is the increased buying and selling of goods, services, and assets across national borders—in other words, international trade and financial capital flows.
Globalization has occurred for a number of reasons.
Improvements in shipping, as illustrated by the container ship in Figure 1.9, and air cargo have driven down transportation costs.
Innovations in computing and telecommunications have made it easier and cheaper to manage long-distance economic connections of production and sales. Many valuable products and services in the modern economy can take the form of information—for example: computer software; financial advice; travel planning; music, books and movies; and blueprints for designing a building. These products and many others can be transported over telephones and computer networks at ever-lower costs.
Finally, international agreements and treaties between countries have encouraged greater trade.
Table 1.2 presents one measure of globalization. It shows the percentage of domestic economic production that was exported for a selection of countries from 2010 to 2015, according to an entity known as The World Bank. Exports are the goods and services that one produces domestically and sells abroad. Imports are the goods and services that one produces abroad and then sells domestically. Gross domestic product (GDP) measures the size of total production in an economy. Thus, the ratio of exports divided by GDP measures what share of a country's total economic production is sold in other countries.
Figure 1.9 Globalization Cargo ships are one mode of transportation for shipping goods in the global economy. (Credit: Raul Valdez/Flickr Creative Commons)
Table 1.2 The Extent of Globalization (exports/GDP) (Source:
http://databank.worldbank.org/data/)
In recent decades, the export/GDP ratio has generally risen, both worldwide and for the U.S. economy. Interestingly, the share of U.S. exports in proportion to the U.S. economy is well below the global average, in part because large economies like the United States can contain more of the division of labor inside their national borders. However, smaller economies like Belgium, Korea, and Canada need to trade across their borders with other countries to take full advantage of division of labor, specialization, and economies of scale. In this sense, the enormous U.S. economy is less affected by globalization than most other countries.
Table 1.2 indicates that many medium and low income countries around the world, like Mexico and China, have also experienced a surge of globalization in recent decades. If an astronaut in orbit could put on special glasses that make all economic transactions visible as brightly colored lines and look down at Earth, the astronaut would see the planet covered with connections.
Despite the rise in globalization over the last few decades, in recent years we've seen significant pushback against globalization from people across the world concerned about loss of jobs, loss of political sovereignty, and increased economic inequality. Prominent examples of this pushback include the 2016 vote in Great Britain to exit the European Union (i.e. Brexit), and the election of Donald J. Trump for President of the United States.
Hopefully, you now have an idea about economics. Before you move to any other chapter of study, be sure to read the very important appendix to this chapter called The Use of Mathematics in Principles of Economics. It is essential that you learn more about how to read and use models in economics.",the-rise-of-globalization,"What are some reasons for the increase in globalization in recent decades?
Answer: Improvements in shipping and air cargo, innovations in computing and telecommunications, and international agreements and treaties.",What are some reasons for the increase in globalization in recent decades?,"Improvements in shipping and air cargo, innovations in computing and telecommunications, and international agreements and treaties.","['globalization', 'economic connections', 'national borders', 'international trade', 'financial capital flows', 'air cargo']"
30,01-04-04-learn-with-videos,01-04,4,Learn with Videos,"
In which Jacob Clifford and Adriene Hill teach you about Economic Systems and
Macroeconomics. So, economics is basically about choices. We'll look at some
of the broadest economic choices when we talk about the difference between
planned economies and market economies. We'll get into communism, socialism,
command economies, and capitalism.
","Adriene: Hi I'm Adriene Hill. Mr. Clifford: And I'm Mr. Clifford and welcome
to Crash Course Economics. Adriene: Today we're going to focus on macroeconomics
and talk about economic systems and the nations that really like them. Wink, wink. Mr. Clifford: ""Economic systems and the nations that
really like them. Wink, wink."" What does that even mean? Adriene: I'm trying to come up with a spicy
title for today's show. OK, try this one on. how about ""economic systems and the nations
that are 'attracted' to them?"" Mr. Clifford: No. No. Adriene: Or when economic systems and nations
""hook up."" Mr. Clifford: I don't even know what to say.
Stan, roll the intro. [Theme Music] Adriene: So to pick up where we left off,
we all have wants. Food, cell phones, a good education, a $10,000 gold Apple watch, but
like the Rolling Stones tell us, you can't always get what you want. We don't have an
infinite amount of resources like raw materials, workers, and time, so we have to make choices.
Speaking of, eugh, who likes this? I'm gonna go change shirts. I'm gonna make another choice. So this shirt, it's way better, right? Anyway,
we as a social order have to figure out three things. Number one: what to produce, number
two: how to produce it, and number three: who gets it. Answer these three questions
and you've got an economic system! There's a ton of backstory here about the
history and evolution of economic thought; we'll get to that in a future video. In today's
video, we're gonna chat about the world today. Let's take a look at two different economic
systems: market economies and planned economies. Mr. Clifford: It all comes down to who owns
and controls the factors of production. These are the major inputs required to produce stuff
and Karl Marx classified them as land, labor, and capital. He even wrote a book about it,
Das Kapital. In a planned economy, the government controls
the factors of production, and it's easy to assume that's the same thing as communism
or socialism but that's not quite right. According to Karl Marx, ""The theory of communism may
be summed up in the single sentence: abolition of private property."" So true Communism is
a classless society. When I say classless, I'm talking about a
social order where everyone owns the factors of production, and output is distributed equally.
Kind of like China, and Cuba and the former Soviet Union, except not at all. In practice,
no country has ever been truly communist. There's a lot of countries that are socialist. Often, socialism has both private property
and some public ownership and control of industry. The goal is to meet specific collective objectives
and to provide free and easy access to things like education and healthcare. In both communism and socialism, there is
economic planning, and the government, usually in the form of some bureaucratic agency, helps decide
what to produce, how to produce it, and who gets it. Now if an economy is completely controlled
by the government, down to the number of shoes that should be produced, that's called a command
economy. Adriene: On the other side of the spectrum,
we have free market economies. In free market or capitalist economies, individuals own the factors
of production, and the government keeps its nose out of the stuff and adopts a laissez faire or hands-off
approach to production, commerce, and trade. In free market economies, businesses make
things like cars, not to do good for mankind but because they want to make a profit. Since
consumers, that's me and you, get to choose which car we want, car producers need to make
a car with the right features at the right price. Economists call this the invisible
hand. Oooooohhhh. If consumers prefer one company's car, that
business will make more profit and have an incentive to produce more cars. Car companies
that don't offer the cars people want will disappear. Maybe you've heard of the DeLorean?
It was a cool looking car, but not a car that many people wanted to buy. Apparently it was
expensive, underpowered, and poorly-made. And it didn't actually travel through time. Anyway, this concept applies to all other
markets, like cell phones or shoes. Scarce resources will go to the most desired use,
and they'll be used efficiently, more or less. After all, if a business is wasteful and inefficient
or makes something that no one wants to buy, then some other business will make a similar
product that's either better or cheaper or both. If there's no consumer demand for a
product, resources won't be wasted producing it. We often take markets for granted, but look
at the alternative. Assume instead that a government agency was in charge of deciding
exactly which types of cars and cell phones and shoes to make. Do you think they could
quickly respond to changes in tastes and preferences? If there was only one government monopoly producing
cars, do you think they'd be produced efficiently? Mr. Clifford: So the invisible hand of the
free market is the idea that individuals and businesses meet society's needs when they
seek their own self-interest. Competitive markets with profit-seeking businesses will
have an incentive to produce high-quality products as efficiently as possible. In the
words of Adam Smith, ""It's not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that
we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest."" Now, it looks like
the free market's perfect and we don't even need a government, but that's not quite right.
There's a bunch of things the government must do, because free markets won't. First, is maintain the rule of law. We need
laws and police and contracts and courts to keep everything orderly. Second, we need public
goods and services, like roads and bridges and education and defense, because goods can't
get to consumers if bridges are falling down, and consumers can't make good choices if they're
not educated, and no one really cares about buying the new iPhone if there's a bomb dropping
on your head. Third, the government sometimes needs to step in when markets get things wrong,
but what does that even mean? Adriene: Well, let's go back to producing
cars. The free market produces what we consumers want to buy, and when we buy, we're thinking
about what a car looks like. If it's the color we want, maybe if it's safe, what it costs.
Most of us aren't worried about air pollution. We don't think much about who made our car,
what they were paid, what the conditions at the factory were like; that's when government
steps in to regulate production. In a free market economy like the United States, you
might think that the government doesn't tell car producers what types of cars to produce
and how to produce them, except that it does. Cars need to meet strict emissions and safety
standards, and there are laws dictating how much manufacturers can pollute and how workers
should be treated, and here's the big takeaway: modern economies are neither completely free
market nor planned. There's a spectrum of government involvement. For example, on one
end we have North Korea. They have a command economy where production is entirely controlled
by the government. On the other end, we have countries like New Zealand; they have private
property, few taxes, and few regulations. In the middle, we have the rest of the world.
So most modern economies are actually mixed economies with both free markets and government
intervention. Mr. Clifford: And a great way to explain a
mixed economy is by looking at something called ""the circular flow model."" Let's go to the
Thought Bubble. A modern economy is made up of households, which are individuals like
you and me, and businesses. Businesses sell goods and services to households in the product
market -- that's anywhere goods and services are bought and sold. The households need to
pay for those goods and services, but where do they get the money? The households earn
the money by selling the resources, like labor, to businesses. Now, this is done in the resource
market. The businesses use the money they earn from selling products in the product
market to pay for resources in the resource market, and households use the money they earn in the
resource market to buy products in the product market. But there's another key player in the economy:
the government. The government also buys products and resources. For example, they'll buy cars
from businesses and hire government employees like policemen to drive them. The government
pays for public goods like roads and bridges and public services like firefighters and
teachers. They also provide transfer payments to individuals in poverty and subsidies to
businesses to produce things like fuel efficient cars. But where does the government get the
money? Well, they get some of it from taxing households
and businesses and they get some of it from borrowing, but we'll talk about that later.
So basically, that's it. That's the circular flow of products, resources, and money, and
the interactions between businesses, individuals, and the government. Now, it gets more complex
when you add in international trade and the financial sector, but for now, the simplified circular
flow shows how the modern economy works. Adriene: Thanks, Thought Bubble. We've established
that economies differ based on the amount of government involvement, but it's important
to keep in mind that economies can change. Over time, Denmark and Canada have adopted
more elements of a planned economy, like universal healthcare. China, on the other hand, has
added more free market elements to its economy and now has less government ownership and
control of production, so communist China actually has a socialist market economy. But
which type of economy is better and how much should the government get involved? It's hard to find support for command economies
outside North Korea, and may some nostalgic Cubans and Russians. Those who support socialism
would point out Denmark's high standards of living and low income inequality, but free
market enthusiasts might point out China's massive economic growth and growing middle
class after backing away from central planning. Ultimately, the optimal amount of government
involvement depends on your personal values. For example, what, if anything, do you think
the government should do to help people in poverty? Do you think it's up to each individual
to provide for themselves, come what may, or do you think the government should step
in as a safety net and help pay for food and healthcare? What if the person made choices
that got them in financial trouble, like gambling or made them sick, like smoking? Should society
help then? Well, economists aren't really good at answering these types of questions.
Sorry. It's not that they're heartless. It's just
they don't operate in the realm of feelings. In the words of economist Thomas Sowell, ""There
are no solutions, only trade-offs."" Sure, it would be great if we could end poverty
or provide healthcare for everyone, but we're gonna have to give something up in order to
do it. Forcing car producers to meet emissions and safety regulations will increase production
costs and likely increase the price of cars, but it also reduces pollution and fossil fuel
consumption, which will hopefully improve public health and save money in the long run.
There is always an opportunity cost, and deciding if it's worth it--well, that's up to you and
your elected officials and a bunch of lobbyists. Deng Xiaoping transformed China from a country
with debilitating poverty and famine to the economic powerhouse it is today. Regarding
this debate, he said, ""It doesn't matter whether a cat is black or white, if it catches mice,
it's a good cat."" Which makes me think about that green shirt, that was a good shirt. I'll
be right back. Mr. Clifford: So let's wrap this thing up.
In practice, almost all countries are somewhere between the extremes of a command economy
and a completely free market economy. That's because mixed economies seem best at handling
the circular flow of goods, money, and resources. But the debate over free markets and government
control will never end. Adriene: Well, actually, it will end, when
humanity ends, because microscopic organisms don't divide themselves into factions based
on economic theory, but anyway, that's why it's vital for you to be informed about the
merits and the limits of economic systems and be willing to support solutions that get
the job done, as opposed to getting stuck in one ideology. Economic theories and models
can seem really great in the abstract, but when they're kicked out into the real world
and actually have to govern the affairs of billions of people, it turns out that some
flexibility is a very important thing. Mr. Clifford: Thanks for watching; we'll see
you next week. Adriene: Crash Course is made with the help
of all these nice people who definitely appreciate a spicy title, wink, wink. And if you wanna
help keep Crash Course free for everyone forever, please consider subscribing over at Patreon.
Patreon is a voluntary subscription service that allows you to pay whatever you want monthly
and make Crash Course exist. Thanks for watching and don't forget to be irrationally exuberant.",learn-with-videos,"What are the two main types of economic systems discussed in the passage?
- Market economies and planned economies.",What are the two main types of economic systems discussed in the passage?,- Market economies and planned economies.,"['crash course economics', 'economic systems', 'nations', 'raw materials', 'workers']"
31,01-04-05-decisions--decisions-in-the-social-media-age,01-04,5,Decisions ... Decisions in the Social Media Age,"The world we live in today provides nearly instant access to a wealth of information. Consider that as recently as the late 1970s, the _Farmer's Almanac_, along with the Weather Bureau of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, were the primary sources American farmers used to determine when to plant and harvest their crops. Today, farmers are more likely to access, online, weather forecasts from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration or watch the Weather Channel. After all, knowing the upcoming forecast could drive when to harvest crops. Consequently, knowing the upcoming weather could change the amount of crop harvested.
Some relatively new information forums, such as Facebook, are rapidly changing how information is distributed; hence, influencing decision making. In 2014, the Pew Research Center reported that 71% of online adults use Facebook. This social media forum posts topics ranging from the National Basketball Association, to celebrity singers and performers, to farmers.
Information helps us make decisions as simple as what to wear today to how many reporters the media should send to cover a crash. Each of these decisions is an economic decision. After all, resources are scarce. If the media send ten reporters to cover an accident, they are not available to cover other stories or complete other tasks. Information provides the necessary knowledge to make the best possible decisions on how to utilize scarce resources. Welcome to the world of economics!
","The world we live in today provides nearly instant access to a wealth of information. Consider that as recently as the late 1970s, the Farmer's Almanac, along with the Weather Bureau of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, were the primary sources American farmers used to determine when to plant and harvest their crops. Today, farmers are more likely to access, online, weather forecasts from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration or watch the Weather Channel. After all, knowing the upcoming forecast could drive when to harvest crops. Consequently, knowing the upcoming weather could change the amount of crop harvested.
Some relatively new information forums, such as Facebook, are rapidly changing how information is distributed; hence, influencing decision making. In 2014, the Pew Research Center reported that 71% of online adults use Facebook. This social media forum posts topics ranging from the National Basketball Association, to celebrity singers and performers, to farmers.
Information helps us make decisions as simple as what to wear today to how many reporters the media should send to cover a crash. Each of these decisions is an economic decision. After all, resources are scarce. If the media send ten reporters to cover an accident, they are not available to cover other stories or complete other tasks. Information provides the necessary knowledge to make the best possible decisions on how to utilize scarce resources. Welcome to the world of economics!",decisions--decisions-in-the-social-media-age,"{""question"": ""How does information help us make economic decisions?"", ""answer"": ""Information provides the necessary knowledge to make the best possible decisions on how to utilize scarce resources.""}",How does information help us make economic decisions?,Information provides the necessary knowledge to make the best possible decisions on how to utilize scarce resources.,"['information', 'farmers almanac', 'us national oceanic and atmospheric']"
32,02-00-00-introduction-to-choice-in-a-world-of-scarcity,02-00,0,Introduction to Choice in a World of Scarcity,"
In general, the higher the degree, the higher the salary. So why aren't more
people pursuing higher degrees? The short answer: choices and tradeoffs.
","In general, the higher the degree, the higher the salary. So why aren't more
people pursuing higher degrees? The short answer: choices and tradeoffs.",introduction-to-choice-in-a-world-of-scarcity,"{""question"": ""Why aren't more people pursuing higher degrees?"", ""answer"": ""Choices and tradeoffs.""}",Why aren't more people pursuing higher degrees?,Choices and tradeoffs.,"['payoff', 'higher degrees', 'choices', 'tradeoffs', 'higher education', 'gender']"
33,02-00-02-choices--to-what-degree,02-00,2,Choices ... To What Degree?,"In 2015, the median income for workers who hold master's degrees varies from males to females. The average of the two is \$2,951 weekly. Multiply this average by 52 weeks, and you get an average salary of \$153,452. Compare that to the median weekly earnings for a full-time worker over 25 with no higher than a bachelor's degree: \$1,224 weekly and \$63,648 a year. What about those with no higher than a high school diploma in 2015? They earn just \$664 weekly and $34,528 over 12 months. In other words, says the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), earning a bachelor's degree boosted salaries 54% over what you would have earned if you had stopped your education after high school. A master's degree yields a salary almost double that of a high school diploma.
Given these statistics, we might expect many people to choose to go to college and at least earn a bachelor's degree. Assuming that people want to improve their material well-being, it seems like they would make those choices that provide them with the greatest opportunity to consume goods and services. As it turns out, the analysis is not nearly as simple as this. In fact, in 2014, the BLS reported that while almost 88% of the population in the United States had a high school diploma, only 33.6% of 25-65 year olds had bachelor's degrees, and only 7.4% of 25-65 year olds in 2014 had earned a master's.
This brings us to the subject of this chapter: why people make the choices they make and how economists explain those choices.","In 2015, the median income for workers who hold master's degrees varies from males to females. The average of the two is \$2,951 weekly. Multiply this average by 52 weeks, and you get an average salary of \$153,452. Compare that to the median weekly earnings for a full-time worker over 25 with no higher than a bachelor's degree: \$1,224 weekly and \$63,648 a year. What about those with no higher than a high school diploma in 2015? They earn just \$664 weekly and $34,528 over 12 months. In other words, says the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), earning a bachelor's degree boosted salaries 54% over what you would have earned if you had stopped your education after high school. A master's degree yields a salary almost double that of a high school diploma.
Given these statistics, we might expect many people to choose to go to college and at least earn a bachelor's degree. Assuming that people want to improve their material well-being, it seems like they would make those choices that provide them with the greatest opportunity to consume goods and services. As it turns out, the analysis is not nearly as simple as this. In fact, in 2014, the BLS reported that while almost 88% of the population in the United States had a high school diploma, only 33.6% of 25-65 year olds had bachelor's degrees, and only 7.4% of 25-65 year olds in 2014 had earned a master's.
This brings us to the subject of this chapter: why people make the choices they make and how economists explain those choices.",choices--to-what-degree,"{
""question"": ""What percentage of 25-65 year olds in the United States had earned a master's degree in 2014?"",
""answer"": ""7.4%""
}",What percentage of 25-65 year olds in the United States had earned a master's degree in 2014?,7.4%,"['mergers', 'masters degrees', 'males', 'females', 'high school diploma']"
34,09-03-05-the-eight-major-categories-in-the-consumer-price-index,09-03,5,Inflationary gap,"**Figure 9.17** (b) shows a situation where the aggregate expenditure schedule (AE0) intersects the 45-degree line above potential GDP. The gap between the level of real GDP at the equilibrium E0 and potential GDP is called an inflationary gap. The inflationary gap also requires a bit of interpreting. After all, a naïve reading of the Keynesian cross diagram might suggest that if the aggregate expenditure function is just pushed up high enough, real GDP can be as large as desired, even doubling or tripling the potential GDP level of the economy. This implication is clearly wrong. An economy faces some supply-side limits on how much it can produce at a given time with its existing quantities of workers, physical and human capital, technology, and market institutions.
The inflationary gap should be interpreted, not as a literal prediction of how large real GDP will be, but as a statement of how much extra aggregate expenditure is in the economy beyond what is needed to reach potential GDP. An inflationary gap suggests that because the economy cannot produce enough goods and services to absorb this level of aggregate expenditures, the spending will instead cause an inflationary increase in the price level. In this way, even though changes in the price level do not appear explicitly in the Keynesian cross equation, the notion of inflation is implicit in the concept of the inflationary gap.
The appropriate Keynesian response to an inflationary gap is shown in **Figure 9.17** (b). The original intersection of aggregate expenditure line AE0 and the 45-degree line occurs at \$8,000, which is above the level of potential GDP at \$7,000. If AE0 shifts down to AE1, so that the new equilibrium is at E1, then the economy will be at potential GDP without pressures for inflationary price increases. The government can achieve a downward shift in aggregate expenditure by increasing taxes on consumers or firms, or by reducing government expenditures.
An expansionary fiscal policy entails an increase in government spending
and/or a decrease in taxation. These actions will increase spending in the
economy a...
$$
","Figure 9.17 (b) shows a situation where the aggregate expenditure schedule (AE0) intersects the 45-degree line above potential GDP. The gap between the level of real GDP at the equilibrium E0 and potential GDP is called an inflationary gap. The inflationary gap also requires a bit of interpreting. After all, a naïve reading of the Keynesian cross diagram might suggest that if the aggregate expenditure function is just pushed up high enough, real GDP can be as large as desired, even doubling or tripling the potential GDP level of the economy. This implication is clearly wrong. An economy faces some supply-side limits on how much it can produce at a given time with its existing quantities of workers, physical and human capital, technology, and market institutions.
The inflationary gap should be interpreted, not as a literal prediction of how large real GDP will be, but as a statement of how much extra aggregate expenditure is in the economy beyond what is needed to reach potential GDP. An inflationary gap suggests that because the economy cannot produce enough goods and services to absorb this level of aggregate expenditures, the spending will instead cause an inflationary increase in the price level. In this way, even though changes in the price level do not appear explicitly in the Keynesian cross equation, the notion of inflation is implicit in the concept of the inflationary gap.
The appropriate Keynesian response to an inflationary gap is shown in Figure 9.17 (b). The original intersection of aggregate expenditure line AE0 and the 45-degree line occurs at \$8,000, which is above the level of potential GDP at \$7,000. If AE0 shifts down to AE1, so that the new equilibrium is at E1, then the economy will be at potential GDP without pressures for inflationary price increases. The government can achieve a downward shift in aggregate expenditure by increasing taxes on consumers or firms, or by reducing government expenditures.
The time at our disposal is limited. There are only twenty-four hours in the
day. We have to choose between the different uses to which they may be put.
... Everywhere we turn, if we choose one thing we must relinquish others
which, in different circumstances, we would wish not to have relinquished.
Scarcity of means to satisfy given ends is an almost ubiquitous condition of
human nature.
Because people live in a world of scarcity, they cannot have all the time, money, possessions, and experiences they wish. Neither can society.
This chapter will continue our discussion of scarcity and the economic way of thinking by first introducing three critical concepts: opportunity cost, marginal decision making, and diminishing returns. Later, it will consider whether the economic way of thinking accurately describes either how we _make_ choices and how we _should_ make them.
","In 1968, the Rolling Stones recorded “You Can't Always Get What You Want.” Economists chuckled, because they had been singing a similar tune for decades. English economist Lionel Robbins (1898-1984), in his Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science in 1932, described not always getting what you want in this way:
The time at our disposal is limited. There are only twenty-four hours in the
day. We have to choose between the different uses to which they may be put.
... Everywhere we turn, if we choose one thing we must relinquish others
which, in different circumstances, we would wish not to have relinquished.
Scarcity of means to satisfy given ends is an almost ubiquitous condition of
human nature.
Because people live in a world of scarcity, they cannot have all the time, money, possessions, and experiences they wish. Neither can society.
This chapter will continue our discussion of scarcity and the economic way of thinking by first introducing three critical concepts: opportunity cost, marginal decision making, and diminishing returns. Later, it will consider whether the economic way of thinking accurately describes either how we make choices and how we should make them.",introduction-to-choice-in-a-world-of-scarcity-1,"{
""question"": ""What are three critical concepts that will be discussed in this chapter?"",
""answer"": ""opportunity cost, marginal decision making, and diminishing returns""
}",What are three critical concepts that will be discussed in this chapter?,"opportunity cost, marginal decision making, and diminishing returns","['scarcity', 'opportunity cost', 'marginal decision making', 'diminishing returns', 'human nature']"
36,02-01-00-overview,02-01,0,Overview,"
- Calculate and graph budget constraints
- Explain opportunity sets and opportunity costs
- Evaluate the law of diminishing marginal utility
- Explain how marginal analysis and utility influence choices
Consider the typical consumer's budget problem. Consumers have a limited amount of income to spend on the things they need and want. Suppose Alphonso has \$10 in spending money each week that he can allocate between bus tickets for getting to work and the burgers that he eats for lunch. Burgers cost \$2 each, and bus tickets are 50 cents each. We can see Alphonso's budget problem in [Figure 2.2](2-1-how-individuals-make-choices-based-on-their-budget-constraint#CNX_Econ_C02_001).
**Figure 2.2 The Budget Constraint: Alphonso's Consumption Choice Opportunity
Frontier**. Each point on the budget constraint represents a combination of
burgers and bus tickets whose total cost adds up to Alphonso's budget of $10.
The relative price of burgers and bus tickets determines the slope of the
budget constraint. All along the budget set, giving up one burger means
gaining four bus tickets.
- The vertical axis in the figure shows burger purchases and the horizontal axis shows bus ticket purchases.
- If Alphonso spends all his money on burgers, he can afford five per week. (\$10 per week / \$2 per burger = 5 burgers per week.) However, if he does this, he will not be able to afford any bus tickets. Point A in the figure shows the choice (zero bus tickets and five burgers).
- Alternatively, if Alphonso spends all his money on bus tickets, he can afford 20 per week. (\$10 per week / \$0.50 per bus ticket = 20 bus tickets per week.) Then, however, he will not be able to afford any burgers. Point F shows this alternative choice (20 bus tickets and zero burgers).
If we connect all the points between A and F, we get Alphonso's **budget constraint**. This indicates all the combination of burgers and bus tickets Alphonso can afford, given the price of the two goods and his budget amount.
If Alphonso is like most people, he will choose some combination that includes both bus tickets and burgers. That is, he will choose some combination on the budget constraint that is between points A and F. Every point on (or inside) the constraint shows a combination of burgers and bus tickets that Alphonso can afford. Any point outside the constraint is not affordable, because it would cost more money than Alphonso has in his budget.
The budget constraint clearly shows the tradeoff Alphonso faces in choosing between burgers and bus tickets. Suppose he is currently at point D, where he can afford 12 bus tickets and two burgers. What would it cost Alphonso for one more burger? It would be natural to answer $2, but that's not the way economists think. Instead they ask, how many bus tickets would Alphonso have to give up to get one more burger, while staying within his budget? Since bus tickets cost 50 cents, Alphonso would have to give up four to afford one more burger. That is the true cost to Alphonso.","Calculate and graph budget constraints
Explain opportunity sets and opportunity costs
Evaluate the law of diminishing marginal utility
Explain how marginal analysis and utility influence choices
Consider the typical consumer's budget problem. Consumers have a limited amount of income to spend on the things they need and want. Suppose Alphonso has \$10 in spending money each week that he can allocate between bus tickets for getting to work and the burgers that he eats for lunch. Burgers cost \$2 each, and bus tickets are 50 cents each. We can see Alphonso's budget problem in Figure 2.2.
**Table 2.1** points on Alphonso's budget constraint
View this [website](http://openstax.org/l/linestanding) for an example of
opportunity cost—paying someone else to wait in line for you.
**step slider needed here https://intromacro.econ.gatech.edu/chapter-2/**
","Table 2.1 points on Alphonso's budget constraint
View this website for an example of
opportunity cost—paying someone else to wait in line for you.
step slider needed here https://intromacro.econ.gatech.edu/chapter-2/",work-it-out-understanding-budget-constraints,"{""question"": ""What is an example of opportunity cost?"", ""answer"": ""Paying someone else to wait in line for you.""}",What is an example of opportunity cost?,Paying someone else to wait in line for you.,"['step slider', 'budget constraint', 'escout slider', 'intromacrogate']"
39,02-01-03-identifying-opportunity-cost,02-01,3,Identifying Opportunity Cost,"In many cases, it is reasonable to refer to the opportunity cost as the price. If your cousin buys a new bicycle for \$300, then \$300 measures the amount of “other consumption” that he has forsaken. For practical purposes, there may be no special need to identify the specific alternative product or products that he could have bought with that \$300, but sometimes the price as measured in dollars may not accurately capture the true opportunity cost. This problem can loom especially large when costs of time are involved.
For example, consider a boss who decides that all employees will attend a two-day retreat to “build team spirit.” The out-of-pocket monetary cost of the event may involve hiring an outside consulting firm to run the retreat, as well as room and board for all participants. However, an opportunity cost exists as well: during the two days of the retreat, none of the employees are doing any other work.
Attending college is another case where the opportunity cost exceeds the monetary cost. The out-of-pocket costs of attending college include tuition, books, room and board, and other expenses. However, in addition, during the hours that you are attending class and studying, it is impossible to work at a paying job. Thus, college imposes both an out-of-pocket cost and an opportunity cost of lost earnings.
In some cases, understanding the opportunity cost helps people alter their behavior. Imagine, for example, that you spend \$8 on lunch every day at work. You may know perfectly well that bringing a lunch from home would cost only \$3 a day, so the opportunity cost of buying lunch at the restaurant is \$5 each day (that is, the \$8 buying lunch costs minus the \$3 your lunch from home would cost). Five dollars each day does not seem to be that much. However, if you project what that adds up to in a year—250 days a year × \$5 per day equals \$1,250, the cost, perhaps, of a decent vacation. If you describe the opportunity cost as “a nice vacation” instead of “\$5 a day,” you might make different choices.","In many cases, it is reasonable to refer to the opportunity cost as the price. If your cousin buys a new bicycle for \$300, then \$300 measures the amount of “other consumption” that he has forsaken. For practical purposes, there may be no special need to identify the specific alternative product or products that he could have bought with that \$300, but sometimes the price as measured in dollars may not accurately capture the true opportunity cost. This problem can loom especially large when costs of time are involved.
For example, consider a boss who decides that all employees will attend a two-day retreat to “build team spirit.” The out-of-pocket monetary cost of the event may involve hiring an outside consulting firm to run the retreat, as well as room and board for all participants. However, an opportunity cost exists as well: during the two days of the retreat, none of the employees are doing any other work.
Attending college is another case where the opportunity cost exceeds the monetary cost. The out-of-pocket costs of attending college include tuition, books, room and board, and other expenses. However, in addition, during the hours that you are attending class and studying, it is impossible to work at a paying job. Thus, college imposes both an out-of-pocket cost and an opportunity cost of lost earnings.
In some cases, understanding the opportunity cost helps people alter their behavior. Imagine, for example, that you spend \$8 on lunch every day at work. You may know perfectly well that bringing a lunch from home would cost only \$3 a day, so the opportunity cost of buying lunch at the restaurant is \$5 each day (that is, the \$8 buying lunch costs minus the \$3 your lunch from home would cost). Five dollars each day does not seem to be that much. However, if you project what that adds up to in a year—250 days a year × \$5 per day equals \$1,250, the cost, perhaps, of a decent vacation. If you describe the opportunity cost as “a nice vacation” instead of “\$5 a day,” you might make different choices.",identifying-opportunity-cost,"{""question"": ""What is the opportunity cost of attending college?"", ""answer"": ""The opportunity cost of attending college includes the out-of-pocket costs of tuition, books, room and board, and other expenses, as well as the lost earnings from not being able to work at a paying job while attending class and studying.""}",What is the opportunity cost of attending college?,"The opportunity cost of attending college includes the out-of-pocket costs of tuition, books, room and board, and other expenses, as well as the lost earnings from not being able to work at a paying job while attending class and studying.","['outofpocket cost', 'tuition', 'books', 'room and board']"
40,02-01-04-learn-with-videos,02-01,4,Learn with Videos,"","Imagine the following situations: 1) A young man enrolls in a tuition-free public university. From his point of view he gets the education
for free. He will study in a field of his choice for
five years, and after that he will be granted master’s degree. 2) A freelancing website developer decides
to renovate his flat on his own instead of hiring a renovation team for 1,000 dollars. He will spend two weeks doing it. 3) A good and respected baker leaves his job
and sets up his own bakery. This will allow him to earn 24,000 dollars
in the first year of his business. 4) Just after New Year’s Eve a man buys
slightly discounted fireworks for 1,000 dollars. He stores them in his home, and sells them
after a year for 1,030 dollars. On the surface it seems that each of these
people have made a profit. The student acquired education for free, the
freelancer saved a thousand dollars, the baker earned 24,000 dollars, and the last man sold
fireworks with a 3% profit. But let us look at this from another perspective. 1) The student chose a stagnant field of studies. Employers will not need his knowledge after
his graduation, so he will probably have to apply for a job without any higher education
requirements. Instead of going to a university, he could
have applied right away for a job paying him 20,000 dollars a year, or 100,000 dollars
in the five years. What’s more, he would have gained professional
experience that would quickly allow him to apply for a promotion. 2) By deciding to repair his flat himself,
the freelancer forgoes a website development job for a large company. If he had accepted the job, he would finish
it in two weeks and earn 3,000 dollars. By devoting his time to renovate his flat,
he deprived himself of the opportunity to earn the money. If he had chosen instead to hire a renovating
team and to take the commission, he would end up with 2,000 dollars still in his pocket
despite having to hire the team for 1,000 dollars. 3) The baker who started his own business
previously worked for a large network of bakeries. There he earned 3,000 dollars a month, which
amounts to 36,000 dollars a year. By working on his own he could earn only 24,000
dollars a year, so by choosing to start a business he lost an opportunity to earn an
additional amount of 12,000 dollars a year. Moreover, he forgoes the safety of a full
time job and took upon himself the risk of running a business, that is, on the one hand,
the risk of losing the money he invested in it, and, on the other, the additional stress. 4) The man selling fireworks earned 3% profit
of 1,000 dollars. Instead of buying fireworks, he could have
deposited his money in a savings account with 5% of annual interest, which would net him
50 dollars in a year. He also lost his own time and storage space
in his home. Thus enters the notion of the opportunity
cost, meaning the cost of forgone opportunities. Economists define the concept in several ways: “the second-best option for an action given
a present choice” – Mateusz Machaj, PhD “the subjective value placed on the next-best
alternative that must be sacrificed because of a choice” – Robert Murphy, PhD
“Opportunity cost is a subjective idea. Only the individual chooser can estimate the
expected value of the best alternative. In fact, we seldom know the actual value of
the forgone alternative, because by definition that opportunity lost is ‘the road not taken’
– the alternative passed up in favor of the preferred option” – William A. McEachern,
PhD Every human decision incurs costs. This is due to the fact that people cannot
act in two divergent ways at the same time, so they must choose between actions. In the end, they have only one body with two
hands, and cannot be in two places at the same time. Moreover, the resources people use are limited
or scarce. People must constantly decide whether the
value of the chosen option exceeds the value of the rejected option, that is the cost. In the above examples, each of the described
people gained money in accounting terms. However, in economic terms each of them suffered
a financial loss. If the only motivation for people were money,
we would say that each one of them lost. Such an assumption would be wrong, however,
because people are not driven solely by money. We call the other, non-monetary subjective
gains from action the psychic profit. This is explained very clearly by Professor
Machaj in the “Free Entrepreneurship” textbook:
“All people that act seek profit. It is not merely about making money, or strictly
speaking assuring that their monetary income outweighs their monetary costs. What counts is another gain: the psychic profit. ... [P]eople can be driven by vastly different
ends, and seeking material wealth is but one of them. They may also seek personal happiness, aesthetic
sensations, or fulfillment in religious beliefs. All in all, such are the ends people usually
strive for in their actions. This is why the monetary (or purely material)
gain is often just a means to another end, such as the use of one’s free time to one’s
satisfaction (understood subjectively and individually).” Let us go back to our examples once again. 1) The student is aware that his field of
studies will not help him find a well-paid job, and that he could have looked for a job
without the delay. But for him his great passion for the field
outweighs this. Although he will not use the knowledge he
gained during his studies to gain money, he will make an extensive use of it during his
free time, and this will enrich his life experience in many pleasant moments. 2) The freelancer loves physical work at home. He revels in the deep satisfaction that doing
something by himself gives him. He also likes the thought that he will be
able to tell his friends that will visit him, that he carried out the whole renovation on
his own. He expects their praise to positively affect
his well-being. 3) The baker very much disliked his previous
job. He became frustrated with his bosses, who
were ignoring many of his ideas for new products. He also disliked taking orders. By establishing his own bakery, he gained
the independence he craved for. It is worth noting that if the baker succeeds
in developing his business, he can make a monetary profit as well. Given a year or two, he may start to earn,
say, twice as much as he did in his previous full time job. 4) The man who has invested in fireworks dislikes
and distrusts banks. He got into his head that should he deposit
his money in a savings account, he would never get it back. If he chose to deposit the money, he would
worry all the time about it. So to spare himself the stress he chose instead
to invest in fireworks and have his peace of mind. Our characters may subjectively judge the
combined monetary and psychic profit to be greater than the opportunity cost. People vastly differ. They enjoy very different things, and can
value the things they forgo differently. Only one who makes the choice knows whether
one has gained or lost in the process. There is no way to judge this objectively,
or outside of the mind of the person making the decision. Certain things, however, we know for sure. We know that at the moment of putting the
choice into action the human being subjectively values the chosen option more than the opportunity
cost. After the fact it may turn out that the reality
differed from one’s expectations. In such a situation one may regret the action
as a subjective loss. We also know for sure that every action has
a cost. When a man chooses to visit a particular restaurant,
he forgos being in another one at the time. When a company invests in financial instruments,
it forgos buying new equipment for its factory floor. When the government builds a road, the capital
pushed away from the private sector cannot be productively used somewhere else. According to the timeless advice of Frédéric
Bastiat, it is thus beneficial to look not only at that which is seen, but also at that
which is not seen. We wish to express our gratitude to Stanisław
Kwiatkowski, an economist at the Ludwig von Mises Institute of Economic Education, who
helped in scientific editing of the script to this video. For more videos and other materials, please
visit econclips.com. If you liked our video, please share it with
your friends.",learn-with-videos,"Question: What is the concept of opportunity cost and how does it relate to decision-making?
Answer: Opportunity cost refers to the value of the next-best alternative that must be sacrificed because of a choice. It is subjective and involves weighing the value of the chosen option against the value of the rejected option.",What is the concept of opportunity cost and how does it relate to decision-making?,Opportunity cost refers to the value of the next-best alternative that must be sacrificed because of a choice. It is subjective and involves weighing the value of the chosen option against the value of the rejected option.,"['tcr', 'tuitionfree public university', 'graduate', 'professional', 'academic']"
41,02-01-05-clear-it-up-what-is-the-opportunity-cost-associated-with-increased-airport-security-measures,02-01,5,Clear it up: What is the opportunity cost associated with increased airport security measures?,"After the terrorist plane hijackings on September 11, 2001, many steps were proposed to improve air travel safety. For example, the federal government could provide armed “sky marshals” who would travel inconspicuously with the rest of the passengers. The cost of having a sky marshal on every flight would be roughly \$3 billion per year. Retrofitting all U.S. planes with reinforced cockpit doors to make it harder for terrorists to take over the plane would have a price tag of \$450 million. Buying more sophisticated security equipment for airports, like three-dimensional baggage scanners and cameras linked to face recognition software, could cost another \$2 billion.
However, the single biggest cost of greater airline security does not involve spending money. It is the opportunity cost of additional waiting time at the airport. According to the United States Department of Transportation (DOT), there were 895.5 million system-wide (domestic and international) scheduled service passengers in 2015. Since the 9/11 hijackings, security screening has become more intensive, and consequently, the procedure takes longer than in the past. Say that, on average, each air passenger spends an extra 30 minutes in the airport per trip. Economists commonly place a value on time to convert an opportunity cost in time into a monetary figure. Because many air travelers are relatively high-paid business people, conservative estimates set the average price of time for air travelers at \$20 per hour. By these back-of-the-envelope calculations, the opportunity cost of delays in airports could be as much as 800 million × 0.5 hours × \$20/hour, or $8 billion per year. Clearly, the opportunity costs of waiting time can be just as important as costs that involve direct spending.","After the terrorist plane hijackings on September 11, 2001, many steps were proposed to improve air travel safety. For example, the federal government could provide armed “sky marshals” who would travel inconspicuously with the rest of the passengers. The cost of having a sky marshal on every flight would be roughly \$3 billion per year. Retrofitting all U.S. planes with reinforced cockpit doors to make it harder for terrorists to take over the plane would have a price tag of \$450 million. Buying more sophisticated security equipment for airports, like three-dimensional baggage scanners and cameras linked to face recognition software, could cost another \$2 billion.
However, the single biggest cost of greater airline security does not involve spending money. It is the opportunity cost of additional waiting time at the airport. According to the United States Department of Transportation (DOT), there were 895.5 million system-wide (domestic and international) scheduled service passengers in 2015. Since the 9/11 hijackings, security screening has become more intensive, and consequently, the procedure takes longer than in the past. Say that, on average, each air passenger spends an extra 30 minutes in the airport per trip. Economists commonly place a value on time to convert an opportunity cost in time into a monetary figure. Because many air travelers are relatively high-paid business people, conservative estimates set the average price of time for air travelers at \$20 per hour. By these back-of-the-envelope calculations, the opportunity cost of delays in airports could be as much as 800 million × 0.5 hours × \$20/hour, or $8 billion per year. Clearly, the opportunity costs of waiting time can be just as important as costs that involve direct spending.",clear-it-up-what-is-the-opportunity-cost-associated-with-increased-airport-security-measures,"Question: What is the estimated annual cost of the opportunity cost of delays in airports due to increased security screening time?
Answer: The estimated annual cost of the opportunity cost of delays in airports is $8 billion.",What is the estimated annual cost of the opportunity cost of delays in airports due to increased security screening time?,The estimated annual cost of the opportunity cost of delays in airports is $8 billion.,"['terrorism plane hijackings', 'federal government', 'armed', 'sky marshals', 'reinforced cockpit doors']"
42,02-01-06-marginal-decision-making-and-diminishing-marginal-utility,02-01,6,Marginal Decision-Making and Diminishing Marginal Utility,"The budget constraint framework helps to emphasize that most choices in the real world are not about getting all of one thing or all of another; that is, they are not about choosing either the point at one end of the budget constraint or else the point all the way at the other end. Instead, most choices involve marginal analysis, which means examining the benefits and costs of choosing a little more or a little less of a good. People naturally compare costs and benefits, but often we look at total costs and total benefits, when the optimal choice necessitates comparing how costs and benefits change from one option to another. You might think of marginal analysis as “change analysis,” and it is used throughout economics.
We now turn to the notion of **utility**. People desire goods and services for the satisfaction or utility those goods and services provide. Utility is subjective but that does not make it less real. Economists typically assume that the more of some good one consumes, the more utility one gets from it. At the same time, the utility a person receives from consuming the first unit of a good is typically more than the utility received from consuming the fifth or the tenth unit of that same good. When Alphonso chooses between burgers and bus tickets, for example, the first few bus rides that he chooses might provide him with a great deal of utility—perhaps they help him get to a job interview or a doctor’s appointment. However, later bus rides might provide much less utility—they may only serve to kill time on a rainy day. Similarly, the first burger that Alphonso chooses to buy may be on a day when he missed breakfast and is ravenously hungry. However, if Alphonso has a burger every single day, the last few burgers may taste pretty boring.
It is quite common for the first few units of any good to bring a higher level of utility to a person than later. Economists refer to this pattern as the **law of diminishing marginal utility**, which means that as a person receives more of a good, the additional (or marginal) utility from each additional unit of the good declines. In other words, the first slice of pizza brings more satisfaction than the sixth.
The law of diminishing marginal utility explains why people and societies rarely make all-or-nothing choices. You would not say, “My favorite food is ice cream, so I will eat nothing but ice cream from now on.” Instead, even if you get a very high level of utility from your favorite food, if you ate it exclusively, the additional or marginal utility from those last few servings would not be very high. Similarly, most workers do not say: “I enjoy leisure, so I’ll never work.” Instead, workers recognize that even though some leisure is very nice, a combination of all leisure and no income is not so attractive.
The budget constraint framework suggests that when people make choices in a world of scarcity, they will use marginal analysis and think about whether they would prefer a little more or a little less. A rational consumer would only purchase additional units of some product as long as the marginal utility exceeds the opportunity cost.
**Figure 2.2**. The Budget Constraint: Alphonso's Consumption Choice
Opportunity Frontier
Suppose Alphonso moves down his budget constraint from Point A to Point B to Point C and further. As he consumes more bus tickets, the marginal utility of bus tickets will diminish, while the opportunity cost, that is, the marginal utility of foregone burgers, will increase. Eventually, the opportunity cost will exceed the marginal utility of an additional bus ticket. If Alphonso is rational, he won't purchase more bus tickets once the marginal utility just equals the opportunity cost. While we can't (yet) say exactly how many bus tickets Alphonso will buy, that number is unlikely to be the most he can afford, 20.
","The budget constraint framework helps to emphasize that most choices in the real world are not about getting all of one thing or all of another; that is, they are not about choosing either the point at one end of the budget constraint or else the point all the way at the other end. Instead, most choices involve marginal analysis, which means examining the benefits and costs of choosing a little more or a little less of a good. People naturally compare costs and benefits, but often we look at total costs and total benefits, when the optimal choice necessitates comparing how costs and benefits change from one option to another. You might think of marginal analysis as “change analysis,” and it is used throughout economics.
We now turn to the notion of utility. People desire goods and services for the satisfaction or utility those goods and services provide. Utility is subjective but that does not make it less real. Economists typically assume that the more of some good one consumes, the more utility one gets from it. At the same time, the utility a person receives from consuming the first unit of a good is typically more than the utility received from consuming the fifth or the tenth unit of that same good. When Alphonso chooses between burgers and bus tickets, for example, the first few bus rides that he chooses might provide him with a great deal of utility—perhaps they help him get to a job interview or a doctor’s appointment. However, later bus rides might provide much less utility—they may only serve to kill time on a rainy day. Similarly, the first burger that Alphonso chooses to buy may be on a day when he missed breakfast and is ravenously hungry. However, if Alphonso has a burger every single day, the last few burgers may taste pretty boring.
It is quite common for the first few units of any good to bring a higher level of utility to a person than later. Economists refer to this pattern as the law of diminishing marginal utility, which means that as a person receives more of a good, the additional (or marginal) utility from each additional unit of the good declines. In other words, the first slice of pizza brings more satisfaction than the sixth.
The law of diminishing marginal utility explains why people and societies rarely make all-or-nothing choices. You would not say, “My favorite food is ice cream, so I will eat nothing but ice cream from now on.” Instead, even if you get a very high level of utility from your favorite food, if you ate it exclusively, the additional or marginal utility from those last few servings would not be very high. Similarly, most workers do not say: “I enjoy leisure, so I’ll never work.” Instead, workers recognize that even though some leisure is very nice, a combination of all leisure and no income is not so attractive.
The budget constraint framework suggests that when people make choices in a world of scarcity, they will use marginal analysis and think about whether they would prefer a little more or a little less. A rational consumer would only purchase additional units of some product as long as the marginal utility exceeds the opportunity cost.
This segment uses the fictional economy of Econ Isle to discuss how limited resources result in a scarcity problem for the economy. Econ Isle's production possibilities are graphed to show its frontier, and then used to discuss the opportunity costs of its production and consumption decisions.
","Have you been to
a frontier lately? You know, an outer
limit or a border? When you hear the
word ""frontier,"" you might think of westward
expansion, outer space, or even Alaska. Whether you realize it or not,
the economy has a frontier--it has an outer limit of
economic production. Today we're going to talk
about this outer limit by using a simple economic model called
the production possibilities frontier--the PPF. Like most models, the PPF
reflects a simplified version of reality. And in this case, it can
be easily shown on a graph. For example, let's
imagine a single economy, the island nation of Econ
Isle, that produces only two goods--widgets and gadgets. Econ Isle is a
closed economy, which means that it doesn't
trade with other countries. So, it can only consume
what it produces. It uses natural resources, which
are things that occur naturally in and on the
earth that are used to produce goods and services. Examples include
water, trees, oil, and land used to produce crops. It uses labor, or
human resources, which is the
quantity and quality of human effort directed toward
producing goods and services. The people of Econ Isle
work hard to produce all those widgets and gadgets. It uses capital
resources, which are goods that have been
produced and are used to produce other
goods and services. In other words,
capital resources are the tools the
people of Econ Isle use to produce
widgets and gadgets. Econ Isle, like all economies,
has a limited quantity of productive
resources; this means that the quantity of
goods and services that Econ Isle can
produce is also limited. So, what are Econ Isle's
production possibilities? If all of Econ Isle's resources
are used to produce gadgets, it can produce 12 gadgets. But 12 gadgets means no widgets. On the other extreme, if it
used all of its resources to produce widgets,
Econ Isle could produce 6 widgets, but no gadgets. Of course, the
people of Econ Isle would probably prefer a
mix of gadgets and widgets. For example, Econ
Isle might produce 4 gadgets and 4 widgets. Given their
productive resources, there are the different
combinations of widgets and gadgets they could produce. A PPF graph displays the
different production options that are possible--or even
impossible--for an economy. Now let's plot Econ Isle's
production possibilities on our graph. By connecting the
points to form a line, we get an approximation of Econ
Isle's different production possibilities. This line is the frontier. For Econ Isle, and any
economy, the frontier represents maximum production
with the available resources. Producing on the
frontier assumes the economy is using
all its resources and it's using them efficiently. This level is sometimes
called full employment. The frontier also marks
the line between what is possible and impossible
for Econ Isle to produce. Although the people
of Econ Isle might want to produce and consume
5 widgets and 5 gadgets, the frontier shows there
are not enough resources to produce that combination. That combination
is unattainable. In fact, all points below
the frontier are attainable, but all points
outside the frontier are unattainable with the
current level of resources. Econ Isle is feeling
the effects of scarcity, which is the condition that
exists because there are not enough resources to
produce everyone's wants. Put differently, there
aren't enough resources to produce all the
widgets and gadgets needed to fill the wants of the
citizens of Econ Isle. So, despite wanting
more production, Econ Isle has settled at
4 widgets and 4 gadgets. This situation illustrates
our first lesson. LESSON 1: Because
resources are scarce, not everyone's wants can be met. The people of Econ
Isle would like to increase the production
of both widgets and gadgets, but the PPF shows that
this is not possible. Let's say Econ Isle increases
its production of widgets to 5. Because Econ Isle's
resources are scarce, each unit of a
resource can be used to produce either widgets
or gadgets, but not both. For example, if workers--who
are labor resources--are working in the widget factory, they
are not working in the gadget factory. Producing more widgets
will require Econ Isle to divert resources
from gadget production to widget production, resulting
in fewer gadgets produced. Notice that at this
new point, Econ Isle can produce 5 widgets,
but as a result can produce only 2 gadgets. Put differently, to increase
production by 1 widget, Econ Isle has to give up
the production of 2 gadgets. This situation illustrates
our second lesson. LESSON 2: Scarcity
forces people to choose, and when people choose,
there is an opportunity cost. So what does this mean for
the people of Econ Isle? You'll have to watch part 2
of this episode to find out.",learn-with-videos,"What does the production possibilities frontier represent for an economy?
The production possibilities frontier represents the maximum production that can be achieved with the available resources and assumes that the economy is using all its resources efficiently.",What does the production possibilities frontier represent for an economy? ,The production possibilities frontier represents the maximum production that can be achieved with the available resources and assumes that the economy is using all its resources efficiently.,"['peripheralization', 'outer york', 'pf', 'island nation']"
46,02-02-08-learn-with-videos-2,02-02,8,Learn with Videos,"
Need help? CHeck out the Ultimate Review Packet
https://www.acdcecon.com/review-packet Individuals and countries benefit from
trade. Even though it isn't very realistic, simplified examples like this will
help you understand the idea of comparative advantage. Make sure that you can
calculate the per unit opportunity cost so you can see which country should
specialize in which product.
",hey hey do nikan students this is mr. Clifford welcome to ac/dc econ today I'm in Hong Kong China to talk to you about international trade and comparative advantage everybody trades and I'm not just talking about countries I'm talking about everyone when one person becomes a dentist they trade their services to the person who's the lawyer since people don't have the time to learn how to do everything and they have different abilities they specialize in one thing and trade with other people for the thing that they need and it's the same way for countries in fact Hong Kong is the international hub for finance and trade in all of Asia it also has the fifth largest skyscraper in the world the international commerce center let's look at a made-up scenario to show you why and how countries trade let's use the United States and China and let's assume they can produce only two goods planes and toys now before we go any further keep in mind that it doesn't really look like this in real life countries produce more than just two goods but we simplify the world in economics and then we bring in the complexities later on ready anyway in our situation let's just say the United States can produce ten thousand planes or thirty thousand toys and China can produce four thousand planes or twenty thousand toys it's easy to organize this by drawing a grid with the countries on the left and the things they can produce on the top notice the United States can produce more of both planes and toys this is called having an absolute advantage but this doesn't mean that the United States should produce both planes and toys both the United States and China should specialize in producing one and then trade with the other country but how should they trade that guy just watch her right through here that's funny to determine what they should produce we have to calculate something called per unit opportunity costs okay we know the United States gives up 30 toys when they produce ten planes but how many toys are given up when they produce just one plane that's the per unit opportunity cost the number of units you'd lose divided by the number of units you gain so the United States one plane toss three toys and each one toy costs one-third of a plane how many toys does China give up when they produce one plane for China one plane costs five toys now how many planes they give up when they produce one toy the answer is 1/5 of a plane so which country should and producing planes the one that gives up three toys for each plane or the one that gives up five toys for each plane will the US because they have a lower opportunity cost and therefore a comparative advantage China has a comparative advantage in the production of toys so if these two countries specialize in trade they'll actually be better off and if they try to produce the products themselves and that's the whole reason why we learn the concept of comparative advantage Hey thank you guys thank you thank you art about okay let's look at the concept of terms of trade we know both countries can benefit from specialization and trade but how should they trade for example what if there is an offer to have a terms of trade of one plane for ten toys now again this is not very realistic countries don't barter goods and services but it shows the idea the benefits of trade the u.s. is going to specialize in making planes so they need toys from China China is going to specialize in making toys so they need planes from the US they can both benefit but they need to agree on a terms of trade that works for both of them so it is trading one plane for ten toys make each country better off this terms of trade would make the u.s. way better off they would be getting toys at a lower opportunity cost than if they produce them themselves so the u.s. loves this but what about China China would never accept these terms of trade since they would be worse off China wouldn't want to trade ten toys to get one plane if they can produce planes by themselves by only sacrificing five toys so what are the terms of trade that would satisfy both countries one plane for four toys would benefit both countries the US would be getting toys at a lower opportunity cost and if they produce themselves and China would be getting planes a lower opportunity cost than they would without trade in fact trading one plane for any number between three and five toys would benefit both countries anything greater than three would benefit the United States anything less than five would benefit China so in this situation each country can get the product they're looking for at a lower opportunity cost and if they produce it themselves and that's the whole concept of comparative advantage thank you thank you hey kid maybe in next time,learn-with-videos-2,"{
""question"": ""What is the concept that explains why countries specialize in producing certain goods and trade with other countries?"",
""answer"": ""The concept is comparative advantage.""
}",What is the concept that explains why countries specialize in producing certain goods and trade with other countries?,The concept is comparative advantage.,"['nikan students', 'acdc econ', 'china', 'international trade', 'comparative advantage']"
47,07-04-09-criticisms-of-measuring-unemployment,07-04,9,Unemployment and the Great Recession,"At the start of this chapter, we noted that unemployment tends to be a lagging indicator of business activity. This has historically been the case, and it is evident for all recessions that have taken place since the end of World War II. In brief, this results from the costs to employers of recruitment, hiring, and training workers. Those costs represent investments by firms in their work forces.
At the outset of a recession, when a firm realizes that demand for its product or service is not as strong as anticipated, it has an incentive to lay off workers. However, doing so runs the risk of losing those workers, and if the weak demand proves to be only temporary, the firm will be obliged to recruit, hire, and train new workers.
Thus, firms tend to retain workers initially in a downturn. Similarly, as business begins to pick up when a recession is over, firms are not sure if the improvement will last. Rather than incur the costs of hiring and training new workers, they will wait, and perhaps resort to overtime work for existing workers, until they are confident that the recession is over.The duration of recoveries in employment following recessions has been longer following the last three recessions (going back to the early 1990s) than previously. Nir Jaimovich and Henry Siu have argued that these “jobless recoveries” are a consequence of job polarization: the disappearance of employment opportunities focused on “routine” tasks.
Job polarization refers to the increasing concentration of employment in the highest- and lowest-wage occupations, as jobs in middle-skill occupations disappear. Job polarization is an outcome of technological progress in robotics, computing, and information and communication technology.
The result of this progress is a decline in demand for labor in occupations that perform “routine” tasks - tasks that are limited in scope and can be performed by following a well-defined set of procedures - and hence a decline in the share of total employment that is composed of routine occupations. Jaimovich and Siu have shown that job polarization characterizes the aftermath of the last three recessions, and this appears to be responsible for the jobless recoveries.
","At the start of this chapter, we noted that unemployment tends to be a lagging indicator of business activity. This has historically been the case, and it is evident for all recessions that have taken place since the end of World War II. In brief, this results from the costs to employers of recruitment, hiring, and training workers. Those costs represent investments by firms in their work forces.
At the outset of a recession, when a firm realizes that demand for its product or service is not as strong as anticipated, it has an incentive to lay off workers. However, doing so runs the risk of losing those workers, and if the weak demand proves to be only temporary, the firm will be obliged to recruit, hire, and train new workers.
Thus, firms tend to retain workers initially in a downturn. Similarly, as business begins to pick up when a recession is over, firms are not sure if the improvement will last. Rather than incur the costs of hiring and training new workers, they will wait, and perhaps resort to overtime work for existing workers, until they are confident that the recession is over.The duration of recoveries in employment following recessions has been longer following the last three recessions (going back to the early 1990s) than previously. Nir Jaimovich and Henry Siu have argued that these “jobless recoveries” are a consequence of job polarization: the disappearance of employment opportunities focused on “routine” tasks.
Job polarization refers to the increasing concentration of employment in the highest- and lowest-wage occupations, as jobs in middle-skill occupations disappear. Job polarization is an outcome of technological progress in robotics, computing, and information and communication technology.
The result of this progress is a decline in demand for labor in occupations that perform “routine” tasks - tasks that are limited in scope and can be performed by following a well-defined set of procedures - and hence a decline in the share of total employment that is composed of routine occupations. Jaimovich and Siu have shown that job polarization characterizes the aftermath of the last three recessions, and this appears to be responsible for the jobless recoveries.",criticisms-of-measuring-unemployment,"{
""question"": ""Why is unemployment considered a lagging indicator of business activity?"",
""answer"": ""Unemployment is a lagging indicator because firms tend to retain workers initially in a downturn and wait to hire new workers until they are confident that the recession is over.""
}",Why is unemployment considered a lagging indicator of business activity?,Unemployment is a lagging indicator because firms tend to retain workers initially in a downturn and wait to hire new workers until they are confident that the recession is over.,"['job polarization', 'employment opportunities', 'lowwage occupations', 'middleskill occupations', 'robotics']"
48,02-02-02-clear-it-up-whats-the-difference-between-a-budget-constraint-and-a-ppf,02-02,2,Clear It Up: What's the difference between a budget constraint and a PPF?,"There are two major differences between a budget constraint and a production possibilities frontier.
The first is the fact that the budget constraint is a straight line. This is because its slope is given by the relative prices of the two goods, which from the point of view of an individual consumer, are fixed, so the slope doesn't change. In contrast, the PPF has a curved shape because of the law of diminishing returns. Thus, the slope is different at various points on the PPF.
The second major difference is the absence of specific numbers on the axes of the PPF. There are no specific numbers because we do not know the exact amount of resources a hypothetical economy can have, nor do we know how many resources it takes to produce healthcare and how many resources it takes to produce education. If this were a real world example, that data would be available.
Whether or not we have specific numbers, conceptually we can measure the opportunity cost of additional education as society moves from point B to point C on the PPF. We measure the additional education by the horizontal distance between B and C. The foregone healthcare is given by the vertical distance between B and C. The slope of the PPF between B and C is (approximately) the vertical distance (the “rise”) over the horizontal distance (the “run”). This is the opportunity cost of the additional education.","There are two major differences between a budget constraint and a production possibilities frontier.
The first is the fact that the budget constraint is a straight line. This is because its slope is given by the relative prices of the two goods, which from the point of view of an individual consumer, are fixed, so the slope doesn't change. In contrast, the PPF has a curved shape because of the law of diminishing returns. Thus, the slope is different at various points on the PPF.
The second major difference is the absence of specific numbers on the axes of the PPF. There are no specific numbers because we do not know the exact amount of resources a hypothetical economy can have, nor do we know how many resources it takes to produce healthcare and how many resources it takes to produce education. If this were a real world example, that data would be available.
Whether or not we have specific numbers, conceptually we can measure the opportunity cost of additional education as society moves from point B to point C on the PPF. We measure the additional education by the horizontal distance between B and C. The foregone healthcare is given by the vertical distance between B and C. The slope of the PPF between B and C is (approximately) the vertical distance (the “rise”) over the horizontal distance (the “run”). This is the opportunity cost of the additional education.",clear-it-up-whats-the-difference-between-a-budget-constraint-and-a-ppf,"{""question"": ""What are the two major differences between a budget constraint and a production possibilities frontier?"", ""answer"": ""The first major difference is that the budget constraint is a straight line due to fixed relative prices, while the PPF has a curved shape due to the law of diminishing returns. The second major difference is the absence of specific numbers on the axes of the PPF.""}",What are the two major differences between a budget constraint and a production possibilities frontier?,"The first major difference is that the budget constraint is a straight line due to fixed relative prices, while the PPF has a curved shape due to the law of diminishing returns. The second major difference is the absence of specific numbers on the axes of the PPF.","['budget constraint', 'production possibilities frontier', 'relative prices', 'individual consumer', 'diminished returns', 'opportunity']"
49,02-02-04-learn-with-videos-1,02-02,4,Learn with Videos,"
This segment uses the production possibilities frontier to explain key
economic ideas such as why an economy might have underemployed resources but
later expand, and how changes in productivity can lead to economic growth.
Instructors, learn more at
https://www.stlouisfed.org/education/economic-lowdown-video-series/episode-8-production-possibilities-frontier/underemployment-economic-expansion-growth
The final segment uses the production possibilities frontier to demonstrate
how, in the real world, opportunity cost increases as production increases.
This is a difficult concept made simple using the Production Possibilities
Frontier. Instructors, learn more at
https://www.stlouisfed.org/education/economic-lowdown-video-series/episode-8-production-possibilities-frontier/law-of-increasing-opportunity-cost
","Our final lesson focuses on
the shape of the frontier line. Up to this point we've graphed
the PPF as a straight line. However, a straight
line doesn't best reflect how the
real economy uses resources to produce goods. For this reason, the
frontier is usually drawn as a curved line that
is concave to the origin. This curved line illustrates
our fifth and final lesson. LESSON 5: The law of
increasing opportunity cost: As you increase the
production of one good, the opportunity cost to produce
the additional good will increase. First, remember that
opportunity cost is the value of the next-best
alternative when a decision is made; it's what is given up. So let's compare straight
and curved frontier lines to better understand what
is more likely to happen when production changes. Here's the straight
frontier line again. It shows that Econ
Isle can produce a maximum of 12
gadgets or 6 widgets or any other combination
along the line. At this point, Econ
Isle can produce 12 gadgets and 0 widgets. This point shows widget
production increased by 2, and this by 2 more,
and this by 2 more, indicating all widgets
and no gadgets. So along the straight
line, each time Econ Isle increases
widget production by 2, it loses the opportunity
to produce 4 gadgets. This straight frontier
line indicates a constant opportunity cost. In reality, however, opportunity
cost doesn't remain constant. As the law says, as you increase
the production of one good, the opportunity cost to produce
the additional good increases. If Econ Isle transitions
from widget production to gadget production,
it must give up an increasing number
of widgets to produce the same number of gadgets. In other words, the more gadgets
Econ Isle decides to produce, the greater its opportunity
cost in terms of widgets. If Econ Isle's production moved
in the opposite direction, from all gadgets to all widgets,
the law would still hold: As you increase the
production of one good, the opportunity cost to produce
the additional good increases. Why does this happen? Well, some resources
are better suited for some tasks than others. For example, many
Econ Isle workers are likely very
productive gadget makers. In the transition to
widget production, workers would likely
need training and time to develop the skills required
to be as productive at making widgets as making gadgets. As the economy transitions
from gadgets to widgets, the gadget workers best
suited to widget production would transition first, then
the workers less suited, and finally the workers not well
suited for widget production. Here's where the curved
frontier line comes in. It shows that opportunity cost
varies along the frontier. Let's increase widget
production in increments of 2 again until only widgets
and no gadgets are produced. But this time we'll
consider opportunity cost that varies along the frontier. This point remains the same. At this point, Econ Isle
can produce 12 units of gadgets and 0 widgets. Here's widget production
increased by 2. At this point, Econ
Isle can produce 10 gadgets and 2 widgets. It loses the opportunity
to produce 2 gadgets. In other words, the opportunity
cost of producing 2 widgets is 2 gadgets. Here's widget production
increased by another 2. At this point, if Econ
Isle produces 6 gadgets, it can produce only 4 widgets,
so it loses the opportunity to produce 4 gadgets. In other words, the opportunity
cost of producing 2 widgets is now 4 gadgets. Finally, increasing
another 2, Econ Isle can produce 0 gadgets
and 6 widgets. It loses the opportunity
to produce 6 gadgets. In other words, the opportunity
cost of producing 2 widgets is now 6 gadgets. Although the production
possibilities frontier--the PPF--is a simple economic
model, it's a great tool for illustrating some very
important economic lessons: The frontier line illustrates
scarcity--because it shows the limits of how much can
be produced with the given resources. Any time you move from one
point to another on the line, opportunity cost is
revealed--that is, what you must give up
to gain something else. Points within the frontier
indicate resources that are underemployed. In turn, movement from a
point of underemployment toward the frontier
indicates economic expansion. When the frontier
line itself moves, economic growth is under way. And finally, the curved
line of the frontier illustrates the law of
increasing opportunity cost meaning that an increase in
the production of one good brings about increasing
losses of the other good because resources are
not suited for all tasks. I hope you have enjoyed
your journey to the frontier and learned some
valuable lessons about economics along the way.",learn-with-videos-1,"Question: What does the law of increasing opportunity cost state?
Answer: The law of increasing opportunity cost states that as the production of one good increases, the opportunity cost to produce the additional good also increases.",What does the law of increasing opportunity cost state?,"The law of increasing opportunity cost states that as the production of one good increases, the opportunity cost to produce the additional good also increases.","['gadgets', 'hexachrome', 'straight line', 'opportunity cost', 'g']"
50,02-02-05-productive-efficiency-and-allocative-efficiency,02-02,5,Productive Efficiency and Allocative Efficiency,"The study of economics does not presume to tell a society what choice it should make along its production possibilities frontier. In a market-oriented economy with a democratic government, the choice will involve a mixture of decisions by individuals, firms, and government. However, economics can point out that some choices are unambiguously better than others. This observation is based on the concept of **efficiency**. In everyday usage, efficiency refers to lack of waste. An inefficient machine operates at high cost, while an efficient machine operates at lower cost, because it is not wasting energy or materials. An inefficient organization operates with long delays and high costs, while an efficient organization meets schedules, is focused, and performs within budget.
**Figure 2.4 Productive and Allocative Efficiency**
The production possibilities frontier can illustrate two kinds of efficiency: **productive efficiency** and **allocative efficiency**. [Figure 2.4](2-2-the-production-possibilities-frontier-and-social-choices#CNX_Econ_C02_011) illustrates these ideas using a production possibilities frontier between healthcare and education.
- **Productive efficiency** means it is impossible to produce more of one good without decreasing the quantity that is produced of another good. Thus, all choices along a given PPF like B, C, and D display productive efficiency, but R does not.
- **Allocative efficiency** means that the particular mix of goods being produced—that is, the specific choice along the production possibilities frontier—represents the allocation that society most desires.
Productive efficiency
Allocative efficiency
Productive efficiency means that, given the available inputs and technology,
it is impossible to produce more of one good without decreasing the quantity
that is produced of another good. All choices on the PPF in Figure 2.4,
including A, B, C, D, and F, display productive efficiency. As a firm moves
from any one of these choices to any other, either healthcare increases and
education decreases or vice versa. However, any choice inside the production
possibilities frontier is productively inefficient and wasteful because it
is possible to produce more of one good, the other good, or some combination
of both goods. For example, point R is productively inefficient because it
is possible at choice C to have more of both goods: education on the
horizontal axis is higher at point C than point R (E2 is greater than E1),
and healthcare on the vertical axis is also higher at point C than point R
(H2 is great than H1). We can show the particular mix of goods and services
produced—that is, the specific combination of selected healthcare and
education along the production possibilities frontier—as a ray (line) from the origin to a specific point on the PPF. Output mixes that have more healthcare and less education would have a steeper ray, while those with more education and less healthcare would have a flatter ray.
Allocative efficiency means that the particular combination of goods and
services on the production possibility curve that a society produces
represents the combination that society most desires. How to determine what
a society desires can be a controversial question, and is usually a
discussion in political science, sociology, and philosophy classes as well
as in economics. At its most basic, allocative efficiency means producers
supply the quantity of each product that consumers demand. Only one of the
productively efficient choices will be the allocatively efficient choice for
society as a whole.
","The study of economics does not presume to tell a society what choice it should make along its production possibilities frontier. In a market-oriented economy with a democratic government, the choice will involve a mixture of decisions by individuals, firms, and government. However, economics can point out that some choices are unambiguously better than others. This observation is based on the concept of efficiency. In everyday usage, efficiency refers to lack of waste. An inefficient machine operates at high cost, while an efficient machine operates at lower cost, because it is not wasting energy or materials. An inefficient organization operates with long delays and high costs, while an efficient organization meets schedules, is focused, and performs within budget.
Once every five years, in the second and seventh year of each decade,
Census Bureau carries out a detailed census of businesses throughout
the United States. Between these years, they conduct a monthly survey
of retail sales. The government adjusts these figures with foreign
trade data to account for exports that are produced in the United
States and sold abroad and for imports that are produced abroad and
sold here. Once every ten years, the Census Bureau conducts a
comprehensive survey of housing and residential finance. Together,
these sources provide the main basis for figuring out what is produced
for consumers.
For investment, the Census Bureau carries out a monthly survey of
construction and an annual survey of expenditures on physical capital
equipment.
For what the federal government purchases, the statisticians rely on
the U.S. Department of the Treasury. An annual Census of Governments
gathers information on state and local governments. Because the
government at all levels spends a considerable amount on hiring people
to provide services, it also tracks a large portion of spending
through payroll records that state governments and the Social Security
Administration collect.
With regard to foreign trade, the Census Bureau compiles a monthly
record of all import and export documents. Additional surveys cover
transportation and travel, and make adjustments for financial services
that are produced in the United States for foreign customers as well
as financial services produced overseas for US customers.
Many other sources contribute to GDP estimates. Information on energy comes from the U.S. Department of Transportation and Department of Energy. The Agency for Health Care Research and Quality collects information on healthcare. Surveys of landlords find out about rental income. The Department of Agriculture collects statistics on farming.
All these bits and pieces of information arrive in different forms, at different time intervals. The BEA melds them together to produce GDP estimates every three months, or every quarter. The BEA then ""annualizes"" these numbers by multiplying by four. As more information comes in, the BEA updates and revises these estimates. BEA releases the GDP ""advance"" estimate for a certain quarter one month after a quarter.
The “preliminary” estimate comes out one month after that. The BEA publishes the “final” estimate one month later, but it is not actually final. In July, the BEA releases roughly updated estimates for the previous calendar year. Then, once every five years, after it has processed all the results of the latest detailed five-year business census, the BEA revises all of the past GDP estimates according to the newest methods and data, going all the way back to 1929.
When thinking about the demand for domestically produced goods in a global economy, it is important to count spending on exports—domestically produced goods that a country sells abroad. Similarly, we must also subtract spending on imports—goods that a country produces in other countries that residents of this country purchase. The GDP net export component is equal to the dollar value of exports (X) minus the dollar value of imports (M), (X - M). We call the gap between exports and imports the **trade balance**. If a country's exports are larger than its imports, then a country has a **trade surplus**. In the United States, exports typically exceeded imports in the 1960s and 1970s, as **Figure 5.4(b)** shows.
Since the early 1980s, imports have typically exceeded exports, and so the United States has experienced a **trade deficit** in most years. The trade deficit grew quite large in the late 1990s and in the mid-2000s. [Figure 6.4](6-1-measuring-the-size-of-the-economy-gross-domestic-product#CNX_Econ_C19_007) (b) also shows that imports and exports have both risen substantially in recent decades, even after the declines during the Great Recession between 2008 and 2009. As we noted before, if exports and imports are equal, foreign trade has no effect on total GDP. However, even if exports and imports are balanced overall, foreign trade might still have powerful effects on particular industries and workers by causing nations to shift workers and physical capital investment toward one industry rather than another.
Based on these four components of demand, we can measure GDP as:
GDP = Consumption + Investment + Government + Trade balance
GDP = C + I + G + (X - M)
Understanding how to measure GDP is important for analyzing connections in the macro economy and for thinking about macroeconomic policy tools.
FAQs from the [Bureau of Economic Analysis
(BEA)](https://www.bea.gov/help/faq). You can even email your own questions!
","Government economists at the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), within the U.S. Department of Commerce, piece together estimates of GDP from a variety of sources.
Once every five years, in the second and seventh year of each decade,
Census Bureau carries out a detailed census of businesses throughout
the United States. Between these years, they conduct a monthly survey
of retail sales. The government adjusts these figures with foreign
trade data to account for exports that are produced in the United
States and sold abroad and for imports that are produced abroad and
sold here. Once every ten years, the Census Bureau conducts a
comprehensive survey of housing and residential finance. Together,
these sources provide the main basis for figuring out what is produced
for consumers.
For investment, the Census Bureau carries out a monthly survey of
construction and an annual survey of expenditures on physical capital
equipment.
For what the federal government purchases, the statisticians rely on
the U.S. Department of the Treasury. An annual Census of Governments
gathers information on state and local governments. Because the
government at all levels spends a considerable amount on hiring people
to provide services, it also tracks a large portion of spending
through payroll records that state governments and the Social Security
Administration collect.
With regard to foreign trade, the Census Bureau compiles a monthly
record of all import and export documents. Additional surveys cover
transportation and travel, and make adjustments for financial services
that are produced in the United States for foreign customers as well
as financial services produced overseas for US customers.
Many other sources contribute to GDP estimates. Information on energy comes from the U.S. Department of Transportation and Department of Energy. The Agency for Health Care Research and Quality collects information on healthcare. Surveys of landlords find out about rental income. The Department of Agriculture collects statistics on farming.
All these bits and pieces of information arrive in different forms, at different time intervals. The BEA melds them together to produce GDP estimates every three months, or every quarter. The BEA then ""annualizes"" these numbers by multiplying by four. As more information comes in, the BEA updates and revises these estimates. BEA releases the GDP ""advance"" estimate for a certain quarter one month after a quarter.
The “preliminary” estimate comes out one month after that. The BEA publishes the “final” estimate one month later, but it is not actually final. In July, the BEA releases roughly updated estimates for the previous calendar year. Then, once every five years, after it has processed all the results of the latest detailed five-year business census, the BEA revises all of the past GDP estimates according to the newest methods and data, going all the way back to 1929.
When thinking about the demand for domestically produced goods in a global economy, it is important to count spending on exports—domestically produced goods that a country sells abroad. Similarly, we must also subtract spending on imports—goods that a country produces in other countries that residents of this country purchase. The GDP net export component is equal to the dollar value of exports (X) minus the dollar value of imports (M), (X - M). We call the gap between exports and imports the trade balance. If a country's exports are larger than its imports, then a country has a trade surplus. In the United States, exports typically exceeded imports in the 1960s and 1970s, as Figure 5.4(b) shows.
Since the early 1980s, imports have typically exceeded exports, and so the United States has experienced a trade deficit in most years. The trade deficit grew quite large in the late 1990s and in the mid-2000s. Figure 6.4 (b) also shows that imports and exports have both risen substantially in recent decades, even after the declines during the Great Recession between 2008 and 2009. As we noted before, if exports and imports are equal, foreign trade has no effect on total GDP. However, even if exports and imports are balanced overall, foreign trade might still have powerful effects on particular industries and workers by causing nations to shift workers and physical capital investment toward one industry rather than another.
Based on these four components of demand, we can measure GDP as:
GDP = Consumption + Investment + Government + Trade balance
GDP = C + I + G + (X - M)
Understanding how to measure GDP is important for analyzing connections in the macro economy and for thinking about macroeconomic policy tools.
FAQs from the Bureau of Economic Analysis
(BEA). You can even email your own questions!",technology-and-wage-inequality,"Question: How does the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) estimate GDP?
Answer: The BEA estimates GDP by collecting information from various sources, such as the Census Bureau, Department of Treasury, and Department of Agriculture, and combining them to account for consumption, investment, government spending, and trade balance.",How does the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) estimate GDP?,"The BEA estimates GDP by collecting information from various sources, such as the Census Bureau, Department of Treasury, and Department of Agriculture, and combining them to account for consumption, investment, government spending, and trade balance.","['government economists', 'bureau of economic analysis', 'us commerce', 'g']"
53,02-03-00-overview,02-03,0,Overview,"
- Analyze arguments against economic approaches to decision-making
- Interpret a tradeoff diagram
- Contrast normative statements and positive statements
It is one thing to understand the economic approach to decision-making and another thing to feel comfortable applying it. The sources of discomfort typically fall into two categories: that people do not act in the way that fits the economic way of thinking, and that even if people did act that way, they should try not to. Let's consider these arguments in turn.","Analyze arguments against economic approaches to decision-making
Interpret a tradeoff diagram
Contrast normative statements and positive statements
It is one thing to understand the economic approach to decision-making and another thing to feel comfortable applying it. The sources of discomfort typically fall into two categories: that people do not act in the way that fits the economic way of thinking, and that even if people did act that way, they should try not to. Let's consider these arguments in turn.",overview,"{""question"": ""What are the two categories of discomfort with the economic approach to decision-making?"", ""answer"": ""People not acting in the way that fits the economic way of thinking and people believing they should not act that way even if they could.""}",What are the two categories of discomfort with the economic approach to decision-making?,People not acting in the way that fits the economic way of thinking and people believing they should not act that way even if they could.,"['economic approach', 'decisionmaking', 'normative statements', 'positive statements', 'negative statements']"
54,02-03-01-first-objection-people-firms-and-society-do-not-act-like-this,02-03,1,"First Objection: People, Firms, and Society Do Not Act Like This","The economic approach to decision-making seems to require more information than most individuals possess and more careful decision-making than most individuals actually display. After all, do you or any of your friends draw a budget constraint and mutter to yourself about maximizing utility before you head to the shopping mall? Do members of the U.S. Congress contemplate production possibilities frontiers before they vote on the annual budget? The messy ways in which people and societies operate do not resemble neat budget constraints or smoothly curving production possibilities frontiers.
However, economics can be a useful way to analyze and understand the tradeoffs of economic decisions. To appreciate this point, imagine for a moment that you are playing basketball, dribbling to the right, and throwing a bounce-pass to the left to a teammate who is running toward the basket. A physicist or engineer could work out the correct speed and trajectory for the pass, given the different movements involved and the weight and bounciness of the ball. However, when you are playing basketball, you do not perform any of these calculations. You just pass the ball, and if you are a good player, you will do so with high accuracy.
The scientist's formula of the bounce-pass requires a far greater knowledge of physics and far more specific information about speeds of movement and weights than the basketball player has. Some might argue that a formula is therefore an unrealistic description of how basketball passes actually occur. While a good player can still throw the ball accurately because of practice and skill without making a physics calculation, this does not mean that the physics calculation is wrong.
Similarly, from an economic point of view, someone who shops for groceries every week has a great deal of practice with how to purchase the combination of goods that will provide them with utility, even if the shopper does not phrase decisions in terms of a budget constraint. Government institutions may work imperfectly and slowly, but in general, a democratic form of government feels pressure from voters and social institutions to make the choices that are most widely preferred by people in that society. Thus, when thinking about the economic actions of groups of people, firms, and society, it is reasonable, as a first approximation, to analyze them with the tools of economic analysis. For more on this, read about behavioral economics in the chapter on [Consumer Choices](../../principles-economics-2e/pages/6-introduction-to-consumer-choices).","The economic approach to decision-making seems to require more information than most individuals possess and more careful decision-making than most individuals actually display. After all, do you or any of your friends draw a budget constraint and mutter to yourself about maximizing utility before you head to the shopping mall? Do members of the U.S. Congress contemplate production possibilities frontiers before they vote on the annual budget? The messy ways in which people and societies operate do not resemble neat budget constraints or smoothly curving production possibilities frontiers.
However, economics can be a useful way to analyze and understand the tradeoffs of economic decisions. To appreciate this point, imagine for a moment that you are playing basketball, dribbling to the right, and throwing a bounce-pass to the left to a teammate who is running toward the basket. A physicist or engineer could work out the correct speed and trajectory for the pass, given the different movements involved and the weight and bounciness of the ball. However, when you are playing basketball, you do not perform any of these calculations. You just pass the ball, and if you are a good player, you will do so with high accuracy.
The scientist's formula of the bounce-pass requires a far greater knowledge of physics and far more specific information about speeds of movement and weights than the basketball player has. Some might argue that a formula is therefore an unrealistic description of how basketball passes actually occur. While a good player can still throw the ball accurately because of practice and skill without making a physics calculation, this does not mean that the physics calculation is wrong.
Similarly, from an economic point of view, someone who shops for groceries every week has a great deal of practice with how to purchase the combination of goods that will provide them with utility, even if the shopper does not phrase decisions in terms of a budget constraint. Government institutions may work imperfectly and slowly, but in general, a democratic form of government feels pressure from voters and social institutions to make the choices that are most widely preferred by people in that society. Thus, when thinking about the economic actions of groups of people, firms, and society, it is reasonable, as a first approximation, to analyze them with the tools of economic analysis. For more on this, read about behavioral economics in the chapter on Consumer Choices.",first-objection-people-firms-and-society-do-not-act-like-this,"{""question"": ""Does the economic approach to decision-making require more information and careful decision-making than most individuals possess and display?"", ""answer"": ""Yes, the economic approach to decision-making requires more information and careful decision-making than most individuals possess and display.""}",Does the economic approach to decision-making require more information and careful decision-making than most individuals possess and display?,"Yes, the economic approach to decision-making requires more information and careful decision-making than most individuals possess and display.","['decisionmaking', 'budget constraint', 'shopping mall', 'us congress', 'production']"
55,02-03-02-second-objection-people-firms-and-society-should-not-act-this-way,02-03,2,"Second Objection: People, Firms, and Society Should Not Act This Way","
Economics can sometimes portray people as self-interested. For critics of this approach, even if self-interest is an accurate description of how people behave, these behaviors are not moral.
Instead, the critics argue that people should be taught to care more deeply about others.
Economists offer several answers to these concerns.
First, economics is not a form of moral instruction. Rather, it seeks to describe economic behavior as it actually exists. Philosophers draw a distinction between **positive statements**, which describe the world as it is, and **normative statements**, which describe how the world should be. Positive statements are factual. They may be true or false, but we can test them, at least in principle. Normative statements are subjective questions of opinion. We cannot test them since we cannot prove opinions to be true or false. They are just opinions based on one's values. For example, an economist could analyze a proposed subway system in a certain city. If the expected benefits exceed the costs, he concludes that the project is worthy—an example of positive analysis. Another economist argues for extended unemployment compensation during the Great Depression because a rich country like the United States should take care of its less fortunate citizens—an example of normative analysis.
Even if the line between positive and normative statements is not always crystal clear, economic analysis does try to remain rooted in the study of the actual people who inhabit the actual economy. Fortunately however, the assumption that individuals are purely self-interested is a simplification about human nature. In fact, we need to look no further than to Adam Smith, the very father of modern economics to find evidence of this. The opening sentence of his book, _The Theory of Moral Sentiments_, puts it very clearly: “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it.” Clearly, individuals are both self-interested and altruistic.
**positive statement** - statement which describes the world as it is
**normative statement** - statement which describes how the world should
be
Second, we can label self-interested behavior and profit-seeking with other names, such as personal choice and freedom. The ability to make personal choices about buying, working, and saving is an important personal freedom. Some people may choose high-pressure, high-paying jobs so that they can earn and spend considerable amounts of money on themselves. Others may allocate large portions of their earnings to charity or spend it on their friends and family. Others may devote themselves to a career that can require much time, energy, and expertise but does not offer high financial rewards, like being an elementary school teacher or a social worker. Still others may choose a job that does consume much of their time or provide a high level of income, but still leaves time for family, friends, and contemplation. Some people may prefer to work for a large company; others might want to start their own business. People's freedom to make their own economic choices has a moral value worth respecting.
Third, self-interested behavior can lead to positive social results. For example, when people work hard to make a living, they create economic output. Consumers who are looking for the best deals will encourage businesses to offer goods and services that meet their needs. Adam Smith, writing in _The Wealth of Nations_, named this property the **invisible hand**. In describing how consumers and producers interact in a market economy, Smith wrote:
Every individual…generally, indeed, neither intends to promote the public
interest, nor knows how much he is promoting it. By preferring the support of
domestic to that of foreign industry, he intends only his own security; and by
directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest
value, he intends only his own gain. And he is in this, as in many other
cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his
intention…By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the
society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it.
The metaphor of the invisible hand suggests the remarkable possibility that broader social good can emerge from self-interested individual actions.
Fourth, even people who focus on their own self-interest in the economic part of their life often set aside their own narrow self-interest in other parts of life. For example, you might focus on your own self-interest when asking your employer for a raise or negotiating to buy a car. Then you might turn around and focus on other people when you volunteer to read stories at the local library, help a friend move to a new apartment, or donate money to a charity. Self-interest is a reasonable starting point for analyzing many economic decisions, without needing to imply that people never do anything that is not in their own immediate self-interest.","Economics can sometimes portray people as self-interested. For critics of this approach, even if self-interest is an accurate description of how people behave, these behaviors are not moral.
Instead, the critics argue that people should be taught to care more deeply about others.
Economists offer several answers to these concerns.
First, economics is not a form of moral instruction. Rather, it seeks to describe economic behavior as it actually exists. Philosophers draw a distinction between positive statements, which describe the world as it is, and normative statements, which describe how the world should be. Positive statements are factual. They may be true or false, but we can test them, at least in principle. Normative statements are subjective questions of opinion. We cannot test them since we cannot prove opinions to be true or false. They are just opinions based on one's values. For example, an economist could analyze a proposed subway system in a certain city. If the expected benefits exceed the costs, he concludes that the project is worthy—an example of positive analysis. Another economist argues for extended unemployment compensation during the Great Depression because a rich country like the United States should take care of its less fortunate citizens—an example of normative analysis.
Even if the line between positive and normative statements is not always crystal clear, economic analysis does try to remain rooted in the study of the actual people who inhabit the actual economy. Fortunately however, the assumption that individuals are purely self-interested is a simplification about human nature. In fact, we need to look no further than to Adam Smith, the very father of modern economics to find evidence of this. The opening sentence of his book, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, puts it very clearly: “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it.” Clearly, individuals are both self-interested and altruistic.
positive statement - statement which describes the world as it is
normative statement - statement which describes how the world should
be
Second, we can label self-interested behavior and profit-seeking with other names, such as personal choice and freedom. The ability to make personal choices about buying, working, and saving is an important personal freedom. Some people may choose high-pressure, high-paying jobs so that they can earn and spend considerable amounts of money on themselves. Others may allocate large portions of their earnings to charity or spend it on their friends and family. Others may devote themselves to a career that can require much time, energy, and expertise but does not offer high financial rewards, like being an elementary school teacher or a social worker. Still others may choose a job that does consume much of their time or provide a high level of income, but still leaves time for family, friends, and contemplation. Some people may prefer to work for a large company; others might want to start their own business. People's freedom to make their own economic choices has a moral value worth respecting.
Third, self-interested behavior can lead to positive social results. For example, when people work hard to make a living, they create economic output. Consumers who are looking for the best deals will encourage businesses to offer goods and services that meet their needs. Adam Smith, writing in The Wealth of Nations, named this property the invisible hand. In describing how consumers and producers interact in a market economy, Smith wrote:
Every individual…generally, indeed, neither intends to promote the public
interest, nor knows how much he is promoting it. By preferring the support of
domestic to that of foreign industry, he intends only his own security; and by
directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest
value, he intends only his own gain. And he is in this, as in many other
cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his
intention…By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the
society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it.
The metaphor of the invisible hand suggests the remarkable possibility that broader social good can emerge from self-interested individual actions.
Fourth, even people who focus on their own self-interest in the economic part of their life often set aside their own narrow self-interest in other parts of life. For example, you might focus on your own self-interest when asking your employer for a raise or negotiating to buy a car. Then you might turn around and focus on other people when you volunteer to read stories at the local library, help a friend move to a new apartment, or donate money to a charity. Self-interest is a reasonable starting point for analyzing many economic decisions, without needing to imply that people never do anything that is not in their own immediate self-interest.",second-objection-people-firms-and-society-should-not-act-this-way,"{""question"": ""What is the distinction between positive and normative statements in economics?"", ""answer"": ""Positive statements describe the world as it is, while normative statements describe how the world should be.""}",What is the distinction between positive and normative statements in economics?,"Positive statements describe the world as it is, while normative statements describe how the world should be.","['selfinterested', 'moral instruction', 'economic behavior', 'positive statements', 'normative statements']"
56,02-03-03-clear-it-up-is-a-diagram-by-any-other-name-the-same,02-03,3,Clear It Up: Is a diagram by any other name the same?,"
When you study economics, you may feel buried under an avalanche of diagrams.
Your goal should be to recognize the common underlying logic and pattern of the diagrams, not to memorize each one.
This chapter uses only one basic diagram, although we present it with different sets of labels. The consumption budget constraint and the production possibilities frontier for society, as a whole, are the same basic diagram. [Figure 2.6](2-3-confronting-objections-to-the-economic-approach#CNX_Econ_C02_014) shows an individual budget constraint and a production possibilities frontier for two goods, Good 1 and Good 2. The tradeoff diagram always illustrates three basic themes: scarcity, tradeoffs, and economic efficiency.
The first theme is scarcity. It is not feasible to have unlimited
amounts of both goods. Even if the budget constraint or a PPF shifts,
scarcity remains—just at a different level.
The second theme is tradeoffs. As depicted in the budget constraint or the production possibilities frontier, it is necessary to forgo some of one good to gain more of the other good. The details of this tradeoff vary. In a budget constraint, we determine the tradeoff based on the relative prices of the goods: that is, the relative price of two goods in the consumption choice budget constraint. These tradeoffs appear as a straight line. However, a curved line represents the tradeoffs in many production possibilities frontiers because the law of diminishing returns holds that as we add resources to an area, the marginal gains tend to diminish. Regardless of the specific shape, tradeoffs remain.
The third theme is economic efficiency, or getting the most benefit from scarce resources. All choices on the production possibilities frontier show productive efficiency because in such cases, there is no way to increase the quantity of one good without decreasing the quantity of the other. Similarly, when an individual makes a choice along a budget constraint, there is no way to increase the quantity of one good without decreasing the quantity of the other. The choice on a production possibilities set that is socially preferred, or the choice on an individual's budget constraint that is personally preferred, will display allocative efficiency.
The basic budget constraint/production possibilities frontier diagram will recur throughout this book. Some examples include using these tradeoff diagrams to analyze trade, environmental protection and economic output, equality of incomes and economic output, and the macroeconomic tradeoff between consumption and investment. Do not allow the different labels to confuse you. The budget constraint/production possibilities frontier diagram is always just a tool for thinking carefully about scarcity, tradeoffs, and efficiency in a particular situation.
**Figure 2.6 The Tradeoff Diagram**
- Both the individual opportunity set (or budget constraint) and the social production possibilities frontier show the constraints under which individual consumers and society as a whole operate.
- Both diagrams show the tradeoff in choosing more of one good at the cost of less of the other.","When you study economics, you may feel buried under an avalanche of diagrams.
Your goal should be to recognize the common underlying logic and pattern of the diagrams, not to memorize each one.
This chapter uses only one basic diagram, although we present it with different sets of labels. The consumption budget constraint and the production possibilities frontier for society, as a whole, are the same basic diagram. Figure 2.6 shows an individual budget constraint and a production possibilities frontier for two goods, Good 1 and Good 2. The tradeoff diagram always illustrates three basic themes: scarcity, tradeoffs, and economic efficiency.
The first theme is scarcity. It is not feasible to have unlimited
amounts of both goods. Even if the budget constraint or a PPF shifts,
scarcity remains—just at a different level.
The second theme is tradeoffs. As depicted in the budget constraint or the production possibilities frontier, it is necessary to forgo some of one good to gain more of the other good. The details of this tradeoff vary. In a budget constraint, we determine the tradeoff based on the relative prices of the goods: that is, the relative price of two goods in the consumption choice budget constraint. These tradeoffs appear as a straight line. However, a curved line represents the tradeoffs in many production possibilities frontiers because the law of diminishing returns holds that as we add resources to an area, the marginal gains tend to diminish. Regardless of the specific shape, tradeoffs remain.
The third theme is economic efficiency, or getting the most benefit from scarce resources. All choices on the production possibilities frontier show productive efficiency because in such cases, there is no way to increase the quantity of one good without decreasing the quantity of the other. Similarly, when an individual makes a choice along a budget constraint, there is no way to increase the quantity of one good without decreasing the quantity of the other. The choice on a production possibilities set that is socially preferred, or the choice on an individual's budget constraint that is personally preferred, will display allocative efficiency.
The basic budget constraint/production possibilities frontier diagram will recur throughout this book. Some examples include using these tradeoff diagrams to analyze trade, environmental protection and economic output, equality of incomes and economic output, and the macroeconomic tradeoff between consumption and investment. Do not allow the different labels to confuse you. The budget constraint/production possibilities frontier diagram is always just a tool for thinking carefully about scarcity, tradeoffs, and efficiency in a particular situation.
**Figure 9.2 The Expenditure-Output Diagram**
The first conceptual line is a vertical line showing the level of **potential GDP**. Potential GDP refers to the quantity of output that the economy can produce with full employment of both its labor and physical capital. We discuss potential GDP in much more detail in **Chapter 9 The Aggregate Demand/ Aggregate Supply Model**.","
Why was the average price of gasoline in the United States \$3.71 per gallon in June 2014?
Why did the price for gasoline fall sharply to \$1.96 per gallon by January 2016?
When economists talk about prices, they are less interested in making judgments than in gaining a practical understanding of what determines prices and why prices change. Consider a price most of us contend with weekly: that of a gallon of gas. Why was the average price of gasoline in the United States \$3.71 per gallon in June 2014? Why did the price for gasoline fall sharply to \$1.96 per gallon by January 2016? To explain these price movements, economists focus on the determinants of what gasoline buyers are willing to pay and what gasoline sellers are willing to accept.
As it turns out, the price of gasoline in June of any given year is nearly always higher than the price in January of that same year. Over recent decades, gasoline prices in midsummer have averaged about 10 cents per gallon more than their midwinter low. The likely reason is that people drive more in the summer, and are also willing to pay more for gas, but that does not explain how steeply gas prices fell. Other factors were at work during those 18 months, such as increases in supply and decreases in the demand for crude oil.
This chapter introduces the economic model of demand and supply—one of the most powerful models in all of economics. The discussion here begins by examining how demand and supply determine the price and the quantity sold in markets for goods and services, and how changes in demand and supply lead to changes in prices and quantities.
","An auction bidder pays thousands of dollars for a dress Whitney Houston wore. A collector spends a small fortune for a few drawings by John Lennon. People usually react to purchases like these in two ways: their jaw drops because they think these are high prices to pay for such goods or they think these are rare, desirable items and the amount paid seems right.
Bizarre items have been purchased for their ties to celebrities. These examples represent an interesting facet of demand and supply.
Why was the average price of gasoline in the United States \$3.71 per gallon in June 2014?
Why did the price for gasoline fall sharply to \$1.96 per gallon by January 2016?
When economists talk about prices, they are less interested in making judgments than in gaining a practical understanding of what determines prices and why prices change. Consider a price most of us contend with weekly: that of a gallon of gas. Why was the average price of gasoline in the United States \$3.71 per gallon in June 2014? Why did the price for gasoline fall sharply to \$1.96 per gallon by January 2016? To explain these price movements, economists focus on the determinants of what gasoline buyers are willing to pay and what gasoline sellers are willing to accept.
As it turns out, the price of gasoline in June of any given year is nearly always higher than the price in January of that same year. Over recent decades, gasoline prices in midsummer have averaged about 10 cents per gallon more than their midwinter low. The likely reason is that people drive more in the summer, and are also willing to pay more for gas, but that does not explain how steeply gas prices fell. Other factors were at work during those 18 months, such as increases in supply and decreases in the demand for crude oil.
This chapter introduces the economic model of demand and supply—one of the most powerful models in all of economics. The discussion here begins by examining how demand and supply determine the price and the quantity sold in markets for goods and services, and how changes in demand and supply lead to changes in prices and quantities.",introduction-to-demand-and-supply,"What determines the price of gasoline and why does it change? The price of gasoline is determined by the willingness of buyers to pay and sellers to accept, and it changes due to factors such as changes in supply and demand for crude oil.",,,"['auction bidder', 'dress Whitney houston', 'high prices', 'hamburg']"
61,03-01-00-overview,03-01,0,Overview,"
- Explain demand, quantity demanded, and the law of demand
- Identify a demand curve and a supply curve
- Explain supply, quantity supplied, and the law of supply
- Explain equilibrium, equilibrium price, and equilibrium quantity
Let's first focus on what economists mean by demand, what they mean by supply, and then how demand and supply interact in a market.","Explain demand, quantity demanded, and the law of demand
Identify a demand curve and a supply curve
Explain supply, quantity supplied, and the law of supply
Explain equilibrium, equilibrium price, and equilibrium quantity
Let's first focus on what economists mean by demand, what they mean by supply, and then how demand and supply interact in a market.",overview,"{
""question"": ""What do economists mean by demand, supply, and how do they interact in a market?"",
""answer"": ""Economists define demand as the desire, ability, and willingness to buy a product, while supply refers to the quantity of goods or services that producers are willing to provide. In a market, demand and supply interact to determine the equilibrium price and quantity.""
}","What do economists mean by demand, supply, and how do they interact in a market?","Economists define demand as the desire, ability, and willingness to buy a product, while supply refers to the quantity of goods or services that producers are willing to provide. In a market, demand and supply interact to determine the equilibrium price and quantity.","['demand', 'quantity demanded', 'law of demand', 'supply curve', 'equilibrium price']"
62,03-01-01-demand-for-goods-and-services,03-01,1,Demand for Goods and Services,"Economists use the term **demand** to refer to the amount of some good or service consumers are willing and able to purchase at each price. Demand is fundamentally based on needs and wants—if you have no need or want for something, you won't buy it. While a consumer may be able to differentiate between a need and a want, from an economist's perspective they are the same thing. Demand is also based on ability to pay. If you cannot pay for it, you have no effective demand. By this definition, a homeless person probably has no effective demand for shelter.
What a buyer pays for a unit of the specific good or service is called **price**. The total number of units that consumers would purchase at that price is called the **quantity demanded**. A rise in price of a good or service almost always decreases the quantity demanded of that good or service. Conversely, a fall in price will increase the quantity demanded. When the price of a gallon of gasoline increases, for example, people look for ways to reduce their consumption by combining several errands, commuting by carpool or mass transit, or taking weekend or vacation trips closer to home. Economists call this inverse relationship between price and quantity demanded the **law of demand**. The law of demand assumes that all other variables that affect demand (which we explain in the next module) are held constant.
**Law of Demand**: Ceteris paribus (all else constant), an increase in
price of a product will decrease the quantity demanded of that product and a
decrease in price of a product will increase the quantity demanded of that
product.
We can show an example from the market for gasoline in a table or a graph. Economist call a table that shows the quantity demanded at each price, such as [Table 3.1](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#Table_03_01), a **demand schedule**. In this case we measure price in dollars per gallon of gasoline. We measure the quantity demanded in millions of gallons over some time period (for example, per day or per year) and over some geographic area (like a state or a country).
| Price (per gallon) | Quantity Demanded (millions of gallons) |
| ------------------ | --------------------------------------- |
| $1.00 | 800 |
| $1.20 | 700 |
| $1.40 | 600 |
| $1.60 | 550 |
| $1.80 | 500 |
| $2.00 | 460 |
| $2.20 | 420 |
**Table 3.1** Price and Quantity Demanded of Gasoline
A **demand curve** shows the relationship between price and quantity demanded on a graph like [Figure 3.2](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_001), with quantity on the horizontal axis and the price per gallon on the vertical axis. **_A very important note to keep in mind:_** this is an exception to the normal rule in mathematics that the independent variable (x) goes on the horizontal axis and the dependent variable (y) goes on the vertical. Economics is not math: in this case the price determines the quantity, hence, the price is the independent variable and quantity is the dependent variable. An easy way to remember the axes assignment in economics is ""P's before Q's"".
**Figure 3.2 A Demand Curve for Gasoline**
[Table 3.1](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#Table_03_01) shows the demand schedule and the graph in [Figure 3.2](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_001) shows the demand curve. These are two ways to describe the same relationship between price and quantity demanded.
Demand curves will appear somewhat different for each product. They may appear relatively steep or flat, or they may be straight or curved. Nearly all demand curves slope down from left to right and characterize the law of demand: As the price increases, the quantity demanded decreases, and conversely, as the price decreases, the quantity demanded increases.
","Economists use the term demand to refer to the amount of some good or service consumers are willing and able to purchase at each price. Demand is fundamentally based on needs and wants—if you have no need or want for something, you won't buy it. While a consumer may be able to differentiate between a need and a want, from an economist's perspective they are the same thing. Demand is also based on ability to pay. If you cannot pay for it, you have no effective demand. By this definition, a homeless person probably has no effective demand for shelter.
What a buyer pays for a unit of the specific good or service is called price. The total number of units that consumers would purchase at that price is called the quantity demanded. A rise in price of a good or service almost always decreases the quantity demanded of that good or service. Conversely, a fall in price will increase the quantity demanded. When the price of a gallon of gasoline increases, for example, people look for ways to reduce their consumption by combining several errands, commuting by carpool or mass transit, or taking weekend or vacation trips closer to home. Economists call this inverse relationship between price and quantity demanded the law of demand. The law of demand assumes that all other variables that affect demand (which we explain in the next module) are held constant.
Law of Demand: Ceteris paribus (all else constant), an increase in
price of a product will decrease the quantity demanded of that product and a
decrease in price of a product will increase the quantity demanded of that
product.
We can show an example from the market for gasoline in a table or a graph. Economist call a table that shows the quantity demanded at each price, such as Table 3.1, a demand schedule. In this case we measure price in dollars per gallon of gasoline. We measure the quantity demanded in millions of gallons over some time period (for example, per day or per year) and over some geographic area (like a state or a country).
Table 3.1 Price and Quantity Demanded of Gasoline
A demand curve shows the relationship between price and quantity demanded on a graph like Figure 3.2, with quantity on the horizontal axis and the price per gallon on the vertical axis. A very important note to keep in mind: this is an exception to the normal rule in mathematics that the independent variable (x) goes on the horizontal axis and the dependent variable (y) goes on the vertical. Economics is not math: in this case the price determines the quantity, hence, the price is the independent variable and quantity is the dependent variable. An easy way to remember the axes assignment in economics is ""P's before Q's"".
Demand ≠ Quantity Demanded","In economic terminology, demand is not the same as quantity demanded. When economists talk about demand, they mean the relationship between a range of prices and the quantities demanded at those prices, as illustrated by a demand curve or a demand schedule. When economists talk about quantity demanded, they mean only a certain point on the demand curve, or one quantity on the demand schedule. In short, demand refers to the curve and quantity demanded refers to the (specific) point on the curve.
Demand ≠ Quantity Demanded",clear-it-up-is-demand-the-same-as-quantity-demanded,"{
""question"": ""What is the difference between demand and quantity demanded?"",
""answer"": ""Demand refers to the relationship between prices and quantities demanded, while quantity demanded refers to a specific point on the demand curve or schedule.""
}",What is the difference between demand and quantity demanded?,"Demand refers to the relationship between prices and quantities demanded, while quantity demanded refers to a specific point on the demand curve or schedule.","['demand', 'quantity demanded', 'prices', 'demand curve', 'demand schedule', 'economic terminology']"
64,03-01-03-learn-with-videos,03-01,3,Learn with Videos,"
Why does the demand curve slope downward? The demand curve demonstrates how
much of a good people are willing to buy at different prices. In this video,
we shed light on why people go crazy on Black Friday and, using the demand
curve for oil, show how people respond to changes in price.
","♪ [music] ♪ - [Narrator] Supply and demand
are fundamental concepts in economics. Usually, they're represented
by a graph like this. So what does this mean? Well, let's start
with the demand curve. In short, a demand curve shows
how much of a good people will want at different prices. What happens
when there's a big sale? Well, at a lower price,
people buy more. More shirts, more pants,
more video games, and they do stuff like this. This is what happens
on Black Friday when retailers lower their prices
to get people to buy stuff for Christmas. The demand curve illustrates
the intuition for why people go nuts on Black Friday. Price is shown
on the vertical axis, and quantity is shown
on the horizontal. Here's the normal price, and here's the Black Friday
reduced price. Simply put, the quantity demanded
increases as the price gets lower. But let's delve a little deeper. There's a different demand curve
for every good or service out there,
but the ideas are the same. So, let's look at the demand curve for one of the most important
products in the world -- oil. Oil is used in a wide variety
of products, from fueling cars and planes,
to heating homes and making plastic for rubber duckies. Looking at the demand
curve for oil, we see a familiar relationship
between price and the quantity demanded. At a high price, $55 per barrel,
there's a relative low demand, let's say five million barrels. At $20 per barrel,
25 million barrels are demanded. As the price goes down,
the demand for oil increases. And at $5 per barrel,
50 million barrels of oil are demanded. But, there's more
to why the demand curve looks like this. As we mentioned before,
oil has many uses. Some of those are high-value uses. Uses for which oil
has few substitutes. An example would be jet fuel. Right now, you can't fly jets
on corn or natural gas. If you want planes that fly,
you're stuck with using oil. Other uses are low-value uses
like making gasoline or plastic for these guys. When oil prices are relatively low,
the oil that is being demanded is used for high
and low-value goods alike. As the price of oil goes up,
so does the price of making plastic and gasoline. And at some point, the cost
of these value used products will get high enough
that some people might skip buying a rubber ducky altogether
or buy a substitute like a wooden bath toy. Same goes for gasoline,
as the price rises, people will economize. They'll buy more
fuel efficient cars or forego that road trip
completely. For these consumers,
the benefit of buying these products is too little
to justify the cost. At these high prices,
the demanders that are left are the ones who value oil
the highest. For them, the benefit of, say,
having planes that fly outweighs the increased cost. They still demand oil. So, with a simple line,
the demand curve summarizes all the many and diverse ways
that people respond to a change in price. But, it doesn't stop here. If you want to test yourself,
click ""Practice Questions."" Or if you're ready to move on,
just click ""Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪",learn-with-videos,"{""question"": ""What does a demand curve show?"", ""answer"": ""A demand curve shows how much of a good people will want at different prices.""}",What does a demand curve show?,A demand curve shows how much of a good people will want at different prices.,"['demand curve', 'economics', 'high price', 'low demand', 'black Friday', 'price']"
65,03-02-06-other-factors-that-affect-supply,03-02,6,Other Factors That Shift Demand Curves,"Income is not the only factor that causes a shift in demand. Other factors that change demand include tastes and preferences, the composition or size of the population, the prices of related goods, and even **expectations**. A change in any one of the underlying factors that determine what quantity people are willing to buy at a given price will cause a shift in demand. Graphically, the new demand curve lies either to the right (an increase) or to the left (a decrease) of the original demand curve. Let's look at these factors.
From 1980 to 2014, the per-person consumption of chicken by Americans
rose from 48 pounds per year to 85 pounds per year, and consumption of
beef fell from 77 pounds per year to 54 pounds per year, according to
the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA). Changes like these are
largely due to movements in taste, which change the quantity of a good
demanded at every price: that is, they shift the demand curve for that
good, rightward for chicken and leftward for beef.
The proportion of elderly citizens in the United States population is
rising. It rose from 9.8% in 1970 to 12.6% in 2000, and will be a
projected (by the U.S. Census Bureau) 20% of the population by 2030. A
society with relatively more children, like the United States in the
1960s, will have greater demand for goods and services like tricycles
and day care facilities. A society with relatively more elderly
persons, as the United States is projected to have by 2030, has a
higher demand (increase or shift to the right) for nursing homes and
hearing aids. Similarly, changes in the size of the population can
affect the demand for housing and many other goods. Each of these
changes in demand will be shown as a shift in the demand curve.
Changes in the prices of related goods such as substitutes or
complements also can affect the demand for a product. A **substitute**
is a good or service that we can use in place of another good or
service. As electronic books, like this one, become more available,
you would expect to see a decrease in demand for traditional printed
books. A lower price for a substitute decreases demand for the other
product. For example, in recent years as the price of tablet computers
has fallen, the quantity demanded has increased (because of the law of
demand). Since people are purchasing tablets, there has been a
decrease in demand for laptops, which we can show graphically as a
leftward shift in the demand curve for laptops. A higher price for a
substitute good has the reverse effect.
Decrease in Price of Substitute ➡️ Increase in Quantity Demanded of Substitute ➡️ Decrease in Demand of Good
Increase in Price of Substitute ➡️ Decrease in Quantity Demanded of Substitute ➡️ Increase in Demand of Good
Other goods are **complements** for each other, meaning we often use the goods together, because consumption of one good tends to enhance consumption of the other. Examples include breakfast cereal and milk; notebooks and pens or pencils, golf balls and golf clubs; gasoline and sport utility vehicles; and the five-way combination of bacon, lettuce, tomato, mayonnaise, and bread. If the price of golf clubs rises, since the quantity demanded of golf clubs falls (because of the law of demand), demand for a complement good like golf balls decreases, too. Similarly, a higher price for skis would shift the demand curve for a complement good like ski resort trips to the left, while a lower price for a complement has the reverse effect.
Decrease in Price of Complement ➡️ Increase in Quantity Demanded of Complement -Increase in Demand of Good
Increase in Price of Complement ➡️ Decrease in Quantity Demanded of Complement ➡️
Decrease in Demand of Good
While it is clear that the price of a good affects the quantity demanded, it is also true that expectations about the future price (or expectations about tastes and preferences, income, and so on) can affect demand. For example, if people hear that a hurricane is coming, they may rush to the store to buy flashlight batteries and bottled water. If people learn that the price of a good like coffee is likely to rise in the future, they may head for the store to stock up on coffee now. We show these changes in demand as shifts in the curve. Therefore, a **shift in demand** happens when a change in some economic factor (other than price) causes a different quantity to be demanded at every price. The following section shows how this happens.
","Income is not the only factor that causes a shift in demand. Other factors that change demand include tastes and preferences, the composition or size of the population, the prices of related goods, and even expectations. A change in any one of the underlying factors that determine what quantity people are willing to buy at a given price will cause a shift in demand. Graphically, the new demand curve lies either to the right (an increase) or to the left (a decrease) of the original demand curve. Let's look at these factors.
From 1980 to 2014, the per-person consumption of chicken by Americans
rose from 48 pounds per year to 85 pounds per year, and consumption of
beef fell from 77 pounds per year to 54 pounds per year, according to
the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA). Changes like these are
largely due to movements in taste, which change the quantity of a good
demanded at every price: that is, they shift the demand curve for that
good, rightward for chicken and leftward for beef.
The proportion of elderly citizens in the United States population is
rising. It rose from 9.8% in 1970 to 12.6% in 2000, and will be a
projected (by the U.S. Census Bureau) 20% of the population by 2030. A
society with relatively more children, like the United States in the
1960s, will have greater demand for goods and services like tricycles
and day care facilities. A society with relatively more elderly
persons, as the United States is projected to have by 2030, has a
higher demand (increase or shift to the right) for nursing homes and
hearing aids. Similarly, changes in the size of the population can
affect the demand for housing and many other goods. Each of these
changes in demand will be shown as a shift in the demand curve.
Changes in the prices of related goods such as substitutes or
complements also can affect the demand for a product. A substitute
is a good or service that we can use in place of another good or
service. As electronic books, like this one, become more available,
you would expect to see a decrease in demand for traditional printed
books. A lower price for a substitute decreases demand for the other
product. For example, in recent years as the price of tablet computers
has fallen, the quantity demanded has increased (because of the law of
demand). Since people are purchasing tablets, there has been a
decrease in demand for laptops, which we can show graphically as a
leftward shift in the demand curve for laptops. A higher price for a
substitute good has the reverse effect.
Decrease in Price of Substitute ➡️ Increase in Quantity Demanded of Substitute ➡️ Decrease in Demand of Good
Increase in Price of Substitute ➡️ Decrease in Quantity Demanded of Substitute ➡️ Increase in Demand of Good
Other goods are **complements** for each other, meaning we often use the goods together, because consumption of one good tends to enhance consumption of the other. Examples include breakfast cereal and milk; notebooks and pens or pencils, golf balls and golf clubs; gasoline and sport utility vehicles; and the five-way combination of bacon, lettuce, tomato, mayonnaise, and bread. If the price of golf clubs rises, since the quantity demanded of golf clubs falls (because of the law of demand), demand for a complement good like golf balls decreases, too. Similarly, a higher price for skis would shift the demand curve for a complement good like ski resort trips to the left, while a lower price for a complement has the reverse effect.
Decrease in Price of Complement ➡️ Increase in Quantity Demanded of Complement -Increase in Demand of Good
Increase in Price of Complement ➡️ Decrease in Quantity Demanded of Complement ➡️
Decrease in Demand of Good
While it is clear that the price of a good affects the quantity demanded, it is also true that expectations about the future price (or expectations about tastes and preferences, income, and so on) can affect demand. For example, if people hear that a hurricane is coming, they may rush to the store to buy flashlight batteries and bottled water. If people learn that the price of a good like coffee is likely to rise in the future, they may head for the store to stock up on coffee now. We show these changes in demand as shifts in the curve. Therefore, a shift in demand happens when a change in some economic factor (other than price) causes a different quantity to be demanded at every price. The following section shows how this happens.",other-factors-that-affect-supply,"Question: What are some factors that can cause a shift in demand?
Answer: Other factors that can cause a shift in demand include tastes and preferences, the composition or size of the population, the prices of related goods, and expectations.",What are some factors that can cause a shift in demand?,"Other factors that can cause a shift in demand include tastes and preferences, the composition or size of the population, the prices of related goods, and expectations.","['income', 'demand curve', 'tastes', 'preferences', 'prices', 'related goods', 'expectations']"
66,03-01-04-supply-of-goods-and-services,03-01,4,Supply of Goods and Services,"When economists talk about **supply**, they mean the amount of some good or service a producers, or more generally sellers, are willing to supply at each price.
**Price** is what the producer receives for selling one unit of a good or service. A rise in price almost always leads to an increase in the **quantity supplied** of that good or service. When the price of gasoline rises, for example, it encourages profit-seeking firms to produce and sell more gas, open more gas stations, or extend operating hours in already existing gas stations.
Alternatively, a fall in price will decrease the quantity supplied, because it disincentivizes new production. Economists call this relationship between price and quantity supplied the **law of supply**. The law of supply assumes that all other variables that affect supply (to be explained in the next module) are held constant.
**Law of Supply**: Ceteris paribus (all else constant), an increase in product
price will increase the quantity supplied of that product and a decrease in
product price will decrease the quantity supplied of that product.
","When economists talk about supply, they mean the amount of some good or service a producers, or more generally sellers, are willing to supply at each price.
Price is what the producer receives for selling one unit of a good or service. A rise in price almost always leads to an increase in the quantity supplied of that good or service. When the price of gasoline rises, for example, it encourages profit-seeking firms to produce and sell more gas, open more gas stations, or extend operating hours in already existing gas stations.
Alternatively, a fall in price will decrease the quantity supplied, because it disincentivizes new production. Economists call this relationship between price and quantity supplied the law of supply. The law of supply assumes that all other variables that affect supply (to be explained in the next module) are held constant.
Law of Supply: Ceteris paribus (all else constant), an increase in product
price will increase the quantity supplied of that product and a decrease in
product price will decrease the quantity supplied of that product.",supply-of-goods-and-services,"Question: What is the law of supply?
Answer: The law of supply states that an increase in product price will increase the quantity supplied of that product, and a decrease in product price will decrease the quantity supplied of that product.",What is the law of supply?,"The law of supply states that an increase in product price will increase the quantity supplied of that product, and a decrease in product price will decrease the quantity supplied of that product.","['supply', 'price', 'gas stations', 'operating hours', 'ceteris paribus']"
67,03-01-07-learn-with-videos-1,03-01,7,Learn with Videos,"
In this lesson, we investigate how prices reach equilibrium and how the market
works like an invisible hand coordinating economic activity. At equilibrium,
the price is stable and gains from trade are maximized. When the price is not
at equilibrium, a shortage or a surplus occurs.
","♪ [music] ♪ - [Narrator] We know
from previous lessons that the demand curve
and the supply curve show how buyers and sellers
respectively respond to changes in the price of a good. In this lesson, we'll show you
how the interactions of buyers and sellers
determine the price. Let's start with the punch line. The equilibrium price is the price
where the quantity demanded is equal to the quantity supplied, right here, and this is
the equilibrium quantity. Why is this the equilibrium price? At any other price, forces are put
into play that will push the price towards
the equilibrium price. It's kind of like a ball in a bowl,
where the ball always returns to one stable position. The equilibrium price is
the only place where the price is stable. To see why, the first thing
to understand is that buyers don't
compete against sellers. Buyers compete
against other buyers. A buyer obtains goods by bidding
higher than other buyers. And sellers compete
against other sellers by offering
to sell at lower prices. Think about it -- at an auction,
the buyer with the highest bid gets the item, and the seller with
the lowest price makes the sale. So let's say the price of oil is
currently 50 bucks a barrel -- that's above the equilibrium
price of $30 a barrel. At $50, the quantity supplied is
more than the quantity demanded so we say there is a surplus.
So what happens? It's sale time!
[party noisemakers] When there's a surplus,
sellers can't sell as much as they would like to
at the going price so sellers have an incentive
to lower their price a little bit so they could outcompete
other sellers and sell more. The price will continue to fall
until the quantity demanded is equal to the quantity supplied,
and equilibrium is reached. Now let's say the price is less
than the equilibrium price, say 15 bucks a barrel. At 15 bucks a barrel,
the quantity demanded exceeds the quantity supplied, a shortage. And what happens now? When there's a shortage,
buyers can't get as much of the good as they want
at the going price so they compete to buy more
by bidding up the price. Now since buyers are easy to find, sellers also have an incentive
to raise the price. The price will continue to rise
until quantity demanded is equal to the quantity supplied
and equilibrium is reached. At any price other
than the equilibrium price, the incentives of the buyers
and sellers push the price towards the equilibrium price. Only the equilibrium
price is stable. Now let's take a deeper look
at the market equilibrium and some of its properties. Remember that there are
many different users of oil and many different uses for oil, each with substitutes,
alternatives, and values. At any specific price of oil,
there's a group of buyers who value oil enough
to demand it at that price. And as the price changes,
so do the buyers and their uses. On the supply side, at each price
on the supply curve, we're looking at a group of suppliers whose cost
of extraction is low enough to be profitable at that price. At the equilibrium price, these
higher value groups are the buyers, and these lower value groups
are the non-buyers. [toy squeak] Also notice that every seller has lower cost than any
of the non-sellers. Since the buyers
with the highest values buy, and the sellers
with the lowest cost sell, the gain from trade --
the difference between the value a good creates
and its cost -- is maximized. In addition, at the equilibrium
quantity, every trade that can generate value does generate value
up until the very last trade where the value to buyers is
just equal to the cost to sellers. - [low voice] Yeah! - [Narrator] In a free market, there are no unexploited
gains from trade, and there are no wasteful trades. If the quantity exchanged
were greater than the equilibrium quantity,
for example, we would be drilling
deep and expensive oil wells just to produce more rubber duckies,
and that would be wasteful. - [whiny voice] Oh no! - [Narrator] In a free market,
buyers and sellers acting in their own self interest
end up at a price and quantity that allocates oil
to the highest value buyers produced by the lowest cost sellers
in a way that maximizes the gains from trade -- the sum of
the benefits to buyers and sellers. [crowd cheering] This is one of the reasons
Adam Smith said that the market process works
like an invisible hand to promote the social good. - [Narrator] If you want to test
yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on,
just click ""Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪",learn-with-videos-1,"What is the equilibrium price and why is it considered stable?
The equilibrium price is the price at which the quantity demanded is equal to the quantity supplied. It is considered stable because forces are put into play that push the price towards the equilibrium price, similar to a ball returning to a stable position in a bowl.",What is the equilibrium price and why is it considered stable?,"The equilibrium price is the price at which the quantity demanded is equal to the quantity supplied. It is considered stable because forces are put into play that push the price towards the equilibrium price, similar to a ball returning to a stable position in a bowl.","['supply curve', 'equilibrium price', 'price', 'geb', 'sellers', 'equilibrium quantity']"
68,09-01-00-overview,09-01,0,Overview,"
- Describe and explain the Keynesian cross diagram
- Identify and describe a macroeconomic equilibrium
The expenditure-output model, sometimes also called the **Keynesian cross diagram**, determines the equilibrium level of real GDP at the point where _the total or aggregate expenditures_ in the economy are equal to the amount of output produced. The aggregate expenditures in the economy consist of total spending on consumption, investment, government spending and net exports. The four components of the aggregate expenditures are the same components we covered in the chapter on GDP and the Expenditure Approach of measuring the GPD.
The axes of the Keynesian cross diagram presented in **Figure 9.2** show real GDP on the horizontal axis as a measure of output and aggregate expenditures on the vertical axis as a measure of spending. Both axes are measured in real (inflation- adjusted) terms.
**Figure 9.2 The Expenditure-Output Diagram**
- The aggregate expenditure-output model shows aggregate expenditures on the vertical axis and real GDP on the horizontal axis.
- A vertical line shows potential GDP where full employment occurs.
- The 45-degree line shows all points where aggregate expenditures and output are equal.
- The aggregate expenditure schedule shows how total spending or aggregate expenditure increases as output or real GDP rises.
- The intersection of the aggregate expenditure schedule and the 45-degree line will be the equilibrium.
- Equilibrium occurs at E0, where aggregate expenditure AE0 is equal to the output level Y0.
Remember that GDP can be thought of in several equivalent ways: it measures both the value of spending on final goods and also the value of the production of final goods. All sales of the final goods and services that make up GDP will eventually end up as income for workers, managers, and investors and owners of firms. The sum of all the income received for contributing resources to GDP is called national income (Y). Sometimes, it is useful to refer to real GDP as “national income,” as in the graph above.","Describe and explain the Keynesian cross diagram
Identify and describe a macroeconomic equilibrium
The expenditure-output model, sometimes also called the Keynesian cross diagram, determines the equilibrium level of real GDP at the point where the total or aggregate expenditures in the economy are equal to the amount of output produced. The aggregate expenditures in the economy consist of total spending on consumption, investment, government spending and net exports. The four components of the aggregate expenditures are the same components we covered in the chapter on GDP and the Expenditure Approach of measuring the GPD.
The axes of the Keynesian cross diagram presented in Figure 9.2 show real GDP on the horizontal axis as a measure of output and aggregate expenditures on the vertical axis as a measure of spending. Both axes are measured in real (inflation- adjusted) terms.
- Identify factors that affect demand
- Graph demand curves and demand shifts
- Identify factors that affect supply
- Graph supply curves and supply shifts
The previous section explored how price affects the quantity demanded and the quantity supplied. The result was the demand curve and the supply curve. Price, however, is not the only factor that influences demand and supply. For example:
- How is demand for vegetarian food affected if health concerns cause more consumers to avoid eating meat?
- How is the supply of diamonds affected if diamond producers discover several new diamond mines?
- What are the major factors, in addition to the price, that influence demand or supply?
Before we answer these questions, we need to first understand a concept called ceteris paribus in greater detail.","Identify factors that affect demand
Graph demand curves and demand shifts
Identify factors that affect supply
Graph supply curves and supply shifts
The previous section explored how price affects the quantity demanded and the quantity supplied. The result was the demand curve and the supply curve. Price, however, is not the only factor that influences demand and supply. For example:
How is demand for vegetarian food affected if health concerns cause more consumers to avoid eating meat?
How is the supply of diamonds affected if diamond producers discover several new diamond mines?
What are the major factors, in addition to the price, that influence demand or supply?
Before we answer these questions, we need to first understand a concept called ceteris paribus in greater detail.",other-factors-that-shift-demand-curves,"{""question"": ""What are the major factors, in addition to the price, that influence demand or supply?"", ""answer"": ""Factors such as consumer income, consumer preferences, population, and availability of substitutes or complements can also influence demand or supply.""}","What are the major factors, in addition to the price, that influence demand or supply?","Factors such as consumer income, consumer preferences, population, and availability of substitutes or complements can also influence demand or supply.","['graph supply curves', 'supply shifts', 'price', 'vegetarian food', 'health concerns', 'diamond mines']"
74,03-02-09-learn-with-videos-1,03-02,9,Summing Up Factors That Change Demand,"
**Figure 3.9 Factors That Shift Demand Curves**
(a) A list of factors that can cause an increase in demand from D0 to D1.
(b) The same factors, if their direction is reversed, can cause a decrease in demand from D0 to D1.
**Figure 3.9** summarizes six factors that can shift demand curves. The direction of the arrows indicates whether the demand curve shifts represent an increase in demand or a decrease in demand. Notice that a change in the price of the good or service itself is not listed among the factors that can shift a demand curve. A change in the price of a good or service causes a movement along a specific demand curve, and it typically leads to some change in the quantity demanded, but it does not shift the demand curve.
When a demand curve shifts, it will then intersect with a given supply curve at a different equilibrium price and quantity. We are, however, getting ahead of our story. Before discussing how changes in demand can affect equilibrium price and quantity, we first need to discuss shifts in supply curves.","
Figure 3.5 Shifts in Demand: A Car Example
[Figure 3.5](3-2-shifts-in-demand-and-supply-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_004) shows the initial demand for automobiles as D0. At point Q, for example, if the price is \$20,000 per car, the quantity of cars demanded is 18 million. D0 also shows how the quantity of cars demanded would change as a result of a higher or lower price. For example, if the price of a car rose to \$22,000, the quantity demanded would decrease to 17 million, at point R.
Increased demand means that at every given price, the quantity demanded is higher, so that the demand curve shifts to the right from D0 to D1. Decreased demand means that at every given price, the quantity demanded is lower, so that the demand curve shifts to the left from D0 to D2.
The original demand curve D0, like every demand curve, is based on the ceteris paribus assumption that no other economically relevant factors change. Now imagine that the economy expands in a way that raises the incomes of many people, making cars more affordable.
The price of cars is still $20,000, but with higher incomes, the quantity demanded has now increased to 20 million cars, shown at point S. As a result of the higher income levels, the demand curve shifts to the right to the new demand curve D1, indicating an increase in demand. Table 3.4 shows clearly that this increased demand would occur at every price, not just the original one.
Income Increase -> Demand Increase: Shift to the Right
Income Decrease -> Demand Decrease: Shift to the Left
| Price (per gallon) | Decrease to D2 | Original Quantity Demanded D0 | Increase to D1 |
| ------------------ | -------------- | ----------------------------- | -------------- |
| \$16,000 | 17.6 million | 22.0 million | 24.0 million |
| \$18,000 | 16.0 million | 20.0 million | 22.0 million |
| \$20,000 | 14.4 million | 18.0 million | 20.0 million |
| \$22,000 | 13.6 million | 17.0 million | 19.0 million |
| \$24,000 | 13.2 million | 16.5 million | 18.5 million |
| \$26,000 | 12.8 million | 16.0 million | 18.0 million |
**Table 3.4 Price and Demand Shifts: A Car Example**
Now, imagine that the economy slows down so that many people lose their jobs or work fewer hours, reducing their incomes. In this case, the decrease in income would lead to a lower quantity of cars demanded at every given price, and the original demand curve D0 would shift left to D2. The shift from D0 to D2 represents such a decrease in demand: At any given price level, the quantity demanded is now lower. In this example, a price of $20,000 means 18 million cars sold along the original demand curve, but only 14.4 million sold after demand fell.
When a demand curve shifts, it does not mean that the quantity demanded by every individual buyer changes by the same amount. In this example, not everyone would have higher or lower income and not everyone would buy or not buy an additional car. Instead, a shift in a demand curve captures a pattern for the market as a whole.
In the previous section, we argued that higher income causes greater demand at every price. This is true for most goods and services. For some—luxury cars, vacations in Europe, and fine jewelry—the effect of a rise in income can be especially pronounced. A product whose demand rises when income rises, and vice versa, is called a **normal good**. A few exceptions to this pattern do exist. As incomes rise, many people will buy fewer generic brand groceries and more name brand groceries. They are less likely to buy used cars and more likely to buy new cars. They will be less likely to rent an apartment and more likely to own a home. A product whose demand falls when income rises, and vice versa, is called an **inferior good**. In other words, when income increases, the demand curve shifts to the left.","Let's use income as an example of how factors other than price affect demand.
Demand Increase: Shift to the Right
Income Decrease -> Demand Decrease: Shift to the Left
Table 3.4 Price and Demand Shifts: A Car Example
Now, imagine that the economy slows down so that many people lose their jobs or work fewer hours, reducing their incomes. In this case, the decrease in income would lead to a lower quantity of cars demanded at every given price, and the original demand curve D0 would shift left to D2. The shift from D0 to D2 represents such a decrease in demand: At any given price level, the quantity demanded is now lower. In this example, a price of $20,000 means 18 million cars sold along the original demand curve, but only 14.4 million sold after demand fell.
When a demand curve shifts, it does not mean that the quantity demanded by every individual buyer changes by the same amount. In this example, not everyone would have higher or lower income and not everyone would buy or not buy an additional car. Instead, a shift in a demand curve captures a pattern for the market as a whole.
In the previous section, we argued that higher income causes greater demand at every price. This is true for most goods and services. For some—luxury cars, vacations in Europe, and fine jewelry—the effect of a rise in income can be especially pronounced. A product whose demand rises when income rises, and vice versa, is called a normal good. A few exceptions to this pattern do exist. As incomes rise, many people will buy fewer generic brand groceries and more name brand groceries. They are less likely to buy used cars and more likely to buy new cars. They will be less likely to rent an apartment and more likely to own a home. A product whose demand falls when income rises, and vice versa, is called an inferior good. In other words, when income increases, the demand curve shifts to the left.",what-factors-affect-supply,"Question: How does an increase in income affect the demand curve for cars in the example given?
Answer: An increase in income causes the demand curve for cars to shift to the right, indicating an increase in demand.",How does an increase in income affect the demand curve for cars in the example given?,"An increase in income causes the demand curve for cars to shift to the right, indicating an increase in demand.","['shifts in demand', 'automobiles', 'initial demand', 'ceteris paribus assumption']"
80,03-02-10-overview,03-02,10,Learn with Videos,"
How do increases or decreases in demand affect the demand curve? An increase
in demand means an increase in the quantity demanded at every price.
Similarly, a decrease in demand means a decrease in the quantity demanded at
every price.
","[Tyler] In our previous videos, we covered the basics
of the demand curve. Now we get to dive into
what happens when the demand curve shifts due to increases or decreases
in market demand. Remember that a demand curve
is a function which shows the quantity demanded
at different prices. And the quantity demanded
is the quantity that buyers are willing
and able to purchase at a particular price. We said last time
that an increase in demand means a shifting out
of the demand curve, a movement toward the northeast
away from the origin. Now let's look at that more closely. An increase in demand means
there's a greater quantity demanded at every price. For example, on the old demand curve
at a price of $25, people were willing
and able to purchase 70 units. On the new demand curve
at that same price of $25, people are now willing
and able to purchase 80 units. An increase in demand
is a greater quantity demanded at the same price. We can also read
an increase in demand using the vertical method. What that means is that
in every quantity there is a greater willingness
to pay for that quantity. For example, for the 70th unit, people were willing to pay $25
for that unit. Now with the new demand curve, people are willing to pay $50
for that unit. That's a greater willingness to pay
for the same quantity and this is what
an increase in demand means. To review
because this is important: an increase in demand
means an increase in the quantity demanded
at every price, or equivalently, it means
an increase in the maximum willingness to pay
for a given quantity. What would cause an increase
in demand? The answer is anything that increases
the quantity demanded at a given price or that which increases
the maximum willingness to pay for a given quantity. For instance, can you think
of some factors which would make consumers
willing to pay more for a good? Can you think of a factor
which would make consumers want a greater quantity at a fixed price? Those are the types of factors which are going to shift
the demand curve. Now in a minute
I'm going to give you a list of such possible factors but I don't want you to memorize
this list. Instead, I want you to understand
what an increase in demand means. If you understand that, then you'll always be able
to recreate such a list on the fly. Now, here are some examples
of important demand shifters. For instance, changes in income
and changes in population. Can you see through our example
how an increase in income might cause people
to be willing to pay more for a given quantity of a good, or might cause them to want more
of that good at a particular price? How about changes in population? More people might increase
the quantity demanded at a particular price because there are more
potential customers. Fewer people in the world
could decrease the quantity demanded. How about some other factors
which might shift demand curves? Well, there are prices of substitutes,
prices of complements, expectations, and changes in taste. These are all a little bit trickier but I'll go through them all
in a moment. I just wanted for now to give you
a sense of some of the other things which might also shift market demand. Of course, everything I've said about
an increase in demand applies just the same, but in reverse
for a decrease in demand. A decrease in demand
is a shift inwards of the curve toward the origin. It again could be read in two ways. It means that in any given price there is less quantity demanded
at that price. Similarly, for any given quantity there is a lower willingness to pay
for the same quantity. A decrease in demand means
a decrease in the quantity demanded at every given price
or equivalently, a decrease in the maximum willingness
to pay for each given quantity. What might cause a decrease
in demand? Again, I'm going to belabor
this point a little bit, but a decrease in demand
is anything that decreases
the quantity demanded at a given price or that decreases
the maximum willingness to pay for a given quantity. If you keep in mind that is what a decrease
in demand means then you'll always be able
to come up with factors, which would decrease
market demand. Let's look in more detail
at some of the demand shifters beginning with income. The effect of changes income
on demand depends on the nature
of the good in question. For more goods,
when your income goes up, you demand more of that good. Imagine that you're a poor student
right now but soon you'll graduate and get a high paying job. When you get that high-paying job,
when your income goes up, you're probably going to demand
more automobiles, more housing, and more fine dining. These are all called Normal Goods because the demand for them
goes up when incomes go up. And of course the demand for them
goes down when incomes go down. There are also goods however,
for which when your income goes up your demand for them actually
goes down. Again, when I was a poor student
for instance, I actually sometimes went
to McDonald's to buy a cheeseburger
because it was cheap. When my income went up later,
I ate at McDonald's less often and ate at better restaurants,
which of course cost more. I haven't actually eaten
at McDonald's for many years. An inferior good is one which
when your income goes up the demand for it goes down
and vice versa. For instance, think about soup. Soup is a cheap and easy meal. So during a recession, the demand for soup
may well go up. During boom times, the demand for soup
may well go down. Now, let's test your knowledge. I suggest you get a pencil
and also a piece of paper. Put down two demand curves. Now we're going to think about
the demand for hamburger helper and we're going to think about it
in two different situations, namely, during a boom
and during a recession. Here's our demand
for hamburger helper. What is going to happen
to this demand when the economy goes into a boom? When people's incomes go up? Now, draw the new demand curve. What's that new demand curve
going to look like? In a boom, the demand
for hamburger helper is going to decrease because hamburger helper
is an inferior good so we get a decrease in demand. What about in a recession? Of course in a recession,
we get the opposite. In a recession,
when incomes are going down the demand for hamburger helper
is going up. Here's another demand shifter,
namely population. As the population
of an economy changes, the number of potential buyers
of a particular good also changes. For instance, what happens
to the demand for diapers in Russia as birth rates drop? Well, that demand is going to decrease. In the United States,
as you probably know, the baby boomers are getting older, so we're having many more
elderly individuals in the population. Which products
will increase in demand as the American population gets older? Well, think about that for a moment. Here are a few possible examples. As the number of elderly
in the United States goes up, we would expect an increase
in the demand for cancer drugs, for instance. Indeed as the population
has gotten older, pharmaceutical firms
have invested more in research and development
for producing drugs for elder people. We expect also as people get older, the demand
for retirement communities goes up, perhaps even the demand for golf. How would we do this
on the demand curve? Well, use an old demand curve but as the population gets older the demand for these products -
cancer drugs, retirement communities
and golf equipment, well that goes up, so this curve shifts away
from the origin and up to the right. Here's another demand shifter -
the price of substitutes. Two goods are substitutes if an increase in the price
of one good leads to an increase in demand
for the other good as well. For example, suppose that the price
of Nike shoes goes up. Well, that is going to increase
the demand for Reebok shoes and vice versa. Suppose instead that the price
of Nike shoes goes down, that is going to decrease the demand
for Reeboks as people switch from Reeboks
to the now cheaper good, Nike. Another example. What happens to the demand
for iTunes if songs on Spotify, a competitor, become cheaper? If Spotify is cheaper, that's going to decrease the demand
for iTunes. Another important demand shifter
is the price of complements. Complements are goods
which tend to go together well. Think for instance
if hotdogs and hotdog buns. Technically, two goods are complements if an increase in the price
of one of those goods leads to a decrease in the demand
for the other. Suppose for instance,
that the price of hotdogs goes up. That means fewer people
are going to buy hotdogs. That means that demand
for hotdog buns is going to decrease as well
and vice versa of course. Again, if the price of hotdog buns
goes down, people are going to want
to buy more buns. But then they're also going to want to buy more of the complement
of hotdogs. So the demand for hotdogs
will go up when the price of the complement
hotdog buns goes down. Here's another example. What happens to the demand
for sport utility vehicles when gasoline gets more expensive? Cars and gasoline or sport utility vehicles
and gasoline, they're complements. When you want one,
you also want the other. So if gasoline gets more expensive, that is going to decrease the demand
for sport utility vehicles. Another important demand shifter
is expectations. It can be expectations of events
or of prices. In particular, if people expect
the price of a good to be higher in the future, that is going to tend
to increase demand today. Consumers will adjust
their current spending in anticipation
of what is going to happen to future prices in order to obtain
the lowest possible price by buying more today. For example, imagine you hear
there's going to be a hurricane. If the hurricane hits, you expect the price of batteries
is going to go way up or perhaps
it's going to be very difficult to even get any batteries at all. That's going to increase the demand
for batteries today. Something in the future, that is this expectation
of a future event can change the demand today. Similarly, if people expect
that the price of the Xbox 360 is going to drop right before Christmas, well then sales in November
will go down. Apple has to deal with this problem
all of the time. Each time people expect
a new iPhone model, they stop buying the current version
of the iPhone. So Apple doesn't want anyone
to know when a new iPhone is going to be coming out because otherwise
in the mean time, the sales of the current product
will drop. Taste is an important
demand shifter and tastes change all the time. Tastes differ among consumers
and they also differ over time because of seasonal changes
or fashion or fads. For instance, what happens
to the demand for boots in October? What happens to the demand
for swimsuits in June? What happens to the demand
for sunscreen during the summer? What happens when everyone thinks
that the Atkins diet is going to cause them
to lose weight? Let's take a closer look at that one. The Atkins diet, if you recall, was a diet which said
that carbohydrates make you fat so the way to lose weight
was to consume more protein, more red meat in particular. What do you think was the effect
of the Atkins diet on the demand for red meat? It increased that demand. What about the effect of the diet
on the demand for bread? It decreased the demand for bread. By the way, Atkins later
had a heart attack and after he had this heart attack, the demand for the Atkins diet
went down, so these two factors
went into reverse. The final point for this lecture
is a terminological one and this will become more clear
after we've covered more of supply. I'll come back to that but for now I just want to give you
a heads up. Unfortunately, economists sometimes use
similar words for different concepts. In particular, a change
in the quantity demanded is not the same as a change
in demand. A change in the quantity demanded is about a movement along
a fixed demand curve due to a change in price. For instance, as you recall, we can say that at a price of $10,
the quantity demanded is 200. When the price changes
and we move along this curve, so then when the price falls to $5, we see that the quantity demanded
is 420 units. That's a change in quantity demanded. It's a movement along
this fixed curve as we just saw. A change in demand
is a non-price induced change. It's a shift of the entire demand curve. A change in demand
such as an increase in demand is again a shift in this curve. So keep these two differences in mind. Change in quantity demanded
is a movement along a curve due to changes in price. A change in demand is a shift
of the entire demand curve due to changes in income
or population or taste, or any of the other factors
other than price that we've talked about. Anyway, those are the points for
now on demand curves. Thanks. [narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click Practice Questions or if you're ready to move on,
just click Next Video.",overview,"Question: What is the difference between a change in the quantity demanded and a change in demand?
Answer: A change in the quantity demanded is a movement along a fixed demand curve due to a change in price, while a change in demand is a non-price induced shift of the entire demand curve.",What is the difference between a change in the quantity demanded and a change in demand?,"A change in the quantity demanded is a movement along a fixed demand curve due to a change in price, while a change in demand is a non-price induced shift of the entire demand curve.","['demand curve', 'increases', 'decreases', 'market demand', 'quantity demanded ��']"
81,03-02-12-good-weather-for-salmon-fishing,03-02,12,Other Factors That Affect Supply,"In the example above, we saw that changes in the prices of inputs in the production process will affect the cost of production and thus the supply. Several other things affect the cost of production, too, such as changes in weather or other natural conditions, new technologies for production, and some government policies.
Changes in weather and climate will affect the cost of production for many agricultural products. For example, in 2014 the Manchurian Plain in Northeastern China, which produces most of the country's wheat, corn, and soybeans, experienced its most severe drought in 50 years.
A drought decreases the supply of agricultural products, which means that at any given price, a lower quantity will be supplied. Conversely, especially good weather would shift the supply curve to the right.
When a firm discovers a new technology that allows them to produce at a lower cost, the supply curve will shift to the right. For instance, in the 1960s a major scientific effort nicknamed the Green Revolution focused on breeding improved seeds for basic crops like wheat and rice.
By the early 1990s, more than two-thirds of the wheat and rice in low-income countries around the world used these Green Revolution seeds—and the harvest was twice as high per acre. A technological improvement that reduces costs of production will shift supply to the right, so that a greater quantity will be produced at any given price.
Government policies can affect the cost of production and the supply curve through taxes, regulations, and subsidies. For example, the U.S. government imposes a tax on alcoholic beverages that collects about \$8 billion per year from producers. Businesses treat taxes as costs, and higher costs decrease supply. Other examples of policy that can affect cost are the wide array of government regulations that require firms to spend money to provide a cleaner environment or a safer workplace. Complying with regulations increases costs.
A government subsidy, on the other hand, is the opposite of a tax. A **subsidy** occurs when the government pays a firm directly or reduces the firm's taxes if the firm carries out certain actions. From the firm's perspective, taxes or regulations are an additional cost of production that shifts supply to the left, leading the firm to produce a lower quantity at every given price. Government subsidies reduce the cost of production and increase supply at every given price, shifting supply to the right. The following section shows how this shift happens.
","In the example above, we saw that changes in the prices of inputs in the production process will affect the cost of production and thus the supply. Several other things affect the cost of production, too, such as changes in weather or other natural conditions, new technologies for production, and some government policies.
Changes in weather and climate will affect the cost of production for many agricultural products. For example, in 2014 the Manchurian Plain in Northeastern China, which produces most of the country's wheat, corn, and soybeans, experienced its most severe drought in 50 years.
A drought decreases the supply of agricultural products, which means that at any given price, a lower quantity will be supplied. Conversely, especially good weather would shift the supply curve to the right.
When a firm discovers a new technology that allows them to produce at a lower cost, the supply curve will shift to the right. For instance, in the 1960s a major scientific effort nicknamed the Green Revolution focused on breeding improved seeds for basic crops like wheat and rice.
By the early 1990s, more than two-thirds of the wheat and rice in low-income countries around the world used these Green Revolution seeds—and the harvest was twice as high per acre. A technological improvement that reduces costs of production will shift supply to the right, so that a greater quantity will be produced at any given price.
Government policies can affect the cost of production and the supply curve through taxes, regulations, and subsidies. For example, the U.S. government imposes a tax on alcoholic beverages that collects about \$8 billion per year from producers. Businesses treat taxes as costs, and higher costs decrease supply. Other examples of policy that can affect cost are the wide array of government regulations that require firms to spend money to provide a cleaner environment or a safer workplace. Complying with regulations increases costs.
A government subsidy, on the other hand, is the opposite of a tax. A **subsidy** occurs when the government pays a firm directly or reduces the firm's taxes if the firm carries out certain actions. From the firm's perspective, taxes or regulations are an additional cost of production that shifts supply to the left, leading the firm to produce a lower quantity at every given price. Government subsidies reduce the cost of production and increase supply at every given price, shifting supply to the right. The following section shows how this shift happens.",good-weather-for-salmon-fishing,"Question: How can government policies affect the cost of production and the supply curve?
Answer: Government policies can affect the cost of production and the supply curve through taxes, regulations, and subsidies. Taxes and regulations increase costs and decrease supply, while subsidies reduce costs and increase supply.",How can government policies affect the cost of production and the supply curve?,"Government policies can affect the cost of production and the supply curve through taxes, regulations, and subsidies. Taxes and regulations increase costs and decrease supply, while subsidies reduce costs and increase supply.","['government policies', 'cost of production', 'natural conditions', 'soybeans', 'drought', 'supply curve']"
82,03-02-13-shift-only-in-demand-example,03-02,13,A Shift in Supply Due to a Production Cost Increase,"We know that a supply curve shows the minimum price a firm will accept to produce a given quantity of output. What happens to the supply curve when the cost of production goes up? Following is an example of a shift in supply due to a production cost increase.
",We know that a supply curve shows the minimum price a firm will accept to produce a given quantity of output. What happens to the supply curve when the cost of production goes up? Following is an example of a shift in supply due to a production cost increase.,shift-only-in-demand-example,"{""question"": ""What happens to the supply curve when the cost of production goes up?"", ""answer"": ""It will shift to the left.""}",What happens to the supply curve when the cost of production goes up?,It will shift to the left.,"['supply curve', 'cost of production', 'production cost increase', 'minimum price requirement']"
83,03-02-14-newspapers-and-the-internet,03-02,14,Summing Up Factors That Change Supply,"Changes in (1) the cost of inputs, (2) natural disasters, (3) new technologies, and (4) the impact of government decisions all affect the cost of production. In turn, these factors affect how much firms are willing to supply at any given price.
[Figure 3.15](3-2-shifts-in-demand-and-supply-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_027) summarizes factors that change the supply of goods and services. Notice that a change in the price of the product itself is not among the factors that shift the supply curve. Although a change in price of a good or service typically causes a change in quantity supplied or a movement along the supply curve for that specific good or service, it does not cause the supply curve itself to shift.
**Figure 3.15 Factors That Shift Supply Curves**
(a) A list of factors that can cause an increase in supply from S0 to S1.
(b) The same factors, if their direction is reversed, can cause a decrease in supply from S0 to S1.
Because demand and supply curves appear on a two-dimensional diagram with only price and quantity on the axes, an unwary visitor to the land of economics might be fooled into believing that economics is about only four topics: demand, supply, price, and quantity. However, demand and supply are really ""umbrella"" concepts: demand covers all the factors that affect demand, and supply covers all the factors that affect supply. We include factors other than price that affect demand and supply are included by using shifts in the demand or the supply curve. In this way, the two-dimensional demand and supply model becomes a powerful tool for analyzing a wide range of economic circumstances.","Changes in (1) the cost of inputs, (2) natural disasters, (3) new technologies, and (4) the impact of government decisions all affect the cost of production. In turn, these factors affect how much firms are willing to supply at any given price.
Figure 3.15 summarizes factors that change the supply of goods and services. Notice that a change in the price of the product itself is not among the factors that shift the supply curve. Although a change in price of a good or service typically causes a change in quantity supplied or a movement along the supply curve for that specific good or service, it does not cause the supply curve itself to shift.
This video explores factors that shift the supply curve. How do technological
innovations, input prices, taxes and subsidies, and other factors affect a
firm's costs and the price at which the firm is willing to sell a good? By
answering these questions we have a better idea of how the supply curve will
shift.
In this video I explain what happens to the equilibrium price and quantity
when demand or supply shifts. Make sure to practice drawing the graph on your
own. This is the third video in the playlist so make sure that you know how to
draw and shift demand and supply before you watching this video.
","♪ [music] ♪ - [Prof. Alex Tabarrok]
Now that you've got the basics of the supply curve down, we'll jump into factors
which shift the supply curve. Here's the same list
I showed you before of important supply shifters. Remember, the most basic one
is a change in costs. So really the only question is, how does technological
innovations change costs? How do input prices change costs? Taxes and subsidies,
expectations, entry or exit of producers. Once we understand
how these different elements affect a firm's costs then we know how the supply curve
is going to shift. By the way,
I've given you a list here but the goal is not
to memorize the list. The goal is to understand. And once we do that then we'll be able to figure out how any factor
affects the supply curve. Okay, let's do some examples. A technological innovation
lowers costs and therefore increases the supply. That means that sellers
are willing to supply a greater quantity at a given price, or, equivalently,
they're willing to sell a given quantity
at a lower price. So let's imagine that we have
some genetically modified seeds. What's the effect on supply? We'll assume that the seeds,
for example, require less fertilizer. So let's graph out
what the effect of this innovation would be on supply. Here's our old supply curve
with the old seeds. Now we have the innovation. We have genetically modified seeds
which require less fertilizer and create a reduction in cost. What does that do to supply? It increases supply
and that means that the supply curve
moves down and to the right. Why? Well, just read off what this means. An increase in supply means that for any given quantity the firm is now
willing to sell that quantity at a lower price than before, since their costs have fallen. The minimum price
that firms require in order to sell this quantity
has decreased. In fact the minimum price
that firms require to sell any quantity
has decreased. Equivalently, at any price, now that their costs have fallen the firms are willing to sell more
at that particular price. That's what
an increase of supply means. These genetically modified seeds -- they've reduced cost
and that increases supply. Let's look at another
important supply shifter, changes in input prices, and let's do in this case
a decrease in supply. An increase
in the price of an input will decrease supply. For example, if the government were to increase
environmental regulations and requirements on gasoline, that's going to cause
a decrease in supply. It doesn't mean
that the government shouldn't do that. Maybe it's worthwhile, but that will be
the effect on supply. Let's take a look. Here's our old supply curve. Now we have increased
rules and regulations which increase costs, or there's an increase
in the price of some input that reduces supply. Reductions in supply
mean that the supply curve moves up and to the left. Again just read off
what that means. A reduction in supply means that at any price the firm is now willing
to sell a smaller quantity or equivalently, it means that for
any particular quantity where the reduction
in supply with higher costs, the firm needs a higher price. Because their costs have gone up, the price that the firm requires, in order to sell
any particular quantity, has increased. Remember,
this is the minimum price that suppliers require
to produce this quantity and with higher costs
that minimum price has gone up. That's what a decrease
in supply looks like -- higher costs, decreased supply. Let's look at a tax. A tax on output is equivalent
to an increase in costs, and therefore a tax
will decrease supply. Here we go. Suppose that before the tax, firms were willing to sell let's say 60 million
barrels of oil per day at a price of $40 per barrel. Now we imagine there's $10 tax. How much will firms require in order to sell 60 million
barrels of oil per day now that there is a $10 tax? What would be
the requirement for them? $50. In fact, what a tax does is it shifts the supply curve up
by the amount of the tax -- in this case, by $10 everywhere
along the supply curve. By the way, notice we actually
haven't said anything here about what the effect
of the tax will be on prices. In fact we haven't
said anything at all about how prices are determined. That's going to be in
an upcoming video on equilibrium. What we're emphasizing now is how a tax, or how changes
in input prices, and so forth affect the supply curve. The way we analyze a tax is by shifting the supply curve up
by the amount of the tax. What about a subsidy? A subsidy is just
the opposite of a tax. Instead of the government taking with every unit that you produce, the government gives
some amount of money for every unit which is produced. A subsidy is equivalent
to a decrease in the firm's costs and therefore it increases supply. Go ahead and graph the effect
on the supply curve of a subsidy to, say, fast food producers. Suppose it's aimed
at helping them export overseas. What would be the effect of a subsidy on the supply curve
for fast food producers? I'm not actually
going to show you that. If you have
any trouble graphing it, go back and look
at the tax example. A subsidy is just a tax in reverse. Expectations. This one is a little trickier but expectations
can also shift the supply curve. Imagine for example
that firms expect a higher price for a good in the future. That increases the cost
of supplying the good now -- the opportunity cost. Since there's an increase in cost, that decreases
the current supply of the good. This is perhaps easiest to see if firms can store the good. Suppose firms believe that the price is going
to be higher in the future. Therefore they're going
to want to produce more today. But instead of selling today, they're going to want
to store the good in order to sell it in the future when the price is higher. This will become more important
when we come back later and talk about speculation. Let's see how this works
with the diagram. Here's the supply curve currently. Now firms come to believe that prices are going to be
higher in the future. So what do they do? They take some
of their current supply and they put that supply
into storage. They remove it
from the current market. Since that quantity
is no longer being supplied on today's market, today's supply curve decreases. The entry and exit of new producers is another important
supply shifter. It's pretty easy
to see that with entry -- that implies more sellers
in the market -- that increases supply. Exit implies fewer sellers
in the market, decreasing supply. What will happen
to the supply of lumber with a free trade deal
with Canada? This actually happened of course. Here's the domestic supply curve,
the U. S.supply curve, without the free trade deal. Now we get NAFDA,
we get the free trade deal, and what that means
is that at any price there are now more suppliers. So there's a greater quantity
supplied at each particular price. In addition, Canadian firms
will have lower costs in their American counterparts. Not all of them, but some of them
are going to have lower costs. That means that at any quantity there's a lower price
for the same quantity. As entry increases supply -- and for exit,
the process just works in reverse. Our final supply curve shifter, changes in opportunity cost, is perhaps the trickiest because we're usually
thinking about cost in terms of dollar costs. But we have to keep in mind that the fundamental concept
of cost is opportunity cost. Let's apply this and I think it will become
fairly easy to understand. Inputs which are used in production have opportunity costs. They can be used to produce
many different things. And sellers will choose
to employ their inputs in the production
of the highest priced final good. For example, what happens
to the supply of soy beans when the price of wheat increases? Here's a hint. Farmers can use their land
to grow soy beans or to grow wheat. Farmers have a choice
about their use of land. So what happens
to the supply of soy beans when the price of wheat increases? Let's look at this with a graph. Here's our initial
supply curve for soy beans. It will label this
low opportunity cost -- that means that
the price of wheat is low. There's not much else
useful to do with this land other than to grow soy beans. However, when the price
of wheat goes up, well then the opportunity cost
of growing soy beans has gone up. When the price of wheat was low the cost of growing
soy beans was low because what else were you
going to do with the land? Now that the price
of wheat has gone up, there's an alternative,
there's an opportunity. The farmers could
instead grow wheat. That means that farmers are
going to take some of their land out of soy bean production
and move it into wheat production. So to produce
the same quantity of soy beans the farmers are going to
require a higher price because their costs
are now higher -- their alternative,
their opportunity cost, is higher. Or, to put it differently, at the same price of soy beans, farmers are now going to be willing
to supply fewer soy beans because they've got
other things to do with their land such as growing wheat. Here again is our list
of important supply shifters. These are not the only supply shifters. There could be lots of things
which shift supply. In giving you this list however, these are some
of the most important ones. But to understand how
to go about solving these problems, keep the general procedure in mind. Figure out first, what's the effect
of this change on costs? Once you know the effect
of the change on costs, you know how
to shift the supply curve. If costs decrease
that's an increase in supply. If costs increase
that's a decrease in supply. So whatever shifter you get, figure out what the effect
of that is on costs and then work out
the effect on the supply curve, draw the diagram,
and you'll be fine. Thanks. - [Narrator]
If you want to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions"" or if you're ready to move on,
just click ""Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪",summary,"Question: How does a tax on output affect the supply curve?
Answer: A tax on output increases costs and therefore decreases supply.",How does a tax on output affect the supply curve?,A tax on output increases costs and therefore decreases supply.,"['supply curve', 'factors', 'input prices', 'taxes', 'subsidies', 'enterprise resources planning', 'information']"
85,03-03-11-learn-with-videos,03-03,11,Summary,"The final step in a scenario where both supply and demand shift is to combine the two individual analyses to determine what happens to the equilibrium quantity and price. Graphically, we superimpose the previous two diagrams one on top of the other, as in [Figure 3.19](3-3-changes-in-equilibrium-price-and-quantity-the-four-step-process#CNX_Econ_C03_030) above.
**Figure 3.19 Combined Effect of Decreased Demand and Decreased Supply**
","The final step in a scenario where both supply and demand shift is to combine the two individual analyses to determine what happens to the equilibrium quantity and price. Graphically, we superimpose the previous two diagrams one on top of the other, as in Figure 3.19 above.
- Identify equilibrium price and quantity through the four-step process
- Graph equilibrium price and quantity
- Contrast shifts of demand or supply and movements along a demand or supply curve
- Graph demand and supply curves, including equilibrium price and quantity, based on real-world examples
Let's begin this discussion with a single economic event. It might be an event that affects demand, like a change in income, population, tastes, prices of substitutes or complements, or expectations about future prices. It might be an event that affects supply, like a change in natural conditions, input prices, or technology, or government policies that affect production. How does this economic event affect equilibrium price and quantity? We will analyze this question using a four-step process.
","Identify equilibrium price and quantity through the four-step process
Graph equilibrium price and quantity
Contrast shifts of demand or supply and movements along a demand or supply curve
Graph demand and supply curves, including equilibrium price and quantity, based on real-world examples
Let's begin this discussion with a single economic event. It might be an event that affects demand, like a change in income, population, tastes, prices of substitutes or complements, or expectations about future prices. It might be an event that affects supply, like a change in natural conditions, input prices, or technology, or government policies that affect production. How does this economic event affect equilibrium price and quantity? We will analyze this question using a four-step process.",combined-shift-in-supply--demand-example,"Question: How does an economic event affect equilibrium price and quantity?
Answer: This question can be analyzed using a four-step process.",How does an economic event affect equilibrium price and quantity?,This question can be analyzed using a four-step process.,"['fourstep process', 'gedankenexperiments', 'graph equilibrium']"
87,03-03-02-introduction,03-03,2,Good Weather for Salmon Fishing,"Supposed that during the summer of 2015, weather conditions were excellent for commercial salmon fishing off the California coast. Heavy rains meant higher than normal levels of water in the rivers, which helps the salmon to breed. Slightly cooler ocean temperatures stimulated the growth of plankton, the microscopic organisms at the bottom of the ocean food chain, providing everything in the ocean with a hearty food supply. The ocean stayed calm during fishing season, so commercial fishing operations did not lose many days to bad weather.
How did these climate conditions affect the quantity and price of salmon? Table 3.6 provides the information to work the problem and Figure 3.16 illustrates the four-step approach, which we explain below.
","Supposed that during the summer of 2015, weather conditions were excellent for commercial salmon fishing off the California coast. Heavy rains meant higher than normal levels of water in the rivers, which helps the salmon to breed. Slightly cooler ocean temperatures stimulated the growth of plankton, the microscopic organisms at the bottom of the ocean food chain, providing everything in the ocean with a hearty food supply. The ocean stayed calm during fishing season, so commercial fishing operations did not lose many days to bad weather.
How did these climate conditions affect the quantity and price of salmon? Table 3.6 provides the information to work the problem and Figure 3.16 illustrates the four-step approach, which we explain below.",introduction,"{""question"": ""How did these climate conditions affect the quantity and price of salmon?"", ""answer"": ""The excellent weather conditions led to higher quantities of salmon and stable prices.""}",How did these climate conditions affect the quantity and price of salmon?,The excellent weather conditions led to higher quantities of salmon and stable prices.,"['commercial salmon', 'water', 'rivers', 'plankton', 'microscopic organisms', 'ocean food chain']"
88,03-03-04-shift-in-the-demand-of-the-us-postal-services,03-03,4,Newspapers and the Internet,"According to the Pew Research Center for People and the Press, increasingly more people, especially younger people, are obtaining their news from online and digital sources. The majority of U.S. adults now own smartphones or tablets, and most of those Americans say they use them in part to access the news. From 2004 to 2012, the share of Americans who reported obtaining their news from digital sources increased from 24% to 39%. How has this affected consumption of print news media, and radio and television news?","According to the Pew Research Center for People and the Press, increasingly more people, especially younger people, are obtaining their news from online and digital sources. The majority of U.S. adults now own smartphones or tablets, and most of those Americans say they use them in part to access the news. From 2004 to 2012, the share of Americans who reported obtaining their news from digital sources increased from 24% to 39%. How has this affected consumption of print news media, and radio and television news?",shift-in-the-demand-of-the-us-postal-services,"{""question"": ""How has the increase in obtaining news from online and digital sources affected consumption of print news media, and radio and television news?"", ""answer"": ""The increase in obtaining news from online and digital sources has led to a decrease in consumption of print news media, and radio and television news.""}","How has the increase in obtaining news from online and digital sources affected consumption of print news media, and radio and television news?","The increase in obtaining news from online and digital sources has led to a decrease in consumption of print news media, and radio and television news.","['pulse research center for people and press', 'digital sources', 'smartphones', 'tablets']"
89,03-03-12-price-floors,03-03,12,Effect on Quantity,"Because higher labor compensation of Postal Services raises the cost of production, equilibrium quantity decreases. The effect of a change in tastes away from snail mail is also to decrease the equilibrium quantity. Since both supply and demand shifts are to the left, the overall impact is a decrease in the equilibrium quantity of Postal Services (Q3). This is easy to see graphically, since Q3 is to the left of Q0.","Because higher labor compensation of Postal Services raises the cost of production, equilibrium quantity decreases. The effect of a change in tastes away from snail mail is also to decrease the equilibrium quantity. Since both supply and demand shifts are to the left, the overall impact is a decrease in the equilibrium quantity of Postal Services (Q3). This is easy to see graphically, since Q3 is to the left of Q0.",price-floors,"{""question"": ""What is the overall impact of higher labor compensation and a change in tastes away from snail mail on the equilibrium quantity of Postal Services?"", ""answer"": ""The overall impact is a decrease in the equilibrium quantity.""}",What is the overall impact of higher labor compensation and a change in tastes away from snail mail on the equilibrium quantity of Postal Services?,The overall impact is a decrease in the equilibrium quantity.,"['labor compensation', 'postal services', 'equilibrium quantity', 'demand shifts', 'supply shifts']"
90,03-03-05-summary-1,03-03,5,Summary,"The decline in print news reading predates 2004. Print newspaper
circulation peaked in 1973 and has declined since then due to competition
from television and radio news. In 1991, 55% of Americans indicated they
received their news from print sources, while only 29% did so in 2012.
Radio news has followed a similar path in recent decades, with the share
of Americans obtaining their news from radio declining from 54% in 1991 to
33% in 2012. Television news has held its own over the last 15 years, with
a market share staying in the mid to upper fifties. What does this suggest
for the future, given that two-thirds of Americans under 30 years old say
they do not obtain their news from television at all?
","The decline in print news reading predates 2004. Print newspaper
circulation peaked in 1973 and has declined since then due to competition
from television and radio news. In 1991, 55% of Americans indicated they
received their news from print sources, while only 29% did so in 2012.
Radio news has followed a similar path in recent decades, with the share
of Americans obtaining their news from radio declining from 54% in 1991 to
33% in 2012. Television news has held its own over the last 15 years, with
a market share staying in the mid to upper fifties. What does this suggest
for the future, given that two-thirds of Americans under 30 years old say
they do not obtain their news from television at all?",summary-1,"{""question"": ""What does the decline in print news reading suggest for the future?"", ""answer"": ""It suggests that the future of news consumption may not heavily rely on television.""}",What does the decline in print news reading suggest for the future?,It suggests that the future of news consumption may not heavily rely on television.,"['print news reading', 'radio news', 'television news', 'market share']"
91,03-03-07-effect-on-price,03-03,7,The Interconnections and Speed of Adjustment in Real Markets,"In the real world, many factors that affect demand and supply can change all at once. For example, the demand for cars might increase because of rising incomes and population, and it might decrease because of rising gasoline prices (a complementary good). Likewise, the supply of cars might increase because of innovative new technologies that reduce the cost of car production, and it might decrease as a result of new government regulations requiring the installation of costly pollution-control technology.
Moreover, rising incomes and population or changes in gasoline prices will affect many markets, not just cars. How can an economist sort out all these interconnected events? The answer lies in the _ceteris paribus_ assumption. Look at how each economic event affects each market, one event at a time, holding all else constant. Then combine the analyses to see the net effect.
","In the real world, many factors that affect demand and supply can change all at once. For example, the demand for cars might increase because of rising incomes and population, and it might decrease because of rising gasoline prices (a complementary good). Likewise, the supply of cars might increase because of innovative new technologies that reduce the cost of car production, and it might decrease as a result of new government regulations requiring the installation of costly pollution-control technology.
Moreover, rising incomes and population or changes in gasoline prices will affect many markets, not just cars. How can an economist sort out all these interconnected events? The answer lies in the ceteris paribus assumption. Look at how each economic event affects each market, one event at a time, holding all else constant. Then combine the analyses to see the net effect.",effect-on-price,"Question: How can an economist sort out all the interconnected events that affect demand and supply in various markets?
Answer: By analyzing each economic event and its impact on each market individually, holding all other factors constant, and then combining the analyses to determine the net effect.",How can an economist sort out all the interconnected events that affect demand and supply in various markets?,"By analyzing each economic event and its impact on each market individually, holding all other factors constant, and then combining the analyses to determine the net effect.","['supply', 'demand', 'population', 'gasoline prices', 'ceteris paribus assumption', 'net']"
92,03-03-08-clear-it-up,03-03,8,Introduction,"The U.S. Postal Service is facing difficult challenges. Compensation for postal workers tends to increase most years due to cost-of-living increases. At the same time, increasingly more people are using email, text, and other digital message forms such as Facebook and Twitter to communicate with friends and others. What does this suggest about the continued viability of the Postal Service? [Figure 3.18](3-3-changes-in-equilibrium-price-and-quantity-the-four-step-process#CNX_Econ_C03_029) and the text below illustrate this using the four-step analysis to answer this question.
**Figure 3.18 Higher Compensation for Postal Workers: A Four-Step Analysis**
(a) Higher labor compensation causes a leftward shift in the supply curve, a
decrease in the equilibrium quantity, and an increase in the equilibrium
price.
(b) A change in tastes away from Postal Services causes a leftward shift in
the demand curve, a decrease in the equilibrium quantity, and a decrease in
the equilibrium price.
Since this problem involves two disturbances, we need two four-step analyses
- the first to analyze the effects of higher compensation for postal workers
- the second to analyze the effects of many people switching from ""snail mail"" to email and other digital messages.","The U.S. Postal Service is facing difficult challenges. Compensation for postal workers tends to increase most years due to cost-of-living increases. At the same time, increasingly more people are using email, text, and other digital message forms such as Facebook and Twitter to communicate with friends and others. What does this suggest about the continued viability of the Postal Service? Figure 3.18 and the text below illustrate this using the four-step analysis to answer this question.
**Figure 3.18 (a)**
Figure 3.18 (a) above shows the shift in the supply of the U.S. Postal Services. Use the following four steps to analyze the changes:
","
**Figure 3.18 (b)**
[Figure 3.18](3-3-changes-in-equilibrium-price-and-quantity-the-four-step-process#CNX_Econ_C03_029) (b) shows the shift in demand in the following steps.
","
**Figure 3.24 Efficiency and Price Floors and Ceilings**
(a) The original equilibrium price is \$600 with a quantity of 20,000. Consumer surplus is T + U, and producer surplus is V + W + X. A price ceiling is imposed at \$400, so firms in the market now produce only a quantity of 15,000. As a result, the new consumer surplus is T + V, while the new producer surplus is X.
(b) The original equilibrium is \$8 at a quantity of 1,800. Consumer surplus is G + H + J, and producer surplus is I + K. A price floor is imposed at \$12, which means that quantity demanded falls to 1,400. As a result, the new consumer surplus is G, and the new producer surplus is H + I.
Imagine that several firms develop a promising but expensive new drug for treating back pain. If this therapy is left to the market, the equilibrium price will be \$600 per month and 20,000 people will use the drug, as shown in [Figure 3.24](3-5-demand-supply-and-efficiency#CNX_Econ_C03_028) (a). The original level of consumer surplus is T + U and producer surplus is V + W + X. However, the government decides to impose a price ceiling of $400 to make the drug more affordable. At this price ceiling, firms in the market now produce only 15,000.
As a result, two changes occur. First, an inefficient outcome occurs and the total surplus of society is reduced. The loss in social surplus that occurs when the economy produces at an inefficient quantity is called **deadweight loss**. In a very real sense, it is like money thrown away that benefits no one. In [Figure 3.24](3-5-demand-supply-and-efficiency#CNX_Econ_C03_028) (a), the deadweight loss is the area U + W. When deadweight loss exists, it is possible for both consumer and producer surplus to be higher, in this case because the price control is blocking some suppliers and demanders from transactions they would both be willing to make.
A second change from the price ceiling is that some of the producer surplus is transferred to consumers. After the price ceiling is imposed, the new consumer surplus is T + V, while the new producer surplus is X. In other words, the price ceiling transfers the area of surplus (V) from producers to consumers. Note that the gain to consumers is less than the loss to producers, which is just another way of seeing the deadweight loss.","The imposition of a price floor or a price ceiling will prevent a market from adjusting to its equilibrium price and quantity, and thus will create an inefficient outcome. However, there is an additional twist here. Along with creating inefficiency, price floors and ceilings will also transfer some consumer surplus to producers, or some producer surplus to consumers.
One common mistake in applying the demand and supply framework is to confuse
the shift of a demand or a supply curve with movement along a demand or supply
curve.
As an example, consider a problem that asks whether a drought will increase or decrease the equilibrium quantity and equilibrium price of wheat. Lee, a student in an introductory economics class, might reason:
**Figure 3.20 Shifts of Demand or Supply versus Movements along a Demand or
Supply Curve**
""Well, it is clear that a drought reduces supply, so I will shift back the supply curve, as in the shift from the original supply curve $S_0$ to S1 on the diagram (Shift 1). The equilibrium moves from $E_0$ to $E1_$, the equilibrium quantity is lower and the equilibrium price is higher. Then, a higher price makes farmers more likely to supply the good, so the supply curve shifts right, as shows the shift from $S_1$ to $S_2$, shows on the diagram (Shift 2), so that the equilibrium now moves from $E_1$ to $E_2$. The higher price, however, also reduces demand and so causes demand to shift back, like the shift from the original demand curve, $D_0$ to $D_1$ on the diagram (labeled Shift 3), and the equilibrium moves from $E_2$ to $E_3$.""
A shift in one curve never causes a shift in the other curve. Rather, a shift in one curve causes a movement along the second curve.
At about this point, Lee suspects that this answer is headed down the wrong path. Think about what might be wrong with Lee's logic.
His first step is correct: a drought shifts back the supply curve of wheat and leads to a prediction of a lower equilibrium quantity and a higher equilibrium price. This corresponds to a movement along the original demand curve ($D_0$), from $E_0$ to $E_1$.
The rest of Lee's argument is wrong, because it mixes up shifts in supply with quantity supplied and shifts in demand with quantity demanded. A higher or lower price never shifts the supply curve, as suggested by the shift in supply from $S_1$ to $S_2$. Instead, a price change leads to a movement along a given supply curve.
Similarly, a higher or lower price never shifts a demand curve, as suggested in the shift from D0 to D1. Instead, a price change leads to a movement along a given demand curve. Remember, a change in the price of a good never causes the demand or supply curve for that good to shift.
Think carefully about the timeline of events and the order of our four-step analysis:
- What happens first, what happens next?
- What is cause, what is effect?
If you keep the order right, you are more likely to get the analysis correct.
In the four-step analysis of how economic events affect equilibrium price and quantity, the movement from the old to the new equilibrium seems immediate. As a practical matter, however, prices and quantities often do not go straight to equilibrium. More realistically, when an economic event causes demand or supply to shift, prices and quantities move in the general direction of equilibrium. Even as they are shifting toward one new equilibrium, a subsequent change in demand or supply often pushes prices toward another equilibrium.
","What is the difference between shifts of demand or supply versus movements along a demand or supply curve?
One common mistake in applying the demand and supply framework is to confuse
the shift of a demand or a supply curve with movement along a demand or supply
curve.
As an example, consider a problem that asks whether a drought will increase or decrease the equilibrium quantity and equilibrium price of wheat. Lee, a student in an introductory economics class, might reason:
- Explain price controls, price ceilings, and price floors
- Analyze demand and supply as a social adjustment mechanism
To this point in the chapter, we have been assuming that markets are free, that is, they operate with no government intervention. In this section, we will explore the outcomes, both anticipated and otherwise, when government does intervene in a market either to prevent the price of some good or service from rising too high or falling too low.
Laws that governments enact to regulate prices are called **price controls**. Price controls come in two flavors. A **price ceiling** keeps a price from rising above a certain level (the “ceiling”), while a **price floor** keeps a price from falling below a given level (the “floor”). The following section uses the demand and supply framework to analyze price ceilings. And the section afterwards discusses price floors.","Explain price controls, price ceilings, and price floors
Analyze demand and supply as a social adjustment mechanism
To this point in the chapter, we have been assuming that markets are free, that is, they operate with no government intervention. In this section, we will explore the outcomes, both anticipated and otherwise, when government does intervene in a market either to prevent the price of some good or service from rising too high or falling too low.
Laws that governments enact to regulate prices are called price controls. Price controls come in two flavors. A price ceiling keeps a price from rising above a certain level (the “ceiling”), while a price floor keeps a price from falling below a given level (the “floor”). The following section uses the demand and supply framework to analyze price ceilings. And the section afterwards discusses price floors.",inefficiency-of-price-floors-and-price-ceilings,"{
""question"": ""What are price controls, price ceilings, and price floors?"",
""answer"": ""Price controls are laws that governments enact to regulate prices. Price ceilings keep a price from rising above a certain level, while price floors keep a price from falling below a given level.""
}","What are price controls, price ceilings, and price floors?","Price controls are laws that governments enact to regulate prices. Price ceilings keep a price from rising above a certain level, while price floors keep a price from falling below a given level.","['price controls', 'price ceilings', 'price floors', 'government intervention', 'demand', 'supply']"
99,03-04-01-learn-with-videos,03-04,1,Price Ceilings,"
A price ceiling is a legal maximum price that one pays for some good or service.
A government imposes price ceilings in order to keep the price of some necessary good or service affordable.
For example, in 2005 during Hurricane Katrina, the price of bottled water increased above \$5 per gallon. As a result, many people called for price controls on bottled water to prevent the price from rising so high that people could barely afford to buy water in the aftermath of the storm. In this particular case, the government did not impose a price ceiling, but there are other examples of where price ceilings did occur.
In fact, in many markets for goods and services, demanders outnumber suppliers. Consumers, who are also potential voters, sometimes unite behind a political proposal to hold down a certain price. In some cities, such as Albany, renters have pressed political leaders to pass rent control laws, a price ceiling that requires landlords can raise rents by only a certain maximum percentage each year. Some of the best examples of rent control occur in urban areas such as New York, Washington D.C., or San Francisco.
Rent control becomes a politically hot topic when the general level of rents begins to rise rapidly. Perhaps a change in tastes makes a certain suburb or town a more popular place to live. Perhaps local businesses expand, bringing higher incomes and more people into the area. Such changes can cause a change (increase) in the demand for rental housing, as [Figure 3.21](3-4-price-ceilings-and-price-floors#CNX_Econ_C03_012) illustrates.
The original equilibrium (E0) lies at the intersection of supply curve S0 and demand curve D0, corresponding to an equilibrium price of \$500 and an equilibrium quantity of 15,000 units of rental housing. The effect of greater income or a change in tastes is to shift the demand curve for rental housing to the right, as the data in [Table 3.7](3-4-price-ceilings-and-price-floors#Table_03_10) shows and the shift from D0 to D1 on the graph. In this market, at the new equilibrium E1, the price of a rental unit would rise to $600 and the equilibrium quantity would increase to 17,000 units.
**Figure 3.21 A Price Ceiling Example—Rent Control**
Suppose that a city government passes a rent control law to keep the price at the original equilibrium of \$500 for a typical apartment. In Figure 3.21, the horizontal line at the price of $500 shows the legally fixed maximum price set by the rent control law. However, the underlying forces that shifted the demand curve to the right are still there. At that price, the quantity supplied remains at the same 15,000 rental units, but the quantity demanded is 19,000 rental units.
In other words, the quantity demanded exceeds the quantity supplied, so there is a shortage of rental housing. One of the ironies of price ceilings is that while the price ceiling was intended to help renters, there are fewer apartments rented out under the price ceiling (15,000 rental units) than would be the case at the market rent of $600 (17,000 rental units).
| Price | Original Quantity Supplied | Original Quantity Demanded | New Quantity Demanded |
| ----- | -------------------------- | -------------------------- | --------------------- |
| $400 | 12,000 | 18,000 | 23,000 |
| $500 | 15,000 | 15,000 | 19,000 |
| $600 | 17,000 | 13,000 | 17,000 |
| $700 | 19,000 | 11,000 | 15,000 |
| $800 | 20,000 | 10,000 | 14,000 |
**Table 3.7 Rent Control**
Price ceilings do not simply benefit renters at the expense of landlords. Rather, some renters (or potential renters) lose their housing as landlords convert apartments to co-ops and condos. Even when the housing remains in the rental market, landlords tend to spend less on maintenance and on essentials like heating, cooling, hot water, and lighting. The first rule of economics is you do not get something for nothing—everything has an opportunity cost. Thus, if renters obtain “cheaper” housing than the market requires, they tend to also end up with lower quality housing.
Price ceilings are enacted in an attempt to keep prices low for those who need the product. However, when the market price is not allowed to rise to the equilibrium level, quantity demanded exceeds quantity supplied, and thus a shortage occurs. Those who manage to purchase the product at the lower price given by the price ceiling will benefit, but sellers of the product will suffer, along with those who are not able to purchase the product at all. Quality is also likely to deteriorate.","A price ceiling is a legal maximum price that one pays for some good or service.
A government imposes price ceilings in order to keep the price of some necessary good or service affordable.
For example, in 2005 during Hurricane Katrina, the price of bottled water increased above \$5 per gallon. As a result, many people called for price controls on bottled water to prevent the price from rising so high that people could barely afford to buy water in the aftermath of the storm. In this particular case, the government did not impose a price ceiling, but there are other examples of where price ceilings did occur.
In fact, in many markets for goods and services, demanders outnumber suppliers. Consumers, who are also potential voters, sometimes unite behind a political proposal to hold down a certain price. In some cities, such as Albany, renters have pressed political leaders to pass rent control laws, a price ceiling that requires landlords can raise rents by only a certain maximum percentage each year. Some of the best examples of rent control occur in urban areas such as New York, Washington D.C., or San Francisco.
Rent control becomes a politically hot topic when the general level of rents begins to rise rapidly. Perhaps a change in tastes makes a certain suburb or town a more popular place to live. Perhaps local businesses expand, bringing higher incomes and more people into the area. Such changes can cause a change (increase) in the demand for rental housing, as Figure 3.21 illustrates.
The original equilibrium (E0) lies at the intersection of supply curve S0 and demand curve D0, corresponding to an equilibrium price of \$500 and an equilibrium quantity of 15,000 units of rental housing. The effect of greater income or a change in tastes is to shift the demand curve for rental housing to the right, as the data in Table 3.7 shows and the shift from D0 to D1 on the graph. In this market, at the new equilibrium E1, the price of a rental unit would rise to $600 and the equilibrium quantity would increase to 17,000 units.
Figure 3.21 A Price Ceiling Example—Rent Control
Suppose that a city government passes a rent control law to keep the price at the original equilibrium of \$500 for a typical apartment. In Figure 3.21, the horizontal line at the price of $500 shows the legally fixed maximum price set by the rent control law. However, the underlying forces that shifted the demand curve to the right are still there. At that price, the quantity supplied remains at the same 15,000 rental units, but the quantity demanded is 19,000 rental units.
In other words, the quantity demanded exceeds the quantity supplied, so there is a shortage of rental housing. One of the ironies of price ceilings is that while the price ceiling was intended to help renters, there are fewer apartments rented out under the price ceiling (15,000 rental units) than would be the case at the market rent of $600 (17,000 rental units).
Table 3.7 Rent Control
Price ceilings do not simply benefit renters at the expense of landlords. Rather, some renters (or potential renters) lose their housing as landlords convert apartments to co-ops and condos. Even when the housing remains in the rental market, landlords tend to spend less on maintenance and on essentials like heating, cooling, hot water, and lighting. The first rule of economics is you do not get something for nothing—everything has an opportunity cost. Thus, if renters obtain “cheaper” housing than the market requires, they tend to also end up with lower quality housing.
Price ceilings are enacted in an attempt to keep prices low for those who need the product. However, when the market price is not allowed to rise to the equilibrium level, quantity demanded exceeds quantity supplied, and thus a shortage occurs. Those who manage to purchase the product at the lower price given by the price ceiling will benefit, but sellers of the product will suffer, along with those who are not able to purchase the product at all. Quality is also likely to deteriorate.",learn-with-videos,"What is a price ceiling and why does a government impose it?
A price ceiling is a legal maximum price that one pays for some good or service. A government imposes price ceilings in order to keep the price of some necessary good or service affordable.",What is a price ceiling and why does a government impose it?,A price ceiling is a legal maximum price that one pays for some good or service. A government imposes price ceilings in order to keep the price of some necessary good or service affordable.,"['price ceiling', 'legal maximum price', 'bottled water', 'political proposal', 'rent control law', 'new']"
100,03-04-02-learn-with-videos-1,03-04,2,Learn with Videos,"
In 1971, President Nixon, in an effort to control inflation, declared price increases illegal. Because prices couldn't increase, they began hitting a ceiling. With a price ceiling, buyers are unable to signal their increased demand by bidding prices up, and suppliers have no incentive to increase quantity supplied because they can't raise the price.
","♪ [music] ♪ - [President Nixon] I am today
ordering a freeze on all prices and wages
throughout the United States.” – [Announcer] In August of 1971,
in an attempt to control inflation, President Richard Nixon simply
declared that price increases
were now illegal. Soon after Nixon's declaration, the situation in many markets
started to look like this. The market equilibrium price
was above the current price, but it was illegal to raise prices. Prices were hitting the ceiling, the maximum price
allowed by law. With a price ceiling,
buyers are unable to signal their increased demand
by bidding prices up. And suppliers in turn
have no incentive to increase the quantity supplied
because they can't raise the price. The result is a shortage, shortage. The quantity demanded
exceeds the quantity supplied. For example, in the 1970s,
price ceilings on gasoline meant that it was common to have no gas
at the gas station. However, the story
doesn't end there. More people want to buy gasoline
than there was gasoline available. So who gets the gasoline? Rather than compete for gasoline
by bidding up the price, buyers now competed by waiting
in longer and longer lines, in effect bidding up their time. In the '70s, people would wait
for hours at the gas station to fill up. So while the monetary price
of gasoline doesn't rise, the price paid
in people's time did increase. Moreover, when buyers pay for
gasoline with money, the seller gets the money. When buyers pay
for gasoline in time, the seller doesn't get the time. The time just gets wasted. Do you recall
from the previous videos how the price system
coordinates the actions of thousands of people
all over the world in order to deliver flowers? Well, with price controls in place,
the economy became dis-coordinated. Shortages of steel meant
that construction workers had to be sent home and new building construction delayed. Factories and offices
had to close when shortages meant
they couldn't operate. And when they closed the firms
relying on them had to close too. In perhaps the most ironic case, a shortage of steel
drilling equipment made it difficult to drill for oil
even as the United States was undergoing the worst
energy crisis in its history. And other odd
things started to happen. In a market economy,
when it gets cold on the east coast and the demand for
heating oil increases, entrepreneurs ship oil
from where it has low value, here in sunny California,
and ship it to where it has high value
in cold New Hampshire. Buy low, sell high. With price controls in place,
high-value consumers of heating oil couldn't bid up the price, and so there was no incentive
for entrepreneurs to bring oil to where it was in greatest demand. As a result, in the harsh winter
of 1972 to 1973, people were freezing on the east
coast even as people elsewhere in the United States had enough
oil to heat their swimming pools. And then, the chickens
started to drown. A price ceiling had been imposed
on the price of chickens, but not on the price of feed. Farmers realized that
at the controlled price, they would actually lose money
if they fed their chicks to fatten them up and bring them
to the market. So the farmers drowned
millions of baby chicks. - [Chick] “Thanks, price controls.” - [Announcer] The list of strange,
unintended consequences like these go on and on. In the next few videos, we'll dive deeper
into price ceilings, the five types of effects they cause, and how to analyze these
using supply and demand. ♪ [music] ♪ If you want to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on
just click ""Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪",learn-with-videos-1,"{
""question"": ""What is the result of implementing price ceilings?"",
""answer"": ""Shortages occur as the quantity demanded exceeds the quantity supplied.""
}",What is the result of implementing price ceilings?,Shortages occur as the quantity demanded exceeds the quantity supplied.,"['freeze', 'united states', 'price increases', 'gas station', 'price ceiling', '']"
101,03-04-03-demand-and-supply-as-a-social-adjustment-mechanism,03-04,3,Price Floors,"A price floor is the lowest price that one can legally pay for some good or service. Perhaps the best-known example of a price floor is the minimum wage, which is based on the view that someone working full time should be able to afford a basic standard of living. The federal **minimum wage** in 2019 was \$7.25 per hour, although some states and localities have a higher minimum wage. The federal minimum wage yields an annual income for a single person of \$15,080, which is slightly higher than the Federal poverty line of $11,880. As the cost of living rises over time, the Congress periodically raises the federal minimum wage.
Price floors are sometimes called “**price supports**,” because they support a price by preventing it from falling below a certain level. Around the world, many countries have passed laws to create agricultural price supports. Farm prices and thus farm incomes fluctuate, sometimes widely. Even if, on average, farm incomes are adequate, some years they can be quite low. The purpose of price supports is to prevent these swings.
The most common way price supports work is that the government enters the market and buys up the product, adding to demand to keep prices higher than they otherwise would be. According to the Common Agricultural Policy reform passed in 2013, the European Union (EU) will spend about 60 billion euros per year, or 67 billion dollars per year (with the November 2016 exchange rate), or roughly 38% of the EU budget, on price supports for Europe's farmers from 2014 to 2020.
Figure 3.22 illustrates the effects of a government program that assures a price above the equilibrium by focusing on the market for wheat in Europe. The intersection of demand (D) and supply (S) would be at the equilibrium point E0. However, a price floor set at Pf holds the price above P0 and prevents it from falling. The result of the price floor is that the quantity supplied Qs exceeds the quantity demanded Qd. There is excess supply, also called a surplus.
In the absence of government intervention, the price would adjust so that the quantity supplied would equal the quantity demanded at the equilibrium point E0, with price P0 and quantity Q0. However, policies designed to maintain high prices for farmers' benefit, keep the price above what would have been the market equilibrium level — the price Pf shown by the dashed horizontal line in the diagram. The result is a quantity supplied in excess of the quantity demanded (Qd). When quantity supplied exceeds quantity demanded, a surplus exists.
**Figure 3.22 European Wheat Prices: A Price Floor Example**
Economists estimate that the high-income areas of the world, including the United States, Europe, and Japan, spend roughly $1 billion per day in supporting their farmers. If the government is willing to purchase the excess supply (or to provide payments for others to purchase it), then farmers will benefit from the price floor, but taxpayers and consumers of food will pay the costs. Agricultural economists and policy makers have offered numerous proposals for reducing farm subsidies. In many countries, however, political support for subsidies for farmers remains strong. This is either because the population views this as supporting the traditional rural way of life or because of auto-business lobbying power.
Price floors, when prices are kept artificially high, lead to several
consequences that hurt the consumer. In this video, we take a look at the
minimum wage as an example of a price floor. Using the supply and demand curve
and real world examples, we show how price floors create surpluses (such as a
surplus in labor, or unemployment) as well as deadweight loss.
In this video I explain what happens when the government controls market prices. Price ceilings are a legal maximum price and price floors are a minimum legal price. Make sure that you can draw each of them on a demand and supply graph and identify if there is a shortage or a surplus.
","A price floor is the lowest price that one can legally pay for some good or service. Perhaps the best-known example of a price floor is the minimum wage, which is based on the view that someone working full time should be able to afford a basic standard of living. The federal minimum wage in 2019 was \$7.25 per hour, although some states and localities have a higher minimum wage. The federal minimum wage yields an annual income for a single person of \$15,080, which is slightly higher than the Federal poverty line of $11,880. As the cost of living rises over time, the Congress periodically raises the federal minimum wage.
Price floors are sometimes called “price supports,” because they support a price by preventing it from falling below a certain level. Around the world, many countries have passed laws to create agricultural price supports. Farm prices and thus farm incomes fluctuate, sometimes widely. Even if, on average, farm incomes are adequate, some years they can be quite low. The purpose of price supports is to prevent these swings.
The most common way price supports work is that the government enters the market and buys up the product, adding to demand to keep prices higher than they otherwise would be. According to the Common Agricultural Policy reform passed in 2013, the European Union (EU) will spend about 60 billion euros per year, or 67 billion dollars per year (with the November 2016 exchange rate), or roughly 38% of the EU budget, on price supports for Europe's farmers from 2014 to 2020.
Figure 3.22 illustrates the effects of a government program that assures a price above the equilibrium by focusing on the market for wheat in Europe. The intersection of demand (D) and supply (S) would be at the equilibrium point E0. However, a price floor set at Pf holds the price above P0 and prevents it from falling. The result of the price floor is that the quantity supplied Qs exceeds the quantity demanded Qd. There is excess supply, also called a surplus.
In the absence of government intervention, the price would adjust so that the quantity supplied would equal the quantity demanded at the equilibrium point E0, with price P0 and quantity Q0. However, policies designed to maintain high prices for farmers' benefit, keep the price above what would have been the market equilibrium level — the price Pf shown by the dashed horizontal line in the diagram. The result is a quantity supplied in excess of the quantity demanded (Qd). When quantity supplied exceeds quantity demanded, a surplus exists.
Figure 3.22 European Wheat Prices: A Price Floor Example
Economists estimate that the high-income areas of the world, including the United States, Europe, and Japan, spend roughly $1 billion per day in supporting their farmers. If the government is willing to purchase the excess supply (or to provide payments for others to purchase it), then farmers will benefit from the price floor, but taxpayers and consumers of food will pay the costs. Agricultural economists and policy makers have offered numerous proposals for reducing farm subsidies. In many countries, however, political support for subsidies for farmers remains strong. This is either because the population views this as supporting the traditional rural way of life or because of auto-business lobbying power.
- Contrast consumer surplus, producer surplus, and social surplus
- Explain why price floors and price ceilings can be inefficient
- Analyze demand and supply as a social adjustment mechanism
The familiar demand and supply diagram holds within it the concept of economic efficiency. One typical way that economists define efficiency is when it is impossible to improve the situation of one party without imposing a cost on another. Conversely, if a situation is inefficient, it becomes possible to benefit at least one party without imposing costs on others.
Efficiency in the demand and supply model has the same basic meaning: The economy is getting as much benefit as possible from its scarce resources and all the possible gains from trade have been achieved. In other words, the optimal amount of each good and service is produced and consumed.","Contrast consumer surplus, producer surplus, and social surplus
Explain why price floors and price ceilings can be inefficient
Analyze demand and supply as a social adjustment mechanism
The familiar demand and supply diagram holds within it the concept of economic efficiency. One typical way that economists define efficiency is when it is impossible to improve the situation of one party without imposing a cost on another. Conversely, if a situation is inefficient, it becomes possible to benefit at least one party without imposing costs on others.
Efficiency in the demand and supply model has the same basic meaning: The economy is getting as much benefit as possible from its scarce resources and all the possible gains from trade have been achieved. In other words, the optimal amount of each good and service is produced and consumed.",learn-with-videos-2,"{
""question"": ""What is the concept of economic efficiency?"",
""answer"": ""Economic efficiency is when it is impossible to improve the situation of one party without imposing a cost on another.""
}",What is the concept of economic efficiency?,Economic efficiency is when it is impossible to improve the situation of one party without imposing a cost on another.,"['consumer surplus', 'producer surplus', 'social surplus', 'price ceilings', 'demand', 'supply diagram', 'economic']"
103,03-05-01-why-can-we-not-get-enough-of-organic,03-05,1,"Consumer Surplus, Producer Surplus, Social Surplus","Consider a market for tablet computers, as Figure 3.23 shows. The equilibrium price is $80 and the equilibrium quantity is 28 million. To see the benefits to consumers, look at the segment of the demand curve above the equilibrium point and to the left.
**Figure 3.23 Consumer and Producer Surplus**
The somewhat triangular area labeled by F shows the area of consumer surplus, which demonstrates that the equilibrium price was less than many consumers were willing to pay for the good. Consider point J. At point J, consumers were willing to purchase 20 million units of the good at the price of \$90 or \$10 higher than the equilibrium price of \$80. Consumers who were willing to spend \$90 on the good are able to enjoy the benefit of keeping \$10 by paying only \$80. Thus, the total area of shape F measures the size of the total consumer surplus at the equilibrium price of \$80.
Similarly, the somewhat triangular area labeled by G shows the area of producer surplus, which shows that the equilibrium price received in the market, \$80, was more than what many of the producers were willing to accept for their products, for example \$45 (point K). For that price, firms would have been willing to supply a quantity of 14 million. Thus, all of the producers who were willing to supply the good at \$45, were able to receive the difference between \$80 and \$45, or \$35. The total area of shape G measures the size of the total producer surplus at the equilibrium price of \$80.
This portion of the demand curve shows that at least some demanders would have been willing to pay more than \$80 for a tablet. For example, point J shows that if the price were \$90, 20 million tablets would be sold. Those consumers would have been willing to pay \$90 for a tablet based on the utility they expected to receive from it, despite being able to pay the equilibrium price of \$80. They clearly received a benefit beyond what they had to pay. Remember, the demand curve traces consumers’ willingness to pay for different quantities. The amount that individuals would have been willing to pay, minus the amount that they actually paid, is called **consumer surplus**. Consumer surplus is the area labeled F—that is, the area above the market price and below the demand curve.
The supply curve shows the quantity that firms are willing to supply at each price. For example, point K in Figure 3.23 illustrates that, at \$45, firms would still have been willing to supply a quantity of 14 million. Those producers would have been willing to supply the tablets at \$45, despite being able to charge the equilibrium price of \$80. They clearly received an extra benefit beyond what they required to supply the product. The amount that a seller is paid for a good minus the seller's actual cost is called **producer surplus**. In **Figure 3.23**, producer surplus is the area labeled G—that is, the area between the market price and the segment of the supply curve below the equilibrium.
The sum of consumer surplus and producer surplus is **social surplus**, also referred to as **economic surplus** or **total surplus**. In **Figure 3.23** we show social surplus as the area F + G. Social surplus is larger at equilibrium quantity and price than it would be at any other quantity. This demonstrates the economic efficiency of the market equilibrium. In addition, at the efficient level of output, it is impossible to produce greater consumer surplus without reducing producer surplus, and it is impossible to generate greater producer surplus without reducing consumer surplus.","Consider a market for tablet computers, as Figure 3.23 shows. The equilibrium price is $80 and the equilibrium quantity is 28 million. To see the benefits to consumers, look at the segment of the demand curve above the equilibrium point and to the left.
In this video, we explore the fourth unintended consequence of price ceilings:
deadweight loss. When prices are controlled, the mutually profitable gains
fro...
[Figure 3.24](3-5-demand-supply-and-efficiency#CNX_Econ_C03_028) (b) shows a price floor example using a string of struggling movie theaters, all in the same city. The current equilibrium is \$8 per movie ticket, with 1,800 people attending movies. The original consumer surplus is G + H + J, and producer surplus is I + K. The city government is worried that movie theaters will go out of business, reducing the entertainment options available to citizens, so it decides to impose a price floor of \$12 per ticket. As a result, the quantity demanded of movie tickets falls to 1,400. The new consumer surplus is G, and the new producer surplus is H + I. In effect, the price floor causes the area H to be transferred from consumer to producer surplus, but also causes a deadweight loss of J + K.
This analysis shows that a price ceiling, like a law establishing rent controls, will transfer some producer surplus to consumers—which helps to explain why consumers often favor them. Conversely, a price floor like a guarantee that farmers will receive a certain price for their crops will transfer some consumer surplus to producers, which explains why producers often favor them. However, both price floors and price ceilings block some transactions that buyers and sellers would have been willing to make, and creates deadweight loss. Removing such barriers, so that prices and quantities can adjust to their equilibrium level, will increase the economy's social surplus.","♪ [music] ♪ - [Alex] Today we'll be looking
at how price ceilings create what economists call
a ""deadweight loss."" This video will be short
since the ideas ought to be pretty familiar by now. Let's dive in. So let's remind ourselves
that when we have a free market, all of the mutually profitable
gains from trade are exploited. That's another way of saying
that a free market maximizes producer
plus consumer surplus. Now, when the mutually
profitable gains from trade are not fully exploited,
there's lost consumer and producer surplus,
or a ""deadweight loss."" The basic idea --
as long as the price the consumers are willing to pay
exceeds the price that sellers are willing to accept, there are mutually profitable
trades that can be made. And what we're going to show
is that price ceilings create a deadweight loss. Not all of the mutually profitable
trades will be made. Let's take a look. Okay, here's our standard diagram. I've just labeled some things
we talked about in earlier lectures,
mainly, the shortage of the controlled price
and the total value of wasted time. The key point for understanding
the reduced gains from trade is that at the free market
equilibrium, at this price and this quantity,
Qm, we have more units exchanged than at the price controlled
equilibrium. So with a free market,
we get Qm units exchanged, with a price control,
only Qs units are exchanged -- a smaller amount. Now notice that these trades,
which fail to take place, they are mutually profitable. That is, the buyers are willing
to pay more for these units than the sellers require
to sell those units. So, because of the price control,
buyers and sellers are not allowed to come to a mutually profitable
deal at a price above, in this case, $1. They would like to, however. The buyers are willing to pay $3
for another gallon of gasoline. The sellers are willing to sell
that gasoline for $1. So there's a mutually
profitable trade. This trade would be worth $2
in mutual profit, to the buyers and sellers. They would like to make this deal. But it is illegal, it is illegal to sell
at a price above $1. So these trades between Qm
and Qs do not occur. In a free market they would occur,
and because they would occur, they would generate
additional gains from trade. So compared
to the free market equilibrium, under the price control,
we have lost consumer surplus, in the amount of area A. And we have lost producer surplus
in the amount of area B. Together, A + B
is the lost gains from trade. These are the mutually profitable
exchanges which fail to take place because they're illegal,
because of the price control. So price ceilings reduce
the gains from trade, creating a deadweight loss. - [Narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on,
just click ""Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪",the-potential-gdp-line-and-the-45-degree-line,"Question: What is the economic term used to describe the lost consumer and producer surplus due to price ceilings?
Answer: Deadweight loss.",What is the economic term used to describe the lost consumer and producer surplus due to price ceilings?,Deadweight loss.,"['free market', 'gedankenexperiments', 'price ceilings', 'dead']"
105,03-05-04-first-conceptual-line-potential-gdp,03-05,4,Learn with Videos,"
","♪ [music] ♪ - [Alex] In our final video
on price floors, we'll look at the last two effects, and we'll take a close look
at the example of airline regulation in the United States. We've shown using
the minimum wage how price floors create surpluses
and also lost gains from trade. We now want to look
at wasteful increases in quality and a misallocation of resources,
and for that we're going to turn to a different example: the regulation
by the Civil Aeronautics Board of airline fares. >From 1938 to 1978,
the Civil Aeronautics Board regulated airlines. CAB regulations restricted entry -- they prevented new competitors
from entering the industry -- and they kept airfares
well above market levels. There's some interesting evidence,
by the way, on how high the CAB kept fares
above market rates. Within state air routes were not
controlled by the CAB; they were unregulated by the CAB. Therefore, the price of flights
between cities within a state, such as between L.A.
and San Francisco, was not regulated by the CAB. And looking at these prices
of these flights, economists found
that they were half the price of equal distance flights, which were between
two different states, and, thus, which were regulated
by the CAB. So it looked like
the CAB was keeping the prices of airline flights
twice as high as market rates. Now you might wonder
why they were doing this. And in fact, the CAB is
a classic example of a regulatory agency,
which many people argue was captured by the industry
that it was meant to regulate. Instead of regulating airlines,
it was regulated by the airlines. It was controlled by the airlines. In any case, the result
of preventing competition by price was that airlines competed
for customers on the basis of quality rather than of price. Now to see how this worked
and why this is actually a bad thing, why you can
have too much quality, let's take a look at our model. Okay, here's our model:
along the horizontal axis we have the quantity of flights;
along the vertical axis we have the price, demand, supply
and market equilibrium. And here is the price floor,
the CAB-regulated fare. This was the price
below which it was illegal for the airlines to sell tickets. Now, at this price we could read
the quantity demanded off the demand curve, which is
given by this amount here. This is the size of the industry or the quantity of flights demanded. It's also the quantity supplied because the CAB regulated entry.
They kept entry just to that level which was necessary to satisfy
the quantity demanded at the regulated fare. Now here's the key point:
at the quantity demanded, the sellers -- their willingness to...,
the price at which they're willing to sell -- is much below the regulated fare, the price which demanders are paying. This meant that being
in the airline industry was extremely profitable
because they were selling a good when their cost
was down here, and the price that they were
selling it at was up here. So this entire rectangle
here, okay, was profit, a very profitable industry
because the price was kept well above the cost. But now, each airline really wanted
more customers and this, in fact, was
the genesis of the undoing of the plan. Because each airline
was trying to compete to get more of these profitable
customers. But, they couldn't compete by lowering the price. So how do you get more customers
if you can't compete by lowering the price? Well, by increasing quality. And indeed, at this time
it was wonderful if you could afford it to be on an airplane because the seats were wide,
the stewardesses were nice and kind, and you got
lots of free food. You got good quality food,
sometimes served on bone china. You got to fly direct. Even some airplanes --
believe it or not -- had piano bars on them in order
to attract more customers. But all of this competition
in terms of quality was raising the costs to the airline. In addition, these profits
attracted the unions. The unions said,
""Well, we want a chunk of this."" So wages would start to go up. So what happened was that
the airlines gave up this profit or producer surplus by competing
in terms of better meals, more frequent service, and so forth. And they did so...you might say,
""Well, what's wrong with quality?"" But what's wrong is that the airlines
were producing quality even when the value of that quality
was less than the cost to, excuse me, even when the cost of that quality
was higher than the value to the customers. So this was a form of quality waste. It was too much quality:
it was quality for which the cost was greater than the value
to the customers. Okay, we can also show
the deadweight loss which you've seen before,
so we have the quality waste and the deadweight loss. In the 1970s, there was
deregulation of the airlines, and the Civil Aeronautics Board,
in fact, was eliminated, highly unusual for bureaucracy
to be eliminated. The result was that fares went
down dramatically, the quantity of air
flights went up, quality waste disappeared. This meant, of course,
that rich people found that it wasn't so pleasant
to travel on the airlines as it used to be,
but fares were a lot lower and overall customers appreciated
lower fares more than they were upset
by the reduced quality. Remember, an airline can
always offer quality if the customers want to pay for it. But, the customers decided
they would prefer to have the lower fares. That's another way
of seeing that there was quality waste: the fact that
after deregulation fares went down and quality went down
indicates that the quality really wasn't worth what the
people had been paying for it. This also is the genesis
of a lot of problems in the airline industry
since the older airlines had trouble funding union benefits. They promised all of their
employees these big benefits when those profits were high
because of regulation and restrictions of competition,
and they had trouble supplying those benefits
once regulation ended. Price floors and regulations,
such as that provided by the Civil Aeronautics Board,
created misallocation of resources. In particular,
it prevented competition. So in 1938 -- believe it or not --
there were 16 major airlines. In 1974, just before deregulation,
there were 10 airlines, fewer than in 1938,
despite many requests to enter the industry. Indeed, restrictions on entry
misallocated resources -- it meant that low-cost airlines,
such as Southwest, now one of the world's
largest airlines, were kept out of the industry,
raising costs overall. Okay, that's it for price floors:
price floors create surpluses, lost gains in trade,
wasteful increases in quality, and misallocation of resources. We'll have one more lecture
on price ceilings and price floors, talk a little bit
about the politics, and then we'll be moving on. We'll have covered this chapter. This is a tough chapter,
lots and lots of material but lots of depth to it,
lots of meat to this chapter. So, pay attention. Okay, thanks. - [Narrator] If you want to test
yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on,
just click ""Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪",first-conceptual-line-potential-gdp,"Question: How did the Civil Aeronautics Board regulate airline fares in the United States?
Answer: The Civil Aeronautics Board regulated airline fares by restricting entry and keeping airfares well above market levels.",How did the Civil Aeronautics Board regulate airline fares in the United States?,The Civil Aeronautics Board regulated airline fares by restricting entry and keeping airfares well above market levels.,"['price floors', 'airline regulation', 'usa', 'civil aeronautics board', 'air']"
106,03-05-05-second-conceptual-line-the-45-degree-line,03-05,5,Demand and Supply as a Social Adjustment Mechanism,"The demand and supply model emphasizes that prices are not set only by demand or only by supply, but by the interaction between the two. In 1890, the famous economist Alfred Marshall wrote that asking whether supply or demand determined a price was like arguing “whether it is the upper or the under blade of a pair of scissors that cuts a piece of paper.” The answer is that both blades of the demand and supply scissors are always involved.
The adjustments of equilibrium price and quantity in a market-oriented economy often occur without much government direction or oversight. If the coffee crop in Brazil suffers a terrible frost, then the supply curve of coffee shifts to the left and the price of coffee rises. Some people—call them the coffee addicts—continue to drink coffee and pay the higher price. Others switch to tea or soft drinks. No government commission is needed to figure out how to adjust coffee prices, which companies will be allowed to process the remaining supply, which supermarkets in which cities will get how much coffee to sell, or which consumers will ultimately be allowed to drink the brew. Such adjustments in response to price changes happen all the time in a market economy, often so smoothly and rapidly that we barely notice them.
Think for a moment of all the seasonal foods that are available and inexpensive at certain times of the year, like fresh corn in midsummer, but more expensive at other times of the year. People alter their diets and restaurants alter their menus in response to these fluctuations in prices without fuss or fanfare. For both the U.S. economy and the world economy as a whole, markets—that is, demand and supply—are the primary social mechanism for answering the basic questions about what is produced, how it is produced, and for whom it is produced.","The demand and supply model emphasizes that prices are not set only by demand or only by supply, but by the interaction between the two. In 1890, the famous economist Alfred Marshall wrote that asking whether supply or demand determined a price was like arguing “whether it is the upper or the under blade of a pair of scissors that cuts a piece of paper.” The answer is that both blades of the demand and supply scissors are always involved.
The adjustments of equilibrium price and quantity in a market-oriented economy often occur without much government direction or oversight. If the coffee crop in Brazil suffers a terrible frost, then the supply curve of coffee shifts to the left and the price of coffee rises. Some people—call them the coffee addicts—continue to drink coffee and pay the higher price. Others switch to tea or soft drinks. No government commission is needed to figure out how to adjust coffee prices, which companies will be allowed to process the remaining supply, which supermarkets in which cities will get how much coffee to sell, or which consumers will ultimately be allowed to drink the brew. Such adjustments in response to price changes happen all the time in a market economy, often so smoothly and rapidly that we barely notice them.
Think for a moment of all the seasonal foods that are available and inexpensive at certain times of the year, like fresh corn in midsummer, but more expensive at other times of the year. People alter their diets and restaurants alter their menus in response to these fluctuations in prices without fuss or fanfare. For both the U.S. economy and the world economy as a whole, markets—that is, demand and supply—are the primary social mechanism for answering the basic questions about what is produced, how it is produced, and for whom it is produced.",second-conceptual-line-the-45-degree-line,"{
""question"": ""According to the demand and supply model, are prices determined solely by demand or solely by supply?"",
""answer"": ""No, prices are determined by the interaction between demand and supply.""
}","According to the demand and supply model, are prices determined solely by demand or solely by supply?","No, prices are determined by the interaction between demand and supply.","['supply model', 'equilibrium price', 'quantity', 'government commission', 'coffee prices', 'soft']"
107,03-05-06-macroeconomic-equilibrium,03-05,6,Learn with Videos,"
If price controls have negative consequences, why do governments enact them? Let's revisit our example of President Nixon's wage and price controls in the 19...
","♪ [music] ♪ - [man] So far, we've looked at a number of the consequences
of price controls, both price ceilings
and price floors. And most of the consequences,
they're not very good. Why do governments
enact price controls? We won't be able to cover
all of the reasons here, but let's cover a few
of the big ones. Do you remember how we began
this series of lectures? With President Richard Nixon,
imposing wage and price controls throughout the US economy
in August of 1971. Now again, this was one of the
largest peacetime interventions into the economy ever. It was a massive policy with many, many severe
and serious consequences, but I haven't yet told
you the rest of the story. Here's the rest of the story. In November of 1972, Nixon won re-election
in a landslide. So, wage and price controls
were popular. Nixon was re-elected with
this policy as well as with others. Now, why is this? I think in many cases,
in a majority of cases, the public simply did not connect
wage and price controls with their consequences. So, looking around
and the shortages, the long line-ups for gasoline, they didn't say the cause of that
is the price control. What did they think the cause was? Well, if you look at surveys
from that time, what was the cause of shortages? Well, people would say it's OPEC,
it's the Arabs, it's the foreigners, it's the greedy oil companies. They're the ones
causing the shortage. In fact, we know that although
these might be good explanations in some sense for high prices, they're certainly not good
explanations for a shortage. In a free market, we would never
see a shortage. The cause of the shortage
was the price control, but the public didn't see that. The public did not have the benefit
of the great economics education which you're receiving today. Moreover, this was not just true
for the American public, but for people around the world. Let's take another example. Here's another example
of price control on oil. In 2003, Iraq fixed
the price of gasoline in the country
at five cents per gallon. Great, great, cheap gasoline, right? Well no, of course, there were
shortages and long lines, just as in the United States
during the 1970s. Indeed, this picture looks like it might be from
the United States in the 1970s, except perhaps, for this guy back here. In fact, it is a picture from Iraq. Now, whom did the Iraqis blame? Did they blame the price control?
No. In fact, just like the Americans
in the 1970s, they blamed foreigners; except, this time they blamed
the Americans. They said, well the Americans
are shipping all of the oil out. Of course, the real cause of
the shortage was the price control at five cents per gallon
of gasoline. Now, one might agree with
everything we've said here so far but still have the feeling that maybe price controls
help the poor, and for some of the poor
this is probably true. Rent controls, for example, they help people who have
rent-controlled apartments, but they make it more difficult
to get an apartment. There's a real trade-off there. Moreover, many people
with rent-controlled apartments are not poor. There are lots of rich people
in New York City who have rent-controlled apartments and who won't give them up because they're a great deal. So rent control is not
a very targeted approach to helping the poor. Same kind of thing is true
about minimum wages. Minimum wages help workers
who keep their jobs at the higher wage, but they don't help those
who can't find a job and who are made
unemployed by their higher wage. Again, there's a trade-off. Perhaps, even taking into account
the trade-off, workers would still like minimum wages but not everybody is benefited. Moreover, many people with minimum wage jobs
are not truly poor. For example, students
and young people often living at home, often with
part-time jobs and so forth. This is not to say that we don't care about
students and young people. It's simply to say that the minimum wage
is not very targeted. It doesn't target the poor. It targets people who have
minimum-wage jobs, and not all of them are poor
by any means whatsoever. Some of them are just young
and starting out in the job force. Moreover, the response here
to minimum wages and rent controls is not necessarily that
we shouldn't do anything, but rather that there may be
better ways to help the poor. Housing vouchers, for example,
are targeted to poor people and allow them to pay more for
their rent. They allow them to buy
any apartments any place and so forth, but they add to the purchasing power
of poor people for their rent. We've a large housing
voucher program in the United States,
and it's been very successful. Similarly, wage subsidies are maybe
a better approach to helping the poor than
is the minimum wage. We looked at this once before. Let's very briefly take another
look at wage subsidies versus the minimum wage. Remember how we analyzed
the wage subsidy by putting the subsidy wage
into the diagram and finding that the wage subsidy
increases the wage received by workers at the same time as
it reduces the wage paid by firms. The difference being
made up by the subsidy. One of the things about the wage subsidy, of course, it costs the tax payers
when a minimum wage does not. But notice that the wage subsidy
increases employment to QS. On the other hand, a minimum wage
at the same wage of $12 as happens with the wage subsidy, well that actually
reduces employment to QD. So there may be better ways of helping the poor
than price controls. Economists believe not that
we shouldn't help the poor, but rather that we should try
and do it in a way which is consistent with markets,
that works alongside markets, rather than trying
to override markets, which often leads to unintended
and negative consequences. If you want to test yourself
click ""Practice Questions"" or if you're ready to
move on just click ""Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪",macroeconomic-equilibrium,"What are some reasons why governments enact price controls?
- Governments may enact price controls due to political popularity, public perception of the cause of shortages, and the belief that price controls help the poor.",What are some reasons why governments enact price controls?,"- Governments may enact price controls due to political popularity, public perception of the cause of shortages, and the belief that price controls help the poor.","['price controls', 'price ceilings', 'price floors', 'usa economy', 'germany']"
108,05-01-05-price-floors-in-the-labor-market-living-wages-and-minimum-wages,05-01,5,GDP Measured by What is Produced,"Everything that we purchase somebody must first produce. **Table 5.2** breaks down what a country produces into five categories:
- **durable goods**
- **nondurable goods**
- **services**
- **structures**
- **change in inventories**
| Components | Components of GDP on the Demand Side (in trillions of dollars) | Percentage of Total |
| ------------- | -------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------- |
| Consumption | $12.8 | 68.8% |
| Investment | $3.0 | 16.1% |
| Government | $3.3 | 17.7% |
| Exports | $2.2 | 11.8% |
| Imports | -$2.7 | -14.5% |
| **Total GDP** | **$18.6** | **100%** |
**Table 5.2** Components of U.S. GDP on the Production Side, 2016 (Source:
http://bea.gov/iTable/index_nipa.cfm)
Before going into detail about these categories, notice that total GDP
measured according to what is produced is exactly the same as the GDP
measured by looking at the five components of demand. **Figure 5.5**
provides a visual representation of this information.
Since every market transaction must have both a buyer and a seller, GDP must be the same whether measured by what is demanded/consumed or by what is produced. **Figure 5.6** shows these components of what is produced, expressed as a percentage of GDP, since 1960.
**Figure 5.5 Percentage of Components of GDP on the Production Side**
- Services are the largest single component of total supply, representing over 60 percent of GDP, up from about 45 percent in the early 1960s.
- Durable and nondurable goods constitute the manufacturing sector, and they have declined from 45 percent of GDP in 1960 to about 30 percent in 2016.
- Nondurable goods used to be larger than durable goods, but in recent years, nondurable goods have been dropping to below the share of durable goods, which is less than 20% of GDP.
- Structures hover around 10% of GDP.
**Figure 5.6 Types of Production**
We do not show here the change in inventories, the final component of aggregate supply. It is typically less than 1% of GDP.
In thinking about what is produced in the economy, many non-economists immediately focus on solid, long-lasting goods, like cars and computers. By far the largest part of GDP, however, is services. Moreover, services have been a growing share of GDP over time. A detailed breakdown of the leading service industries would include healthcare, education, and legal and financial services. It has been decades since most of the U.S. economy involved making solid objects. Instead, the most common jobs in a modern economy involve a worker looking at pieces of paper or a computer screen; meeting with co-workers, customers, or suppliers; or making phone calls.
Even within the overall category of goods, long-lasting durable goods like cars and refrigerators are about the same share of the economy as short-lived nondurable goods like food and clothing. The category of structures includes everything from homes, to office buildings, shopping malls, and factories.","Everything that we purchase somebody must first produce. Table 5.2 breaks down what a country produces into five categories:
durable goods
nondurable goods
services
structures
change in inventories
Table 5.2 Components of U.S. GDP on the Production Side, 2016 (Source:
http://bea.gov/iTable/index_nipa.cfm)
Before going into detail about these categories, notice that total GDP
measured according to what is produced is exactly the same as the GDP
measured by looking at the five components of demand. Figure 5.5
provides a visual representation of this information.
Since every market transaction must have both a buyer and a seller, GDP must be the same whether measured by what is demanded/consumed or by what is produced. Figure 5.6 shows these components of what is produced, expressed as a percentage of GDP, since 1960.
Figure 5.5 Percentage of Components of GDP on the Production Side
- Services are the largest single component of total supply, representing over 60 percent of GDP, up from about 45 percent in the early 1960s.
Durable and nondurable goods constitute the manufacturing sector, and they have declined from 45 percent of GDP in 1960 to about 30 percent in 2016.
Nondurable goods used to be larger than durable goods, but in recent years, nondurable goods have been dropping to below the share of durable goods, which is less than 20% of GDP.
Structures hover around 10% of GDP.
Figure 5.6 Types of Production
We do not show here the change in inventories, the final component of aggregate supply. It is typically less than 1% of GDP.
In thinking about what is produced in the economy, many non-economists immediately focus on solid, long-lasting goods, like cars and computers. By far the largest part of GDP, however, is services. Moreover, services have been a growing share of GDP over time. A detailed breakdown of the leading service industries would include healthcare, education, and legal and financial services. It has been decades since most of the U.S. economy involved making solid objects. Instead, the most common jobs in a modern economy involve a worker looking at pieces of paper or a computer screen; meeting with co-workers, customers, or suppliers; or making phone calls.
Even within the overall category of goods, long-lasting durable goods like cars and refrigerators are about the same share of the economy as short-lived nondurable goods like food and clothing. The category of structures includes everything from homes, to office buildings, shopping malls, and factories.",price-floors-in-the-labor-market-living-wages-and-minimum-wages,"{
""question"": ""What are the five categories into which a country's production is broken down?"",
""answer"": ""The five categories are durable goods, nondurable goods, services, structures, and change in inventories.""
}",What are the five categories into which a country's production is broken down?,"The five categories are durable goods, nondurable goods, services, structures, and change in inventories.","['gdp', 'durable goods', 'services', 'aggregate supply', 'solid objects', 'telephone', 'computer']"
109,04-00-01-introduction,04-00,1,Introduction to Labor and Financial Markets,"The theories of demand and supply do not apply just to markets for goods. They apply to any market, even markets for things we may not think of as goods and services like labor and financial services. Labor markets are markets for employees or jobs. Financial services markets are markets for saving or borrowing.
When we think about demand and supply curves in goods and services markets, it is easy to picture the demanders and suppliers: businesses produce the products and households buy them. Who are the demanders and suppliers in labor and financial service markets?
In labor markets, job seekers (individuals) are the suppliers of labor, while firms and other employers who hire labor are the demanders for labor.
In financial markets, any individual or firm that saves contributes to the supply of money, and any who borrows (person, firm, or government) contributes to the demand for money.
","The theories of demand and supply do not apply just to markets for goods. They apply to any market, even markets for things we may not think of as goods and services like labor and financial services. Labor markets are markets for employees or jobs. Financial services markets are markets for saving or borrowing.
When we think about demand and supply curves in goods and services markets, it is easy to picture the demanders and suppliers: businesses produce the products and households buy them. Who are the demanders and suppliers in labor and financial service markets?
In labor markets, job seekers (individuals) are the suppliers of labor, while firms and other employers who hire labor are the demanders for labor.
In financial markets, any individual or firm that saves contributes to the supply of money, and any who borrows (person, firm, or government) contributes to the demand for money.",introduction,"{
""question"": ""Who are the demanders and suppliers in labor and financial service markets?"",
""answer"": ""In labor markets, job seekers are the suppliers of labor, while firms and employers are the demanders. In financial markets, savers contribute to the supply of money, and borrowers contribute to the demand for money.""
}",Who are the demanders and suppliers in labor and financial service markets?,"In labor markets, job seekers are the suppliers of labor, while firms and employers are the demanders. In financial markets, savers contribute to the supply of money, and borrowers contribute to the demand for money.","['supply', 'demand', 'supply curves', 'financial services', 'saving', 'borrowing', 'job']"
110,04-01-00-overview,04-01,0,Overview,"
- Predict shifts in the demand and supply curves of the labor market
- Explain the impact of new technology on the demand and supply curves of the labor market
- Explain price floors in the labor market such as minimum wage or a living wage
Markets for labor have demand and supply curves, just like markets for goods. The law of demand applied to labor markets means that a higher salary or wage — that is, a higher price in the labor market — leads to a decrease in the quantity of labor demanded by employers, while a lower **salary**or **wage** leads to an increase in the quantity of labor demanded. The law of supply functions in labor markets, too: A higher price for labor leads to a higher quantity of labor supplied; a lower price leads to a lower quantity supplied.
- **Law of Demand**: A higher salary or wage leads to a decrease in the quantity of labor demanded by employers and a lower salary or wage leads to an increase in the quantity of labor demanded.
- **Law of Supply**: A higher price for labor leads to a higher quantity of labor supplied; a lower price leads to a lower quantity supplied.
","Predict shifts in the demand and supply curves of the labor market
Explain the impact of new technology on the demand and supply curves of the labor market
Explain price floors in the labor market such as minimum wage or a living wage
Markets for labor have demand and supply curves, just like markets for goods. The law of demand applied to labor markets means that a higher salary or wage — that is, a higher price in the labor market — leads to a decrease in the quantity of labor demanded by employers, while a lower salaryor wage leads to an increase in the quantity of labor demanded. The law of supply functions in labor markets, too: A higher price for labor leads to a higher quantity of labor supplied; a lower price leads to a lower quantity supplied.
Law of Demand: A higher salary or wage leads to a decrease in the quantity of labor demanded by employers and a lower salary or wage leads to an increase in the quantity of labor demanded.
Law of Supply: A higher price for labor leads to a higher quantity of labor supplied; a lower price leads to a lower quantity supplied.",overview,"Question: What is the impact of new technology on the demand and supply curves of the labor market?
Answer: New technology can lead to a decrease in the demand for certain types of labor, resulting in a shift in the demand curve. Additionally, it can lead to an increase in the supply of labor in certain industries, resulting in a shift in the supply curve.",What is the impact of new technology on the demand and supply curves of the labor market?,"New technology can lead to a decrease in the demand for certain types of labor, resulting in a shift in the demand curve. Additionally, it can lead to an increase in the supply of labor in certain industries, resulting in a shift in the supply curve.","['supply curves', 'labor market', 'price floors', 'minimum wage', 'living wage']"
111,04-01-01-consumption-as-a-function-of-national-income,04-01,1,Equilibrium in the Labor Market,"In 2015, about 35,000 registered nurses worked in the Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington, Minnesota-Wisconsin metropolitan area, according to the BLS. They worked for a variety of employers: hospitals, doctors' offices, schools, health clinics, and nursing homes.
[Figure 4.2](4-1-demand-and-supply-at-work-in-labor-markets#CNX_Econ_C04_001) illustrates how demand and supply determine equilibrium in this labor market. The demand and supply schedules in [Table 4.1](4-1-demand-and-supply-at-work-in-labor-markets#Table_04_01) list the quantity supplied and quantity demanded of nurses at different salaries.
**Figure 4.2 Labor Market Example: Demand and Supply for Nurses in
Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington**
- The demand curve (D) of those employers who want to hire nurses intersects with the supply curve (S) of those who are qualified and willing to work as nurses at the equilibrium point (E).
- The equilibrium salary is \$70,000 and the equilibrium quantity is 34,000 nurses.
- At an above-equilibrium salary of \$75,000, quantity supplied increases to 38,000, but the quantity of nurses demanded at the higher pay declines to 33,000. At this above-equilibrium salary, an excess supply or surplus of nurses would exist.
- At a below-equilibrium salary of \$60,000, quantity supplied declines to 27,000, while the quantity demanded at the lower wage increases to 40,000 nurses.
- At this below-equilibrium salary, excess demand or a shortage exists.
| Annual Salary | Quantity Demanded | Quantity Supplied |
| ------------- | ----------------- | ----------------- |
| \$55,000 | 45,000 | 20,000 |
| \$60,000 | 40,000 | 27,000 |
| \$65,000 | 37,000 | 31,000 |
| \$70,000 | 34,000 | 34,000 |
| \$75,000 | 33,000 | 38,000 |
| \$80,000 | 32,000 | 41,000 |
**Table 4.1 Demand and Supply of Nurses in Minneapolis-St.Paul-Bloomington**
The horizontal axis shows the quantity of nurses hired. In this example we measure labor by number of workers, but another common way to measure the quantity of labor is by the number of hours worked. The vertical axis shows the price for nurses' labor—that is, how much they are paid. In the real world, this “price” would be total labor compensation: salary plus benefits. It is not obvious, but benefits are a significant part of labor compensation, as high as 30%. In this example we measure the price of labor by salary on an annual basis, although in other cases we could measure the price of labor by monthly or weekly pay, or even the wage paid per hour.
As the salary for nurses rises, the quantity demanded will fall. Some hospitals and nursing homes may reduce the number of nurses they hire, or they may lay off some of their existing nurses, rather than pay them higher salaries. Employers who face higher nurse' salaries may also try to replace some nursing functions by investing in physical equipment, like computer monitoring and diagnostic systems to monitor patients, or by using lower-paid health care aides to reduce the number of nurses they need.
As the salary for nurses rises, the quantity supplied will rise. If nurses' salaries in Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington are higher than in other cities, more nurses will move to Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington to find jobs, more people will be willing to train as nurses, and those currently trained as nurses will be more likely to pursue nursing as a full- time job. In other words, there will be more nurses looking for jobs in the area.
Equilibrium
Disequilibrium
At **equilibrium**, the quantity supplied and the quantity demanded are
equal. Thus, every employer who wants to hire a nurse at this equilibrium
wage can find a willing worker, and every nurse who wants to work at this
equilibrium salary can find a job. In [Figure
4.2](4-1-demand-and-supply-at-work-in-labor-markets#CNX_Econ_C04_001), the
supply curve (S) and demand curve (D) intersect at the equilibrium point
(E). The equilibrium quantity of nurses in the Minneapolis-St.
Paul-Bloomington area is 34,000, and the equilibrium salary is \$70,000
per year. This example simplifies the nursing market by focusing on the
“average” nurse. In reality, of course, the market for nurses actually
comprises many smaller markets, like markets for nurses with varying
degrees of experience and credentials. Many markets contain closely
related products that differ in quality. For instance, even a simple
product like gasoline comes in regular, premium, and super-premium, each
with a different price. Even in such cases, discussing the average price
of gasoline, like the average salary for nurses, can still be useful
because it reflects what is happening in most of the submarkets.
When the price of labor is not at the equilibrium, economic incentives tend to move salaries toward the equilibrium. For example, if salaries for nurses in Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington were above the equilibrium at \$75,000 per year, then 38,000 people want to work as nurses, but employers want to hire only 33,000 nurses. At that above-equilibrium salary, excess supply or a surplus results. In a situation of excess supply in the labor market, with many applicants for every job opening, employers will have an incentive to offer lower wages than they otherwise would have. Nurses' salary will move down toward equilibrium.
In contrast, if the salary is below the equilibrium at, say, \$60,000 per year, then a situation of excess demand or a shortage arises. In this case, employers encouraged by the relatively lower wage want to hire 40,000 nurses, but only 27,000 individuals want to work as nurses at that salary in Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington. In response to the shortage, some employers will offer higher pay to attract the nurses. Other employers will have to match the higher pay to keep their own employees. The higher salaries will encourage more nurses to train or work in Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington. Again, price and quantity in the labor market will move toward equilibrium.
","In 2015, about 35,000 registered nurses worked in the Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington, Minnesota-Wisconsin metropolitan area, according to the BLS. They worked for a variety of employers: hospitals, doctors' offices, schools, health clinics, and nursing homes.
Figure 4.2 illustrates how demand and supply determine equilibrium in this labor market. The demand and supply schedules in Table 4.1 list the quantity supplied and quantity demanded of nurses at different salaries.
",consumption-as-a-function-of-national-income,"{""question"": ""What is the equilibrium salary and quantity of nurses in the Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington area?"", ""answer"": ""The equilibrium salary is $70,000 and the equilibrium quantity is 34,000 nurses.""}",What is the equilibrium salary and quantity of nurses in the Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington area?,"The equilibrium salary is $70,000 and the equilibrium quantity is 34,000 nurses.","['mneapolisst paulbloomington', 'michaelis', 'sy']"
112,04-01-02-changes-in-consumption-and-savings-as-national-incomes-increases,04-01,2,Movements Along Labor Demand Curve,"The demand curve for labor shows the quantity of labor employers wish to hire at any given salary or wage rate, ceteris paribus. A change in salary or wage will result in a change in the quantity demanded of labor. If the wage rate increases, employers will want to hire fewer employees. The quantity of labor demanded will decrease, and there will be a movement upward (i.e. leftward) along the demand curve. If the wages and salaries decrease, employers are more likely to hire a greater number of workers. The quantity of labor demanded will increase, resulting in a downward (i.e. rightward) movement along the demand curve. Thus, the changes in quantity demanded are caused by changes in the single variable, the price for labor.","The demand curve for labor shows the quantity of labor employers wish to hire at any given salary or wage rate, ceteris paribus. A change in salary or wage will result in a change in the quantity demanded of labor. If the wage rate increases, employers will want to hire fewer employees. The quantity of labor demanded will decrease, and there will be a movement upward (i.e. leftward) along the demand curve. If the wages and salaries decrease, employers are more likely to hire a greater number of workers. The quantity of labor demanded will increase, resulting in a downward (i.e. rightward) movement along the demand curve. Thus, the changes in quantity demanded are caused by changes in the single variable, the price for labor.",changes-in-consumption-and-savings-as-national-incomes-increases,"{""question"": ""What is the relationship between salary/wage rate and the quantity of labor demanded?"", ""answer"": ""A change in salary or wage will result in a change in the quantity demanded of labor.""}",What is the relationship between salary/wage rate and the quantity of labor demanded?,A change in salary or wage will result in a change in the quantity demanded of labor.,"['demand curve', 'labor employers', 'salary', 'wage rate', 'ceteris paribus']"
113,04-01-03-saving,04-01,3,Shifts in Demand and Supply,"A change in salary will lead to a movement along labor demand or labor supply curves, but it will not shift those curves. However, other events like those we will outline in the next few paragraphs cause either the demand or the supply of labor to shift, and thus will move the labor market to a new equilibrium salary and quantity.","A change in salary will lead to a movement along labor demand or labor supply curves, but it will not shift those curves. However, other events like those we will outline in the next few paragraphs cause either the demand or the supply of labor to shift, and thus will move the labor market to a new equilibrium salary and quantity.",saving,"{""question"": ""What events can cause a shift in the demand or supply of labor?"", ""answer"": ""Other events outlined in the next few paragraphs can cause a shift in the demand or supply of labor.""}",What events can cause a shift in the demand or supply of labor?,Other events outlined in the next few paragraphs can cause a shift in the demand or supply of labor.,"['labor demand', 'labor supply curves', 'equilibrium salary', 'quantity', 'job market']"
114,04-01-04-movements-along-vs-shifts-in-consumption-and-savings-functions,04-01,4,Shifts in Labor Demand,"Shifts in the demand curve for labor occur for many reasons. One key reason is that the demand for labor is based on the demand for the good or service that is produced. For example, the more new automobiles consumers demand, the greater the number of workers automakers will need to hire. Therefore the demand for labor is called a “derived demand.” Here are some examples of derived demand for labor:
- The demand for chefs is dependent on the demand for restaurant meals.
- The demand for pharmacists is dependent on the demand for prescription drugs.
- The demand for attorneys is dependent on the demand for legal services.
As the demand for the goods and services increases, the demand for labor will increase, or shift to the right, to meet employers' production requirements. As the demand for the goods and services decreases, the demand for labor will decrease, or shift to the left. [Table 4.2](4-1-demand-and-supply-at-work-in-labor-markets#Table_04_02) shows that in addition to the derived demand for labor, demand can also increase or decrease (shift) in response to several factors.","Shifts in the demand curve for labor occur for many reasons. One key reason is that the demand for labor is based on the demand for the good or service that is produced. For example, the more new automobiles consumers demand, the greater the number of workers automakers will need to hire. Therefore the demand for labor is called a “derived demand.” Here are some examples of derived demand for labor:
The demand for chefs is dependent on the demand for restaurant meals.
The demand for pharmacists is dependent on the demand for prescription drugs.
The demand for attorneys is dependent on the demand for legal services.
As the demand for the goods and services increases, the demand for labor will increase, or shift to the right, to meet employers' production requirements. As the demand for the goods and services decreases, the demand for labor will decrease, or shift to the left. Table 4.2 shows that in addition to the derived demand for labor, demand can also increase or decrease (shift) in response to several factors.",movements-along-vs-shifts-in-consumption-and-savings-functions,"{
""question"": ""What is a key reason for shifts in the demand curve for labor?"",
""answer"": ""The demand for labor is based on the demand for the good or service that is produced.""
}",What is a key reason for shifts in the demand curve for labor?,The demand for labor is based on the demand for the good or service that is produced.,"['demand curve', 'labor', 'derived demand', 'restaurant meals', 'pharmacists', 'prescription drugs', 'legal']"
115,04-01-06-shifts-in-consumption-and-savings-functions,04-01,6,Shifts in Labor Supply,"The supply of labor is upward-sloping and adheres to the law of supply: The higher the price, the greater the quantity supplied and the lower the price, the less quantity supplied. The supply curve models the tradeoff between supplying labor into the market, switching to different labor market, or using time in leisure activities at every given price level. The higher the wage, the more labor is willing to work and forego leisure activities. Below are some of the factors that will cause the supply to increase or decrease:","The supply of labor is upward-sloping and adheres to the law of supply: The higher the price, the greater the quantity supplied and the lower the price, the less quantity supplied. The supply curve models the tradeoff between supplying labor into the market, switching to different labor market, or using time in leisure activities at every given price level. The higher the wage, the more labor is willing to work and forego leisure activities. Below are some of the factors that will cause the supply to increase or decrease:",shifts-in-consumption-and-savings-functions,"{""question"": ""What is the relationship between price and quantity supplied according to the law of supply?"", ""answer"": ""The higher the price, the greater the quantity supplied and the lower the price, the less quantity supplied.""}",What is the relationship between price and quantity supplied according to the law of supply?,"The higher the price, the greater the quantity supplied and the lower the price, the less quantity supplied.","['supply curve', 'supply curve', 'switching', 'labor market', 'leisure activities', 'price level']"
116,04-01-07-changing-slopes-of-consumption-and-savings-functions,04-01,7,Factors That Can Shift Supply,"
An increased number of workers will cause the supply curve to shift to the right. An increased number of workers can be due to several factors, such as immigration, increasing population, an aging population, and changing demographics. Policies that encourage immigration will increase the supply of labor, and vice versa. Population grows when birth rates exceed death rates. This eventually increases supply of labor when the former reach working age. An aging and therefore retiring population will decrease the supply of labor. Another example of changing demographics is more women working outside of the home, which increases the supply of labor.
The more required education, the lower the supply. There is a lower supply of PhD mathematicians than of high school mathematics teachers; there is a lower supply of cardiologists than of primary care physicians; and there is a lower supply of physicians than of nurses.
- An increase in the number of companies producing a given product will increase the demand for labor resulting in a shift to the right.
- A decrease in the number of companies producing a given product will decrease the demand for labor resulting in a shift to the left.
Government policies can also affect the supply of labor for jobs. Alternatively, the government may support rules that set high qualifications for certain jobs: academic training, certificates or licenses, or experience. When these qualifications are made tougher, the number of qualified workers will decrease at any given wage. On the other hand, the government may also subsidize training or even reduce the required level of qualifications. For example, government might offer subsidies for nursing schools or nursing students. Such provisions would shift the supply curve of nurses to the right. In addition, government policies that change the relative desirability of working versus not working also affect the labor supply. These include unemployment benefits, maternity leave, child care benefits, and welfare policy. For example, child care benefits may increase the labor supply of working mothers. Long term unemployment benefits may discourage job searching for unemployed workers. All these policies must therefore be carefully designed to minimize any negative labor supply effects.
Complying with government regulations can increase or decrease the demand for labor at any given wage.
- In the healthcare industry, government rules may require that nurses be hired to carry out certain medical procedures. This will increase the demand for nurses.
- Less-trained healthcare workers would be prohibited from carrying out these procedures, and the demand for these workers will shift to the left.
Labor is not the only input into the production process. For example, a salesperson at a call center needs a telephone and a computer terminal to enter data and record sales.
- If prices of other inputs fall, production will become more profitable and suppliers will demand more labor to increase production. This will cause a rightward shift in the demand curve for labor.
- The opposite is also true. Higher prices for other inputs lower demand for labor.
","An increased number of workers will cause the supply curve to shift to the right. An increased number of workers can be due to several factors, such as immigration, increasing population, an aging population, and changing demographics. Policies that encourage immigration will increase the supply of labor, and vice versa. Population grows when birth rates exceed death rates. This eventually increases supply of labor when the former reach working age. An aging and therefore retiring population will decrease the supply of labor. Another example of changing demographics is more women working outside of the home, which increases the supply of labor.
The more required education, the lower the supply. There is a lower supply of PhD mathematicians than of high school mathematics teachers; there is a lower supply of cardiologists than of primary care physicians; and there is a lower supply of physicians than of nurses.
- An increase in the number of companies producing a given product will increase the demand for labor resulting in a shift to the right.
- A decrease in the number of companies producing a given product will decrease the demand for labor resulting in a shift to the left.
Government policies can also affect the supply of labor for jobs. Alternatively, the government may support rules that set high qualifications for certain jobs: academic training, certificates or licenses, or experience. When these qualifications are made tougher, the number of qualified workers will decrease at any given wage. On the other hand, the government may also subsidize training or even reduce the required level of qualifications. For example, government might offer subsidies for nursing schools or nursing students. Such provisions would shift the supply curve of nurses to the right. In addition, government policies that change the relative desirability of working versus not working also affect the labor supply. These include unemployment benefits, maternity leave, child care benefits, and welfare policy. For example, child care benefits may increase the labor supply of working mothers. Long term unemployment benefits may discourage job searching for unemployed workers. All these policies must therefore be carefully designed to minimize any negative labor supply effects.
Complying with government regulations can increase or decrease the demand for labor at any given wage.
- In the healthcare industry, government rules may require that nurses be hired to carry out certain medical procedures. This will increase the demand for nurses.
- Less-trained healthcare workers would be prohibited from carrying out these procedures, and the demand for these workers will shift to the left.
Labor is not the only input into the production process. For example, a salesperson at a call center needs a telephone and a computer terminal to enter data and record sales.
- If prices of other inputs fall, production will become more profitable and suppliers will demand more labor to increase production. This will cause a rightward shift in the demand curve for labor.
- The opposite is also true. Higher prices for other inputs lower demand for labor.
",changing-slopes-of-consumption-and-savings-functions,"{
""question"": ""What factors can cause a shift in the supply curve for labor?"",
""answer"": ""Factors such as an increased number of workers, government policies, and changes in the price and availability of other inputs can cause a shift in the supply curve for labor.""
}",What factors can cause a shift in the supply curve for labor?,"Factors such as an increased number of workers, government policies, and changes in the price and availability of other inputs can cause a shift in the supply curve for labor.","['supply curve', 'changing demographics', 'population grows', 'death rates', 'women', 'training', 'p']"
117,04-01-08-investment-as-a-function-of-national-income,04-01,8,Learn with Videos,"
In this video I explain what happens to the equilibrium price and quantity when demand or supply shifts. Make sure to practice drawing the graph on your own. This is the third video in the playlist so make sure that you know how to draw and shift demand and supply before you watching this video.
","Hey, how you doin' econ students.. this Is Mr. Clifford. Welcome to ACDC econ. Right now we're going to talk about Shifting, Demand and Supply. *music* In previous videos, you learned about demand and why it's downward sloping. You also learned about supply and why it's upward sloping. And of course you understand the idea of equilibrium. That is the only place where the quantity demanded exactly equals the quantity supplied. You should also understand why when there's a change in price, that moves along the curves. For example, when the price goes up, the quantity supply increases and the quantity demand decreases, causing a surplus. When the price falls below equilibrium, the quantity demand increases, the quantity supply decreases and that causes a shortage. And that's what happens when there's a change in price. It moves along the demand and supply curves. But what if there's a shift in the entire curve? Remember, we learned the shifters in previous videos. There's 5 shifters of demand and there's 5 shifters of supply. To understand what happens when there's a shift in demand or a shift in supply, let's take a look at a scene from the movie ""Frozen"". In this scene, Princess Anna walks into Wandering Oakens Trading Post and we find out what happens when there's a change in a market. ""Big summer blowout! Half off swimming suits, clogs, and a sun balm of my own invention"" Using this example from Frozen, let's analyze the market for Sun Balm. The point of learning supply and demand is to understand what happens price or quantity when there's gonna be a change in a market. So this graph helps us to predict what happens when we find out there's going to be a change. The change that happens is that summer suddenly becomes winter. So what's going to happen to the supply or the demand for a sun balm? Well, it's definitely an effect demand because it's going to affect consumers. It's going to have no effect on supply or the production of sun ball. Now is the demand going to go up or is going to go down? Well of course the demand is going to go down because people don't want to wear sun balm during the winter time. They want to wear it in the summer time. So the demand is going to decrease or a shift to the left. The new equilibrium is right here and so the price and the quantity is gonna fall [Mm-hmm] Big summer blowout. Now it's time for you to practice. I have six scenarios right here for hamburgers. Your job is to figure out if it's going to be an increase or a decrease in demand or supply, what shifter it is, and what happens to price and quantity for each scenario. So get a piece of paper and draw six supply and demand graphs and show on each graph what happens for each one of these scenarios, and remember for each one of these things we're analyzing hamburgers. Make sure to pause the video and then I'll explain each one, alright? Good luck. For the first one, new grilling technology would cause the supply to shift to the right or increase. Now this is supply because this is something that's going to increase the production of hamburgers. And remember, technologies are a shifter. The graph tells us the price will decrease and the quantity is going to increase. For number two, an Increase in the price of chicken sandwiches, a substitute, is going to cause the demand for hamburgers to increase. Remember the price of related goods, substitutes and complements, is a shifter of demand. and if chicken sandwiches are more expensive, that means people are gonna buy more hamburgers so the demand for hamburgers shifts to the right so price goes up and quantity goes up. [ah] I'm gonna rock 'n roll all night.. For number three if the price of hamburgers decreases, that's not going to shift the curve. Remember a change in price does not shift the curve. It moves along the curve. So if the price goes down the quantity and demand is going to increase. The quantity supplied is going to decrease and that's going to lead to a shortage. Don't forget. Price never shifts the curve. For number four, if the price of ground beef, a key resource in the production of hamburgers, increases, that means we're going to produce less hamburgers. So the supply will shift to the left, price will go up, and quantity will go down. And for the last one, if there's human fingers found in many restaurants, that's going to decrease the demand for hamburgers, right? So the demand shifts to the left, price goes down, and quantity goes down. So a real quick story... One time I was doing that example in class and I had the student who said that it wasn't going to be demand, it was going to be a supply shifter. The supply would go down. So I walked up to him ,I said well Why do you think it's going to be a supply shift? Not demand shift? And this innocent student says Well, if your workers don't have any fingers then that means they can't produce as much and so that's going to decrease supply. [aaahhhh!] Well, it's definitely going to be a demand shifter. If there's fingers found in food, people aren't going to buy it. Demand's going to decrease. Now whether you're in high school or college you're taking microeconomics or macroeconomics. It's super important to understand supply and demand. Understanding this graph is not just good for class. It's also good for life. You can predict changes in the market. It can help you if you're in business. Or if your a consumer buying things because you know what's going to happen to the price and to the quantity . Now I hope this video was helpful. Make sure to take a look at the next video that's gonna explain price control, something called price ceilings and price floors. And take a look at my review app for your smartphone or tablet so you can get ready for the next test alright? Until next time. You want to talk about a supply and demand problem? I sell ice for a living. Oh, that's a rough business to be in right now. I mean that is really... Mmm. That's unfortunate.",investment-as-a-function-of-national-income,"{
""question"": ""What happens to the demand for sun balm when summer suddenly becomes winter?"",
""answer"": ""The demand for sun balm will decrease.""
}",What happens to the demand for sun balm when summer suddenly becomes winter?,The demand for sun balm will decrease.,"['shifting', 'demand', 'upward sloping', 'quantity demand', 'quantity supply']"
118,04-02-06-learn-with-videos-1,04-02,6,Learn with Videos,"
On September 15, 2008, Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy, and signaled the
start of the Great Recession. One key cause of that recession was a failure of
financial intermediaries, or, the institutions that link different kinds of
savers to borrowers.
","♪ [music] ♪ [Alex] On September 15, 2008, the world's financial system
was shaken to its core when the investment bank,
Lehman Brothers, filed for bankruptcy. The impact was great, not simply
because Lehman was big, but also because it was
an important financial intermediary, an institution that
helps bridge the gap between savers and borrowers. The failure of Lehman marked
the beginning of a series of events that signaled
the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression. And while there's several
significant angles to the Great Recession, one of them was
the decreased efficacy of financial intermediation. Now, some later videos
are going to go through this in more detail. But for now, we want to start
with some basic observations as to why financial intermediation
is so important. We'll start
with the supply of savings and the demand to borrow, and the market
which brings them together -- the Market for Loanable Funds. And then we'll work our way up to an examination
of The Great Recession. So why do people borrow
and save at all? Well, let's imagine a world
without borrowing and saving. Most people's incomes
don't stay flat their entire lives. They change in predictable ways. Here's a typical pattern, showing a person's income
over their life, with their income
on the vertical axis and time on the horizontal axis. When you're young
and still in school, you might make
a little bit of money, waiting tables
or occasionally mowing lawns. Your first job out of school --
it's going to pay more, and after a few years
of experience and hopefully
a few raises along the way, you make more than you ever have. Then, as you age,
you look forward to retirement, when your income falls. But you're no longer working, and you could really enjoy
your golden years. [Estelle from “Seinfeld” TV series]
“We're moving to Florida!” [George] “What?
You're moving to Florida? Ah-hah! That's wonderful!
I'm so happy! For you! I'm so happy for you!” [Alex] Now, let's imagine if your consumption followed
the same path as your income and you never saved or borrowed. You'd struggle when young, and you'd be unable
to invest in an education. Then, you'd spend
every cent you make during your prime working years. Well, that sounds
like a lot of fun. But without savings,
your income will drop suddenly when you retire,
and so will your consumption. Your golden years
wouldn't be so golden. [Doug from “King of Queens” TV series]
If you're so smart, why don't you tell them that
you live in my basement? [Arthur] Why don't you tell them
you're enormous? [Doug] Why don't you tell them that
your total salary last year was $12? [Arthur] That was after taxes. [Alex] So instead,
people tend to follow a life-cycle theory of savings. A person can start out consuming
more than she makes, borrowing to fill that gap -- and to pay for things
like an education. Then, during
her prime working years, she makes more than she consumes,
paying down her debt and saving the extra income
for retirement. And when retirement comes,
she can spend those savings and enjoy the golden years
even without working. Now of course, many people
deviate from this exact path, depending on details. Most people, for example --
they consume less in college than they do as professionals. Ramen noodles are no longer
a staple of my diet. But generally speaking,
many people follow a pattern of borrowing, saving,
and dissaving to smooth their consumption path
over their lifetime. Of course, just like some people
can't wait until after dinner to reach for that cookie jar, not everyone saves and spends
in the same way. How much you save and borrow
depends upon your time preference. Some people -- they're more
impatient than others. We all know someone
who spends everything they've got and doesn't save enough. On the other hand,
if you're keeping to a budget and not spending too much
so that you can go to college, well, that's an example
of being patient and waiting
for higher consumption later. We've also learned
from behavioral economics that saving is not just a matter
of weighing costs and benefits. Nudges can matter. If your employer automatically
enrolls you in a retirement plan, or sets a high
default contribution rate, you'll probably end up saving more than if you have to choose yourself, even if choosing yourself
would only take a few hours of work once in your lifetime. Another important reason to borrow
is to make big investments. Just as students borrow
to invest in education, businesses borrow
to invest in big projects. Entrepreneurs with great ideas
but not much money, they may have to borrow
or sell a stake in their idea just to get their venture
off the ground. For example, Howard Schultz
built Starbucks into a global brand by borrowing and raising capital through several different types
of financial intermediaries. We'll talk more about that
in upcoming videos. As with any other good, we're going to use
supply and demand to analyze the market
for saving and borrowing, known as the Market
for Loanable Funds. As we've seen, there are
lots of good reasons to save and to borrow. But we have failed to mention
one big factor -- price. What's the price
of saving and borrowing? It's the interest rate. So here's the supply curve
showing the supply of savings. As the interest rate goes up, the quantity
of savings supplied increases. And here's the demand curve
showing the demand to borrow. Lower interest rates
incentivize borrowing, so as the interest rate falls, the quantity
of borrowing demanded increases. As with any other
supply and demand graph, different factors
will shift the curves. If a lot of people decide
that it'd be a good idea to increase their savings,
for example, then the supply of savings
will shift outward. As you can see, this would
cause interest rates to fall. This is what we saw in countries
like South Korea and China as their populations saved more. On the demand side,
if investors, say, became less optimistic
for some reason, the demand to borrow
would shift inward, causing the interest rate to fall. But, if, say an investment tax credit
from the government increased the demand to invest, then the demand curve will shift
in the opposite direction, up and to the right,
pushing interest rates up. Thinking about the Market
for Loanable Funds helps us to see the big picture
and understand the raw factors that determine interest rates and the quantity
of borrowing and lending. But there isn't actually
one market called the Market
for Loanable Funds. It's not like the New York
Stock Exchange. Instead, there are many,
many, many markets for different kinds of borrowers
and different kinds of lenders. And there are different types
of institutions, like banks, bond markets, and stock markets that connect
the two sides of the market. We're going to delve more deeply into the different kinds
of financial intermediaries, and why they're so important, next. [Narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on, you can click
""Go to the Next Video."" You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see our entire library
of videos and resources. ♪ [music] ♪",learn-with-videos-1,"Question: Why is financial intermediation considered important for bridging the gap between savers and borrowers?
Answer: Financial intermediation is important because it connects savers and borrowers, allowing for efficient allocation of resources and enabling individuals to smooth their consumption over their lifetime.",Why is financial intermediation considered important for bridging the gap between savers and borrowers?,"Financial intermediation is important because it connects savers and borrowers, allowing for efficient allocation of resources and enabling individuals to smooth their consumption over their lifetime.","['lehman Brothers', 'financial intermediary', 'savers', 'borrowers', 'economic downturn']"
119,04-01-09-government-spending-as-a-function-of-national-income,04-01,9,Technology and Wage Inequality,"Economic events can change the equilibrium salary (or wage) and quantity of labor. Consider how the wave of new information technologies, like computer and telecommunications networks, has affected low-skill and high-skill workers in the U.S. economy. From the perspective of employers who demand labor, these new technologies are often a substitute for low-skill laborers like file clerks who used to keep file cabinets full of paper records of transactions.
However, the same new technologies are a **complement to high-skill workers** like managers, who benefit from the technological advances by having the ability to monitor more information, communicate more easily, and juggle a wider array of responsibilities. How will the new technologies affect the wages of high-skill and low-skill workers? For this question, the four-step process of analyzing shifts in supply or demand (introduced in **Chapter 3 Demand and Supply**) will be helpful.
","Economic events can change the equilibrium salary (or wage) and quantity of labor. Consider how the wave of new information technologies, like computer and telecommunications networks, has affected low-skill and high-skill workers in the U.S. economy. From the perspective of employers who demand labor, these new technologies are often a substitute for low-skill laborers like file clerks who used to keep file cabinets full of paper records of transactions.
However, the same new technologies are a complement to high-skill workers like managers, who benefit from the technological advances by having the ability to monitor more information, communicate more easily, and juggle a wider array of responsibilities. How will the new technologies affect the wages of high-skill and low-skill workers? For this question, the four-step process of analyzing shifts in supply or demand (introduced in Chapter 3 Demand and Supply) will be helpful.",government-spending-as-a-function-of-national-income,"Question: How do new information technologies affect the wages of high-skill and low-skill workers in the U.S. economy?
Answer: New information technologies often lead to higher wages for high-skill workers and lower wages for low-skill workers in the U.S. economy.",How do new information technologies affect the wages of high-skill and low-skill workers in the U.S. economy?,New information technologies often lead to higher wages for high-skill workers and lower wages for low-skill workers in the U.S. economy.,"['economic events', 'equilibrium salary', 'highskill workers', 'us economy', 'file']"
120,04-01-10-building-the-combined-aggregate-expenditure-function,04-01,10,Price Floors in the Labor Market: Living Wages and Minimum Wages,"In contrast to goods and services markets, price ceilings are rare in labor markets, because rules that prevent people from earning income are not politically popular. There is one exception: boards of trustees or stockholders, as an example, propose limits on the high incomes of top business executives.
The labor market, however, presents some prominent examples of price floors, which are an attempt to increase the wages of low-paid workers. The U.S. government sets a **minimum wage**, a price floor that makes it illegal for an employer to pay employees less than a certain hourly rate. In mid-2009, the U.S. minimum wage was raised to \$7.25 per hour. Local political movements in a number of U.S. cities have pushed for a higher minimum wage, which they call a living wage. Promoters of living wage laws maintain that the minimum wage is too low to ensure a reasonable standard of living. They base this conclusion on the calculation that, if you work 40 hours a week at a minimum wage of \$7.25 per hour for 50 weeks a year, your annual income is \$14,500, which is less than the official U.S. government definition of what it means for a family to be in poverty. (A family with two adults earning minimum wage and two young children will find it more cost efficient for one parent to provide childcare while the other works for income. Thus the family income would be \$14,500, which is significantly lower than the federal poverty line for a family of four, which was \$24,250 in 2015.)
Supporters of the living wage argue that full-time workers should be assured a high enough wage so that they can afford the essentials of life: food, clothing, shelter, and healthcare. Since Baltimore passed the first living wage law in 1994, several dozen cities enacted similar laws in the late 1990s and the 2000s. The living wage ordinances do not apply to all employers, but they have specified that all employees of the city or employees of firms that the city hires be paid at least a certain wage that is usually a few dollars per hour above the U.S. minimum wage.
- The original equilibrium in this labor market is a wage of \$10/ hour and a quantity of 1,200 workers, shown at point E.
- Imposing a wage floor at \$12/hour leads to an excess supply of labor.
- At that wage, the quantity of labor supplied is 1,600 and the quantity of labor demanded is only 700.
Figure 4.4 illustrates the situation of a city considering a living wage law.
- For simplicity, we assume that there is no federal minimum wage. The wage appears on the vertical axis, because the wage is the price in the labor market. Before the passage of the living wage law, the equilibrium wage is \$10 per hour and the city hires 1,200 workers at this wage.
- However, a group of concerned citizens persuades the city council to enact a living wage law requiring employers to pay no less than \$12 per hour. In response to the higher wage, 1,600 workers look for jobs within the city. At this higher wage, the city, as an employer, is willing to hire only 700 workers. At the price floor, the quantity supplied exceeds the quantity demanded, and a surplus of labor exists in this market.
- For workers who continue to have a job at a higher salary, life has improved. For those who were willing to work at the old wage rate but lost their jobs with the wage increase, life has not improved. **Table 4.4** shows the differences in supply and demand at different wages.
**Figure 4.4 A Living Wage: Example of a Price Floor**
The original equilibrium in this labor market is a wage of \$10/hour and a quantity of 1,200 workers, shown at point E. Imposing a wage floor at \$12/hour leads to an excess supply of labor. At that wage, the quantity of labor supplied is 1,600 and the quantity of labor demanded is only 700.
| Wage | Quantity Labor Demanded | Quantity Labor Supplied |
| ------- | ----------------------- | ----------------------- |
| \$8/hr | 1,900 | 500 |
| \$9/hr | 1,500 | 900 |
| \$10/hr | 1,200 | 1,200 |
| \$11/hr | 900 | 1,400 |
| \$12/hr | 700 | 1,600 |
| \$13/hr | 500 | 1,800 |
| \$14/hr | 400 | 1,900 |
**Table 4.4 Living Wage: Example of a Price Floor**","In contrast to goods and services markets, price ceilings are rare in labor markets, because rules that prevent people from earning income are not politically popular. There is one exception: boards of trustees or stockholders, as an example, propose limits on the high incomes of top business executives.
The labor market, however, presents some prominent examples of price floors, which are an attempt to increase the wages of low-paid workers. The U.S. government sets a minimum wage, a price floor that makes it illegal for an employer to pay employees less than a certain hourly rate. In mid-2009, the U.S. minimum wage was raised to \$7.25 per hour. Local political movements in a number of U.S. cities have pushed for a higher minimum wage, which they call a living wage. Promoters of living wage laws maintain that the minimum wage is too low to ensure a reasonable standard of living. They base this conclusion on the calculation that, if you work 40 hours a week at a minimum wage of \$7.25 per hour for 50 weeks a year, your annual income is \$14,500, which is less than the official U.S. government definition of what it means for a family to be in poverty. (A family with two adults earning minimum wage and two young children will find it more cost efficient for one parent to provide childcare while the other works for income. Thus the family income would be \$14,500, which is significantly lower than the federal poverty line for a family of four, which was \$24,250 in 2015.)
Supporters of the living wage argue that full-time workers should be assured a high enough wage so that they can afford the essentials of life: food, clothing, shelter, and healthcare. Since Baltimore passed the first living wage law in 1994, several dozen cities enacted similar laws in the late 1990s and the 2000s. The living wage ordinances do not apply to all employers, but they have specified that all employees of the city or employees of firms that the city hires be paid at least a certain wage that is usually a few dollars per hour above the U.S. minimum wage.
The original equilibrium in this labor market is a wage of \$10/ hour and a quantity of 1,200 workers, shown at point E.
Imposing a wage floor at \$12/hour leads to an excess supply of labor.
At that wage, the quantity of labor supplied is 1,600 and the quantity of labor demanded is only 700.
Price floors, when prices are kept artificially high, lead to several consequences that hurt the consumer. In this video, we take a look at the minimum wage as an example of a price floor. Using the supply and demand curve and real world examples, we show how price floors create surpluses (such as a surplus in labor, or unemployment) as well as deadweight loss.
","♪ [music] ♪ - [Alex] In the next two videos, we'll turn our attention
to price floors and their effects. In this video, we'll look at
the first two effects and cover one of the most
well-known price floors: the minimum wage. Let's get started. A price floor is a minimum price
allowed by law. That is, it is a price
below which it is illegal to buy or sell, called a price floor because you cannot go
below the floor. We're going to show
that price floors create four significant effects: surpluses, lost gains from trade,
wasteful increases in quality, and a misallocation of resources. We're going to go through
these each in turn. Before we do so, however, it's worthwhile
asking this question: price floors are less common
than price ceilings -- why is this? That is, it's more common
to see a price being held below the market price, than it is to see a price
being held above the market price. Why? One reason may be political. That is, there are typically
more buyers of goods than there are sellers of goods. So when you hold a price
below the market price, you may benefit, or at least
appear to benefit, more buyers,
more people, more voters than when you hold a price
above the market price, which would appear to harm buyers. Now interestingly,
the paradigmatic, the classic case of a price floor is the exception
which proves the rule. Because the classic case
of a price floor is a good for which there are more sellers
than there are buyers. So here's the case where the price
is kept above the market price, and it make sense politically
because there are lots of sellers compared to buyers. So, what is this good,
for which price floor is common and for which sellers exceed buyers? We'll get to that in just a moment. Think about it. So one of the things
which a price floor does is it creates surpluses. Okay. Have you thought of the good
which a price floor is common, and it's a good for which
the number of suppliers exceeds the number of buyers? Well, the minimum wage
is a price floor. The minimum wage is a price
below which you cannot sell labor, and the suppliers of labor
exceed the buyers of labor. So it's not surprising
that a minimum wage is often politically successful. Now, who will
the minimum wage affect? Workers with very high productivity who are already earning
more than the minimum wage – they are not going to be affected
by the minimum wage perhaps at all. Instead, it will affect
the least experienced, least educated, least trained workers. Low-skilled teenagers, for example,
are most likely to be affected by the minimum wage. Now, I said that a price floor
creates surpluses. The minimum wage is a price floor,
so it's going to create a surplus. A surplus of labor, we call what? We say a gaggle of geese? Say pride of lions? A surplus of labor
is called unemployment. So let's look with our model to understand how a minimum wage
can create unemployment, particularly among
the least skilled workers. Okay. Here's our standard diagram, except we're going to put
the quantity of labor, especially unskilled labor,
on the horizontal axis. The wage or the price of labor
on the vertical axis -- there's our supply curve. There's our demand curve
with the market wage and the market employment level. Now we're going to add
the minimum wage. This is a price floor below which it is illegal to buy
or sell this good: labor. Now we just read the consequences
of the price floor of the diagram. So we read, for example, that at the minimum wage,
the quantity of labor demanded is read off the demand curve. Remember, this is
the demand for labor. So this is the quantity
of labor demanded, and at the minimum wage,
the quantity of labor supplied is read off the supply curve. Let's put that point on,
that's ""Qs."" So we have Qs units
of labor supplied, ""Qd"" units of labor demanded. Qs is bigger than Qd, so the difference between them
is a surplus of labor, also known as unemployment. Now the minimum wage
is a controversial and hotly debated issue. Some academic results indicate that the unemployment effect
of a modest increase in the minimum wage would not be substantial. At the same time, however,
we also have to recognize that a modest increase
in the minimum wage would not have big benefits either. First, only a small percentage
of workers are going to be affected
by the minimum wage. 97% or so of workers already earn
more than the minimum wage. In fact, even among young workers, 94% or so less than 25 years of age, they already earn
more than the minimum wage. At best, the minimum wage
will raise the wages of some low-skilled
and young workers, most of whose wages
would have increased anyway as they became more skilled. At worst, the minimum wage will increase the price
of a hamburger, create some unemployment, and/or keep some teenagers
in school for a bit longer -- not all necessarily bad things. What, however, about a larger increase
in the minimum wage? Few economists doubt that a large increase
in the minimum wage would cause serious unemployment. After all, we could
not create prosperity by raising the minimum wage
higher and higher. If a minimum wage of $10
an hour is a good idea, what about 15? What about 20, 25, $100? $500 an hour? Would we all be rich at that point? Would we all be receiving wages
of $500 an hour? Of course not. Most of us would be unemployed. So a large increase
in the minimum wage is going to cause
serious unemployment, and the good example of this
is Puerto Rico in 1938. Congress actually set
the first minimum wage at this time at 25 cents an hour. Now that may seem low,
but that's at a time when the average wage
in the United States was still less than
a dollar an hour, was 62 and a half cents an hour. Congress, however,
forgot to exempt Puerto Rico, when the average wages
in Puerto Rico at that time were much lower than in the rest
of the United States, only three cents
to four cents an hour. So this modest increase
in the minimum wage for the continental United States was a huge increase
in the minimum wage for Puerto Rico. And lots of Puerto Rican firms
went bankrupt, it created devastating unemployment. In fact, Puerto Rican politicians
came to Washington to beg for an exemption
to get them out of the minimum wage. So, a large increase
in the minimum wage would certainly cause substantial
and serious unemployment. We do see higher minimum wages
in other countries. The minimum wage in France
is higher than the U.S., relative to average wages
in those two countries. In addition, labor laws in France make it very difficult
to fire workers once they have been hired. As a result, firms in France are very reluctant
to hire new workers. Younger workers
are especially affected because they are less productive, and also they are
less known commodities. So, the risk
of hiring them is greater. As a result, unemployment
among young workers is very high in France. It was 23% in 2005, and that was long before
the economic crisis, the financial crisis
affecting the entire world. So even during good times, unemployment in France
among young workers is very high, because the minimum wage is high, and because firms
don't want to hire, given how difficult it is
to fire workers. Okay. Let's also show
that the minimum wage creates lost gains from trade -- this ought to be
fairly familiar by now. At the minimum wage,
the quantity of labor demanded is given by Qd. That is less than the quantity
of labor which would be traded, given the market wage,
this market employment. Key point is that
there are buyers of labor who are willing to buy labor
at a price below the minimum wage, and there are suppliers of labor, workers who are willing
to work below the minimum wage. These deals would be
mutually profitable, but they are illegal. So there are buyers of labor who are willing to buy below
the minimum wage, there are sellers willing to sell. These deals would be
mutually profitable, but they are illegal,
they are not made. Because of that,
there are lost gains from trade, or a deadweight loss. Okay. So, we have covered
the first two effects of price floors, namely surpluses
and lost gains from trade. In the next lecture, we will use
a slightly different example to look at wasteful
increases in quality and a misallocation of resources. - [Narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on,
just click ""Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪",overview,"What are the two effects of price floors mentioned in the passage?
The two effects of price floors mentioned in the passage are surpluses and lost gains from trade.",What are the two effects of price floors mentioned in the passage? ,The two effects of price floors mentioned in the passage are surpluses and lost gains from trade.,"['price floor', 'minimum wage', 'surpluses', 'lost gains', 'quality', 'buyers', 'market']"
122,04-01-12-where-equilibrium-occurs,04-01,12,The Minimum Wage as an Example of a Price Floor,"**The U.S. minimum wage is a price floor that is set either very close to the equilibrium wage or even slightly below it.**
About 2% of American workers are actually paid at or below the minimum wage. In other words, the vast majority of the U.S. labor force has its wages determined in the labor market, not as a result of the government price floor. However, for workers with low skills and little experience, like those without a high school diploma or teenagers, the minimum wage is quite important. In many cities, the federal minimum wage is apparently below the market price for unskilled labor, because employers offer more than the minimum wage to checkout clerks and other low-skill workers without any government prodding.
Economists have attempted to estimate how much the minimum wage reduces the quantity demanded of low-skill labor. A typical result of such studies is that **a 10% increase in the minimum wage would decrease the hiring of unskilled workers by 1 to 2%**, which seems a relatively small reduction. In fact, some studies have even found no effect of a higher minimum wage on employment at certain times and places—although these studies are controversial.
Let's suppose that the minimum wage lies just slightly **below the equilibrium wage level**. Wages could fluctuate according to market forces above this price floor, but they would not be allowed to move beneath the floor. In this situation, the price floor minimum wage is nonbinding —that is, the price floor is not **determining** the market outcome. Even if the minimum wage moves just a little higher, it will still have no effect on the quantity of employment in the economy, as long as it remains below the equilibrium wage.
Even if the government increases minimum wage enough so that it rises slightly
above the equilibrium wage and becomes binding, there will be only a small
excess supply gap between the quantity demanded and quantity supplied.
These insights help to explain why U.S. minimum wage laws have historically had only a small impact on employment. Since the minimum wage has typically been set close to the equilibrium wage for low-skill labor and sometimes even below it, it has not had a large effect in creating an excess supply of labor. However, if the minimum wage increased dramatically—say, if it doubled to match the living wages that some U.S. cities have considered—then its impact on reducing the quantity demanded of employment would be far greater. As of 2017, many U.S. states are set to increase their minimum wage to $15 per hour. We will see what happens. The following **Clear It Up** feature describes in greater detail some of the arguments for and against changes to minimum wage.
Although there is controversy over the numbers, let's say for the sake of the
argument that a 10% rise in the minimum wage will reduce the employment of
low-skill workers by 2%. Does this outcome mean that raising the minimum wage
by 10% is bad public policy? Not necessarily.
","The U.S. minimum wage is a price floor that is set either very close to the equilibrium wage or even slightly below it.
About 2% of American workers are actually paid at or below the minimum wage. In other words, the vast majority of the U.S. labor force has its wages determined in the labor market, not as a result of the government price floor. However, for workers with low skills and little experience, like those without a high school diploma or teenagers, the minimum wage is quite important. In many cities, the federal minimum wage is apparently below the market price for unskilled labor, because employers offer more than the minimum wage to checkout clerks and other low-skill workers without any government prodding.
Economists have attempted to estimate how much the minimum wage reduces the quantity demanded of low-skill labor. A typical result of such studies is that a 10% increase in the minimum wage would decrease the hiring of unskilled workers by 1 to 2%, which seems a relatively small reduction. In fact, some studies have even found no effect of a higher minimum wage on employment at certain times and places—although these studies are controversial.
Let's suppose that the minimum wage lies just slightly below the equilibrium wage level. Wages could fluctuate according to market forces above this price floor, but they would not be allowed to move beneath the floor. In this situation, the price floor minimum wage is nonbinding —that is, the price floor is not determining the market outcome. Even if the minimum wage moves just a little higher, it will still have no effect on the quantity of employment in the economy, as long as it remains below the equilibrium wage.
Even if the government increases minimum wage enough so that it rises slightly
above the equilibrium wage and becomes binding, there will be only a small
excess supply gap between the quantity demanded and quantity supplied.
These insights help to explain why U.S. minimum wage laws have historically had only a small impact on employment. Since the minimum wage has typically been set close to the equilibrium wage for low-skill labor and sometimes even below it, it has not had a large effect in creating an excess supply of labor. However, if the minimum wage increased dramatically—say, if it doubled to match the living wages that some U.S. cities have considered—then its impact on reducing the quantity demanded of employment would be far greater. As of 2017, many U.S. states are set to increase their minimum wage to $15 per hour. We will see what happens. The following Clear It Up feature describes in greater detail some of the arguments for and against changes to minimum wage.
Although there is controversy over the numbers, let's say for the sake of the
argument that a 10% rise in the minimum wage will reduce the employment of
low-skill workers by 2%. Does this outcome mean that raising the minimum wage
by 10% is bad public policy? Not necessarily.",where-equilibrium-occurs,"{""question"": ""What is the potential impact of a 10% increase in the minimum wage on the employment of low-skill workers?"", ""answer"": ""A 10% increase in the minimum wage is predicted to reduce the employment of low-skill workers by 2%.""}",What is the potential impact of a 10% increase in the minimum wage on the employment of low-skill workers?,A 10% increase in the minimum wage is predicted to reduce the employment of low-skill workers by 2%.,"['minimum wage', 'equilibrium wage', 'federal minimum wage', 'unskilled labor', 'low']"
123,04-01-13-finding-equilibrium,04-01,13,What's the harm in raising the minimum wage?,"Because of the law of demand, a higher required wage will reduce the amount of low-skill employment either in terms of employees or in terms of work hours.
If 98% of those receiving the minimum wage have a pay increase of 10%, but 2% of those receiving the minimum wage lose their jobs, are the gains for society as a whole greater than the losses? The answer is not clear, because job losses, even for a small group, may cause more pain than modest income gains for others. For one thing, we need to consider which minimum wage workers are losing their jobs. If the 2% of minimum wage workers who lose their jobs are struggling to support families, that is one thing. If those who lose their job are high school students picking up spending money over summer vacation, that is something else.
Another complexity is that many minimum wage workers do not work full-time for an entire year. Imagine a minimum wage worker who holds different part-time jobs for a few months at a time, with bouts of unemployment in between. The worker in this situation receives the 10% raise in the minimum wage when working, but also ends up working 2% fewer hours during the year because the higher minimum wage reduces how much employers want people to work. Overall, this worker's income would rise because the 10% pay raise would more than offset the 2% fewer hours worked.
Of course, these arguments do not prove that raising the minimum wage is necessarily a good idea either. There may well be other, better public policy options for helping low-wage workers (The **Poverty and Economic Inequality** chapter discusses some possibilities.) The lesson from this maze of minimum wage arguments is that complex social problems rarely have simple answers. Even those who agree on how a proposed economic policy affects quantity demanded and quantity supplied may still disagree on whether the policy is a good idea.","Because of the law of demand, a higher required wage will reduce the amount of low-skill employment either in terms of employees or in terms of work hours.
If 98% of those receiving the minimum wage have a pay increase of 10%, but 2% of those receiving the minimum wage lose their jobs, are the gains for society as a whole greater than the losses? The answer is not clear, because job losses, even for a small group, may cause more pain than modest income gains for others. For one thing, we need to consider which minimum wage workers are losing their jobs. If the 2% of minimum wage workers who lose their jobs are struggling to support families, that is one thing. If those who lose their job are high school students picking up spending money over summer vacation, that is something else.
Another complexity is that many minimum wage workers do not work full-time for an entire year. Imagine a minimum wage worker who holds different part-time jobs for a few months at a time, with bouts of unemployment in between. The worker in this situation receives the 10% raise in the minimum wage when working, but also ends up working 2% fewer hours during the year because the higher minimum wage reduces how much employers want people to work. Overall, this worker's income would rise because the 10% pay raise would more than offset the 2% fewer hours worked.
Of course, these arguments do not prove that raising the minimum wage is necessarily a good idea either. There may well be other, better public policy options for helping low-wage workers (The Poverty and Economic Inequality chapter discusses some possibilities.) The lesson from this maze of minimum wage arguments is that complex social problems rarely have simple answers. Even those who agree on how a proposed economic policy affects quantity demanded and quantity supplied may still disagree on whether the policy is a good idea.",finding-equilibrium,"{""question"": ""If 98% of those receiving the minimum wage have a pay increase of 10%, but 2% of those receiving the minimum wage lose their jobs, are the gains for society as a whole greater than the losses?"", ""answer"": ""The answer is not clear, as job losses may cause more pain than modest income gains for others.""}","If 98% of those receiving the minimum wage have a pay increase of 10%, but 2% of those receiving the minimum wage lose their jobs, are the gains for society as a whole greater than the losses?","The answer is not clear, as job losses may cause more pain than modest income gains for others.","['minimum wage', 'lowskill employment', 'employment', 'high school students', 'summer']"
124,04-01-14-recessionary-and-inflationary-gaps,04-01,14,Learn with Videos,"
How much should you get paid for your job? Well, that depends on a lot of factors. Your skill set, the demand for the skills you have, and what other people are getting paid around you all factor in.
","Adriene: Welcome to Crash Course
Economics, I’m Adriene Hill, Jacob: and I’m Jacob Clifford, and today we’re going to talk about labor markets, a pretty important topic. Adriene: Unless you're independently wealthy,
or fine with living in your parents basement, you probably need to get a job. But how do you even
get a job? And what kind of job should you get? In a lot of ways, it comes down to
supplying a skill that someone else demands. [Theme Music] This is Cristiano Ronaldo. He makes about
$20 million a year playing soccer. Or football, depending on where you live. Pretty much everybody
would agree no one NEEDS that kind of money, but does he deserve it? How do his employers, the
Real Madrid Football Club, justify this huge salary? Admittedly, the market for professional athletes is complex, but on some level, it’s supply and demand. The supply of people that have the skills to
be world class soccer players is low. And the demand for world class soccer
players is incredibly high. Ronaldo might be willing to play for only
10 million dollars a year; it’s a lot of money. He might even play for 5 million. And
if he really truly loved the beautiful game, he might do it for free. So why is he getting
20 million dollars? This goes back to that really high demand.
Having a superstar on your team generates millions in ticket and merchandise sales.
It might help you win some of the many cups up for grabs in international football. So
Real Madrid thought Ronaldo and his double scissor move, were worth 20 million dollars,
and Ronaldo agreed, so they have a contract. These same ideas explain how wages are determined in nearly every labor market. Let’s go the Thought Bubble. Jacob: Usually when Stan goes to the mall
he's the buyer. He demands sunglasses and giant pretzels and the businesses supply them. But if he wants a job at the mall’s pretzel
shop, the roles are reversed. Since he supplies labor, he is now the seller and the pretzel
shop owner becomes the buyer. A buyer of labor. Now, that’s when wage negotiation ensues. Stan could insist on a wage of $25 an hour
for his pretzel skills, but the owner would point out that they could easily hire other
people for much less. The owner could offer Stan a wage of only $1 per hour, but Stan would point out that he could easily get paid more at the Froyo shop. In the end, they agree on a wage that makes
each of them better off. The owner gets some help around the store and Stan earns money
so he can buy even cooler sunglasses. Economists call this voluntary exchange. The supply of labor depends on the number
of people that are qualified to do the job. Stan would love to get paid more, but since
warming up pretzels doesn’t require extensive skills, the supply of capable workers is high
and consequently the wage is relatively low. But that doesn’t mean that Stan is going to work for peanuts. The wage offered has to cover his opportunity cost -- -- the value of his lost free time and the money he could be making doing something else. The demand for labor depends on the demand
for the products a business sells. Economists call this derived demand. If pretzel
demand is booming, then the store owners are going to want more pretzel makers. If other
stores also need more employees, demand for workers will increase and drive up wages. Thanks Thought Bubble. Supply and demand explains
why wages are different for different professions. Engineers are in high demand because they
produce the products that many consumers want and their supply is limited because the training
for these jobs is pretty difficult. Social workers and historians, aren’t paid
as much, even though their work is important because demand is relatively low and supply
is relatively high. It’s not rocket science. Adriene: Supply and demand explain a lot,
but there are several reasons why wages in a labor market don’t end up at a competitive
equilibrium. Sometimes workers get paid less not because they have different skill levels,
but because of their race, ethnic origin, sex, age, or other characteristics. This is
called wage discrimination. Wages might also be unfairly low when a labor
market is a monopsony -- when there is only one company hiring and workers are relatively
immobile. When you’re the only employer, workers have to take what you offer, or they’re
out of luck. Take the NCAA, the organization that
regulates college athletics in the US. Many economists point out that high profile college athletes are generating millions of dollars for their schools, but they’re forced to accept a very low
“wage” of a scholarship with free tuition. Now sure, baseball and hockey players can
skip straight to the pros, but the NFL prohibits drafting football players until three years
after high school. And NBA teams can’t draft basketball players until they’re 19. There are some situations where wages might
actually be higher than market equilibrium. For example, some employers might voluntarily
offer higher than normal wages to increase worker productivity and retention. Economists
call this efficiency wages. Henry Ford doubled the wages of assembly line
workers in 1914 to keep them from seeking jobs elsewhere. And this still goes on
today. You may not be completely happy with your job, but if it offers way more than what
everyone else is paying, you're less likely to quit. Unions can also drive up wages. A union is
an organization that advances the collective interest of employees and strives to improve
working conditions and increase wages. They do this through collective bargaining. Representatives for the workers negotiate
with employers and if their demands aren’t met, workers go on strike, and stop production
altogether. Although unions were once very strong in the US, union membership and their
strength has declined since the 1950s. At their height, approximately 1 in 3 American workers were in a labor union. These days it's more like 1 in 9, and the largest unions represent workers in the public sector, like teachers and firefighters. Wages might also not be at equilibrium when
there is a minimum wage -- basically a price floor that prevents employers from paying
workers below a specific amount. Technically, in the US, minimum wage
affects less than 3% of workers. But the Brookings Institution estimates that
an increase in the minimum wage likely wouldn’t just impact that small slice of the labor
market. It would also drive up the wages of people who make just above the minimum wage.
According to Brookings, that ripple effect could raise the wages of nearly 30% of the
workforce. The debate over whether or not there should
be a minimum wage, and how high that minimum wage should be, gets pretty heated pretty
fast. Some classical economists argue against nearly all forms of government manipulation in competitive markets. They say the minimum wage not only leads to unemployment, but it actually hurts the people it claims to help. Their logic goes something like this: A minimum wage deters employers from hiring unskilled workers, hiring only skilled or semi-skilled workers instead.
These economists argue that minimum wage does little or nothing to alleviate poverty,
since instead of earning a minimum wage, unskilled workers end up earning no wage at all. The economists that support a minimum wage argue that real life labor markets aren’t as competitive or transparent as classical economists suggest. They believe that employers have the upper hand when it comes to negotiating wages and that individual workers lack bargaining power. I’m not going to tell you what to think,
but think about it like this: if a grocery store wasn’t required to pay $7.25 an hour,
and the grocery store was the only place hiring, they could likely squeeze individual employees to accepting lower than market value. In this interpretation, minimum wage isn’t interfering with competitive markets, as much as it’s correcting a market failure. Remember anti-trust laws that prevent powerful
monopolies from charging higher prices? Economists that support minimum wage laws say they prevent
employers from using their power to exploit workers. The economists who are entirely opposed to
minimum wage laws are losing the policy battle. Most countries around the world have minimum
wage laws, and many of those countries without them have de facto minimum wages, set by collective
bargaining agreements. But even among economists who support some
sort of minimum wage, there’s disagreement over how high that minimum wage should be, and what raising the minimum wage might do to the economy. Consider the U.S.: the current federal minimum wage is $7.25 an hour. In 2014, 600 economists, including 7 Nobel Prize winners signed a letter arguing that the minimum wage should be increased to $10.10 an hour. They argued that raising the minimum wage
could have a small benefit to the economy. Workers, with their newly increased wages,
would spend more. This would increase demand, and perhaps help stimulate employment. But some of those same economists balked when
it came to the question of raising the minimum wage to fifteen dollars an hour. They argue
that even if a fifteen dollar an hour minimum wage might make sense in an expensive city,
like Los Angeles or New York, where the median income is relatively high, it could have a
significant negative effect on employment in a city or town where incomes are lower. If economics was a pure science, we could
just test these ideas under controlled circumstances. We could have one state set a significantly higher minimum wage than its neighbor and see what happens. It turns out that happened in 1992, and
economists David Card and Alan Krueger studied it. New Jersey raised its minimum wage from $4.25
to $5.05 while Pennsylvania kept theirs at $4.25. The economists surveyed large fast
food chains along the state’s shared border and found that workers didn’t get fired, in fact, employment in New Jersey actually increased. But it’s far from settled. There have also
been studies that indicate raising the minimum wage DOES increase unemployment. A relatively
recent survey of economists, by the University of Chicago, found that a small majority think
raising the minimum wage to nine dollars an hour would make it noticeably harder for poor
people to get work. But, and this is where it gets interesting,
a slim majority also thought the increase would be worthwhile, because the benefits
to people who could find jobs at nine dollars an hour would outweigh the negative effect
on overall employment. Jacob: Very few economists argue a higher
minimum wage will end poverty, but some argue that it could reduce poverty. The minimum
wage doesn’t exist in vacuum. Policies that fight poverty should also focus on providing
education and skills. Adriene: Those skills are what the labor market
values. It’s those skills that are in short supply and high demand, and will command higher
wages. So, while you’re waiting for economists to figure all this out, you might want to
learn a new skill. Practice your double scissor, and maybe take Ronaldo’s job. Jacob: Thanks for watching Crash Course Economics, which is made with the help of all these awesome people. You can help keep Crash Course free for everyone
forever by supporting the show at Patreon. Patreon is a voluntary subscription service where you can help support the show by giving a monthly contribution. Thanks for watching! DFTBA!",recessionary-and-inflationary-gaps,"Question: What determines wages in labor markets?
Answer: Wages in labor markets are determined by the supply and demand of labor, as well as factors such as the skills required for the job and the demand for the products or services being offered.",What determines wages in labor markets?,"Wages in labor markets are determined by the supply and demand of labor, as well as factors such as the skills required for the job and the demand for the products or services being offered.","['labor markets', 'cristiano Ronaldo', 'double scissor move']"
125,04-02-00-recessionary-gap,04-02,0,Overview,"
- Identify the demanders and suppliers in a financial market
- Explain how interest rates can affect supply and demand
- Analyze the economic effects of U.S. debt in terms of domestic financial markets
- Explain the role of price ceilings and usury laws in the U.S.
United States' households, institutions, and domestic businesses saved almost \$1.3 trillion in 2015.
Where did that savings go and how was it used?
Some of the savings ended up in banks, which in turn loaned the money to individuals or businesses that wanted to borrow money. Some was invested in private companies or loaned to government agencies that wanted to borrow money to raise funds for purposes like building roads or mass transit. Some firms reinvested their savings in their own businesses.
In this section, we will determine how the demand and supply model links those who wish to supply **financial capital** (i.e., savings) with those who demand financial capital (i.e., borrowing). Those who save money (or make financial investments, which is the same thing), whether individuals or businesses, are on the supply side of the financial market. Those who borrow money are on the demand side of the financial market. For a more detailed treatment of the different kinds of financial investments like bank accounts, stocks and bonds, see the [Financial Markets](../../principles-economics-2e/pages/17-introduction-to-financial-markets) chapter.","Identify the demanders and suppliers in a financial market
Explain how interest rates can affect supply and demand
Analyze the economic effects of U.S. debt in terms of domestic financial markets
Explain the role of price ceilings and usury laws in the U.S.
United States' households, institutions, and domestic businesses saved almost \$1.3 trillion in 2015.
Where did that savings go and how was it used?
Some of the savings ended up in banks, which in turn loaned the money to individuals or businesses that wanted to borrow money. Some was invested in private companies or loaned to government agencies that wanted to borrow money to raise funds for purposes like building roads or mass transit. Some firms reinvested their savings in their own businesses.
In this section, we will determine how the demand and supply model links those who wish to supply financial capital (i.e., savings) with those who demand financial capital (i.e., borrowing). Those who save money (or make financial investments, which is the same thing), whether individuals or businesses, are on the supply side of the financial market. Those who borrow money are on the demand side of the financial market. For a more detailed treatment of the different kinds of financial investments like bank accounts, stocks and bonds, see the Financial Markets chapter.",recessionary-gap,"{""question"": ""Where did the savings go and how was it used?"", ""answer"": ""Some of the savings ended up in banks, which in turn loaned the money to individuals or businesses that wanted to borrow money. Some was invested in private companies or loaned to government agencies that wanted to borrow money to raise funds for purposes like building roads or mass transit. Some firms reinvested their savings in their own businesses.""}",Where did the savings go and how was it used?,"Some of the savings ended up in banks, which in turn loaned the money to individuals or businesses that wanted to borrow money. Some was invested in private companies or loaned to government agencies that wanted to borrow money to raise funds for purposes like building roads or mass transit. Some firms reinvested their savings in their own businesses.","['suppliers', 'financial market', 'interest rates', 'domestic financial markets', 'usury laws']"
126,04-02-07-calculating-keynesian-policy-interventions,04-02,7,Price Ceilings in Financial Markets: Usury Laws,"As we noted earlier, about 200 million Americans own credit cards, and their interest payments and fees total tens of billions of dollars each year. It is little wonder that political pressures sometimes arise for setting limits on the interest rates or fees that credit card companies charge. The firms that issue credit cards, including banks, oil companies, phone companies, and retail stores, respond that the higher interest rates are necessary to cover the losses created by those who borrow on their credit cards and who do not repay on time or at all. These companies also point out that cardholders can avoid paying interest if they pay their bills on time.
Consider the credit card market that Figure 4.8 illustrates. In this financial market, the vertical axis shows the interest rate (which is the price in the financial market). Demanders in the credit card market are households and businesses. Suppliers are the companies that issue credit cards. This graph does not use specific numbers, which would be hypothetical in any case, but instead focuses on the underlying economic relationships.
**Figure 4.8 Credit Card Interest Rates: Another Price Ceiling Example**
- The original intersection of demand D and supply S occurs at equilibrium E0.
- However, a price ceiling is set at the interest rate Rc, below the equilibrium interest rate R0, and so the interest rate cannot adjust upward to the equilibrium.
- At the price ceiling, the quantity demanded, Qd, exceeds the quantity supplied, Qs.
- There is excess demand, also called a shortage.
Imagine a law imposes a price ceiling that holds the interest rate charged on credit cards at the rate $R_c$, which lies below the interest rate $R_0$ that would otherwise have prevailed in the market. The horizontal dashed line at interest rate Rc in **Figure 4.8** shows the price ceiling. The demand and supply model predicts that at the lower price ceiling interest rate, the quantity demanded of credit card debt will increase from its original level of $Q_0$ to $Q_d$; however, the quantity supplied of credit card debt will decrease from the original $Q_0$ to $Q_s$. At the price ceiling ($R_c$), quantity demanded will exceed quantity supplied.
Consequently, a number of people who want to have credit cards and are willing to pay the prevailing interest rate will find that companies are unwilling to issue cards to them. The result will be a credit shortage.
Many states do have **usury laws**, which impose an upper limit on the interest rate that lenders can charge.
However, in many cases, these upper limits are well above the market interest rate.
For example, if the interest rate is not allowed to rise above 30% per year, it can still fluctuate below that level according to market forces. A price ceiling that is set at a relatively high level is nonbinding, and it will have no practical effect unless the equilibrium price soars high enough to exceed the price ceiling.
","As we noted earlier, about 200 million Americans own credit cards, and their interest payments and fees total tens of billions of dollars each year. It is little wonder that political pressures sometimes arise for setting limits on the interest rates or fees that credit card companies charge. The firms that issue credit cards, including banks, oil companies, phone companies, and retail stores, respond that the higher interest rates are necessary to cover the losses created by those who borrow on their credit cards and who do not repay on time or at all. These companies also point out that cardholders can avoid paying interest if they pay their bills on time.
Consider the credit card market that Figure 4.8 illustrates. In this financial market, the vertical axis shows the interest rate (which is the price in the financial market). Demanders in the credit card market are households and businesses. Suppliers are the companies that issue credit cards. This graph does not use specific numbers, which would be hypothetical in any case, but instead focuses on the underlying economic relationships.
**Figure 4.5 Demand and Supply for Borrowing Money with Credit Cards**
In the financial market for credit cards in Figure 4.5, if the interest rate is above the equilibrium level, then an excess supply, or a surplus, of financial capital will arise in this market. For example, at an interest rate of 21%, the quantity of funds supplied increases to \$750 billion, while the quantity demanded decreases to \$480 billion. At this above-equilibrium interest rate, firms are eager to supply loans to credit card borrowers, but relatively few people or businesses wish to borrow. As a result, some credit card firms will lower the interest rates (or other fees) they charge to attract more business. This strategy will push the interest rate down toward the equilibrium level.
If the interest rate is below the equilibrium, then excess demand or a shortage of funds occurs in this market. At an interest rate of 13%, the quantity of funds credit card borrowers demand increases to \$700 billion, but the quantity credit card firms are willing to supply is only $510 billion. In this situation, credit card firms will perceive that they are overloaded with eager borrowers and conclude that they have an opportunity to raise interest rates or fees. The interest rate will face economic pressures to creep up toward the equilibrium level.
The FRED database publishes some two dozen measures of interest rates, including interest rates on credit cards, automobile loans, personal loans, mortgage loans, and more. You can find these at the FRED [website](https://openstax.org/l/FRED_stlouis).","
In the technology boom of the late 1990s, many businesses became extremely
confident that investments in new technology would have a high rate of return,
and their demand for financial capital shifted to the right. Conversely,
during the 2008 and 2009 Great Recession, their demand for financial capital
at any given interest rate shifted to the left.
To this point, we have been looking at saving in total. Now let us consider what affects saving in different types of financial investments. In deciding between different forms of financial investments, suppliers of financial capital will have to consider the rates of return and the risks involved. Rate of return is a positive attribute of investments, but risk is a negative. If Investment A becomes more risky, or the return diminishes, then savers will shift their funds to Investment B—and the supply curve of financial capital for Investment A will shift back to the left while the supply curve of capital for Investment B shifts to the right.","Those who supply financial capital face two broad decisions: how much to save, and how to divide up their savings among different forms of financial investments. We will discuss each of these in turn.
Participants in financial markets must decide when they prefer to consume goods: now or in the future. Economists call this intertemporal decision making because it involves decisions across time. Unlike a decision about what to buy from the grocery store, people make investment or savings decisions across a period of time, sometimes a long period.
Most workers save for retirement because their income in the present is greater than their needs, while the opposite will be true once they retire. Thus, they save today and supply financial markets. If their income increases, they save more. If their perceived situation in the future changes, they change the amount of their saving. For example, there is some evidence that Social Security, the program that workers pay into in order to qualify for government checks after retirement, has tended to reduce the quantity of financial capital that workers save. If this is true, Social Security has shifted the supply of financial capital at any interest rate to the left.
By contrast, many college students need money today when their income is low (or nonexistent) to pay their college expenses. As a result, they borrow today and demand from financial markets. Once they graduate and become employed, they will pay back the loans. Individuals borrow money to purchase homes or cars. A business seeks financial investment so that it has the funds to build a factory or invest in a research and development project that will not pay off for five years, ten years, or even more. Thus, when consumers and businesses have greater confidence that they will be able to repay in the future, the quantity demanded of financial capital at any given interest rate will shift to the right.
In the technology boom of the late 1990s, many businesses became extremely
confident that investments in new technology would have a high rate of return,
and their demand for financial capital shifted to the right. Conversely,
during the 2008 and 2009 Great Recession, their demand for financial capital
at any given interest rate shifted to the left.
To this point, we have been looking at saving in total. Now let us consider what affects saving in different types of financial investments. In deciding between different forms of financial investments, suppliers of financial capital will have to consider the rates of return and the risks involved. Rate of return is a positive attribute of investments, but risk is a negative. If Investment A becomes more risky, or the return diminishes, then savers will shift their funds to Investment B—and the supply curve of financial capital for Investment A will shift back to the left while the supply curve of capital for Investment B shifts to the right.",how-does-the-multiplier-work,"What factors affect the decision-making process of participants in financial markets?
Answer: Participants in financial markets must consider how much to save and how to divide up their savings among different forms of financial investments.",What factors affect the decision-making process of participants in financial markets? ,Participants in financial markets must consider how much to save and how to divide up their savings among different forms of financial investments.,"['financial capital', 'financial investments', 'intertemporal decision making', 'savings decisions']"
129,04-02-04-learn-with-videos,04-02,4,The United States as a Global Borrower,"In the global economy, trillions of dollars of financial investment cross national borders every year. In the early 2000s, financial investors from foreign countries were investing several hundred billion dollars per year more in the U.S. economy than U.S. financial investors were investing abroad. The following **Work It Out** deals with one of the macroeconomic concerns for the U.S. economy in recent years.","In the global economy, trillions of dollars of financial investment cross national borders every year. In the early 2000s, financial investors from foreign countries were investing several hundred billion dollars per year more in the U.S. economy than U.S. financial investors were investing abroad. The following Work It Out deals with one of the macroeconomic concerns for the U.S. economy in recent years.",learn-with-videos,"{""question"": ""What was one macroeconomic concern for the U.S. economy in recent years?"", ""answer"": ""The concern was that financial investors from foreign countries were investing more in the U.S. economy than U.S. financial investors were investing abroad.""}",What was one macroeconomic concern for the U.S. economy in recent years?,The concern was that financial investors from foreign countries were investing more in the U.S. economy than U.S. financial investors were investing abroad.,"['financial investment', 'foreign countries', 'us economy', 'work it out deals']"
130,04-02-05-calculating-the-multiplier,04-02,5,The Effect of Growing U.S. Debt,"Imagine that foreign investors viewed the U.S. economy as a less desirable place to put their money because of fears about the growth of the U.S. public debt. Using the four-step process for analyzing how changes in supply and demand affect equilibrium outcomes, how would increased U.S. public debt affect the equilibrium price and quantity for capital in U.S. financial markets?
","Imagine that foreign investors viewed the U.S. economy as a less desirable place to put their money because of fears about the growth of the U.S. public debt. Using the four-step process for analyzing how changes in supply and demand affect equilibrium outcomes, how would increased U.S. public debt affect the equilibrium price and quantity for capital in U.S. financial markets?",calculating-the-multiplier,"{""question"": ""Using the four-step process for analyzing how changes in supply and demand affect equilibrium outcomes, how would increased U.S. public debt affect the equilibrium price and quantity for capital in U.S. financial markets?"", ""answer"": ""Increased U.S. public debt would likely increase the equilibrium price and decrease the equilibrium quantity for capital in U.S. financial markets.""}","Using the four-step process for analyzing how changes in supply and demand affect equilibrium outcomes, how would increased U.S. public debt affect the equilibrium price and quantity for capital in U.S. financial markets?",Increased U.S. public debt would likely increase the equilibrium price and decrease the equilibrium quantity for capital in U.S. financial markets.,"['foreign investors', 'us public debt', 'equilibrium price', 'quantity', 'capital']"
131,04-03-00-clear-it-up-how-can-the-multiplier-be-used-to-analyze-the-economic-impact-of-professional-sports,04-03,0,Overview,"
- Apply demand and supply models to analyze prices and quantities
- Explain the effects of price controls on the equilibrium of prices and quantities
Prices exist in markets for goods and services, labor, and financial capital. In all of these markets, prices serve as a remarkable social mechanism for collecting, combining, and transmitting information that is relevant to the market—namely, the relationship between demand and supply—and then conveying that information to buyers and sellers. In a market-oriented economy, no government agency or guiding intelligence oversees the set of responses and interconnections that result from a change in price. Instead, each consumer reacts according to that person's preferences and budget set, and each profit-seeking producer reacts to the impact on its expected profits.
The following section examines the demand and supply models.","- Apply demand and supply models to analyze prices and quantities
Explain the effects of price controls on the equilibrium of prices and quantities
Prices exist in markets for goods and services, labor, and financial capital. In all of these markets, prices serve as a remarkable social mechanism for collecting, combining, and transmitting information that is relevant to the market—namely, the relationship between demand and supply—and then conveying that information to buyers and sellers. In a market-oriented economy, no government agency or guiding intelligence oversees the set of responses and interconnections that result from a change in price. Instead, each consumer reacts according to that person's preferences and budget set, and each profit-seeking producer reacts to the impact on its expected profits.
The following section examines the demand and supply models.",clear-it-up-how-can-the-multiplier-be-used-to-analyze-the-economic-impact-of-professional-sports,"Question: What are the effects of price controls on the equilibrium of prices and quantities in the demand and supply models?
Answer: Price controls can disrupt the equilibrium of prices and quantities by creating either a shortage or a surplus in the market.",What are the effects of price controls on the equilibrium of prices and quantities in the demand and supply models?,Price controls can disrupt the equilibrium of prices and quantities by creating either a shortage or a surplus in the market.,"['supply models', 'price controls', 'markets', 'goods', 'services', 'labor', 'financial capital']"
132,04-03-01-multiplier-tradeoffs-stability-versus-the-power-of-macroeconomic-policy,04-03,1,Why are demand and supply curves important?,"The demand and supply model is the second fundamental diagram for this course. (The opportunity set model that we introduced in the [Choice in a World of Scarcity](2-introduction-to-choice-in-a-world-of-scarcity) chapter was the first.) Just as it would be foolish to try to learn the arithmetic of long division by memorizing every possible combination of numbers that can be divided by each other, it would be foolish to try to memorize every specific example of demand and supply in this chapter, this textbook, or this course. Demand and supply is not primarily a list of examples. It is a model to analyze prices and quantities. Even though demand and supply diagrams have many labels, they are fundamentally the same in their logic. Your goal should be to understand the underlying model so you can use it to analyze any market.
Figure 4.9 displays a generic demand and supply curve.
- The horizontal axis shows the different measures of quantity: a quantity of a good or service, or a quantity of labor for a given job, or a quantity of financial capital.
- The vertical axis shows a measure of price: the price of a good or service, the wage in the labor market, or the rate of return (like the interest rate) in the financial market.
- We can use the demand and supply curves to explain how economic events will cause changes in prices, wages, and rates of return.
**Figure 4.9 Demand and Supply Curves**
The demand and supply model can explain the existing levels of prices, wages, and rates of return. To carry out such an analysis, think about the quantity that will be demanded at each price and the quantity that will be supplied at each price—that is, think about the shape of the demand and supply curves—and how these forces will combine to produce equilibrium.
We can also use demand and supply to explain how economic events will cause changes in prices, wages, and rates of return. There are only four possibilities:
1. the change in any single event may cause the demand curve to shift right or
2. ... to shift left, or
3. it may cause the supply curve to shift right or
4. ... to shift left.
The key to analyzing the effect of an economic event on equilibrium prices and quantities is to determine which of these four possibilities occurred. \_The way to do this correctly is to think back to the list of factors that shift the demand and supply curves.
Note that if more than one variable is changing at the same time, the overall
impact will depend on the degree of the shifts. When there are multiple
variables, economists isolate each change and analyze it independently.
An increase in the price of some product signals consumers that there is a shortage; therefore, they may want to economize on buying this product. For example, if you are thinking about taking a plane trip to Hawaii, but the ticket turns out to be expensive during the week you intend to go, you might consider other weeks when the ticket might be cheaper. The price could be high because you were planning to travel during a holiday when demand for traveling is high. Maybe the cost of an input like jet fuel increased or the airline has raised the price temporarily to see how many people are willing to pay it. Perhaps all of these factors are present at the same time. You do not need to analyze the market and break down the price change into its underlying factors. You just have to look at the ticket price and decide whether and when to fly.
In the same way, price changes provide useful information to producers. Imagine the situation of a farmer who grows oats and learns that the price of oats has risen. The higher price could be due to an increase in demand caused by a new scientific study proclaiming that eating oats is especially healthful. Perhaps the price of a substitute grain, like corn, has risen, and people have responded by buying more oats. The oat farmer does not need to know the details. The farmer only needs to know that the price of oats has risen and that it will be profitable to expand production as a result.
The actions of individual consumers and producers as they react to prices overlap and interlock in markets for goods, labor, and financial capital. A change in any single market is transmitted through these multiple interconnections to other markets. The vision of the role of flexible prices helping markets to reach equilibrium and linking different markets together helps to explain why price controls can be so counterproductive.
There is an old proverb: “Don't kill the messenger.” In ancient times, messengers carried information between distant cities and kingdoms. When they brought bad news, there was an emotional impulse to kill the messenger. However, killing the messenger did not kill the bad news. Moreover, killing the messenger had an undesirable side effect: Other messengers would refuse to bring news to that city or kingdom, depriving its citizens of vital information. Immobilizing the price messenger through price controls will deprive everyone in the economy of critical information. Without this information, it becomes difficult for everyone—buyers and sellers alike—to react in a flexible and appropriate manner as changes occur throughout the economy.
Those who seek to maintain price controls are trying to kill the messenger—or at least to stifle an unwelcome message that prices are bringing about the equilibrium level of price and quantity. However, price controls do nothing to affect the underlying forces of demand and supply, and this can have serious repercussions. For example, during China's “Great Leap Forward” in the late 1950s, the government kept food prices artificially low, with the result that 30 to 40 million people died of starvation because the low prices depressed farm production. This was communist party leader Mao Zedong's social and economic campaign to rapidly transform the country from an agrarian economy to a socialist society through rapid industrialization and collectivization, which resulted in human tragedy.","The demand and supply model is the second fundamental diagram for this course. (The opportunity set model that we introduced in the Choice in a World of Scarcity chapter was the first.) Just as it would be foolish to try to learn the arithmetic of long division by memorizing every possible combination of numbers that can be divided by each other, it would be foolish to try to memorize every specific example of demand and supply in this chapter, this textbook, or this course. Demand and supply is not primarily a list of examples. It is a model to analyze prices and quantities. Even though demand and supply diagrams have many labels, they are fundamentally the same in their logic. Your goal should be to understand the underlying model so you can use it to analyze any market.
Figure 4.9 displays a generic demand and supply curve.
The horizontal axis shows the different measures of quantity: a quantity of a good or service, or a quantity of labor for a given job, or a quantity of financial capital.
The vertical axis shows a measure of price: the price of a good or service, the wage in the labor market, or the rate of return (like the interest rate) in the financial market.
We can use the demand and supply curves to explain how economic events will cause changes in prices, wages, and rates of return.
Figure 4.9 Demand and Supply Curves
The demand and supply model can explain the existing levels of prices, wages, and rates of return. To carry out such an analysis, think about the quantity that will be demanded at each price and the quantity that will be supplied at each price—that is, think about the shape of the demand and supply curves—and how these forces will combine to produce equilibrium.
We can also use demand and supply to explain how economic events will cause changes in prices, wages, and rates of return. There are only four possibilities:
the change in any single event may cause the demand curve to shift right or
... to shift left, or
it may cause the supply curve to shift right or
... to shift left.
The key to analyzing the effect of an economic event on equilibrium prices and quantities is to determine which of these four possibilities occurred. _The way to do this correctly is to think back to the list of factors that shift the demand and supply curves.
Note that if more than one variable is changing at the same time, the overall
impact will depend on the degree of the shifts. When there are multiple
variables, economists isolate each change and analyze it independently.
An increase in the price of some product signals consumers that there is a shortage; therefore, they may want to economize on buying this product. For example, if you are thinking about taking a plane trip to Hawaii, but the ticket turns out to be expensive during the week you intend to go, you might consider other weeks when the ticket might be cheaper. The price could be high because you were planning to travel during a holiday when demand for traveling is high. Maybe the cost of an input like jet fuel increased or the airline has raised the price temporarily to see how many people are willing to pay it. Perhaps all of these factors are present at the same time. You do not need to analyze the market and break down the price change into its underlying factors. You just have to look at the ticket price and decide whether and when to fly.
In the same way, price changes provide useful information to producers. Imagine the situation of a farmer who grows oats and learns that the price of oats has risen. The higher price could be due to an increase in demand caused by a new scientific study proclaiming that eating oats is especially healthful. Perhaps the price of a substitute grain, like corn, has risen, and people have responded by buying more oats. The oat farmer does not need to know the details. The farmer only needs to know that the price of oats has risen and that it will be profitable to expand production as a result.
The actions of individual consumers and producers as they react to prices overlap and interlock in markets for goods, labor, and financial capital. A change in any single market is transmitted through these multiple interconnections to other markets. The vision of the role of flexible prices helping markets to reach equilibrium and linking different markets together helps to explain why price controls can be so counterproductive.
There is an old proverb: “Don't kill the messenger.” In ancient times, messengers carried information between distant cities and kingdoms. When they brought bad news, there was an emotional impulse to kill the messenger. However, killing the messenger did not kill the bad news. Moreover, killing the messenger had an undesirable side effect: Other messengers would refuse to bring news to that city or kingdom, depriving its citizens of vital information. Immobilizing the price messenger through price controls will deprive everyone in the economy of critical information. Without this information, it becomes difficult for everyone—buyers and sellers alike—to react in a flexible and appropriate manner as changes occur throughout the economy.
Those who seek to maintain price controls are trying to kill the messenger—or at least to stifle an unwelcome message that prices are bringing about the equilibrium level of price and quantity. However, price controls do nothing to affect the underlying forces of demand and supply, and this can have serious repercussions. For example, during China's “Great Leap Forward” in the late 1950s, the government kept food prices artificially low, with the result that 30 to 40 million people died of starvation because the low prices depressed farm production. This was communist party leader Mao Zedong's social and economic campaign to rapidly transform the country from an agrarian economy to a socialist society through rapid industrialization and collectivization, which resulted in human tragedy.",multiplier-tradeoffs-stability-versus-the-power-of-macroeconomic-policy,"Question: What is the demand and supply model primarily used for?
Answer: The demand and supply model is primarily used to analyze prices and quantities in a market.",What is the demand and supply model primarily used for?,The demand and supply model is primarily used to analyze prices and quantities in a market.,"['demand', 'supply model', 'fundamental diagram', 'choice in a world of scarcity chapter']"
133,04-03-02-baby-boomers-come-of-age,04-03,2,Baby Boomers Come of Age,"The theory of supply and demand can explain what happens in the labor markets and suggests that the demand for nurses will increase as healthcare needs of baby boomers increase, as [Figure 4.10](4-3-the-market-system-as-an-efficient-mechanism-for-information#CNX_Econ_C04_015) shows. The impact of that increase will result in an average salary higher than the \$67,490 earned in 2015 referenced in the first part of this case. The new equilibrium ($E_1$) will be at the new equilibrium price ($P_{e1}$).Equilibrium quantity will also increase from $Q_{e0}$ to $Q_{e1}$.
**Figure 4.10 Impact of Increasing Demand for Nurses 2014-2024**
In 2014, the median salary for nurses was \$67,490. As demand for services increases, the demand curve shifts to the right (from $D_0$ to $D_1$) and the equilibrium quantity of nurses increases from $Q_{e0}$ to Qe1. The equilibrium salary increases from $P_{e0}$ to $P_{e1}$.
Suppose that as the demand for nurses increases, the supply shrinks due to an increasing number of nurses entering retirement and increases in the tuition of nursing degrees. The leftward shift of the supply curve in [Figure 4.11](4-3-the-market-system-as-an-efficient-mechanism-for-information#CNX_Econ_C04_016) captures the impact of a decreasing supply of nurses. The shifts in the two curves result in higher salaries for nurses, but the overall impact in the quantity of nurses is uncertain, as it depends on the relative shifts of supply and demand.
**Figure 4.11 Impact of Decreasing Supply of Nurses between 2014 and 2024**
The increase in demand for nurses shown in Figure 4.10 leads to both higher prices and higher quantities demanded. As nurses retire from the work force, the supply of nurses decreases, causing a leftward shift in the supply curve and higher salaries for nurses at $P_{e2}$. The net effect on the equilibrium quantity of nurses is uncertain, which in this representation is less than $Q_{e1}$, but more than the initial $Q_{e0}$.
While we do not know if the number of nurses will increase or decrease relative to their initial employment, we know they will have higher salaries.
","The theory of supply and demand can explain what happens in the labor markets and suggests that the demand for nurses will increase as healthcare needs of baby boomers increase, as Figure 4.10 shows. The impact of that increase will result in an average salary higher than the \$67,490 earned in 2015 referenced in the first part of this case. The new equilibrium ($E_1$) will be at the new equilibrium price ($P_{e1}$).Equilibrium quantity will also increase from $Q_{e0}$ to $Q_{e1}$.
Figure 4.10 Impact of Increasing Demand for Nurses 2014-2024
In 2014, the median salary for nurses was \$67,490. As demand for services increases, the demand curve shifts to the right (from $D_0$ to $D_1$) and the equilibrium quantity of nurses increases from $Q_{e0}$ to Qe1. The equilibrium salary increases from $P_{e0}$ to $P_{e1}$.
Suppose that as the demand for nurses increases, the supply shrinks due to an increasing number of nurses entering retirement and increases in the tuition of nursing degrees. The leftward shift of the supply curve in Figure 4.11 captures the impact of a decreasing supply of nurses. The shifts in the two curves result in higher salaries for nurses, but the overall impact in the quantity of nurses is uncertain, as it depends on the relative shifts of supply and demand.
Figure 4.11 Impact of Decreasing Supply of Nurses between 2014 and 2024
The increase in demand for nurses shown in Figure 4.10 leads to both higher prices and higher quantities demanded. As nurses retire from the work force, the supply of nurses decreases, causing a leftward shift in the supply curve and higher salaries for nurses at $P_{e2}$. The net effect on the equilibrium quantity of nurses is uncertain, which in this representation is less than $Q_{e1}$, but more than the initial $Q_{e0}$.
While we do not know if the number of nurses will increase or decrease relative to their initial employment, we know they will have higher salaries.",baby-boomers-come-of-age,"Question: What does the theory of supply and demand suggest will happen to the demand for nurses as healthcare needs of baby boomers increase?
Answer: The theory of supply and demand suggests that the demand for nurses will increase as healthcare needs of baby boomers increase.",What does the theory of supply and demand suggest will happen to the demand for nurses as healthcare needs of baby boomers increase?,The theory of supply and demand suggests that the demand for nurses will increase as healthcare needs of baby boomers increase.,"['supply', 'demand', 'labor markets', 'healthcare needs', 'baby boomers']"
134,05-00-01-overview,05-00,1,How is the Economy Doing? How Does One Tell?,"The 1990s were boom years for the U.S. economy. Beginning in the late 2000s, from 2007 to 2014 economic performance in the U.S. was poor. When looking at the contrast between the two decades, one may ponder the following questions:
What causes the economy to expand or contract?
Why do businesses fail when they are making all the right decisions?
Why do workers lose their jobs when they are hardworking and productive?
Are bad economic times a failure of the market system?
Are they a failure of the government?
These are all questions of macroeconomics, which we will begin to address in this chapter. We will not be able to answer all of these questions here, but we will start with the basics: **How is the economy doing? How can we tell?**
The macro economy includes all buying and selling, all production and consumption—everything that happens in every market in the economy.
**How can we measure and understand such aggregation of all economic activity in a country?**
The answer begins more than 80 years ago, during the Great Depression. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and his economic advisers knew things were bad, but they struggled with how to express and measure just how bad they were.
An economist named Simon Kuznets, who later won the Nobel Prize for his work, came up with a way to track what the entire economy is producing, a measure called the Gross Domestic Product, or GDP. In this chapter, you will learn how the government constructs GDP, how we use it, and why it is so important.","The 1990s were boom years for the U.S. economy. Beginning in the late 2000s, from 2007 to 2014 economic performance in the U.S. was poor. When looking at the contrast between the two decades, one may ponder the following questions:
What causes the economy to expand or contract?
Why do businesses fail when they are making all the right decisions?
Why do workers lose their jobs when they are hardworking and productive?
Are bad economic times a failure of the market system?
Are they a failure of the government?
These are all questions of macroeconomics, which we will begin to address in this chapter. We will not be able to answer all of these questions here, but we will start with the basics: How is the economy doing? How can we tell?
The macro economy includes all buying and selling, all production and consumption—everything that happens in every market in the economy.
How can we measure and understand such aggregation of all economic activity in a country?
The answer begins more than 80 years ago, during the Great Depression. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and his economic advisers knew things were bad, but they struggled with how to express and measure just how bad they were.
An economist named Simon Kuznets, who later won the Nobel Prize for his work, came up with a way to track what the entire economy is producing, a measure called the Gross Domestic Product, or GDP. In this chapter, you will learn how the government constructs GDP, how we use it, and why it is so important.",overview,"{""question"": ""What is the measure used to track what the entire economy is producing?"", ""answer"": ""The measure used to track what the entire economy is producing is called Gross Domestic Product (GDP)."" }",What is the measure used to track what the entire economy is producing?,The measure used to track what the entire economy is producing is called Gross Domestic Product (GDP).,"['gdp', 'economic performance', 'us economy', 'macroeconomics', 'buying']"
135,05-00-02-equilibrium-in-the-labor-market,05-00,2,Introduction to the Macroeconomic Perspective,"Macroeconomics focuses on the economy as a whole (or on whole economies as they interact). Macroeconomics involves adding up the economic activity of all households and all businesses in all markets to obtain the overall supply and demand in the economy.
When we do that, however, something curious happens. What seems sensible from a microeconomic point of view can have unexpected or counterproductive results at the macroeconomic level. For example, imagine that you are sitting at an event with a large audience, like a live concert or a basketball game. A few people decide that they want a better view, and so they stand up. However, when these people stand up, they block the view for other people, and the others need to stand up as well if they wish to see. Eventually, nearly everyone is standing up, and as a result, no one can see much better than before. The rational decision of some individuals at the micro level—to stand up for a better view—ended up as self-defeating at the macro level.
**Figure 5.2 Macroeconomic Goals, Framework, and Policies**
**Figure 5.2** illustrates the structure we will use to study such a large and complex subject as macroeconomics. We will study the macroeconomy from three different perspectives:
1. What are the macroeconomic goals? (Macroeconomics as a discipline does not have goals, but we do have goals for the macro economy.)
2. What are the frameworks economists can use to analyze the macroeconomy?
3. Finally, what are the policy tools governments can use to manage the macroeconomy?
**Figure 5.2 Macroeconomic Goals, Framework, and Policies**
This chart shows the perspectives we use to study macroeconomics.
The box on the left indicates a consensus of what are the most important goals for the macroeconomy, the middle box lists the frameworks economists use to analyze macroeconomic changes (such as inflation or recession), and the box on the right indicates the two tools the federal government uses to influence the macro economy.","Macroeconomics focuses on the economy as a whole (or on whole economies as they interact). Macroeconomics involves adding up the economic activity of all households and all businesses in all markets to obtain the overall supply and demand in the economy.
When we do that, however, something curious happens. What seems sensible from a microeconomic point of view can have unexpected or counterproductive results at the macroeconomic level. For example, imagine that you are sitting at an event with a large audience, like a live concert or a basketball game. A few people decide that they want a better view, and so they stand up. However, when these people stand up, they block the view for other people, and the others need to stand up as well if they wish to see. Eventually, nearly everyone is standing up, and as a result, no one can see much better than before. The rational decision of some individuals at the micro level—to stand up for a better view—ended up as self-defeating at the macro level.
- Identify the components of GDP on the demand side and on the supply side
- Evaluate how economists measure gross domestic product (GDP)
- Contrast and calculate GDP, net exports, and net national product
How large is the U.S. Economy? Economists typically measure the size of a nation's overall economy by its **gross domestic product (GDP), which is the market value of all final goods and services produced within a country in a given year**. Measuring GDP involves counting the production of millions of different goods and services—smart phones, cars, music downloads, computers, steel, bananas, college education, and all other new goods and services that a country produced in the current year—and summing them into a total dollar value. This task is straightforward: take the quantity of everything produced, multiply it by the price at which each product sold, and add up the total. In 2016, the U.S. GDP totaled \$18.6 trillion, the largest GDP in the world. In addition to the total GDP, economists use **GDP per capita**—GDP divided by a country's population.
Each of the market transactions that enter into GDP must involve both a buyer and a seller. We can measure an economy's GDP either by the total dollar value of what consumers purchase in the economy, or by the total dollar value of what is the country produces. There is even a third way, as we will explain later.","Identify the components of GDP on the demand side and on the supply side
Evaluate how economists measure gross domestic product (GDP)
Contrast and calculate GDP, net exports, and net national product
How large is the U.S. Economy? Economists typically measure the size of a nation's overall economy by its gross domestic product (GDP), which is the market value of all final goods and services produced within a country in a given year. Measuring GDP involves counting the production of millions of different goods and services—smart phones, cars, music downloads, computers, steel, bananas, college education, and all other new goods and services that a country produced in the current year—and summing them into a total dollar value. This task is straightforward: take the quantity of everything produced, multiply it by the price at which each product sold, and add up the total. In 2016, the U.S. GDP totaled \$18.6 trillion, the largest GDP in the world. In addition to the total GDP, economists use GDP per capita—GDP divided by a country's population.
Each of the market transactions that enter into GDP must involve both a buyer and a seller. We can measure an economy's GDP either by the total dollar value of what consumers purchase in the economy, or by the total dollar value of what is the country produces. There is even a third way, as we will explain later.",factors-that-can-shift-demand,"{""question"": ""Identify the components of GDP on the demand side and on the supply side"", ""answer"": ""GDP on the demand side includes consumption, investment, government spending, and net exports. GDP on the supply side includes wages, rents, interest, and profits.""}",Identify the components of GDP on the demand side and on the supply side,"GDP on the demand side includes consumption, investment, government spending, and net exports. GDP on the supply side includes wages, rents, interest, and profits.","['gdp', 'net exports', 'net national product', 'final goods', 'services', 'smart']"
140,05-01-01-shifts-in-labor-supply,05-01,1,Learn with Videos,"
Picture the economy as a giant supermarket, with billions of goods and services inside. At the checkout line, you watch as the cashier rings up the price for each finished good or service sold. What have you just observed? The cashier is computing a very important number: gross domestic product, or GDP.
","♪ [music] ♪ - [Narrator] What is
Gross Domestic Product, otherwise known as GDP? Gross Domestic Product is the market value
of all finished goods and services produced within a country in a year. Think about the economy
like a giant supermarket filled with millions of goods,
like dresses, and washing machines, and services,
like dog walking and massages. Every time a finished good
or service is sold, we ring up the price. At the end of the year,
we ring up the total -- that's the GDP. Let's look more closely
at some of the details. Notice that we said GDP
is the market value of all finished goods and services. A finished good or service is one that will not be sold again
as part of some other good. When a bakery buys
flour, eggs, and butter, we don't count these sales in GDP
because these goods aren't finished. They are intermediate goods that,
when combined, will become a finished good -- a cake, for example. But, if a consumer buys an egg
to make an omelet, the egg is a finished good because it won't be sold again
as part of some other good. In other words, our GDP supermarket
is like a real supermarket. At the GDP register, we ring up
the eggs sold to consumers, and the cakes, but we don't ring up
the eggs the baker used to make the cake. There are also goods
that are used to make other goods, but are still considered finished goods.
These are called capital goods. If Caterpillar produces a tractor
and sells it to a farm, the tractor is considered a finished good. The tractor is finished
and its value is added to the GDP. Although the tractor is used
to make other goods, it won't be sold again
as part of another good, so the tractor is still a finished good. ♪ [music] ♪ The GDP is the market value
of all finished goods and services produced within a country in a year. GDP only counts production. If an old house is sold this year,
that doesn't add to GDP since the house wasn't produced this year.
Only the sale of new houses add to GDP. ♪ [music] ♪ GDP also only counts goods and services
produced within a country. If you buy a bottle of wine
imported from France, that adds to France's GDP,
not to U.S. GDP. On the other hand, a computer
produced in the United States and exported to France
adds to the U.S. GDP. ♪ [music] ♪ Let's go back to the definition
one more time, to see some of the limits of GDP
as a measure of economic production. GDP is the market value
of all finished goods and services produced within a country in a year. If a good isn't bought
and sold in a market, then it's not typically counted in GDP. Why not? Counting the market value of, say, all the breakfast cereal
produced in the U.S. is easy, at least in principle. Just add up the price every time
a box of cereal is sold. Since market prices are observable,
every statistician who counts carefully will come up with pretty much
the same number. But, without market prices,
there's no easy or agreed upon way to calculate how much a good is worth. Polar bears, for example,
aren't counted in GDP. The statisticians and economists
who calculate GDP have nothing against polar bears. The problem is that there's no easy way
to calculate how valuable polar bears are. Just because GDP
doesn't include polar bears doesn't mean that
we can't love polar bears. And if polar bears were included in GDP, that wouldn't require us
to love polar bears either. Ultimately, GDP is just a number.
But it's a useful number. In the next few videos, we'll show
how the GDP number can be used as a measure of the standard of living. But for that, we'll have to make
a distinction between the Nominal GDP, what we have just discussed so far,
and Real GDP. So stay tuned. - [Narrator] If you want to test yourself,
click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on,
you can click ""Go to the Next Video."" You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see our entire library
of videos and resources. ♪ [music] ♪",shifts-in-labor-supply,"{
""question"": ""What is Gross Domestic Product (GDP)?"",
""answer"": ""GDP is the market value of all finished goods and services produced within a country in a year.""
}",What is Gross Domestic Product (GDP)?,GDP is the market value of all finished goods and services produced within a country in a year.,"['gross domestic product', 'finished goods', 'services', 'dog walking', 'massages', 'price']"
141,05-01-02-factors-that-can-shift-supply,05-01,2,GDP Measured by Components of Demand,"Who buys all of this production? We can divide this demand into four main parts:
1. Consumer spending (consumption)
2. Business spending (investment)
3. Government spending on goods and services,
4. Spending on net exports.
This method of arriving at the GDP is called the **Expenditure Approach. Table 5.1** shows how these four components added up to the GDP in 2016.
| Components | Components of GDP on the Demand Side (in trillions of dollars) | Percentage of Total |
| ------------- | -------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------- |
| Consumption | $12.8 | 68.8% |
| Investment | $3.0 | 16.1% |
| Government | $3.3 | 17.7% |
| Exports | $2.2 | 11.8% |
| Imports | -$2.7 | -14.5% |
| **Total GDP** | **$18.6** | **100%** |
**Table 5.1** Components of U.S. GDP in 2016: From the Demand Side (Source:
http://bea.gov/iTable/index_nipa.cfm)
**Figure 5.3** shows the levels of consumption, investment, and government purchases over time, expressed as a percentage of GDP.
**Figure 5.3 Percentage of Components of U.S. GDP on the Demand Side**
**Figure 5.4 (a) below** shows the levels of consumption, investment, and government purchases over time, expressed as a percentage of GDP, while **Figure 5.4 (b)** shows the levels of exports and imports as a percentage of GDP over time. A few patterns about each of these components are worth noticing.
**Figure 5.4 Components of GDP on the Demand Side**
(a) Consumption is about two-thirds of GDP, and it has been on a slight upward trend over time. Business investment hovers around 15% of GDP, but it fluctuates more than consumption. Government spending on goods and services is slightly under 20% of GDP and has declined modestly over time.
(b) Exports are added to total demand for goods and services, while imports are subtracted from total demand. If exports exceed imports, as in most of the 1960s and 1970s in the U.S. economy, a trade surplus exists. If imports exceed exports, as in recent years, then a trade deficit exists. (Source: http://bea.gov/iTable/index\_nipa.cfm)","Who buys all of this production? We can divide this demand into four main parts:
Consumer spending (consumption)
Business spending (investment)
Government spending on goods and services,
Spending on net exports.
This method of arriving at the GDP is called the Expenditure Approach. Table 5.1 shows how these four components added up to the GDP in 2016.
Table 5.1 Components of U.S. GDP in 2016: From the Demand Side (Source:
http://bea.gov/iTable/index_nipa.cfm)
Figure 5.3 shows the levels of consumption, investment, and government purchases over time, expressed as a percentage of GDP.
Consumption expenditure by households is the largest component of GDP,
accounting for about two-thirds of the GDP in any year.
This tells us that consumers' spending decisions are a major driver of the economy. However, consumer spending is a gentle elephant: when viewed over time, it does not jump around too much, and has increased modestly from about 60% of GDP in the 1960s and 1970s. (see **Figure 5.4, panel (a)**).
Investment expenditure refers to purchases of physical plant and equipment, primarily by businesses. If Starbucks builds a new store, or Amazon buys robots, they count these expenditures under business investment. Investment demand is far smaller than consumption demand, typically accounting for only about 15-18% of GDP, but it is very important for the economy because this is where jobs are created. However, it fluctuates more noticeably than consumption. Business investment is volatile. New technology or a new product can spur business investment, but then confidence can drop and business investment can pull back sharply.
If you have noticed any of the infrastructure projects (new bridges, highways, airports) launched during the 2009 recession, you have seen how important government spending can be for the economy. Government expenditure in the United States is close to 20% of GDP and includes spending by **all three levels of government: federal, state, and local**.
The only part of government spending counted in demand is government purchases of goods or services produced in the economy. Examples include the government buying a new fighter jet for the Air Force (federal government spending), building a new highway (state government spending), or a new school (local government spending). A significant portion of government budgets consists of **transfer payments**, like unemployment benefits, veteran's benefits, and Social Security payments to retirees. The government **excludes these payments** from GDP because it does not receive a new good or service in return or exchange. Instead they are transfers of income from taxpayers to others. If you are curious about the awesome undertaking of adding up GDP, read the following **Clear It Up** feature.","What do economists mean by investment, or business spending? In calculating GDP, investment does not refer to purchasing stocks and bonds or trading financial assets. It refers to purchasing new capital goods, that is, new commercial real estate (such as buildings, factories, and stores) and equipment, residential housing construction, and inventories. Inventories that manufacturers produce this year are included in this year's GDP—even if they are not yet sold. From the accountant's perspective, it is as if the firm invested in its own inventories. Business investment in 2016 was $3 trillion, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis.
Consumption expenditure by households is the largest component of GDP,
accounting for about two-thirds of the GDP in any year.
This tells us that consumers' spending decisions are a major driver of the economy. However, consumer spending is a gentle elephant: when viewed over time, it does not jump around too much, and has increased modestly from about 60% of GDP in the 1960s and 1970s. (see Figure 5.4, panel (a)).
Investment expenditure refers to purchases of physical plant and equipment, primarily by businesses. If Starbucks builds a new store, or Amazon buys robots, they count these expenditures under business investment. Investment demand is far smaller than consumption demand, typically accounting for only about 15-18% of GDP, but it is very important for the economy because this is where jobs are created. However, it fluctuates more noticeably than consumption. Business investment is volatile. New technology or a new product can spur business investment, but then confidence can drop and business investment can pull back sharply.
If you have noticed any of the infrastructure projects (new bridges, highways, airports) launched during the 2009 recession, you have seen how important government spending can be for the economy. Government expenditure in the United States is close to 20% of GDP and includes spending by all three levels of government: federal, state, and local.
The only part of government spending counted in demand is government purchases of goods or services produced in the economy. Examples include the government buying a new fighter jet for the Air Force (federal government spending), building a new highway (state government spending), or a new school (local government spending). A significant portion of government budgets consists of transfer payments, like unemployment benefits, veteran's benefits, and Social Security payments to retirees. The government excludes these payments from GDP because it does not receive a new good or service in return or exchange. Instead they are transfers of income from taxpayers to others. If you are curious about the awesome undertaking of adding up GDP, read the following Clear It Up feature.",learn-with-videos,"What does investment refer to in the context of calculating GDP?
Answer: Investment refers to purchasing new capital goods, residential housing construction, equipment, and inventories.",What does investment refer to in the context of calculating GDP?,"Investment refers to purchasing new capital goods, residential housing construction, equipment, and inventories.","['business spending', 'gdp', 'commercial real estate', 'residential housing construction', 'inventories', 'consumer']"
143,05-01-06-learn-with-videos-1,05-01,6,Another Way to Measure GDP: The National Income Approach,"The primary way GDP is estimated is with the Expenditure Approach we discussed above, but there is another way. Everything a firm produces, when sold, becomes revenues to the firm. Businesses use revenues to pay their bills: wages and salaries for labor, interest and dividends for capital, rent for land, profit to the entrepreneur, etc. Adding up all the income produced in a year, from all the factors of production, provides a second way of measuring GDP. This is why the terms GDP and national income (denoted as Y) are sometimes used interchangeably. The total value of a nation's output is equal to the total value of a nation's income.","The primary way GDP is estimated is with the Expenditure Approach we discussed above, but there is another way. Everything a firm produces, when sold, becomes revenues to the firm. Businesses use revenues to pay their bills: wages and salaries for labor, interest and dividends for capital, rent for land, profit to the entrepreneur, etc. Adding up all the income produced in a year, from all the factors of production, provides a second way of measuring GDP. This is why the terms GDP and national income (denoted as Y) are sometimes used interchangeably. The total value of a nation's output is equal to the total value of a nation's income.",learn-with-videos-1,"Question: What is the Expenditure Approach used for in estimating GDP?
Answer: The Expenditure Approach is used to estimate GDP by adding up all the income produced in a year.",What is the Expenditure Approach used for in estimating GDP?,The Expenditure Approach is used to estimate GDP by adding up all the income produced in a year.,"['gdp', 'spending approach', 'revenues', 'wages', 'salaries', 'interest', 'dividends']"
144,05-01-07-the-minimum-wage-as-an-example-of-a-price-floor,05-01,7,Learn with Videos,"
GDP data are among the most important economic data available for measuring
economic growth, but measuring the output of a large, dynamic economy is a
complex task.
","LOL, IDK, XOXO, BFF, TTYL, GDP. Were you stumped by the last acronym? GDP stands for Gross Domestic Product. You probably don't see many references to
it on social media, but GDP conveys an important message on the economy. Economists use this measurement to tell the
story of the economy. They use this measurement to determine the
size of the economy at a point in time and growth of the economy over time. GDP measures the total market value of all
final goods and services produced in an economy in a given year. Goods are items that are touchable such as
appliances, cars, and clothing. Services are actions—things people do for
us such as haircuts, car repairs and customer service. Let's take a look at three phrases used to
define GDP. The first phrase is ""Total market value."" The value of a good or service is determined
by the price paid for that item in the marketplace. When you add those prices together you have
the total value of GDP. The second phrase is ""Final goods and services."" The use of ""Final"" in this phrase refers to
goods and services sold to an end user. Let's look at it this way. Tires are sold to a company that produces
automobiles. Those tires installed on a new car are not
counted in GDP. Why? Because the tires are not a final good. The tires are an intermediate good—a good
used in the production of final goods and services. The value of the tires will be reflected in
the total price of the car when it's sold to the end user. However, when new tires are purchased by the
end user to replace the worn out tires on the car, this value is counted in GDP. Those tires are a final good because they
were sold to the end user. The third and final phrase is, ""Produced within
an economy."" Only goods and services produced within a
country's borders count in that nation's GDP. So, to be counted in U.S. GDP something must
be produced within the borders of the United States. GDP does not take the national ownership of
the business that produces the good or service into consideration. So, a car produced in Kentucky counts as U.S.
GDP even if it's produced by a foreign company; but a car produced in Mexico does not count
as U.S. GDP even if it's produced by a U.S. company. So, GDP measures the size of the economy—the
total market value of all final goods and services produced within an economy in a given
year. GDP is among the most important and widely
reported pieces of economic data. A wide variety of people, from business owners
to policymakers, use GDP in decision making. Economists use actual market prices to calculate
the value of GDP. And as you know prices are constantly changing
and those changing prices can make it difficult to understand a change in GDP. For example, an increase in GDP could mean
any of the following: (A) The country has produced more goods and
services. (B) The country has produced the same amount
of goods and services, but the prices of those goods and services have increased. Or ...
(C), the country has some combination of more goods and services produced and higher prices. GDP can be looked at two different ways. When GDP is presented in its unadjusted form,
it's called Nominal GDP. To calculate the real increase or decrease
over time in the level of final goods and services produced, price changes are removed
from GDP data. This revised measurement is called Real GDP. So real GDP is GDP adjusted for inflation
and more accurately reflects the actual increase or decrease in output—that is, production
of goods and services. Economists measure economic growth by comparing
real GDP over time. Economic growth is usually presented as a
percentage increase or decrease from an earlier period. And, as we've already learned, it's important
to adjust GDP for inflation. For example, it might be useful to know that
nominal GDP in the third quarter of 2013 was $16.9 trillion, but it's probably more meaningful
to know that real GDP increased by, or the economy grew by, an annual rate of 4.1 percent
in the third quarter of 2013. Real GDP removes the effects of price changes,
but to discuss growth, we focus on the percent increase in real GDP instead of the total
value—or level—of GDP. To put that 4.1 percent in context, consider
that real GDP has grown at an average annual rate of 3.3 percent since 1950. Remember, however, that 3.3 percent is an
average taken over a long time period—GDP has a tendency to bounce around a bit from
quarter to quarter. A general rule of thumb is that two consecutive
quarters of declining real GDP constitute a recession. Although economists have more comprehensive
ways to determine the phases of the business cycle, this rule of thumb is widely used. In short, GDP is central to our understanding
of the state of the economy. In addition to measuring the economy, GDP
can also be used to indicate, on average, the standard of living for people in different
countries. Because goods and services are sold for money,
and money earned in producing goods and services is income, GDP is a measure of national income. To determine the impact of national income
on individual people, GDP is divided by the country's population. The resulting measurement is GDP per person
and is most commonly called GDP per capita. For example, think of two countries—Alpha
and Omega—with comparable GDP, say $200 billion each. One might assume that the citizens of Alpha
and Omega have a similar standard of living because their countries have comparable GDPs. But, what if Alpha has a population of 200
million people and Omega has a population of 5 million people? Because Alpha's GDP is divided among a much
larger population, each person's share is much smaller. In this case, Alpha's GDP per capita is $1,000,
while Omega's is $40,000. So, while their GDPs are the same, once they're
divided by the population it's easier to see a dramatic difference in the standard of living
in these two nations. Notice, though, that GDP per capita is an
average. The actual earnings of individual people will
likely vary greatly depending on the distribution of income. Changes in real GDP per capita within the
same country can be used to estimate changes in its standard of living over time. An increase in real GDP per capita over time
is interpreted as an increase in the standard of living—a worthy goal for any society. GDP helps us identify growth in an economy. And a growing economy is an economy that produces
more and more goods and services for its population. And, generally speaking, more is better. GDP data are among the most important economic
data available, but measuring the output of a large, dynamic economy is a complex task. GDP measures production levels during a period
of time and can be adjusted for inflation—a measure called real GDP—and compared with
earlier periods to evaluate economic growth. All things being equal, growth is good, and
GDP measures growth.",the-minimum-wage-as-an-example-of-a-price-floor,"What does GDP stand for and what does it measure?
Answer: GDP stands for Gross Domestic Product and it measures the total market value of all final goods and services produced in an economy in a given year.",What does GDP stand for and what does it measure?,GDP stands for Gross Domestic Product and it measures the total market value of all final goods and services produced in an economy in a given year.,"['gdp', 'gross domestic product', 'end user', 'hamburg', 'car repairs']"
145,05-01-08-whats-the-harm-in-raising-the-minimum-wage,05-01,8,The Problem of Double Counting,"We define GDP as the current value of all final goods and services produced in a nation in a year. What are final goods? They are goods at the furthest stage of production at the end of a year. Statisticians who calculate GDP must avoid the mistake of double counting, in which they count output more than once as it travels through the production stages. For example, imagine what would happen if government statisticians first counted the value of tires that a tire manufacturer produces, and then counted the value of a new truck that an automaker sold that contains those tires. In this example, the statisticians would have counted the value of the tires twice-because the truck's price includes the value of the tires.
To avoid this problem, which would overstate the size of the economy considerably, government statisticians count just the value of **final goods and services** in the chain of production that are sold for consumption, investment, government, and trade purposes. Statisticians exclude **intermediate goods**, which are goods that go into producing other goods, from GDP calculations. From the example above, they will only count the Ford truck's value. The value of what businesses provide to other businesses is captured in the final products at the end of the production chain.
Notice the items that are not counted into GDP, as Table 5.3 outlines. The sales of used goods are not included because they were produced in the previous year and are part of that year's GDP. The entire underground economy of services paid “under the table” and illegal sales should be counted, but is not, because it is impossible to track these sales. In Friedrich Schneider's recent study of shadow economies, he estimated the underground economy in the United States to be 6.6% of GDP, or close to $2 trillion dollars in 2013 alone. Transfer payments, such as payment by the government to individuals, are not included, because they do not represent production. Also, production of some goods—such as home production as when you make your breakfast—is not counted because these goods are not sold in the marketplace.
| What is Counted in GDP | What is not included in GDP |
| ----------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------- |
| Consumption | Intermediate goods |
| Business investment | Transfer payments and non-market activities |
| Government spending on goods and services | Used goods |
| Net exports | Illegal goods |
**Table 5.3** Counting GDP","We define GDP as the current value of all final goods and services produced in a nation in a year. What are final goods? They are goods at the furthest stage of production at the end of a year. Statisticians who calculate GDP must avoid the mistake of double counting, in which they count output more than once as it travels through the production stages. For example, imagine what would happen if government statisticians first counted the value of tires that a tire manufacturer produces, and then counted the value of a new truck that an automaker sold that contains those tires. In this example, the statisticians would have counted the value of the tires twice-because the truck's price includes the value of the tires.
To avoid this problem, which would overstate the size of the economy considerably, government statisticians count just the value of final goods and services in the chain of production that are sold for consumption, investment, government, and trade purposes. Statisticians exclude intermediate goods, which are goods that go into producing other goods, from GDP calculations. From the example above, they will only count the Ford truck's value. The value of what businesses provide to other businesses is captured in the final products at the end of the production chain.
Notice the items that are not counted into GDP, as Table 5.3 outlines. The sales of used goods are not included because they were produced in the previous year and are part of that year's GDP. The entire underground economy of services paid “under the table” and illegal sales should be counted, but is not, because it is impossible to track these sales. In Friedrich Schneider's recent study of shadow economies, he estimated the underground economy in the United States to be 6.6% of GDP, or close to $2 trillion dollars in 2013 alone. Transfer payments, such as payment by the government to individuals, are not included, because they do not represent production. Also, production of some goods—such as home production as when you make your breakfast—is not counted because these goods are not sold in the marketplace.
Table 5.3 Counting GDP",whats-the-harm-in-raising-the-minimum-wage,"Question: What types of goods are excluded from GDP calculations?
Answer: Intermediate goods, used goods, underground economy sales, and transfer payments are excluded from GDP calculations.",What types of goods are excluded from GDP calculations?,"Intermediate goods, used goods, underground economy sales, and transfer payments are excluded from GDP calculations.","['gdp', 'final goods', 'services', 'government statisticians', 'tire manufacturer produces', 'autom']"
146,05-01-09-learn-with-videos-2,05-01,9,Other Ways to Measure the Economy,"Besides GDP, there are several different but closely related ways of measuring the size of the economy. We mentioned above that we can think of GDP as total production and as total purchases. We can also think of it as total income since anything one produces and sells yields income.
One of the closest cousins of GDP is the **gross national product (GNP)**. GDP includes only what country produces within its borders. GNP adds what domestic businesses and labor abroad produces, and subtracts any payments that foreign labor and businesses located in the United States send home to other countries. In other words, GNP is based more on what a country's citizens and firms produce, wherever they are located, and GDP is based on what happens within a certain county's geographic boundaries. For the United States, the gap between GDP and GNP is relatively small; in recent years, only about 0.2%. For small nations, which may have a substantial share of their population working abroad and sending money back home, the difference can be substantial.
We calculate **net national product (NNP)** by taking GNP and then subtracting the value of how much physical capital is worn out, or reduced in value because of aging, over the course of a year. The process by which capital ages and loses value is called **depreciation**. We can further subdivide NNP into **national income**, which includes total income earned by the factors of production owned by a country's citizens.
For practical purposes, it is not vital to memorize these definitions. However, it is important to be aware that these differences exist and to know what statistic you are examining, so that you do not accidentally compare, say, GDP in one year or for one country with GNP or NNP in another year or another country. To get an idea of how these calculations work, follow the steps in the following section.","Besides GDP, there are several different but closely related ways of measuring the size of the economy. We mentioned above that we can think of GDP as total production and as total purchases. We can also think of it as total income since anything one produces and sells yields income.
One of the closest cousins of GDP is the gross national product (GNP). GDP includes only what country produces within its borders. GNP adds what domestic businesses and labor abroad produces, and subtracts any payments that foreign labor and businesses located in the United States send home to other countries. In other words, GNP is based more on what a country's citizens and firms produce, wherever they are located, and GDP is based on what happens within a certain county's geographic boundaries. For the United States, the gap between GDP and GNP is relatively small; in recent years, only about 0.2%. For small nations, which may have a substantial share of their population working abroad and sending money back home, the difference can be substantial.
We calculate net national product (NNP) by taking GNP and then subtracting the value of how much physical capital is worn out, or reduced in value because of aging, over the course of a year. The process by which capital ages and loses value is called depreciation. We can further subdivide NNP into national income, which includes total income earned by the factors of production owned by a country's citizens.
For practical purposes, it is not vital to memorize these definitions. However, it is important to be aware that these differences exist and to know what statistic you are examining, so that you do not accidentally compare, say, GDP in one year or for one country with GNP or NNP in another year or another country. To get an idea of how these calculations work, follow the steps in the following section.",learn-with-videos-2,"{
""question"": ""What is the difference between GDP and GNP?"",
""answer"": ""GDP includes only what a country produces within its borders, while GNP also includes what domestic businesses and labor abroad produce.""
}",What is the difference between GDP and GNP?,"GDP includes only what a country produces within its borders, while GNP also includes what domestic businesses and labor abroad produce.","['gdp', 'total production', 'total purchases', 'domestic businesses', 'foreign labor', 'united states']"
147,05-04-02-bring-it-home,05-04,2,Converting GDP to a Common Currency,"Using the exchange rate to convert GDP from one currency to another is straightforward. Say that the task is to compare Brazil's GDP in 2013 of 4.8 trillion reals with the U.S. GDP of \$16.6 trillion for the same year.
",Using the exchange rate to convert GDP from one currency to another is straightforward. Say that the task is to compare Brazil's GDP in 2013 of 4.8 trillion reals with the U.S. GDP of \$16.6 trillion for the same year.,bring-it-home,"{""question"": ""What is the task of using the exchange rate to convert GDP from one currency to another?"", ""answer"": ""To compare Brazil's GDP in 2013 of 4.8 trillion reals with the U.S. GDP of $16.6 trillion for the same year.""}",What is the task of using the exchange rate to convert GDP from one currency to another?,To compare Brazil's GDP in 2013 of 4.8 trillion reals with the U.S. GDP of $16.6 trillion for the same year.,"['exchange rate', 'brazil', 'us gdp', 'euro']"
148,15-04-01-expansionary-fiscal-policy,15-04,1,Expansionary Fiscal Policy,"Expansionary fiscal policy increases the level of aggregate demand, through either increases in government spending or reductions in tax rates. Expansionary policy can do this by:
1.Increasing consumption by raising disposable income through cuts in personal income taxes or payroll taxes
2. Increasing investment spending by raising after-tax profits through cuts in business taxes
3. Increasing government purchases through increased federal government spending on final goods and services and raising federal grants to state and local governments to increase their expenditures on final goods and services.
Contractionary fiscal policy does the reverse: it decreases the level of aggregate demand by decreasing consumption, decreasing investment, and decreasing government spending, either through cuts in government spending or increases in taxes. The aggregate demand/aggregate supply model is useful in judging whether expansionary or contractionary fiscal policy is appropriate.
Consider first the situation in **Figure 15.9**, which is similar to the U.S. economy during the 2008-2009 recession.
**Figure 15.9** Expansionary Fiscal Policy
The intersection of aggregate demand ($AD_0$) and aggregate supply ($\text{SRAS}_0$) is occurring below the level of potential GDP as the LRAS curve indicates. At the equilibrium ($E_0$), a recession occurs and unemployment rises. In this case, expansionary fiscal policy using tax cuts or increases in government spending can shift aggregate demand to AD1, closer to the full-employment level of output. In addition, the price level would rise to P1, the price level associated with the long-run equilibrium and potential GDP.
Should the government use tax cuts or spending increases, or a mix of the two,
to carry out the expansionary fiscal policy?
During the 2008-2009 Great Recession, the U.S. economy suffered a 3.1% cumulative loss of GDP. That may not sound like much, but it's more than one year's average growth rate of GDP. Over that time frame, the unemployment rate doubled from 5% to 10%. The consensus view is that this was possibly the worst economic downturn in U.S. history since the 1930's Great Depression. The choice between whether to use tax or spending tools often has a political tinge.
As a general statement, conservatives and Republicans prefer to see expansionary fiscal policy carried out by tax cuts, while liberals and Democrats prefer that the government implement expansionary fiscal policy through spending increases. In a bipartisan effort to address the extreme situation, the Obama administration and Congress passed an $830 billion expansionary policy in early 2009 involving both tax cuts and increases in government spending. At the same time, however, the federal stimulus was partially offset when state and local governments, whose budgets were hard hit by the recession, began cutting their spending.
The conflict over which policy tool to use can be frustrating to those who want to categorize economics as “liberal” or “conservative,” or who want to use economic models to argue against their political opponents. However, advocates of smaller government, who seek to reduce taxes and government spending, as well as advocates of bigger government, who seek to raise taxes and government spending, can use the AD/AS model. Economic studies of specific taxing and spending programs can help inform decisions about whether the government should change taxes or spending, and in what ways. Ultimately, decisions about whether to use tax or spending mechanisms to implement macroeconomic policy is a political decision rather than a purely economic one.
Expansionary fiscal policy can help ease the pain of a recession, but it also requires smartly shifting around resources in a multi-trillion dollar economy. ...
","Expansionary fiscal policy increases the level of aggregate demand, through either increases in government spending or reductions in tax rates. Expansionary policy can do this by:
1.Increasing consumption by raising disposable income through cuts in personal income taxes or payroll taxes
Increasing investment spending by raising after-tax profits through cuts in business taxes
Increasing government purchases through increased federal government spending on final goods and services and raising federal grants to state and local governments to increase their expenditures on final goods and services.
Contractionary fiscal policy does the reverse: it decreases the level of aggregate demand by decreasing consumption, decreasing investment, and decreasing government spending, either through cuts in government spending or increases in taxes. The aggregate demand/aggregate supply model is useful in judging whether expansionary or contractionary fiscal policy is appropriate.
Consider first the situation in Figure 15.9, which is similar to the U.S. economy during the 2008-2009 recession.
**Table 5.4**
","Based on the information in Table 5.4:
What is the value of GDP?
What is the value of net exports?
What is the value of NNP?
Table 5.4",overview,"{""question"": ""What is the value of GDP?"", ""answer"": ""The value of GDP is the total monetary value of all finished goods and services produced within a country's borders in a specific time period.""}
{""question"": ""What is the value of net exports?"", ""answer"": ""The value of net exports is the difference between the value of a country's exports and the value of its imports.""}
{""question"": ""What is the value of NNP?"", ""answer"": ""The value of NNP (Net National Product) is the total monetary value of all final goods and services produced by the residents of a country in a specific time period, minus the value of depreciation.""}","{""question"": ""What is the value of GDP?"", ""answer"": ""The value of GDP is the total monetary value of all finished goods and services produced within a country's borders in a specific time period.""}","{""question"": ""What is the value of net exports?"", ""answer"": ""The value of net exports is the difference between the value of a country's exports and the value of its imports.""}","['table 54', 'gdp', 'net exports', 'nnp', 'table']"
150,05-01-11-who-demands-and-who-supplies-in-financial-markets,05-01,11,To calculate GDP use the following formula,"$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{GDP} &= \text{Consumption} + \text{Investment} + \text{Government spending} + \text{Exports} - \text{Imports} \\
&= C + I + G + (X - M) \\
&= \text{\$400} + \text{\$60} + \text{\$120} + (\$100 - \$120) \\
&= \text{\$560 billion} \\
\end{aligned}
$$","$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{GDP} &= \text{Consumption} + \text{Investment} + \text{Government spending} + \text{Exports} - \text{Imports} \
&= C + I + G + (X - M) \
&= \text{\$400} + \text{\$60} + \text{\$120} + (\$100 - \$120) \
&= \text{\$560 billion} \
\end{aligned}
$$",who-demands-and-who-supplies-in-financial-markets,"{""question"": ""What is the value of GDP in this scenario?"", ""answer"": ""$560 billion""}",What is the value of GDP in this scenario?,$560 billion,"['gdp', '', '', 'consumption', 'investment', 'government spending', 'exports', 'end']"
151,05-01-13-shifts-in-demand-and-supply-in-financial-markets,05-01,13,"To calculate NNP, use the following formula","$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{NNP} &= \text{GDP} + \text{Income receipts from the rest of the world}
\\ &- \text{Income payments to the rest of the world} - \text{Depreciation} \\
&= \text{\$560} + \text{\$10} - \text{\$8} - \text{\$40} \\
&= \text{\$522 billion}
\end{aligned}
$$
Visit this [website](https://www.usnews.com/news/blogs/rick-newman/2013/03/18/the-new-underground-economy) to read about The New Underground Economy.
","$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{NNP} &= \text{GDP} + \text{Income receipts from the rest of the world}
\ &- \text{Income payments to the rest of the world} - \text{Depreciation} \
&= \text{\$560} + \text{\$10} - \text{\$8} - \text{\$40} \
&= \text{\$522 billion}
\end{aligned}
$$
Visit this website to read about The New Underground Economy.",shifts-in-demand-and-supply-in-financial-markets,"{""question"": ""What is the value of NNP?"", ""answer"": ""The value of NNP is $522 billion.""}",What is the value of NNP?,The value of NNP is $522 billion.,"[' gdp', 'income receipts', 'gdpinflation', 'depreciation']"
152,05-02-00-the-united-states-as-a-global-borrower,05-02,0,Overview,"
- Define and contrast nominal GDP and real GDP
- Explain GDP deflator
- Calculate real GDP based on nominal GDP values
When examining economic statistics, there is a crucial distinction worth emphasizing. The distinction is between nominal and real measurements, which refer to whether or not **inflation** has distorted a given statistic. Looking at economic statistics without considering inflation is like looking through a pair of binoculars and trying to guess how close something is: unless you know how strong the lenses are, you cannot guess the distance very accurately. Similarly, if you do not know the inflation rate, it is difficult to figure out if a rise in GDP is due mainly to a rise in the overall level of prices or to a rise in quantities of goods produced. The **nominal value** of any economic statistic means that we measure the statistic in terms of actual prices that exist at the time. The **real value** refers to the same statistic after it has been adjusted for inflation. Generally, it is the real value that is more important.","Define and contrast nominal GDP and real GDP
Explain GDP deflator
Calculate real GDP based on nominal GDP values
When examining economic statistics, there is a crucial distinction worth emphasizing. The distinction is between nominal and real measurements, which refer to whether or not inflation has distorted a given statistic. Looking at economic statistics without considering inflation is like looking through a pair of binoculars and trying to guess how close something is: unless you know how strong the lenses are, you cannot guess the distance very accurately. Similarly, if you do not know the inflation rate, it is difficult to figure out if a rise in GDP is due mainly to a rise in the overall level of prices or to a rise in quantities of goods produced. The nominal value of any economic statistic means that we measure the statistic in terms of actual prices that exist at the time. The real value refers to the same statistic after it has been adjusted for inflation. Generally, it is the real value that is more important.",the-united-states-as-a-global-borrower,"{""question"": ""Define and contrast nominal GDP and real GDP"", ""answer"": ""Nominal GDP refers to the measurement of GDP in current prices, while real GDP adjusts for inflation and measures GDP in constant prices.""}",Define and contrast nominal GDP and real GDP,"Nominal GDP refers to the measurement of GDP in current prices, while real GDP adjusts for inflation and measures GDP in constant prices.","['gdp deflator', 'real gdp', 'economic statistics', 'real measurements', 'inflation rate']"
153,05-04-03-how-is-the-economy-doing-how-does-one-tell,05-04,3,GDP Per Capita,"The U.S. economy has the largest GDP in the world, by a considerable amount. The United States is also a populous country; in fact, it is the third largest country by population in the world, although well behind China and India. Is the U.S. economy larger than other countries just because the United States has more people than most other countries, or is it actually larger on a per-person basis? We can answer this question by calculating a country's GDP per capita; that is, the GDP divided by the population.
GDP per capita = GDP/population
| Country | GDP (in billions of U.S. dollars) | Population (in millions) | Per Capita GDP (in U.S. dollars) |
| -------------- | --------------------------------- | ------------------------ | -------------------------------- |
| Brazil | 2,246.00 | 199.20 | 11,275.10 |
| Canada | 1,826.80 | 35.10 | 52,045.58 |
| China | 9,469.10 | 1,360.80 | 6,958.48 |
| Egypt | 271.40 | 83.70 | 3,242.90 |
| Germany | 3,636.00 | 80.80 | 44,999.50 |
| India | 1,876.80 | 1,243.30 | 1,509.50 |
| Japan | 4,898.50 | 127.3 | 38,479.97 |
| Mexico | 1,260.90 | 118.40 | 10,649.90 |
| South Korea | 1,304.47 | 50.20 | 25,985.46 |
| United Kingdom | 2,523.20 | 64.10 | 39,363.50 |
| United States | 16,768.10 | 316.30 | 53,013.28 |
**Table 5.11** GDP Per Capita, 2013
Notice that the ranking by GDP is different from the ranking by GDP per capita. India has a somewhat larger GDP than Germany, but on a per capita basis, Germany has more than 10 times India's standard of living. Will China soon have a better standard of living than the U.S.? Read the following **Clear It Up** feature to find out.","The U.S. economy has the largest GDP in the world, by a considerable amount. The United States is also a populous country; in fact, it is the third largest country by population in the world, although well behind China and India. Is the U.S. economy larger than other countries just because the United States has more people than most other countries, or is it actually larger on a per-person basis? We can answer this question by calculating a country's GDP per capita; that is, the GDP divided by the population.
GDP per capita = GDP/population
Table 5.11 GDP Per Capita, 2013
Notice that the ranking by GDP is different from the ranking by GDP per capita. India has a somewhat larger GDP than Germany, but on a per capita basis, Germany has more than 10 times India's standard of living. Will China soon have a better standard of living than the U.S.? Read the following Clear It Up feature to find out.",how-is-the-economy-doing-how-does-one-tell,"Question: Is the size of the U.S. economy solely determined by its population compared to other countries, or is it also larger on a per-person basis?
Answer: The size of the U.S. economy is determined not only by its population but also by its GDP per capita.","Is the size of the U.S. economy solely determined by its population compared to other countries, or is it also larger on a per-person basis?", ,"['upi', 'us economy', 'population', 'india', 'german']"
154,05-02-02-learn-with-videos,05-02,2,Computing GDP,"We can use the data in Table 5.5 to compute real GDP.
| Year | Nominal GDP (billions of dollars) | GDP Deflator (2005 = 100) |
| ---- | --------------------------------- | ------------------------- |
| 1960 | 543.3 | 19.0 |
| 1965 | 743.7 | 20.3 |
| 1970 | 1,075.9 | 24.8 |
| 1975 | 1,688.9 | 34.1 |
| 1980 | 2,862.5 | 48.3 |
| 1985 | 4,346.7 | 62.3 |
| 1990 | 5,979.6 | 72.7 |
| 1995 | 7,664.0 | 81.7 |
| 2000 | 10,289.7 | 89.0 |
| 2005 | 13,095.4 | 100.0 |
| 2010 | 14,958.3 | 110.0 |
**Table 5.5**","We can use the data in Table 5.5 to compute real GDP.
Table 5.5",learn-with-videos,"{""properties"": {""question"": {""title"": ""Question"", ""description"": ""question"", ""type"": ""string""}, ""answer"": {""title"": ""Answer"", ""description"": ""answer"", ""type"": ""string""}}, ""required"": [""question"", ""answer""]}
Question: What can we use the data in Table 5.5 to compute?
Answer: Real GDP.","{""properties"": {""question"": {""title"": ""Question"", ""description"": ""question"", ""type"": ""string""}, ""answer"": {""title"": ""Answer"", ""description"": ""answer"", ""type"": ""string""}}, ""required"": [""question"", ""answer""]}",Question: What can we use the data in Table 5.5 to compute?,"['table 55', 'real gdp', 'budget']"
155,05-03-00-price-ceilings-in-financial-markets-usury-laws,05-03,0,Overview,"
- Explain recessions, depressions, peaks, and troughs
- Evaluate the importance of tracking real GDP over time
When news reports indicate that “the economy grew 1.2% in the first quarter,” the reports are referring to the percentage change in real GDP. By convention, governments report GDP growth is at an annualized rate: Whatever the calculated growth in real GDP was for the quarter, we multiply it by four when it is reported as if the economy were growing at that rate for a full year.
Figure 5.10 shows the pattern of U.S. real GDP since 1900. Short term declines have regularly interrupted the generally upward long-term path of GDP. We call a significant decline in real GDP a recession. We call an especially lengthy and deep recession a depression. The severe drop in GDP that occurred during the 1930s Great Depression is clearly visible in the figure, as is the 2008-2009 Great Recession.
**Figure 6.10 U.S. GDP, 1900-2016**
Real GDP in the United States in 2016 (in 2009 dollars) was about $16.7 trillion. After adjusting to remove the effects of inflation, this represents a roughly 20-fold increase in the economy's production of goods and services since the start of the twentieth century.","- Explain recessions, depressions, peaks, and troughs
Evaluate the importance of tracking real GDP over time
When news reports indicate that “the economy grew 1.2% in the first quarter,” the reports are referring to the percentage change in real GDP. By convention, governments report GDP growth is at an annualized rate: Whatever the calculated growth in real GDP was for the quarter, we multiply it by four when it is reported as if the economy were growing at that rate for a full year.
Figure 5.10 shows the pattern of U.S. real GDP since 1900. Short term declines have regularly interrupted the generally upward long-term path of GDP. We call a significant decline in real GDP a recession. We call an especially lengthy and deep recession a depression. The severe drop in GDP that occurred during the 1930s Great Depression is clearly visible in the figure, as is the 2008-2009 Great Recession.
- Explain how we can use GDP to compare the economic welfare of different nations
- Calculate the conversion of GDP to a common currency by using exchange rates
- Calculate GDP per capita using population data
It is common to use GDP as a measure of economic welfare or standard of living in a nation. When comparing the GDP of different nations for this purpose, two issues immediately arise:
1. First, we measure a country's GDP in its own currency: the United States uses the U.S. dollar; Canada, the Canadian dollar; most countries of Western Europe, the euro; Japan, the yen; Mexico, the peso; and so on. Thus, comparing GDP between two countries requires converting to a common currency.
2. A second issue is that countries have very different numbers of people. For instance, the United States has a much larger economy than Mexico or Canada, but it also has almost three times as many people as Mexico and nine times as many people as Canada. Thus, if we are trying to compare standards of living across countries, we need to divide GDP by population.","Explain how we can use GDP to compare the economic welfare of different nations
Calculate the conversion of GDP to a common currency by using exchange rates
Calculate GDP per capita using population data
It is common to use GDP as a measure of economic welfare or standard of living in a nation. When comparing the GDP of different nations for this purpose, two issues immediately arise:
First, we measure a country's GDP in its own currency: the United States uses the U.S. dollar; Canada, the Canadian dollar; most countries of Western Europe, the euro; Japan, the yen; Mexico, the peso; and so on. Thus, comparing GDP between two countries requires converting to a common currency.
A second issue is that countries have very different numbers of people. For instance, the United States has a much larger economy than Mexico or Canada, but it also has almost three times as many people as Mexico and nine times as many people as Canada. Thus, if we are trying to compare standards of living across countries, we need to divide GDP by population.",why-are-demand-and-supply-curves-important,"Question: What are the two issues that arise when comparing the GDP of different nations for the purpose of measuring economic welfare or standard of living?
Answer: The two issues that arise are converting GDP to a common currency and dividing GDP by population.",What are the two issues that arise when comparing the GDP of different nations for the purpose of measuring economic welfare or standard of living?,The two issues that arise are converting GDP to a common currency and dividing GDP by population.,"['gdp', 'economic welfare', 'common currency', 'exchange rates', 'population data', 'euro', 'j']"
157,05-04-01-baby-boomers-come-of-age,05-04,1,Converting Currencies with Exchange Rates,"To compare the GDP of countries with different currencies, it is necessary to convert to a “common denominator” using an **exchange rate**, which is the value of one currency in terms of another currency. We express exchange rates either as the number of units of country A's currency that need to be traded for a single unit of country B's currency (for example, Japanese yen per British pound), or as the inverse (for example, British pounds per Japanese yen).
**We can use two types of exchange rates for this purpose:**
1. Market exchange rates
2. Purchasing power parity (PPP) equivalent exchange rates.
Market exchange rates vary on a day-to-day basis depending on supply and demand in foreign exchange markets. PPP-equivalent exchange rates provide a longer running measure of the exchange rate. For this reason, economists typically use PPP-equivalent exchange rates for GDP cross country comparisons. We will discuss exchange rates in more detail in **Exchange Rates and International Capital Flows**. The following section explains how to convert GDP to a common currency.","To compare the GDP of countries with different currencies, it is necessary to convert to a “common denominator” using an exchange rate, which is the value of one currency in terms of another currency. We express exchange rates either as the number of units of country A's currency that need to be traded for a single unit of country B's currency (for example, Japanese yen per British pound), or as the inverse (for example, British pounds per Japanese yen).
We can use two types of exchange rates for this purpose:
Market exchange rates
Purchasing power parity (PPP) equivalent exchange rates.
Market exchange rates vary on a day-to-day basis depending on supply and demand in foreign exchange markets. PPP-equivalent exchange rates provide a longer running measure of the exchange rate. For this reason, economists typically use PPP-equivalent exchange rates for GDP cross country comparisons. We will discuss exchange rates in more detail in Exchange Rates and International Capital Flows. The following section explains how to convert GDP to a common currency.",baby-boomers-come-of-age,"Question: Why do economists typically use PPP-equivalent exchange rates for GDP cross country comparisons?
Answer: Economists typically use PPP-equivalent exchange rates for GDP cross country comparisons because they provide a longer running measure of the exchange rate.",Why do economists typically use PPP-equivalent exchange rates for GDP cross country comparisons?,Economists typically use PPP-equivalent exchange rates for GDP cross country comparisons because they provide a longer running measure of the exchange rate.,"['gdp', 'common denominator', 'exchange rate', 'foreign exchange markets', 'ppp']"
158,05-04-04-introduction-to-the-macroeconomic-perspective,05-04,4,Is China going to surpass the United States in terms of standard of living?,"As **Table 5.11** shows, China has the second largest GDP of the countries: \$9.5 trillion compared to the United States' \$16.8 trillion. Perhaps it will surpass the United States, but probably not any time soon. China has a much larger population so that in per capita terms, its GDP is less than one fifth that of the United States (\$6,958.48 compared to \$53,013). The Chinese people are still quite poor relative to the United States and other developed countries. One caveat: For reasons we will discuss shortly, GDP per capita can give us only a rough idea of the differences in living standards across countries.
The world's high-income nations—including the United States, Canada, the Western European countries, and Japan—typically have GDP per capita in the range of \$20,000 to \$50,000. Middle-income countries, which include much of Latin America, Eastern Europe, and some countries in East Asia, have GDP per capita in the range of \$6,000 to \$12,000. The world's low-income countries, many of them located in Africa and Asia, often have GDP per capita of less than $2,000 per year.","As Table 5.11 shows, China has the second largest GDP of the countries: \$9.5 trillion compared to the United States' \$16.8 trillion. Perhaps it will surpass the United States, but probably not any time soon. China has a much larger population so that in per capita terms, its GDP is less than one fifth that of the United States (\$6,958.48 compared to \$53,013). The Chinese people are still quite poor relative to the United States and other developed countries. One caveat: For reasons we will discuss shortly, GDP per capita can give us only a rough idea of the differences in living standards across countries.
The world's high-income nations—including the United States, Canada, the Western European countries, and Japan—typically have GDP per capita in the range of \$20,000 to \$50,000. Middle-income countries, which include much of Latin America, Eastern Europe, and some countries in East Asia, have GDP per capita in the range of \$6,000 to \$12,000. The world's low-income countries, many of them located in Africa and Asia, often have GDP per capita of less than $2,000 per year.",introduction-to-the-macroeconomic-perspective,"Question: What is the range of GDP per capita for middle-income countries?
Answer: Middle-income countries have GDP per capita in the range of $6,000 to $12,000.",What is the range of GDP per capita for middle-income countries?,"Middle-income countries have GDP per capita in the range of $6,000 to $12,000.","['china', 'gdp per capita', 'united states', 'canada', 'western europe']"
159,05-04-05-goals,05-04,5,Learn with Videos,"
They say what matters most in life are the things money can't buy. So far,
we've been paying attention to a figure that's intimately linked to the things
money can buy. That figure is GDP, both nominal, and real. But before you
write off GDP as strictly a measure of wealth, here's something to think
about.
","♪ [music] ♪ - [Alex] Is Real GDP per capita
a good measure of the standard of living? People tell me all the time, ""You economists,
you're too materialistic."" Doesn't Real GDP per capita
just measure the things we buy? What about our health,
our happiness, education? Well, Real GDP per capita --
it's not a perfect measure. But I want to show you why it's probably the best single measure of the average
standard of living in a country. And that's not because material goods
are the most important goods. It's because Real GDP per capita is correlated with many
of the other things that we care about. Let's start with life expectancy. Here we show Real GDP per capita
along the horizontal axis and life expectancy
along the vertical axis. As you can see,
there's a positive correlation. Countries that have
a higher GDP per capita also have a higher life expectancy. Perhaps that's not too surprising. Let's take a look at happiness.
Maybe this is a more surprising fact. This chart shows GDP per capita
on the horizontal axis and now a measure of happiness
on the vertical axis. Again, we see a positive correlation. Countries with a higher
Real GDP per capita also tend to have
happier people, on average. Here's a data set from the United Nations. It's called the Human Development Index. It combines measures of life expectancy,
education, and standard of living. Overall you can see, in general,
as GDP per capita increases, so does human development --
at least as measured by this index. The basic story -- it's pretty simple.
When we have more goods and services, we can usually afford
more of the other good things in life. So the good things in life --
they tend to go together. However, GDP per capita
is far from perfect. Here's one problem. GDP per capita misses
the distribution of income. For example, let's compare
the Real GDP per capita of Nigeria, Pakistan, and Honduras. It's actually pretty similar. So you might think
that all three countries have similar living standards. And yet, in Nigeria, about 80% of the population
lives on less than $2 a day. In Pakistan, it's only 60% In Honduras, it's only 33%. How can the number of people
living in abject poverty be so different, when Real GDP per capita
is about the same? The reason is that income in Nigeria
is much more unequally distributed than in Pakistan or Honduras. Nigeria has many poor people,
but also some very rich people. So average income -- it's about the same in Nigeria,
Pakistan, or Honduras, even though there are
more poor people in Nigeria. Over time, however,
growth in Real GDP per capita, whether in Nigeria,
Pakistan, or Honduras, usually does indicate growth
in everyone's incomes, including the incomes of the very poor. So this graph shows growth
in per capita incomes along the horizontal axis, with growth in the incomes
of the poorest 20% on the vertical axis. Once again you see, as average
per capita income increases, you also see increases
in income of the very poor. Overall, Real GDP and Real GDP per capita
have proven to be useful measures for comparing the standard of living
of two different countries, or for comparing the same country
at different points in time. Okay. So now that you know
that Real GDP per capita -- it's a good measure
of the standard of living, we get to the really crucial question. How do we increase the standard of living?
How do we grow an economy? How do we increase Real GDP per capita? That is a big question,
the big question of development. We'll be tackling it
in a number of future videos. But before you go, take a moment
to let us know how we're doing. What do you think of the videos?
How can we improve? Drop us an email or leave us
some feedback on our website. Thanks. - [Narrator] If you want to test yourself,
click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on,
you can click ""Go to the Next Video."" You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see our entire library
of videos and resources. ♪ [music] ♪",goals,"Question: What does the passage suggest about the relationship between Real GDP per capita and life expectancy?
Answer: The passage suggests that there is a positive correlation between Real GDP per capita and life expectancy.",What does the passage suggest about the relationship between Real GDP per capita and life expectancy?,The passage suggests that there is a positive correlation between Real GDP per capita and life expectancy.,"['real gb per capita', 'standard of living', 'human development index', 'life expectancy']"
160,05-05-00-frameworks,05-05,0,Overview,"
- Discuss how productivity influences the standard of living
- Explain the limitations of GDP as a measure of the standard of living
- Analyze the relationship between GDP data and fluctuations in the standard of living
The level of GDP per capita clearly captures some of what we mean by the phrase “standard of living.” Most of the migration in the world, for example, involves people who are moving from countries with relatively low GDP per capita to countries with relatively high GDP per capita.
**“Standard of living” is a broader term than GDP, though.** While GDP focuses on production that is bought and sold in markets, standard of living includes all elements that affect people's well-being, whether they are bought and sold in the market or not. To illuminate the difference between GDP and standard of living, it is useful to spell out some things that GDP does not cover that are clearly relevant to the standard of living.","- Discuss how productivity influences the standard of living
Explain the limitations of GDP as a measure of the standard of living
Analyze the relationship between GDP data and fluctuations in the standard of living
The level of GDP per capita clearly captures some of what we mean by the phrase “standard of living.” Most of the migration in the world, for example, involves people who are moving from countries with relatively low GDP per capita to countries with relatively high GDP per capita.
“Standard of living” is a broader term than GDP, though. While GDP focuses on production that is bought and sold in markets, standard of living includes all elements that affect people's well-being, whether they are bought and sold in the market or not. To illuminate the difference between GDP and standard of living, it is useful to spell out some things that GDP does not cover that are clearly relevant to the standard of living.",frameworks,"{
""question"": ""Explain the limitations of GDP as a measure of the standard of living"",
""answer"": ""GDP does not cover all elements that affect people's well-being, whether they are bought and sold in the market or not.""
}",Explain the limitations of GDP as a measure of the standard of living,"GDP does not cover all elements that affect people's well-being, whether they are bought and sold in the market or not.","['standard of living', 'gdp', 'fluctuations', 'normality', 'purchasing power', 'net income']"
161,05-05-01-policy-tools,05-05,1,Limitations of GDP as a Measure of the Standard of Living,"While GDP includes spending on recreation and travel, it does not cover leisure time. Clearly, however, there is a substantial difference between an economy that is large because people work long hours, and an economy that is just as large because people are more productive with their time so they do not have to work as many hours.
The GDP per capita of the U.S. economy is larger than the GDP per capita of Germany, as **Table 5.11** showed, but does that prove that the standard of living in the United States is higher?
Not necessarily, since it is also true that the average U.S. worker works several hundred hours more per year than the average German worker. Calculating GDP does not account for the German worker's extra vacation weeks.
While GDP includes what a country spends on environmental protection, healthcare, and education, it does not include actual levels of environmental cleanliness, health, and learning. GDP includes the cost of buying pollution-control equipment, but it does not address whether the air and water are cleaner or dirtier. GDP includes spending on medical care, but does not address whether life expectancy or infant mortality have risen or fallen. Similarly, it counts spending on education, but does not address directly how much of the population can read, write, or do basic mathematics.
GDP includes production that is exchanged in the market, but it does not cover production that is not exchanged in the market. For example, hiring someone to mow your lawn or clean your house is part of GDP, but doing these tasks yourself is not part of GDP.
One remarkable change in the U.S. economy in recent decades is the growth in
women's participation in the labor force. As of 1970, only about 42% of women
participated in the paid labor force. By the second decade of the 2000s,
nearly 60% of women participated in the paid labor force according to the
Bureau of Labor Statistics.
As women are now in the labor force, many of the services they used to produce in the non-market economy like food preparation and child care have shifted to some extent into the market economy, which makes the GDP appear larger even if people actually are not consuming more services.
GDP per capita is only an average, and therefore says nothing about the level of inequality in society. When GDP per capita rises by 5%, it could mean that GDP for everyone in the society has risen by 5%, or that GDP of some groups has risen by more while that of others has risen by less—or even declined. GDP also has nothing in particular to say about the amount of variety available. If a family buys 100 loaves of bread in a year, GDP does not tell us whether they are all white bread, or whether the family can choose from wheat, rye, pumpernickel, and many others—it just looks at the total amount the family spends on bread.
Likewise, GDP has nothing much to say about what technology and products are available. The standard of living in, for example, 1950 or 1900 was not only affected by how much money people had—it was also affected by what they could buy. No matter how much money you had in 1950, you could not buy an iPhone or a personal computer.
In certain cases, it is not clear that a rise in GDP is even a good thing. If a city is wrecked by a hurricane, and then experiences a surge of rebuilding construction activity, it would be peculiar to claim that the hurricane was therefore economically beneficial. If people are led by a rising fear of crime, to pay for installing bars and burglar alarms on all their windows, it is hard to believe that this increase in GDP has made them better off. Similarly, some people would argue that sales of certain goods, like pornography or extremely violent movies, do not represent a gain to society’s standard of living.","While GDP includes spending on recreation and travel, it does not cover leisure time. Clearly, however, there is a substantial difference between an economy that is large because people work long hours, and an economy that is just as large because people are more productive with their time so they do not have to work as many hours.
The GDP per capita of the U.S. economy is larger than the GDP per capita of Germany, as Table 5.11 showed, but does that prove that the standard of living in the United States is higher?
Not necessarily, since it is also true that the average U.S. worker works several hundred hours more per year than the average German worker. Calculating GDP does not account for the German worker's extra vacation weeks.
While GDP includes what a country spends on environmental protection, healthcare, and education, it does not include actual levels of environmental cleanliness, health, and learning. GDP includes the cost of buying pollution-control equipment, but it does not address whether the air and water are cleaner or dirtier. GDP includes spending on medical care, but does not address whether life expectancy or infant mortality have risen or fallen. Similarly, it counts spending on education, but does not address directly how much of the population can read, write, or do basic mathematics.
GDP includes production that is exchanged in the market, but it does not cover production that is not exchanged in the market. For example, hiring someone to mow your lawn or clean your house is part of GDP, but doing these tasks yourself is not part of GDP.
One remarkable change in the U.S. economy in recent decades is the growth in
women's participation in the labor force. As of 1970, only about 42% of women
participated in the paid labor force. By the second decade of the 2000s,
nearly 60% of women participated in the paid labor force according to the
Bureau of Labor Statistics.
As women are now in the labor force, many of the services they used to produce in the non-market economy like food preparation and child care have shifted to some extent into the market economy, which makes the GDP appear larger even if people actually are not consuming more services.
GDP per capita is only an average, and therefore says nothing about the level of inequality in society. When GDP per capita rises by 5%, it could mean that GDP for everyone in the society has risen by 5%, or that GDP of some groups has risen by more while that of others has risen by less—or even declined. GDP also has nothing in particular to say about the amount of variety available. If a family buys 100 loaves of bread in a year, GDP does not tell us whether they are all white bread, or whether the family can choose from wheat, rye, pumpernickel, and many others—it just looks at the total amount the family spends on bread.
Likewise, GDP has nothing much to say about what technology and products are available. The standard of living in, for example, 1950 or 1900 was not only affected by how much money people had—it was also affected by what they could buy. No matter how much money you had in 1950, you could not buy an iPhone or a personal computer.
In certain cases, it is not clear that a rise in GDP is even a good thing. If a city is wrecked by a hurricane, and then experiences a surge of rebuilding construction activity, it would be peculiar to claim that the hurricane was therefore economically beneficial. If people are led by a rising fear of crime, to pay for installing bars and burglar alarms on all their windows, it is hard to believe that this increase in GDP has made them better off. Similarly, some people would argue that sales of certain goods, like pornography or extremely violent movies, do not represent a gain to society’s standard of living.",policy-tools,"Question: Does GDP per capita accurately measure the standard of living in a country?
Answer: No, GDP per capita does not necessarily reflect the standard of living in a country as it does not account for factors such as working hours, leisure time, environmental cleanliness, health, education, inequality, variety of available products, and technological advancements.",Does GDP per capita accurately measure the standard of living in a country?,"No, GDP per capita does not necessarily reflect the standard of living in a country as it does not account for factors such as working hours, leisure time, environmental cleanliness, health, education, inequality, variety of available products, and technological advancements.","['gdp', 'recreation', 'travel', 'germany', 'paid labor force', 'environmental clean']"
162,05-05-02-overview,05-05,2,Does a Rise in GDP Overstate or Understate the Rise in the Standard of Living?,"
The fact that GDP per capita does not fully capture the broader idea of
standard of living has led to a concern that the increases in GDP over time
are illusory.
It is theoretically possible that while GDP is rising, the standard of living could be falling if human health, environmental cleanliness, and other factors that are not included in GDP are worsening. Fortunately, this fear appears to be overstated.
In some ways, the rise in GDP understates the actual rise in the standard of living. For example, the typical workweek for a U.S. worker has fallen over the last century from about 60 hours per week to less than 40 hours per week. Life expectancy and health have risen dramatically, and so has the average level of education. Since 1970, the air and water in the United States have generally been getting cleaner. Companies have developed new technologies for entertainment, travel, information, and health. A much wider variety of basic products like food and clothing is available today than several decades ago. Because GDP does not capture leisure, health, a cleaner environment, the possibilities that new technology creates, or an increase in variety, the actual rise in the standard of living for Americans in recent decades has exceeded the rise in GDP.
On the other side, crime rates, traffic congestion levels, and income inequality are higher in the United States now than they were in the 1960s. Moreover, a substantial number of services that women primarily provided in the non-market economy are now part of the market economy that GDP counts. By ignoring these factors, GDP would tend to overstate the true rise in the standard of living.","The fact that GDP per capita does not fully capture the broader idea of
standard of living has led to a concern that the increases in GDP over time
are illusory.
It is theoretically possible that while GDP is rising, the standard of living could be falling if human health, environmental cleanliness, and other factors that are not included in GDP are worsening. Fortunately, this fear appears to be overstated.
In some ways, the rise in GDP understates the actual rise in the standard of living. For example, the typical workweek for a U.S. worker has fallen over the last century from about 60 hours per week to less than 40 hours per week. Life expectancy and health have risen dramatically, and so has the average level of education. Since 1970, the air and water in the United States have generally been getting cleaner. Companies have developed new technologies for entertainment, travel, information, and health. A much wider variety of basic products like food and clothing is available today than several decades ago. Because GDP does not capture leisure, health, a cleaner environment, the possibilities that new technology creates, or an increase in variety, the actual rise in the standard of living for Americans in recent decades has exceeded the rise in GDP.
On the other side, crime rates, traffic congestion levels, and income inequality are higher in the United States now than they were in the 1960s. Moreover, a substantial number of services that women primarily provided in the non-market economy are now part of the market economy that GDP counts. By ignoring these factors, GDP would tend to overstate the true rise in the standard of living.",overview,"{""question"": ""Why does GDP per capita not fully capture the broader idea of standard of living?"", ""answer"": ""GDP does not capture leisure, health, a cleaner environment, the possibilities that new technology creates, or an increase in variety, which results in the actual rise in the standard of living exceeding the rise in GDP.""}",Why does GDP per capita not fully capture the broader idea of standard of living?,"GDP does not capture leisure, health, a cleaner environment, the possibilities that new technology creates, or an increase in variety, which results in the actual rise in the standard of living exceeding the rise in GDP.","['gdp', 'standard of living', 'human health', 'environmental cleanliness', 'education', 'business networks']"
163,07-02-06-arguments-that-convergence-is-neither-inevitable-nor-likely,07-02,6,Learn with Videos,"
At the turn of the century, it was rare for a woman to get a college degree or join, and stay in, the workforce. One trailblazer was Katharine McCormick. She...
","♪ [music] ♪ [Alex] When Katharine McCormick
was born in 1875, hardly any women went to college,
women couldn't vote, and birth control --
that was being made a crime. McCormick set out
to change all of this. She graduated with a biology degree
from MIT in 1904, only the second woman ever
to graduate at MIT. She worked
on the Suffrage Movement, she helped to pass
the 19th Amendment, which in 1920 guaranteed women
the right to vote. And throughout her life,
she promoted female education. But her greatest contribution
to female education came in a way that even she
might not have expected. In the 1950s, a group
of scientists were working on an oral form
of birth control, the pill. But the research was slow and the political climate
at the time was controversial, and their funding was pulled. McCormick had been a long time
supporter of birth control . . . in her earlier years, going so far as to smuggle in
diaphragms from Europe. Now, at 78, she stepped in
to provide the scientists with much needed financial support. Doesn't seem like
a controversial idea today, but at the time,
using birth control or selling it -- that could land you in jail. So now you're probably wondering, ""Okay -- what does this all
have to do with economics?"" Of course, economics
has to do with everything. Perhaps you recall
from an earlier video that during the 20th century, the labor force participation rates
of women increased significantly, especially since the mid-1960s. Not only did more women start
to work in the paid labor force, but we also saw an explosion
in the number of women in professional fields,
like medicine and law. Research by the economist
Claudia Goldin with Lawrence Katz
and also Martha Bailey, shows that the major factor
explaining these dramatic increases was the invention
and legalization of the pill. The pill was approved for sale
in the United States in 1960. But incredibly,
24 states at that time still prohibited the sale
of any contraceptive. And a number of other states
restricted sales to married women only. In Connecticut, not only was
the sale of birth control illegal, it was illegal to use it with violations punishable
with a prison sentence. Nevertheless,
growing demand for the pill pushed it onto center stage. There was a nationwide debate
about women's rights and sexuality. Some people feared sexual anarchy
if the pill became widely used. Others felt that it was a
fundamental right of a woman to control when
she would have a child. In 1965, the Supreme Court
stepped into this debate. They ruled that
what a married couple did in the privacy
of their own bedroom -- that was their business,
not the government's. As the pill became more
widely available with these rulings, the number of women entering
professional degree programs exploded. This graph from our textbook
with Tyler, Modern Principles, shows how, from 1955 to about 1970,
fewer than 10% of the students entering these programs
were women. But by 1980,
those rates had doubled. And then they doubled again. So that by 1995, lots of professional programs
had 40 to 50% women entrants. Now, clearly, other things were
also changing during this time. So how do we know that
the pill was a driving force? One strong piece of evidence is that the states that legalized
the pill earlier -- they also had earlier increases
in female professional education and labor force participation rates. So what exactly was it
about the pill that made it easier for women to participate
in the paid labor force? Overall, it wasn't that the pill
reduced the number of children. Much more important was that
the pill gave women greater control over when children were born. It's another story of incentives. Economist Martha Bailey
summed it up by providing a low-cost means
of delaying childbearing. Oral contraception allowed women
to remain in school, pursue longer-term careers, and work more
in the paid labor force during ages historically
associated with childbearing. If you look around MIT today,
you can find McCormick Hall, an all-female residence that was one of Katharine McCormick's last gifts. But if you really want
to see her influence, take a look
at all the female students studying engineering,
medicine, law, and of course, economics. [Narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on, you can click
""Go to the Next Video."" You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see our entire library
of videos and resources. ♪ [music] ♪",arguments-that-convergence-is-neither-inevitable-nor-likely,"Question: What major factor explains the significant increase in women's labor force participation rates and professional education during the 20th century?
Answer: The invention and legalization of the pill.",What major factor explains the significant increase in women's labor force participation rates and professional education during the 20th century?,The invention and legalization of the pill.,"['katharine McCormick', 'women', 'college', 'birth control', 'michaelisophy']"
164,05-05-03-learn-with-videos,05-05,3,How is the Economy Doing? How Does One Tell?,"To determine the state of the economy, one needs to examine economic indicators, such as GDP. To calculate GDP is quite an undertaking. It is the broadest measure of a nation's economic activity and we owe a debt to Simon Kuznets, the creator of the measurement, for that.
The sheer size of the U.S. economy as measured by GDP is huge—as of the fourth quarter of 2016, $18.9 trillion worth of goods and services were produced annually. Real GDP informed us that the 2008-2009 recession was severe and that the recovery from that recession has been slow, but the economy is improving. GDP per capita gives a rough estimate of a nation's standard of living. This chapter is the building block for other chapters that explore more economic indicators such as unemployment, inflation, or interest rates, and perhaps more importantly, will explain how they are related and what causes them to rise or fall.
","To determine the state of the economy, one needs to examine economic indicators, such as GDP. To calculate GDP is quite an undertaking. It is the broadest measure of a nation's economic activity and we owe a debt to Simon Kuznets, the creator of the measurement, for that.
The sheer size of the U.S. economy as measured by GDP is huge—as of the fourth quarter of 2016, $18.9 trillion worth of goods and services were produced annually. Real GDP informed us that the 2008-2009 recession was severe and that the recovery from that recession has been slow, but the economy is improving. GDP per capita gives a rough estimate of a nation's standard of living. This chapter is the building block for other chapters that explore more economic indicators such as unemployment, inflation, or interest rates, and perhaps more importantly, will explain how they are related and what causes them to rise or fall.",learn-with-videos,"{""question"": ""What is GDP?"", ""answer"": ""GDP is the broadest measure of a nation's economic activity.""}",What is GDP?,GDP is the broadest measure of a nation's economic activity.,"['gdp', 'economic indicators', 'us economy', 'goods', 'services', 'real']"
165,06-00-00-gdp-measured-by-components-of-demand,06-00,0,Calories and Economic Growth,"On average, humans need about 2,500 calories a day to survive, depending on height, weight, and gender. The economist Brad DeLong estimates that the average worker in the early 1600s earned wages that could afford him 2,500 food calories. This worker lived in Western Europe. Two hundred years later, that same worker could afford 3,000 food calories. However, between 1800 and 1875, just a time span of just 75 years, economic growth was so rapid that western European workers could purchase 5,000 food calories a day. By 2012, a low skilled worker in an affluent Western European/North American country could afford to purchase 2.4 million food calories per day.
What caused such a rapid rise in living standards between 1800 and 1875 and
thereafter?
Why is it that many countries, especially those in Western Europe, North
America, and parts of East Asia, can feed their populations more than
adequately, while others cannot?
","On average, humans need about 2,500 calories a day to survive, depending on height, weight, and gender. The economist Brad DeLong estimates that the average worker in the early 1600s earned wages that could afford him 2,500 food calories. This worker lived in Western Europe. Two hundred years later, that same worker could afford 3,000 food calories. However, between 1800 and 1875, just a time span of just 75 years, economic growth was so rapid that western European workers could purchase 5,000 food calories a day. By 2012, a low skilled worker in an affluent Western European/North American country could afford to purchase 2.4 million food calories per day.
What caused such a rapid rise in living standards between 1800 and 1875 and
thereafter?
Why is it that many countries, especially those in Western Europe, North
America, and parts of East Asia, can feed their populations more than
adequately, while others cannot?",gdp-measured-by-components-of-demand,"{""question"": ""What caused such a rapid rise in living standards between 1800 and 1875 and thereafter?"", ""answer"": ""Economic growth""}",What caused such a rapid rise in living standards between 1800 and 1875 and thereafter?,Economic growth,"['women', 'western europe', 'north american country', 'food calories', 'living standards']"
166,06-01-00-how-do-statisticians-measure-gdp,06-01,0,The Relatively Recent Arrival Of Economic Growth,"
- Explain the conditions that have allowed for modern economic growth in the last two centuries
- Analyze the influence of public policies on an economy's long-run economic growth
Let's begin with a brief overview of spectacular economic growth patterns around the world in the last two centuries. We commonly refer to this as the period of **modern economic growth**. (Later in the chapter we will discuss lower economic growth rates and some key ingredients for economic progress.) Rapid and sustained economic growth is a relatively recent experience for the human race. Before the last two centuries, although rulers, nobles, and conquerors could afford some extravagances and although economies rose above the subsistence level, the average person's standard of living had not changed much for centuries.
Progressive, powerful economic and institutional changes started to have a significant effect in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. According to the Dutch economic historian Jan Luiten van Zanden, slavery-based societies, favorable demographics, global trading routes, and standardized trading institutions that spread with different empires set the stage for the Industrial Revolution to succeed. The **Industrial Revolution** refers to the widespread use of power-driven machinery and the economic and social changes that resulted in the first half of the 1800s. Ingenious machines—the steam engine, the power loom, and the steam locomotive—performed tasks that otherwise would have taken vast numbers of workers to do. The Industrial Revolution began in Great Britain, and soon spread to the United States, Germany, and other countries.
Rapid and sustained economic growth is a relatively recent experience for the human race.
The Industrial Revolution refers to the widespread use of power-driven machinery and the economic and social changes that resulted in the economic growth of the first half of the 1800s.
The jobs for ordinary people working with these machines were often dirty and dangerous by modern standards, but the alternative jobs of that time in peasant agriculture and small-village industry were often dirty and dangerous, too. The new jobs of the Industrial Revolution typically offered higher pay and a chance for social mobility. A self-reinforcing cycle began: New inventions and investments generated profits, the profits provided funds for more new investment and inventions, and the investments and inventions provided opportunities for further profits. Slowly, a group of national economies in Europe and North America emerged from centuries of sluggishness into a period of rapid modern growth. During the last two centuries, the average GDP growth rate per capita in the leading industrialized countries has been about 2% per year.
What were times like before then? Read the following **Clear It Up** feature for the answer.","Explain the conditions that have allowed for modern economic growth in the last two centuries
Analyze the influence of public policies on an economy's long-run economic growth
Let's begin with a brief overview of spectacular economic growth patterns around the world in the last two centuries. We commonly refer to this as the period of modern economic growth. (Later in the chapter we will discuss lower economic growth rates and some key ingredients for economic progress.) Rapid and sustained economic growth is a relatively recent experience for the human race. Before the last two centuries, although rulers, nobles, and conquerors could afford some extravagances and although economies rose above the subsistence level, the average person's standard of living had not changed much for centuries.
Progressive, powerful economic and institutional changes started to have a significant effect in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. According to the Dutch economic historian Jan Luiten van Zanden, slavery-based societies, favorable demographics, global trading routes, and standardized trading institutions that spread with different empires set the stage for the Industrial Revolution to succeed. The Industrial Revolution refers to the widespread use of power-driven machinery and the economic and social changes that resulted in the first half of the 1800s. Ingenious machines—the steam engine, the power loom, and the steam locomotive—performed tasks that otherwise would have taken vast numbers of workers to do. The Industrial Revolution began in Great Britain, and soon spread to the United States, Germany, and other countries.
Rapid and sustained economic growth is a relatively recent experience for the human race.
The Industrial Revolution refers to the widespread use of power-driven machinery and the economic and social changes that resulted in the economic growth of the first half of the 1800s.
The jobs for ordinary people working with these machines were often dirty and dangerous by modern standards, but the alternative jobs of that time in peasant agriculture and small-village industry were often dirty and dangerous, too. The new jobs of the Industrial Revolution typically offered higher pay and a chance for social mobility. A self-reinforcing cycle began: New inventions and investments generated profits, the profits provided funds for more new investment and inventions, and the investments and inventions provided opportunities for further profits. Slowly, a group of national economies in Europe and North America emerged from centuries of sluggishness into a period of rapid modern growth. During the last two centuries, the average GDP growth rate per capita in the leading industrialized countries has been about 2% per year.
What were times like before then? Read the following Clear It Up feature for the answer.",how-do-statisticians-measure-gdp,"Question: What is the average GDP growth rate per capita in the leading industrialized countries during the last two centuries?
Answer: The average GDP growth rate per capita in the leading industrialized countries during the last two centuries has been about 2% per year.",What is the average GDP growth rate per capita in the leading industrialized countries during the last two centuries?,The average GDP growth rate per capita in the leading industrialized countries during the last two centuries has been about 2% per year.,"['sustained economic growth', 'economic growth patterns', 'industrial revolution', 'power']"
167,06-01-01-gdp-measured-by-what-is-produced,06-01,1,What were economic conditions like before 1870?,"Angus Maddison, a quantitative economic historian, led the most systematic inquiry into national incomes before 1870. Economists recently have refined and used his methods to compile GDP per capita estimates from year 1 C.E. to 1348. **Table 6.1** is an important counterpoint to most of the narrative in this chapter. It shows that nations can decline as well as rise. A wide array of forces, such as epidemics, natural and weather-related disasters, the inability to govern large empires, and the remarkably slow pace of technological and institutional progress explain declines in income. Institutions are the traditions and laws by which people in a community agree to behave and govern themselves. Such institutions include marriage, religion, education, and laws of governance. Institutional progress is the development and codification of these institutions to reinforce social order, and thus, economic growth.
One example of such an institution is the Magna Carta (Great Charter), which the English nobles forced King John to sign in 1215. The Magna Carta codified the principles of due process, whereby a free man could not be penalized unless his peers had made a lawful judgment against him. The United States in its own constitution later adopted this concept. This social order may have contributed to England's GDP per capita in 1348, which was second to that of northern Italy.
In studying economic growth, a country's institutional framework plays a critical role. **Table 6.1** also shows relative global equality for almost 1,300 years. After this, we begin to see significant divergence in income (not in the table).
| Year | Northern Italy | Spain | England | Holland | Byzantium | Iraq | Egypt | Japan |
| ---- | -------------- | ----- | ------- | ------- | --------- | ---- | ----- | ----- |
| 1 | $800 | $600 | $600 | $600 | $700 | $700 | $700 | - |
| 730 | - | - | - | - | - | $920 | $730 | $402 |
| 1000 | - | - | - | - | $600 | $820 | $600 | - |
| 1150 | - | - | - | - | $580 | $680 | $660 | $520 |
| 1280 | - | - | - | - | - | - | $670 | $527 |
| 1300 | $1,588 | $864 | $892 | - | - | - | $610 | - |
| 1348 | $1,486 | $907 | $919 | - | - | - | - | - |
**Table 6.1** GDP Per Capita Estimates in Current International Dollars from AD 1 to 1348 (Source: Bolt and van Zanden. “The First Update of the Maddison Project. Re-Estimating Growth Before 1820.” 2013)
Another fascinating and underreported fact is the high levels of income, compared to others at that time, attained by the Islamic Empire Abbasid Caliphate—which was founded in present-day Iraq in 730 C.E. At its height, the empire spanned large regions of the Middle East, North Africa, and Spain until its gradual decline over 200 years.
The Industrial Revolution led to increasing inequality among nations. Some economies took off, whereas others, like many of those in Africa or Asia, remained close to a subsistence standard of living. General calculations show that the 17 countries of the world with the most-developed economies had, on average, 2.4 times the GDP per capita of the world's poorest economies in 1870. By 1960, the most developed economies had 4.2 times the GDP per capita of the poorest economies.
However, by the middle of the twentieth century, some countries had shown that catching up was possible.
- Japan's economic growth took off in the 1960s and 1970s, with a growth rate of real GDP per-capita averaging 11% per year during those decades.
- Certain countries in Latin America experienced a boom in economic growth in the 1960s as well. In Brazil, for example, GDP per capita expanded by an average annual rate of 11.1% from 1968 to 1973.
- In the 1970s, some East Asian economies, including South Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan, saw rapid growth. In these countries, growth rates of 11% to 12% per year in GDP per-capita were not uncommon.
- More recently, China, with its population of nearly 1.4 billion people, grew at a per-capita rate 9% per year from 1984 into the 2000s.
- India, with a population of 1.3 billion, has shown promising signs of economic growth, with growth in GDP per-capita of about 4% per year during the 1990s and climbing toward 7% to 8% per year in the 2000s.
These waves of catch-up economic growth have not reached all shores. In certain African countries like Niger, Tanzania, and Sudan, for example, GDP per capita at the start of the 2000s was still less than $300, not much higher than it was in the nineteenth century and for centuries before that. In the context of the overall situation of low-income people around the world, the good economic news from China (population: 1.4 billion) and India (population: 1.3 billion) is, nonetheless, astounding and heartening.
Economic growth in the last two centuries has made a striking change in the human condition. Richard Easterlin, an economist at the University of Southern California, wrote in 2000:
> By many measures, a revolution in the human condition is sweeping the world. Most people today are better fed, clothed, and housed than their predecessors two centuries ago. They are healthier, live longer, and are better educated. Women's lives are less centered on reproduction and political democracy has gained a foothold. Although Western Europe and its offshoots have been the leaders of
> this advance, most of the less developed nations have joined in during the 20th century, with the newly emerging nations of sub-Saharan Africa the latest to participate. Although the picture is not one of universal progress, it is the greatest advance in the human condition of the world's population ever achieved in such a brief span of time.
>
> Richard Easterlin- Economist, University of Southern California","Angus Maddison, a quantitative economic historian, led the most systematic inquiry into national incomes before 1870. Economists recently have refined and used his methods to compile GDP per capita estimates from year 1 C.E. to 1348. Table 6.1 is an important counterpoint to most of the narrative in this chapter. It shows that nations can decline as well as rise. A wide array of forces, such as epidemics, natural and weather-related disasters, the inability to govern large empires, and the remarkably slow pace of technological and institutional progress explain declines in income. Institutions are the traditions and laws by which people in a community agree to behave and govern themselves. Such institutions include marriage, religion, education, and laws of governance. Institutional progress is the development and codification of these institutions to reinforce social order, and thus, economic growth.
One example of such an institution is the Magna Carta (Great Charter), which the English nobles forced King John to sign in 1215. The Magna Carta codified the principles of due process, whereby a free man could not be penalized unless his peers had made a lawful judgment against him. The United States in its own constitution later adopted this concept. This social order may have contributed to England's GDP per capita in 1348, which was second to that of northern Italy.
In studying economic growth, a country's institutional framework plays a critical role. Table 6.1 also shows relative global equality for almost 1,300 years. After this, we begin to see significant divergence in income (not in the table).
Table 6.1 GDP Per Capita Estimates in Current International Dollars from AD 1 to 1348 (Source: Bolt and van Zanden. “The First Update of the Maddison Project. Re-Estimating Growth Before 1820.” 2013)
Another fascinating and underreported fact is the high levels of income, compared to others at that time, attained by the Islamic Empire Abbasid Caliphate—which was founded in present-day Iraq in 730 C.E. At its height, the empire spanned large regions of the Middle East, North Africa, and Spain until its gradual decline over 200 years.
The Industrial Revolution led to increasing inequality among nations. Some economies took off, whereas others, like many of those in Africa or Asia, remained close to a subsistence standard of living. General calculations show that the 17 countries of the world with the most-developed economies had, on average, 2.4 times the GDP per capita of the world's poorest economies in 1870. By 1960, the most developed economies had 4.2 times the GDP per capita of the poorest economies.
However, by the middle of the twentieth century, some countries had shown that catching up was possible.
Japan's economic growth took off in the 1960s and 1970s, with a growth rate of real GDP per-capita averaging 11% per year during those decades.
Certain countries in Latin America experienced a boom in economic growth in the 1960s as well. In Brazil, for example, GDP per capita expanded by an average annual rate of 11.1% from 1968 to 1973.
In the 1970s, some East Asian economies, including South Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan, saw rapid growth. In these countries, growth rates of 11% to 12% per year in GDP per-capita were not uncommon.
More recently, China, with its population of nearly 1.4 billion people, grew at a per-capita rate 9% per year from 1984 into the 2000s.
India, with a population of 1.3 billion, has shown promising signs of economic growth, with growth in GDP per-capita of about 4% per year during the 1990s and climbing toward 7% to 8% per year in the 2000s.
These waves of catch-up economic growth have not reached all shores. In certain African countries like Niger, Tanzania, and Sudan, for example, GDP per capita at the start of the 2000s was still less than $300, not much higher than it was in the nineteenth century and for centuries before that. In the context of the overall situation of low-income people around the world, the good economic news from China (population: 1.4 billion) and India (population: 1.3 billion) is, nonetheless, astounding and heartening.
Economic growth in the last two centuries has made a striking change in the human condition. Richard Easterlin, an economist at the University of Southern California, wrote in 2000:
By many measures, a revolution in the human condition is sweeping the world. Most people today are better fed, clothed, and housed than their predecessors two centuries ago. They are healthier, live longer, and are better educated. Women's lives are less centered on reproduction and political democracy has gained a foothold. Although Western Europe and its offshoots have been the leaders of
this advance, most of the less developed nations have joined in during the 20th century, with the newly emerging nations of sub-Saharan Africa the latest to participate. Although the picture is not one of universal progress, it is the greatest advance in the human condition of the world's population ever achieved in such a brief span of time.
Richard Easterlin- Economist, University of Southern California",gdp-measured-by-what-is-produced,"What is one example of an institution that contributed to England's GDP per capita in 1348?
The Magna Carta (Great Charter), which codified the principles of due process.",What is one example of an institution that contributed to England's GDP per capita in 1348?,"The Magna Carta (Great Charter), which codified the principles of due process.","['angus magnison', 'quantitative economic historian', 'national incomes', 'institutional progress', 'marriage']"
168,06-01-02-another-way-to-measure-gdp-the-national-income-approach,06-01,2,Learn with Videos,"
In previous videos, you learned two things. First, that there can be large
disparities in economic wealth among different countries. And second, you
learned that one key factor drives that disparity: growth rate. As we said, it
changes everything. But just how transformative is a country's growth rate?
Take Argentina, for example.
Visit this [website](https://www.adb.org/) to read about the Asian Development Bank.","♪ [music] ♪ [Alex] Are poor countries
catching up to rich countries, or are they falling further behind? Said another way,
is there divergence or convergence between standards of living
in different countries over time? Let's start with what economic
historian Deirdre McCloskey calls ""The Great Fact""
about the modern world. If you graph global economic output
over the past 2000 years, you'll see this --
what we’ve referred to earlier as the hockey stick
of human prosperity. Now let's look at that same data, not at a global level,
but by region. Since the Industrial Revolution, the growth paths
taken by different regions have diverged dramatically. The U.S. and Western Europe
experienced the hockey stick path of growth, while other regions have stagnated. This was described as
""Divergence, Big Time"" in a famous economics paper. But that's not
the whole story either. Let's dive into this data
even further, down to the country level. Here's Argentina in 1950. It's a relatively successful economy
with a standard of living similar to many
Western European economies. Now here's Japan. At the time, they're quite poor, with a standard of living
similar to Mexico. But let's move forward in time. Japan begins growing
at an astonishing pace, doubling their living standards
about every eight years. Argentina, on the other hand, experienced periods
of negative growth. They managed to double
their living standard just once in 65 years. By 2015, Japan -- it’s one of the most
prosperous countries on Earth. Argentina, on the other hand --
it stagnated. It went from double the standard
of living in Japan in 1950 to Japan being twice as prosperous
as Argentina today. Japan is a growth miracle,
with a standard of living over 10 times higher now
than in 1950. Other growth miracles have occurred
in South Korea and China. And India today looks like
it may have started down the hockey stick path
of prosperity. So the good news is that
with the right factors in place, a poor country can not only grow,
but it can grow quickly and catch up to developed countries. What took the United States
200 years of steady growth can be achieved in other countries
by rapid growth, in about 40 years. Catch up can happen
in a generation or two. The bad news is
that it's not guaranteed. Some countries, like Argentina --
they grow well for a time and then they stall. Even worse are countries
such as Niger or Chad which have never experienced
significant growth. They're the worst kind
of growth disasters –- extreme poverty
with very little growth at all. And it's important to remember that these are
more than just numbers. A growth miracle means not just
more goods and services, but better health
and greater happiness for millions of people. See our earlier video showing
how GDP per capita is a good summary measure
of a country's standard of living. On the other hand, a growth disaster --
it means the opposite. People are less prosperous and they live shorter,
and less happy lives. So growth miracles and growth
disasters -- they're possible. But what are the causes? What are the factors
that lead to growth, prosperity, health,
and better lives? That's the topic
we're going to turn to next. [Narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on, you can click
""Go to the Next Video."" You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see our entire library
of videos and resources. ♪ [music] ♪",another-way-to-measure-gdp-the-national-income-approach,"Question: According to the passage, can a poor country catch up and grow quickly to the level of developed countries?
Answer: Yes, with the right factors in place, a poor country can grow quickly and catch up to developed countries.","According to the passage, can a poor country catch up and grow quickly to the level of developed countries?","Yes, with the right factors in place, a poor country can grow quickly and catch up to developed countries.","['divergence', 'convergence', 'rich countries', 'hockey stick path', 'human prosperity', 'u']"
169,06-01-03-learn-with-videos-1,06-01,3,Rule of Law and Economic Growth,"Economic growth depends on many factors. Key among those factors is adherence to the **rule of law** and protection of property rights and **contractual rights** by a country's government so that markets can work effectively and efficiently. Laws must be clear, public, fair, enforced, and equally applicable to all members of society.
Property rights are the rights of individuals and firms to own property and use it as they see fit. If you have \$100, you have the right to use that money, whether you spend it, lend it, or keep it in a jar. It is your property. The definition of property includes physical property as well as the right to your training and experience, especially since your training is what determines your livelihood. Using this property includes the right to enter into contracts with other parties with your property. Individuals or firms must own the property to enter into a contract.
Contractual rights, then, are based on property rights and they allow individuals to enter into agreements with others regarding the use of their property providing recourse through the legal system in the event of noncompliance. One example is the employment agreement: a skilled surgeon operates on an ill person and expects payment. Failure to pay would constitute property theft by the patient. The theft is property the services that the surgeon provided. In a society with strong property rights and contractual rights, the terms of the patient-surgeon contract will be fulfilled, because the surgeon would have recourse through the court system to extract payment from that individual. Without a legal system that enforces contracts, people would not be likely to enter into contracts for current or future services because of the risk of non-payment. This would make it difficult to transact business and would slow economic growth.
The World Bank considers a country's legal system effective if it upholds property rights and contractual rights. The World Bank has developed a ranking system for countries' legal systems based on effective protection of property rights and rule-based governance using a scale from 1 to 6, with 1 being the lowest and 6 the highest rating. In 2013, the world average ranking was 2.9. The three countries with the lowest ranking of 1.5 were Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, and Zimbabwe. Their GDP per capita was \$679, \$333, and \$1,007 respectively. The World Bank cites Afghanistan as having a low standard of living, weak government structure, and lack of adherence to the rule of law, which has stymied its economic growth. The landlocked Central African Republic has poor economic resources as well as political instability and is a source of children used in human trafficking. Zimbabwe has had declining and often negative growth for much of the period since 1998. Land redistribution and price controls have disrupted the economy, and corruption and violence have dominated the political process. Although global economic growth has increased, those countries lacking a clear system of property rights and an independent court system free from corruption have lagged far behind.","Economic growth depends on many factors. Key among those factors is adherence to the rule of law and protection of property rights and contractual rights by a country's government so that markets can work effectively and efficiently. Laws must be clear, public, fair, enforced, and equally applicable to all members of society.
Property rights are the rights of individuals and firms to own property and use it as they see fit. If you have \$100, you have the right to use that money, whether you spend it, lend it, or keep it in a jar. It is your property. The definition of property includes physical property as well as the right to your training and experience, especially since your training is what determines your livelihood. Using this property includes the right to enter into contracts with other parties with your property. Individuals or firms must own the property to enter into a contract.
Contractual rights, then, are based on property rights and they allow individuals to enter into agreements with others regarding the use of their property providing recourse through the legal system in the event of noncompliance. One example is the employment agreement: a skilled surgeon operates on an ill person and expects payment. Failure to pay would constitute property theft by the patient. The theft is property the services that the surgeon provided. In a society with strong property rights and contractual rights, the terms of the patient-surgeon contract will be fulfilled, because the surgeon would have recourse through the court system to extract payment from that individual. Without a legal system that enforces contracts, people would not be likely to enter into contracts for current or future services because of the risk of non-payment. This would make it difficult to transact business and would slow economic growth.
The World Bank considers a country's legal system effective if it upholds property rights and contractual rights. The World Bank has developed a ranking system for countries' legal systems based on effective protection of property rights and rule-based governance using a scale from 1 to 6, with 1 being the lowest and 6 the highest rating. In 2013, the world average ranking was 2.9. The three countries with the lowest ranking of 1.5 were Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, and Zimbabwe. Their GDP per capita was \$679, \$333, and \$1,007 respectively. The World Bank cites Afghanistan as having a low standard of living, weak government structure, and lack of adherence to the rule of law, which has stymied its economic growth. The landlocked Central African Republic has poor economic resources as well as political instability and is a source of children used in human trafficking. Zimbabwe has had declining and often negative growth for much of the period since 1998. Land redistribution and price controls have disrupted the economy, and corruption and violence have dominated the political process. Although global economic growth has increased, those countries lacking a clear system of property rights and an independent court system free from corruption have lagged far behind.",learn-with-videos-1,"{""question"": ""What are the key factors that economic growth depends on?"", ""answer"": ""Economic growth depends on adherence to the rule of law and protection of property rights and contractual rights by a country's government.""}",What are the key factors that economic growth depends on?,Economic growth depends on adherence to the rule of law and protection of property rights and contractual rights by a country's government.,"['economic growth', 'rule of law', 'protection', 'property rights', 'contractual rights']"
170,06-01-04-the-problem-of-double-counting,06-01,4,Learn with Videos,"
Throughout this section of the course, we've been trying to solve a
complicated economic puzzle-why are some countries rich and others poor? There
are various factors at play, interacting in a dynamic, and changing
environment. And the final answer to the puzzle differs depending on the
perspective you're looking from.
","[Alex] We now return to the core question
of this part of the course. Why are some countries rich
and other countries poor? I'm going to lay out various
pieces of the puzzle keeping in mind that it's
it's a complex question with many factors at play
which are still being debated. Let's start with a simple example. How does a farmer goes from this to this? The most immediate reason that
some countries are rich is that their workers are very productive. So how do workers become productive? Well, they work with more and better
factors of production. That's the first piece of the puzzle. Rich countries -
they have a lot of physical capital and a lot of human capital, and that capital is organized using
the best technological knowledge. By physical capital, economists mean
tools in the broadest sense: shovels, tractors
cell phones, roads, buildings... More and better tools
make workers more productive. Human capital is tools in the mind or the stuff in people's heads
that makes them productive. Human capital - it's not
something we're born with. It's produced by an investment
in education and training and experience. Technological knowledge is knowledge
about how the world works, such as an understanding of genetics,
soil composition, chemistry. This is the research that informs
the books that our farmer reads. The final factor, a factor which is often
taken for granted - is organization. Human capital, physical capital
and technological knowledge - they've gotta be brought together,
they've got to be organized in a way that produces valuable
goods and services. In a capitalist society,
it's the entrepreneurs who bring ideas, people
and capital together in order to produce valuable products. So rich countries - they have
a lot of factors of production. But that's a bit too easy. Why do the rich countries have
more factors of production? We've got to go back to the basics. Incentives matter. That's the next piece of the puzzle. Let's give an example. In China during the
Great Leap Forward of the late 1950's and early 1960's, private farms were confiscated and consolidated into collectives. Collective property
meant that the incentive to invest and to work hard was low. Imagine that if you invest
and you work really hard you can produce an extra
bag of potatoes in, say, a day. If you're part of a 100 person collective, you don't take home an
extra bag of potatoes, but only one, one-hundredth
(1/100) of a bag. What would be the incentives
to work hard, to invest? When effort is divorced from payment there's very little incentive
to work productively. In fact, there's a incentive not to work
and to free ride on the work of others. As a result of this and many other errors
on the part of the Chinese leadership, some 20 to 40 million
Chinese farmers and workers starved to death
during this terrible time. China did not begin to take off as an
economic powerhouse until farmers were allowed to keep the product
of their efforts. As one Chinese farmer observed, ""You can't be lazy when you work for your
family and yourself."" If you're curious to learn more about
China, do check out our website. So, incentives are important. But now we've gotta ask, ""Why?"" Why do some countries
have good incentives? And the answer is that they
have good institutions. So which institutions create incentives
that spur prosperity? Well the good news here
is that there is considerable agreement about what the key institutions for
economic growth are. For example, if you buy a piece of land
and you build a farm, do you have an official deed of ownership? ...one that will stand up in a court if someone tries to build, say, a corporate
headquarters on top of your farm? Property rights allow you
to protect your investment. Our farmer also has to think
about our government. She might have to bribe government
officials to get permits or worry about
the outright seizure of her farm. So honest government is
another key institution that allows our farmer to invest. In some places the legal
system is of such poor quality that it can be difficult
to resolve disputes, such as collecting on a debt,
or even determining the ownership of a piece of property. A dependable legal system lets our farmer enforce contracts
and borrow and lend money. But our farmer still needs more. Sometimes the problem isn't
too much government but too little. Political instability and the threat of anarchy
are reoccurring problems in many countries. Who wants to invest in the future when
civil war threatens to wash away all of your plans? Political stability is needed to give
investors confidence to invest. We're almost there now, but our farmer still has to worry about
inefficient and unnecessary regulations - regulations which can create monopolies
and impede voluntary cooperation. Competitive and open markets
let market signals do their work, and they let the farmer innovate
and grow her business. So we've covered the key institutions
that allow our farmer to prosper: property rights, honest government,
political stability, a dependable legal system, and competitive and open markets. But now we've gotta ask, ""Well, why?"" Why do some countries have
good institutions? This is perhaps the most
actively debated question in all of development economics. And here we must answer with a
mysterious combination of history, ideas, culture, geography,
even a little bit of luck. Take for instance the United States. The US Constitution was fortunately
written at a time when the ideas of John Locke and
Adam Smith were popular. And it inherited a tendency towards a market economy and
democratic institutions from its colonial parent,
Great Britain. An open frontier, and plenty of freedom
to try new ideas and new ways of living, to leave the old
ways behind and to go to the frontier. This idea of the frontier
perhaps influences America's entrepreneurial culture
even today. And we were also very lucky that George Washington had the virtue
to stop at two presidential terms rather than trying to become the next king. So what makes some countries rich
and some countries poor? Well it's complicated, and
the answer differs depending upon whether we want to look at the
immediate causes or the ultimate causes. And these processes are also interacting
in a dynamic and changing environment. We do know some of the things
that matter, however. And the example of growth miracles,
like China, Korea and Japan - that's encouraging. It is possible for very poor
countries to grow very quickly and to reach their true potential once better incentives and institutions
are put into place. In the next section, we're gonna dive deeper into
the factors of production in order to create a simple, but
useful model of economic growth. Thanks! [Announcer] If you want to test yourself,
click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on, you can click,
""Go to the next video."" You can also visit MRUniversity.com
to see our entire library of videos and resources.",the-problem-of-double-counting,"Question: What are the key institutions that create incentives for economic growth?
Answer: The key institutions that create incentives for economic growth are property rights, honest government, political stability, a dependable legal system, and competitive and open markets.",What are the key institutions that create incentives for economic growth? ,"The key institutions that create incentives for economic growth are property rights, honest government, political stability, a dependable legal system, and competitive and open markets.","['rich countries', 'human capital', 'technological knowledge', 'shovels', 'tractors', 'cell phones']"
171,06-02-01-calculating-gdp-net-exports-and-nnp,06-02,1,Sources of Economic Growth: The Aggregate Production Function,"To analyze the sources of economic growth, it is useful to think about a production function, which is the technical relationship by which economic inputs like labor, machinery, and raw materials are turned into outputs like goods and services that consumers use. A microeconomic production function describes a firm's or an industry's inputs and outputs. In macroeconomics, we call the connection from inputs to outputs for the entire economy an **aggregate production function**.","To analyze the sources of economic growth, it is useful to think about a production function, which is the technical relationship by which economic inputs like labor, machinery, and raw materials are turned into outputs like goods and services that consumers use. A microeconomic production function describes a firm's or an industry's inputs and outputs. In macroeconomics, we call the connection from inputs to outputs for the entire economy an aggregate production function.",calculating-gdp-net-exports-and-nnp,"{""question"": ""What is a production function?"", ""answer"": ""A production function is the technical relationship by which economic inputs are turned into outputs like goods and services.""}",What is a production function?,A production function is the technical relationship by which economic inputs are turned into outputs like goods and services.,"['economic growth', 'production function', 'economic inputs', 'machinery', 'raw materials', 'microeconomic production function']"
172,06-02-02-to-calculate-gdp-use-the-following-formula,06-02,2,Components of the Aggregate Production Function,"
Economists construct different production functions depending on the focus of their studies.
Figure 6.2 presents two examples of aggregate production functions.
In the first production function in Figure 6.2 (a), the output is GDP.
In the second production function in Figure 6.2(b), the output is GDP per capita. The inputs in both functions are workforce, human capital, physical capital, and technology.
We discuss these inputs further in the module, Components of Economic Growth.
**Figure 6.2 Aggregate Production Functions**
","Economists construct different production functions depending on the focus of their studies.
Figure 6.2 presents two examples of aggregate production functions.
In the first production function in Figure 6.2 (a), the output is GDP.
In the second production function in Figure 6.2(b), the output is GDP per capita. The inputs in both functions are workforce, human capital, physical capital, and technology.
We discuss these inputs further in the module, Components of Economic Growth.
Output per hour worked is a measure of worker productivity. In the U.S. economy, worker productivity rose more quickly in the 1950s and the 1960s compared with the 1970s and 1980s.
**Figure 6.3** shows an index of output per hour, with 2009 as the base year (when the index equals 100).
In 2014, the index equaled about 106.
In 1972, the index equaled 50, which shows that workers have more than doubled their productivity since then.
**Figure 7.3 Output per Hour Worked in the U.S. Economy, 1947-2011**
According to the Department of Labor, U.S. productivity growth was fairly strong in the 1950s but then declined in the 1970s and 1980s before rising again in the second half of the 1990s and the first half of the 2000s. In fact, the rate of productivity growth by the change in output per hour worked averaged 3.2% per year from 1950 to 1970; dropped to 1.9% per year from 1970 to 1990; and then climbed back to over 2.3% from 1991 to the present, with another modest slowdown after 2001. **Figure 6.4** shows average annual rates of productivity growth averaged over time since 1950.
**Figure 6.4 Productivity Growth Since 1950**
- U.S. growth in worker productivity was very high between 1950 and 1970.
- It then declined to lower levels in the 1970s and the 1980s.
- The late 1990s and early 2000s saw productivity rebound, but then productivity decreased by a small amount in the 2000s.
- Some think the productivity rebound of the late 1990s and early 2000s marks the start of a “new economy” built on higher productivity growth, but we cannot determine this until more time has passed. (Source: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.)
","An economy's rate of productivity growth is closely linked to the growth rate of its GDP per capita, although the two are not identical. For example, if the percentage of the population who holds jobs in an economy increases, GDP per capita will increase but the productivity of individual workers may not be affected. Over the long term, the only way that GDP per capita can grow continually is if the productivity of the average worker rises or if there are complementary increases in capital.
A common measure of U.S. productivity per worker is dollar value per hour the worker contributes to the employer's output.
Note: This measure excludes government workers, because their output is not sold in the market and so their productivity is hard to measure. It also excludes farming, which accounts for only a relatively small share of the U.S. economy.
Output per hour worked is a measure of worker productivity. In the U.S. economy, worker productivity rose more quickly in the 1950s and the 1960s compared with the 1970s and 1980s.
Figure 6.3 shows an index of output per hour, with 2009 as the base year (when the index equals 100).
In 2014, the index equaled about 106.
In 1972, the index equaled 50, which shows that workers have more than doubled their productivity since then.
Growth in GDP per capita, productivity and ULC
OECD.Stat enables users to search for and extract data from across OECD's many databases. [Read more](https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=PDB_GR)
The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) tracks data on the annual growth rate of real GDP per hour worked. You can find these data on the OECD data webpage “Growth in GDP per capita, productivity and ULC” at [this](http://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=PDB_GR) website.
","Growth in GDP per capita, productivity and ULC
OECD.Stat enables users to search for and extract data from across OECD's many databases. Read more
The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) tracks data on the annual growth rate of real GDP per hour worked. You can find these data on the OECD data webpage “Growth in GDP per capita, productivity and ULC” at this website.",overview,"{""question"": ""What does the OECD track data on?"", ""answer"": ""The annual growth rate of real GDP per hour worked.""}",What does the OECD track data on?,The annual growth rate of real GDP per hour worked.,"['growth', 'gdp', 'productivity', 'ul', 'oECD', 'database']"
176,06-02-06-converting-nominal-to-real-gdp,06-02,6,The Power of Sustained Economic Growth,"
Nothing is more important for people's standard of living than sustained economic growth.
Even small changes in the rate of growth, when sustained and compounded over long periods of time, make an enormous difference in the standard of living.
Consider Table 6.3, where the rows of the table show several different rates of growth in GDP per capita and the columns show different periods of time.
| Growth Rate | Value of an original 100 in 10 Years | Value of an original 100 in 25 Years | Value of an original 100 in 50 Years |
| ----------- | ------------------------------------ | ------------------------------------ | ------------------------------------ |
| 1% | 110 | 128 | 164 |
| 3% | 134 | 209 | 438 |
| 5% | 163 | 339 | 1,147 |
| 8% | 216 | 685 | 4,690 |
**Table 6.3** Growth of GDP over Different Time Horizons
Assume for simplicity that an economy starts with a GDP per capita of 100. The table then applies the following formula to calculate what GDP will be at the given growth rate in the future:
$$
\text{GDP at starting date} \times (1 + \text{growth rate of GDP})^\text{years} = \text{GDP at end date}
$$
For example, an economy that starts with a GDP of 100 and grows at 3% per year will reach a GDP of 209 after 25 years; that is, $100\;\; (1.03)^25 = 209$.
The slowest rate of GDP per capita growth in the table, just 1% per year, is similar to what the United States experienced during its weakest years of productivity growth. The second highest rate, 3% per year, is close to what the U.S. experienced during its strong economy in the late 1990s and into the 2000s. Higher rates of per capita growth, such as 5% or 8% per year, represent the experience of rapid growth in economies like Japan, Korea, and China.
**Table 6.3** shows that even a few percentage points of difference in economic growth rates will have a profound effect if sustained and compounded over time. For example, an economy growing at a 1% annual rate over 50 years will see its GDP per capita rise by a total of 64%, from 100 to 164 in this example. However, a country growing at a 5% annual rate will see almost the same amount of growth—from 100 to 163—over just 10 years. Rapid rates of economic growth can bring profound transformation. See the following Clear It Up feature on the relationship between compound growth rates and compound interest rates. If the rate of growth is 8%, young adults starting at age 20 will see the average standard of living in their country more than double by the time they reach age 30 and grow nearly sixfold by the time they reach age 45.","Nothing is more important for people's standard of living than sustained economic growth.
Even small changes in the rate of growth, when sustained and compounded over long periods of time, make an enormous difference in the standard of living.
Consider Table 6.3, where the rows of the table show several different rates of growth in GDP per capita and the columns show different periods of time.
Table 6.3 Growth of GDP over Different Time Horizons
Assume for simplicity that an economy starts with a GDP per capita of 100. The table then applies the following formula to calculate what GDP will be at the given growth rate in the future:
$$
\text{GDP at starting date} \times (1 + \text{growth rate of GDP})^\text{years} = \text{GDP at end date}
$$
For example, an economy that starts with a GDP of 100 and grows at 3% per year will reach a GDP of 209 after 25 years; that is, $100\;\; (1.03)^25 = 209$.
The slowest rate of GDP per capita growth in the table, just 1% per year, is similar to what the United States experienced during its weakest years of productivity growth. The second highest rate, 3% per year, is close to what the U.S. experienced during its strong economy in the late 1990s and into the 2000s. Higher rates of per capita growth, such as 5% or 8% per year, represent the experience of rapid growth in economies like Japan, Korea, and China.
Table 6.3 shows that even a few percentage points of difference in economic growth rates will have a profound effect if sustained and compounded over time. For example, an economy growing at a 1% annual rate over 50 years will see its GDP per capita rise by a total of 64%, from 100 to 164 in this example. However, a country growing at a 5% annual rate will see almost the same amount of growth—from 100 to 163—over just 10 years. Rapid rates of economic growth can bring profound transformation. See the following Clear It Up feature on the relationship between compound growth rates and compound interest rates. If the rate of growth is 8%, young adults starting at age 20 will see the average standard of living in their country more than double by the time they reach age 30 and grow nearly sixfold by the time they reach age 45.",converting-nominal-to-real-gdp,"{
""question"": ""What is the formula used to calculate GDP at the end date given the starting GDP and the growth rate?"",
""answer"": ""GDP at starting date * (1 + growth rate of GDP)^years = GDP at end date""
}",What is the formula used to calculate GDP at the end date given the starting GDP and the growth rate?,GDP at starting date * (1 + growth rate of GDP)^years = GDP at end date,"['sustained economic growth', 'gdp', 'different time horizons', 'china']"
177,06-02-07-computing-gdp,06-02,7,How are compound growth rates and compound interest rates related?,"The formula for GDP growth rates over different periods of time, as Figure 7.3 shows, is exactly the same as the formula for how a given amount of financial savings grows at a certain interest rate over time, as presented in Choice in a World of Scarcity. Both formulas have the same ingredients:
1. An original starting amount, in one case GDP and in the other case an amount of financial saving.
2. A percentage increase over time, in one case the GDP growth rate and in the other case an interest rate.
3. And an amount of time over which this effect happens.
Recall that compound interest is interest that is earned on past interest. It causes the total amount of financial savings to grow dramatically over time. Similarly, compound rates of economic growth, or the **compound growth rate**, means that we multiply the rate of growth by a base that includes past GDP growth. This results in dramatic effects over time.
For example, in 2013, the Central Intelligence Agency's World Fact Book reported that South Korea had a GDP of \$1.67 trillion with a growth rate of 2.8%. We can estimate that at that growth rate, South Korea's GDP will be \$1.92 trillion in five years. If we apply the growth rate to each year's year-end GDP for the next five years, we will calculate that at the end of year one, GDP is \$1.72 trillion. In year two, we start with the year-end GDP from year one, a value of \$1.72 trillion, and increase it by 2.8%. Year three starts with the year-end GDP from year two, and we increase it by 2.8% and so on, as Table 6.4 depicts.
| Year | Starting GDP | Growth Rate 2.8% | Year-End Amount |
| ---- | ---------------- | ---------------- | --------------- |
| 1 | $1.67 Trillion x | (1+0.028) | $1.72 Trillion |
| 2 | $1.72 Trillion x | (1+0.028) | $1.76 Trillion |
| 3 | $1.76 Trillion x | (1+0.028) | $1.81 Trillion |
| 4 | $1.81 Trillion x | (1+0.028) | $1.87 Trillion |
| 5 | $1.87 Trillion x | (1+0.028) | $1.92 Trillion |
**Table 6.4**
Another way to calculate the growth rate is to apply the following formula:
$$
\text{Future Value} = \text{Present Value} \times (1 + g)^n
$$
Where “future value” is the value of GDP five years hence, “present value” is the starting GDP amount of $1.67 trillion, “g” is the growth rate of 2.8%, and “n” is the number of periods for which we are calculating growth.
$$
\text{Future Value} = 1.67 \times (1+0.028)^5 = \text{\$1.92 trillion}
$$","The formula for GDP growth rates over different periods of time, as Figure 7.3 shows, is exactly the same as the formula for how a given amount of financial savings grows at a certain interest rate over time, as presented in Choice in a World of Scarcity. Both formulas have the same ingredients:
An original starting amount, in one case GDP and in the other case an amount of financial saving.
A percentage increase over time, in one case the GDP growth rate and in the other case an interest rate.
And an amount of time over which this effect happens.
Recall that compound interest is interest that is earned on past interest. It causes the total amount of financial savings to grow dramatically over time. Similarly, compound rates of economic growth, or the compound growth rate, means that we multiply the rate of growth by a base that includes past GDP growth. This results in dramatic effects over time.
For example, in 2013, the Central Intelligence Agency's World Fact Book reported that South Korea had a GDP of \$1.67 trillion with a growth rate of 2.8%. We can estimate that at that growth rate, South Korea's GDP will be \$1.92 trillion in five years. If we apply the growth rate to each year's year-end GDP for the next five years, we will calculate that at the end of year one, GDP is \$1.72 trillion. In year two, we start with the year-end GDP from year one, a value of \$1.72 trillion, and increase it by 2.8%. Year three starts with the year-end GDP from year two, and we increase it by 2.8% and so on, as Table 6.4 depicts.
Table 6.4
Another way to calculate the growth rate is to apply the following formula:
$$
\text{Future Value} = \text{Present Value} \times (1 + g)^n
$$
Where “future value” is the value of GDP five years hence, “present value” is the starting GDP amount of $1.67 trillion, “g” is the growth rate of 2.8%, and “n” is the number of periods for which we are calculating growth.
$$
\text{Future Value} = 1.67 \times (1+0.028)^5 = \text{\$1.92 trillion}
$$",computing-gdp,"{""question"": ""What is the formula for calculating GDP growth rates over time?"", ""answer"": ""Future Value = Present Value * (1 + g)^n""}",What is the formula for calculating GDP growth rates over time?,Future Value = Present Value * (1 + g)^n,"['gdp growth rates', 'interest rate', 'choice in a world of scarcity', 'economic growth']"
178,06-02-08-overview,06-02,8,Learn with Videos,"
Why are some countries rich? Why are some countries poor? In the end it comes down to Productivity. This week on Crash Course Econ, Adriene and Jacob investigate just why some economies are more productive than others, and what happens when an economy is mor productive.
","Adriene: Hi, I'm Adriene Hill. Mr. Clifford: And I'm Jacob Clifford. And
welcome to Crash Course Economics. Adriene: So far we talked about GDP and how
the overall economy, but we haven't really talked about why some countries have a high
GDP and others have low GDP. So, why are some countries rich, and others poor? Let's investigate. Mr. Clifford: Look, a clue! Productivity! Adriene: Hmm... [Theme Music] Mr. Clifford: So, if we're gonna figure out
why some countries are rich and some are poor, we have to first define what it means to be
rich. Economists measure economic output by looking
at Gross Domestic Product or GDP. As you remember from the last video, GDP is the market value of all goods
and services newly produced in a country in one year. India's GDP is over six times larger than
the GDP of Singapore, but that doesn't mean the average Indian is richer than the average
Singaporean. That's because India has 240 times more people than Singapore. So, economists look at something called GDP
per capita, to determine how wealthy a country is. GDP per capita is the GDP of the country
divided by its population. It represents output per person, and a country with a high GDP
per capita is considered rich. Of course, some of you may say being rich
has nothing to do with GDP or money. It has to do with whether or not you're happy. Fine,
money may not buy happiness, but it can prevent a lot of misery. The United Nations' Human
Development Index, or HDI, measures life expectancy, literacy, education, quality of life, and
it ranks countries according to their findings. The data shows the country that have a high
GDP per capita have far less infant mortality, poverty and preventable diseases. So, economists often used GDP per capita to
measure a country's standard of living. Countries with the lowest standard of living are the
ones that are conventionally considered poor. So, why are some countries poor? Adriene: If you ask someone on the street,
they might say the difference is due to lack of natural resources or inept governments,
that is if the person doesn't subscribe to some antiquated racial or social Darwinist stereotypes --
but we should talk about those ideas. Well, let's skip the racial and social Darwinists stereotypes,
but resources and leadership are interesting. First, resources. Look at Singapore: third in GDP
per capita and ninth on the Human Development Index. Or Switzerland, ninth in GDP per capita
and third on the HDI. Singapore is a teeny tiny island, and Switzerland's main natural
resources is cows. And cows are great! I love cows, love love, but they aren't really natural
resources. Zimbabwe, on the other hand, has tons of natural
resources, like fertile soil, coal and rare minerals, but their economy? It's a wreck.
It's a hundred and sixty first (161st) in GPD per capita and a hundred and fifty sixth
(156th) on the HDI. Their incompetent and corrupt government keeps them poor. For comparison sake, the GDP per capita in
the US is 18 times higher than in Bangladesh, and we're not just trouncing Bangladesh. GDP
per capita wise, we're also crushing the GDP numbers of our great-grandparents. Take that,
Aloysius! GDP per capita in the US today is about
8 times higher than a hundred years ago. That's pretty impressive. Maybe the Thought Bubble
can produce an explanation. Mr. Clifford: Let's say John runs a bakery.
Each worker to produce a dozen donuts per hour, and each donut sells for $1. If John
wants to stay in business, he can't pay his workers more than $12 an hour. Obviously, he needs to pay for the ingredients
and the oven, but even if you wanted to be generous, he couldn't pay them $20 an hour.
They just don't produce enough for us to cover the cost. But if John can find a way for each
worker to produce four dozen donuts per hour, he can pay them $20 per hour. Simply put,
the more that each worker can produce, the more money each can earn. Economists argue that the main reason some
countries are rich is because of their productivity. Their ability to produce more output, per
worker, per hour. US workers, altogether, earn 18 times more per hour than Bangladeshi
workers, because they're able to produce 18 times more output per hour. US workers today
earn 8 times more per hour than US workers a hundred years ago, because they produce
8 times more output per hour. But not only is US producing more stuff, it's also producing higher
value products, like Avengers movies and jet engines. So going back to our bakery example, it's
like a worker from a hundred years ago be able to produce six plain donuts per hour,
while workers today is able to produce 60 salted caramel designer cupcakes per hour. Adriene: Thanks, Thought Bubble. Before we
go further, we need to point out the limitations of this bakery example. It's true, productivity
is key. A country that is more productive can create more stuff and can generate higher
incomes, but in real life, it doesn't always look like that. For example, in the US, the GDP per capita
has been steadily increasing for decades, but median family incomes haven't changed
much at all. This gets to issues of income inequality, and we're gonna devote an entire
episode to it. Limitations aside, low productivity remains
a fundamental reason why some countries are poor. Higher productivity not only helps explain
why we have more money to buy stuff, but also why we have more stuff to buy. And speaking
of stuff to buy, because it is socially unacceptable somehow for me to appear in the same clothes
over and over, I need 40 blouses to make this series. That is a lot of blouses. That strains
resources, pollutes the planet, and at high levels like 40 is completely unsustainable. Don't worry
though, some of these are from thrift stores. So what about people in poor countries? What
do they need? Well, they need food, clothing and housing, they need clean water and plumbing
and sewers, they need hospitals and medicine, but all those things have to be produced,
so a country that produces more of these things with fewer resources is gonna be wealthier
and healthier, and perhaps even happier than a country that can't. But making a million
cell phones isn't very impressive if your country has a hundred million people, so we
need to look at how much stuff we produce per person. That's GDP Per Capita. Mr. Clifford: So if everything all boils down
to productivity, what makes some countries more productive than others? Well, let's go
back and look at the main ingredients that we need to produce things, what economists
call the factors of production. First, you need land, which includes all natural
resources, and then you need workers which is labor, and then you need capital which
includes machines and factories and infrastructure, things you need to produce other things. One
special type of capital is the workers' education, knowledge and skills required to produce things.
Economists call this human capital. So school's not just about torturing you, except for PE,
it's about helping your human capital. The quantity and quality of these resources
is the first step to being more productive, but perhaps even more important is how you
use them. Increasing the amount of capital has a cost, but finding new ways to organize
production is virtually free. Economists call the organizational effectiveness ""technology.""
Think of it as the good ideas about how to combine labor and capital that you already
have. US workers produce so much more than Bangladeshi
workers because the US has more factories, robots, and computers. But more capital only
gets you so far; it increases your production capacity but it also eats up some of that
production capacity. You have to develop more factories and workers and machines to make
more capital, and then replace them when they wear out. Technology on the other hand takes
the same amount of resources and organizes them in a way to produce more output. Adriene: Here's an example. Twenty-five years
ago, you could find computers in just about every workplace in the US, but productivity
growth in the US was flat. Then, starting in about 1995, US productivity boomed, led
by computer technology. SO what changed? In the late 80's and early 90's, most workplace
computers were individual units, plugged into nothing but an electric outlet. They were
useful for writing and printing documents, or acting as overgrown calculators, and playing
Oregon Trail, but that was about it. When the World Wide Web came along everything changed. It turns out that computers are far more useful
when they can talk to each other. The computer at the store could talk to the computer at
the warehouse which could talk to the computer at the factory. That means I can get a new
blouse from the other side of the world pretty much immediately. Connectivity equals productivity.
Productivity in the US boomed for the next 10 years, and wages jumped as a result. 200 years ago, productivity in the US wasn't
that great, but it grew a little bit every year. Compounding that over decades and centuries
gives us the huge gap between the US standard of living and that of many developing countries.
The good news is that in recent decades, many developing countries, like China, South Korea,
Mexico and Ghana have dramatically improved their capital in technology and have seen
their living standards rise. So if you want a single, one-word answer as
to why some countries are more successful than others, here it is: Productivity. So
if you look at the big picture-- Mr. Clifford: And by ""big picture,"" we mean
both globally and historically-- Adriene: increasing productivity has resulted
in increased standards of living for much of humanity over the last hundred years, and
it's hard to argue that this is a bad thing. Mr. Clifford: Thanks for watching, we'll see
you next week. Thanks for watching Crash Course Economics.
It was made with the help of all of these nice people. You can improve their standard
of living by supporting Crash Course at Patreon. It's a voluntary subscription platform that
allows you to pay whatever you want monthly to help make Crash Course free for everyone
forever. Thanks for watching, DFTBA.",overview,"Question: What is the main factor that determines a country's wealth and standard of living?
Answer: Productivity.",What is the main factor that determines a country's wealth and standard of living?,Productivity.,"['gdp', 'crash course economics', 'india', 'life expectancy', 'literacy', 'quality of']"
179,06-03-00-calculating-real-gdp,06-03,0,Introduction,"Over decades and generations, seemingly small differences of a few percentage points in the annual rate of economic growth make an enormous difference in GDP per capita. In this module, we discuss some of the components of economic growth, including physical capital, human capital, and technology.
The category of **physical capital** includes the plant and equipment that firms use as well as things like roads (also called **infrastructure**). Again, greater physical capital implies more output. Physical capital can affect productivity in two ways:
**1. An increase in the quantity of physical capital (for example, more computers of the same quality)**
**2. An increase in the quality of physical capital (same number of computers but the computers are faster, and so on).**
**Human capital** refers to the skills and knowledge that make workers productive. Human capital and physical capital accumulation is similar: In both cases, investment now pays off in higher productivity in the future.
The category of **technology** is the “joker in the deck.” Earlier we described it as the combination of invention and innovation. When most people think of new technology, the invention of new products like the laser, the smartphone, or some new wonder drug come to mind. In food production, developing more drought-resistant seeds is another example of technology. Technology, as economists use the term, however, includes still more. It includes new ways of organizing work, like the invention of the assembly line, new methods for ensuring better quality of output in factories, and innovative institutions that facilitate the process of converting inputs into output. In short, technology comprises all the advances that make the existing machines and other inputs produce more, and at higher quality, as well as altogether new products.
The category of physical capital includes the plant and equipment that firms use as well as things like roads (also called infrastructure)
Human capital refers to the skills and knowledge that make workers productive.
To obtain a per-capita production function, divide each input in **Figure 6.2
(a)** by the population. This creates a second aggregate production function
where the output is GDP per-capita (that is, GDP divided by population). The
inputs are the average level of human capital per person, the average level of
physical capital per person, and the level of technology per person—see
**Figure 6.2 (b)**. Increases in population lower per capita income. However,
increasing population is important for the average person only if the rates of
income growth and population growth are drastically different from each other.
A more important reason for constructing a per capita production function is
to understand the contribution of human and physical capital.
**Figure 6.2 Aggregate Production Functions**
","Over decades and generations, seemingly small differences of a few percentage points in the annual rate of economic growth make an enormous difference in GDP per capita. In this module, we discuss some of the components of economic growth, including physical capital, human capital, and technology.
The category of physical capital includes the plant and equipment that firms use as well as things like roads (also called infrastructure). Again, greater physical capital implies more output. Physical capital can affect productivity in two ways:
1. An increase in the quantity of physical capital (for example, more computers of the same quality)
2. An increase in the quality of physical capital (same number of computers but the computers are faster, and so on).
Human capital refers to the skills and knowledge that make workers productive. Human capital and physical capital accumulation is similar: In both cases, investment now pays off in higher productivity in the future.
The category of technology is the “joker in the deck.” Earlier we described it as the combination of invention and innovation. When most people think of new technology, the invention of new products like the laser, the smartphone, or some new wonder drug come to mind. In food production, developing more drought-resistant seeds is another example of technology. Technology, as economists use the term, however, includes still more. It includes new ways of organizing work, like the invention of the assembly line, new methods for ensuring better quality of output in factories, and innovative institutions that facilitate the process of converting inputs into output. In short, technology comprises all the advances that make the existing machines and other inputs produce more, and at higher quality, as well as altogether new products.
The category of physical capital includes the plant and equipment that firms use as well as things like roads (also called infrastructure)
Human capital refers to the skills and knowledge that make workers productive.
To obtain a per-capita production function, divide each input in Figure 6.2
(a) by the population. This creates a second aggregate production function
where the output is GDP per-capita (that is, GDP divided by population). The
inputs are the average level of human capital per person, the average level of
physical capital per person, and the level of technology per person—see
Figure 6.2 (b). Increases in population lower per capita income. However,
increasing population is important for the average person only if the rates of
income growth and population growth are drastically different from each other.
A more important reason for constructing a per capita production function is
to understand the contribution of human and physical capital.
Technology is typically the most important contributor to U.S. economic growth. Growth in human capital and physical capital often explains only half or less than half of the economic growth that occurs. New ways of doing things are tremendously important.
While investment in physical capital is essential to growth in labor productivity and GDP per capita, building human capital is at least as important. Economic growth is not just a matter of more machines and buildings. One vivid example of the power of human capital and technological knowledge occurred in Europe in the years after World War II (1939 ~ 1945).
During the war, a large share of Europe's physical capital, such as factories, roads, and vehicles, was destroyed. Europe also lost an overwhelming amount of human capital in the form of millions of men, women, and children who died during the war. However, the powerful combination of skilled workers and technological knowledge, working within a market-oriented economic framework, rebuilt Europe's productive capacity to an even higher level within less than two decades.
A third lesson is that these three factors of human capital, physical capital, and technology work together. Workers with a higher level of education and skills are often better at coming up with new technological innovations. These technological innovations are often ideas that cannot increase production until they become a part of new investment in physical capital.
New machines that embody technological innovations often require additional training, which builds worker skills further. If the recipe for economic growth is to succeed, an economy needs all the ingredients of the aggregate production function. See the following Clear It Up feature for an example of how human capital, physical capital, and technology can combine to significantly impact lives.
","Since the late 1950s, economists have conducted growth accounting studies to determine the extent to which physical and human capital deepening and technology have contributed to growth. The usual approach uses an aggregate production function to estimate how much of per capita economic growth can be attributed to growth in physical capital and human capital. We can measure these two inputs at least roughly. The part of growth that is unexplained by measured inputs, called the residual, is then attributed to growth in technology. The exact numerical estimates differ from study to study and from country to country, depending on how researchers measured these three main factors and over what time horizons. For studies of the U.S. economy, three lessons commonly emerge from growth accounting studies.
Technology is typically the most important contributor to U.S. economic growth. Growth in human capital and physical capital often explains only half or less than half of the economic growth that occurs. New ways of doing things are tremendously important.
While investment in physical capital is essential to growth in labor productivity and GDP per capita, building human capital is at least as important. Economic growth is not just a matter of more machines and buildings. One vivid example of the power of human capital and technological knowledge occurred in Europe in the years after World War II (1939 ~ 1945).
During the war, a large share of Europe's physical capital, such as factories, roads, and vehicles, was destroyed. Europe also lost an overwhelming amount of human capital in the form of millions of men, women, and children who died during the war. However, the powerful combination of skilled workers and technological knowledge, working within a market-oriented economic framework, rebuilt Europe's productive capacity to an even higher level within less than two decades.
A third lesson is that these three factors of human capital, physical capital, and technology work together. Workers with a higher level of education and skills are often better at coming up with new technological innovations. These technological innovations are often ideas that cannot increase production until they become a part of new investment in physical capital.
New machines that embody technological innovations often require additional training, which builds worker skills further. If the recipe for economic growth is to succeed, an economy needs all the ingredients of the aggregate production function. See the following Clear It Up feature for an example of how human capital, physical capital, and technology can combine to significantly impact lives.
",converting-currencies-with-exchange-rates,"What are the three factors that contribute to economic growth according to growth accounting studies?
Answer: The three factors that contribute to economic growth according to growth accounting studies are technology, human capital, and physical capital.",What are the three factors that contribute to economic growth according to growth accounting studies?,"The three factors that contribute to economic growth according to growth accounting studies are technology, human capital, and physical capital.","['per capita economic growth', 'human capital', 'technological knowledge', 'europe', 'exact']"
181,07-04-02-learn-with-videos,07-04,2,Frictional Unemployment,"In a market economy, some companies are always going broke for a variety of reasons:
- Old technology;
- Poor management;
- Good management that happened to make bad decisions;
- Shifts in tastes of consumers so that less of the firm's product is desired;
- A large customer who went broke;
- Tough domestic or foreign competitors.
Conversely, other companies will be doing very well for just the opposite reasons and looking to hire more employees. In a perfect world, all of those who lost jobs would immediately find new ones.
In the real world, however, even if the number of job seekers is equal to the number of job vacancies, it takes time to find out about new jobs, to interview and figure out if the new job is a good match, or perhaps to sell a house and buy another in proximity to a new job.
**Economists call the unemployment that occurs as workers move between jobs as _frictional unemployment_.**
Frictional unemployment is not inherently a bad thing. It takes time on the part of both the employer and the individual to match those looking for employment with the correct job openings. For individuals and companies to be successful and productive, you want people to find the job for which they are best suited, not just the first job offered.
In the mid-2000s, before the 2008-2009 recession, about 7% of U.S. workers saw their jobs disappear in any three-month period. However, in periods of economic growth, these destroyed jobs are counterbalanced for the economy as a whole by a larger number of jobs created. In 2005, for example, there were typically about 7.5 million unemployed people at any given time in the U.S. economy. Even though about two-thirds of those unemployed people found a job in 14 weeks or fewer, the unemployment rate did not change much during the year, because those who found new jobs were largely offset by others who lost jobs.
These forces include the usual pattern of companies expanding and contracting
their workforces in a dynamic economy, social and economic forces that affect
the labor market, or public policies that affect either the eagerness of
people to work or the willingness of businesses to hire. Let's discuss these
factors in more detail.
The extent of frictional unemployment will also depend to some extent on how willing people are to move to new areas to find jobs, which in turn may depend on history and culture.
**Figure 7.3(b) Unemployment Rates for Women, by Age**
Frictional unemployment and the natural rate of unemployment also seem to depend on the age distribution of the population. **Figure 7.3 (b)** showed that unemployment rates are typically lower for people between 25-54 years of age or aged 55 and over than they are for those who are younger. “Prime-age workers,” as those in the 25-54 age bracket are sometimes called, are typically at a place in their lives when they want to have a job and income arriving at all times. In addition, older workers who lose jobs may prefer to opt for retirement. By contrast, it is likely that a relatively high proportion of those who are under 25 will be trying out jobs and life options, and this leads to greater job mobility and hence higher frictional unemployment. Thus, a society with a relatively high proportion of young workers, like the U.S. beginning in the mid-1960s when Baby Boomers began entering the labor market, will tend to have a higher unemployment rate than a society with a higher proportion of its workers in older ages.","In a market economy, some companies are always going broke for a variety of reasons:
Old technology;
Poor management;
Good management that happened to make bad decisions;
Shifts in tastes of consumers so that less of the firm's product is desired;
A large customer who went broke;
Tough domestic or foreign competitors.
Conversely, other companies will be doing very well for just the opposite reasons and looking to hire more employees. In a perfect world, all of those who lost jobs would immediately find new ones.
In the real world, however, even if the number of job seekers is equal to the number of job vacancies, it takes time to find out about new jobs, to interview and figure out if the new job is a good match, or perhaps to sell a house and buy another in proximity to a new job.
Economists call the unemployment that occurs as workers move between jobs as frictional unemployment.
Frictional unemployment is not inherently a bad thing. It takes time on the part of both the employer and the individual to match those looking for employment with the correct job openings. For individuals and companies to be successful and productive, you want people to find the job for which they are best suited, not just the first job offered.
In the mid-2000s, before the 2008-2009 recession, about 7% of U.S. workers saw their jobs disappear in any three-month period. However, in periods of economic growth, these destroyed jobs are counterbalanced for the economy as a whole by a larger number of jobs created. In 2005, for example, there were typically about 7.5 million unemployed people at any given time in the U.S. economy. Even though about two-thirds of those unemployed people found a job in 14 weeks or fewer, the unemployment rate did not change much during the year, because those who found new jobs were largely offset by others who lost jobs.
These forces include the usual pattern of companies expanding and contracting
their workforces in a dynamic economy, social and economic forces that affect
the labor market, or public policies that affect either the eagerness of
people to work or the willingness of businesses to hire. Let's discuss these
factors in more detail.
The extent of frictional unemployment will also depend to some extent on how willing people are to move to new areas to find jobs, which in turn may depend on history and culture.
Girls in low-income countries who receive more education tend to grow up to
have fewer, healthier, better- educated children.
These girls' children are more likely to be better nourished and to receive basic health care like immunizations. Economic research on women in low income economies backs up these findings. When 20 women obtain one additional year of schooling, as a group they will, on average, have one less child. When 1,000 women obtain one additional year of schooling, on average one to two fewer women from that group will die in childbirth. When a woman stays in school an additional year, that factor alone means that, on average, each of her children will spend an additional half-year in school. Education for girls is a good investment because it is an investment in economic growth with benefits beyond the current generation.","In the early 2000s, according to the World Bank, about 110 million children between the ages of 6 and 11 were not in school—and about two-thirds of them were girls. In Afghanistan, for example, the literacy rate for those aged 15-24 for the period 2005-2014 was 62% for males and only 32% for females. In Benin, in West Africa, it was 55% for males and 31% for females. In Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, it was 76% for males and 58 percent for females.
Whenever any child does not receive a basic education, it is both a human and an economic loss. In low- income countries, wages typically increase by an average of 10 to 20% with each additional year of education. There is, however, some intriguing evidence that helping girls in low-income countries to close the education gap with boys may be especially important, because of the social role that many of the girls will play as mothers and homemakers.
Girls in low-income countries who receive more education tend to grow up to
have fewer, healthier, better- educated children.
These girls' children are more likely to be better nourished and to receive basic health care like immunizations. Economic research on women in low income economies backs up these findings. When 20 women obtain one additional year of schooling, as a group they will, on average, have one less child. When 1,000 women obtain one additional year of schooling, on average one to two fewer women from that group will die in childbirth. When a woman stays in school an additional year, that factor alone means that, on average, each of her children will spend an additional half-year in school. Education for girls is a good investment because it is an investment in economic growth with benefits beyond the current generation.",converting-gdp-to-a-common-currency,"{""question"": ""What is the impact of girls in low-income countries receiving more education?"", ""answer"": ""Girls in low-income countries who receive more education tend to grow up to have fewer, healthier, better-educated children.""}",What is the impact of girls in low-income countries receiving more education?,"Girls in low-income countries who receive more education tend to grow up to have fewer, healthier, better-educated children.","['lowincome countries', 'literacy rate', 'children', 'benin', 'west af']"
183,06-03-04-gdp-per-capita,06-03,4,A Healthy Climate for Economic Growth,"While physical and human capital deepening and better technology are important, equally important to a nation's well-being is the climate or system within which these inputs are cultivated.
Both the type of market economy and a legal system that governs and sustains property rights and contractual rights are important contributors to a healthy economic climate.
A healthy economic climate usually involves some sort of market orientation at the microeconomic, individual, or firm decision-making level. Markets that allow personal and business rewards and incentives for increasing human and physical capital encourage overall macroeconomic growth. For example, when workers participate in a competitive and well-functioning labor market, they have an incentive to acquire additional human capital, because additional education and skills will pay off in higher wages. Firms have an incentive to invest in physical capital and in training workers, because they expect to earn higher profits for their shareholders. Both individuals and firms look for new technologies, because even small inventions can make work easier or lead to product improvement.
Collectively, such individual and business decisions made within a market structure add up to macroeconomic growth. Much of the rapid growth since the late nineteenth century has come from harnessing the power of competitive markets to allocate resources. This market orientation typically reaches beyond national borders and includes openness to international trade.
A general orientation toward markets does not rule out important roles for government. There are times when markets fail to allocate capital or technology in a manner that provides the greatest benefit for society as a whole. The government's role is to correct these failures. In addition, government can guide or influence markets toward certain outcomes.
The following examples highlight some important areas that governments around the world have chosen to invest in to facilitate capital deepening and technology:
- **Education.** The Danish government requires all children under 16 to attend school. They can choose to attend a public school (_Folkeskole_) or a private school. Students do not pay tuition to attend _Folkeskole_. Thirteen percent of primary/secondary (elementary/high) school is private, and the government supplies vouchers to citizens who choose private school.
- **Savings and Investment.** In the United States, as in other countries, the government taxes gains from private investment. Low capital gains taxes encourage investment and so also economic growth.
- **Infrastructure.** The Japanese government in the mid-1990s undertook significant infrastructure projects to improve roads and public works. This in turn increased the stock of physical capital and ultimately economic growth.
- **Special Economic Zones.** The island of Mauritius is one of the few African nations to encourage international trade in government-supported special economic zones (SEZ). These are areas of the country, usually with access to a port where, among other benefits, the government does not tax trade. As a result of its SEZ, Mauritius has enjoyed above-average economic growth since the 1980s. Free trade does not have to occur in an SEZ however. Governments can encourage international trade across the board.
- **Scientific Research.** The European Union has strong programs to invest in scientific research. The researchers Abraham García and Pierre Mohnen demonstrate that firms which received support from the Austrian government actually increased their research intensity and had more sales. Governments can support scientific research and technical training that helps to create and spread new technologies. Governments can also provide a legal environment that protects the ability of inventors to profit from their inventions.
There are many more ways in which the government can play an active role in promoting economic growth. We explore them in other chapters and in particular in Macroeconomic Policy Around the World. A healthy climate for growth in GDP per capita and labor productivity includes human capital deepening, physical capital deepening, and technological gains, operating in a market-oriented economy with supportive government policies.","While physical and human capital deepening and better technology are important, equally important to a nation's well-being is the climate or system within which these inputs are cultivated.
Both the type of market economy and a legal system that governs and sustains property rights and contractual rights are important contributors to a healthy economic climate.
A healthy economic climate usually involves some sort of market orientation at the microeconomic, individual, or firm decision-making level. Markets that allow personal and business rewards and incentives for increasing human and physical capital encourage overall macroeconomic growth. For example, when workers participate in a competitive and well-functioning labor market, they have an incentive to acquire additional human capital, because additional education and skills will pay off in higher wages. Firms have an incentive to invest in physical capital and in training workers, because they expect to earn higher profits for their shareholders. Both individuals and firms look for new technologies, because even small inventions can make work easier or lead to product improvement.
Collectively, such individual and business decisions made within a market structure add up to macroeconomic growth. Much of the rapid growth since the late nineteenth century has come from harnessing the power of competitive markets to allocate resources. This market orientation typically reaches beyond national borders and includes openness to international trade.
A general orientation toward markets does not rule out important roles for government. There are times when markets fail to allocate capital or technology in a manner that provides the greatest benefit for society as a whole. The government's role is to correct these failures. In addition, government can guide or influence markets toward certain outcomes.
The following examples highlight some important areas that governments around the world have chosen to invest in to facilitate capital deepening and technology:
Education. The Danish government requires all children under 16 to attend school. They can choose to attend a public school (Folkeskole) or a private school. Students do not pay tuition to attend Folkeskole. Thirteen percent of primary/secondary (elementary/high) school is private, and the government supplies vouchers to citizens who choose private school.
Savings and Investment. In the United States, as in other countries, the government taxes gains from private investment. Low capital gains taxes encourage investment and so also economic growth.
Infrastructure. The Japanese government in the mid-1990s undertook significant infrastructure projects to improve roads and public works. This in turn increased the stock of physical capital and ultimately economic growth.
Special Economic Zones. The island of Mauritius is one of the few African nations to encourage international trade in government-supported special economic zones (SEZ). These are areas of the country, usually with access to a port where, among other benefits, the government does not tax trade. As a result of its SEZ, Mauritius has enjoyed above-average economic growth since the 1980s. Free trade does not have to occur in an SEZ however. Governments can encourage international trade across the board.
Scientific Research. The European Union has strong programs to invest in scientific research. The researchers Abraham García and Pierre Mohnen demonstrate that firms which received support from the Austrian government actually increased their research intensity and had more sales. Governments can support scientific research and technical training that helps to create and spread new technologies. Governments can also provide a legal environment that protects the ability of inventors to profit from their inventions.
There are many more ways in which the government can play an active role in promoting economic growth. We explore them in other chapters and in particular in Macroeconomic Policy Around the World. A healthy climate for growth in GDP per capita and labor productivity includes human capital deepening, physical capital deepening, and technological gains, operating in a market-oriented economy with supportive government policies.",gdp-per-capita,"Question: What are some areas in which governments can invest to facilitate capital deepening and technology?
Answer: Education, savings and investment, infrastructure, special economic zones, and scientific research are some areas in which governments can invest to facilitate capital deepening and technology.",What are some areas in which governments can invest to facilitate capital deepening and technology?,"Education, savings and investment, infrastructure, special economic zones, and scientific research are some areas in which governments can invest to facilitate capital deepening and technology.","['human capital deepening', 'economic growth', 'legal system', 'property rights', 'contractual rights']"
184,06-03-05-is-china-going-to-surpass-the-united-states-in-terms-of-standard-of-living,06-03,5,Learn with Videos,"
If you look at the African continent, perhaps the first word to come to mind is ""enormous."" And that's true. You could fit most of the United States, China, India, and a lot of Europe, into Africa. But if you compare Africa to Europe, Europe has two to three times the length of coastline that Africa has.
","Think about some of the biggest and
most prosperous cities you've been to. What do many of them have in common? Water. They sit on a major coast or on a major river. This map shows GDP density - how much
GDP is produced per square kilometer. You can see that the coasts of the
US and the areas along the navigable rivers of the Great Lakes
regions are just chock full of GDP. Likewise in Western Europe, in Japan
along the coast of China, and the coast of Australia. Why is this? It's much cheaper to transport
goods over water than over land. So, Adam Smith argued that access to water reduced the cost of trade and gave
merchants access to larger markets. In turn, larger markets gave merchants
a greater incentive to specialize and to innovate. As a result, civilization grew
where trade was easiest. Even today, countries that are
landlocked are on average poorer than countries that have access to a coast. What's the most landlocked
continent of all? It also happens to be the continent
with the most poor countries. Africa. First off, Africa is enormous. You can fit most of the United States,
China, India and a lot of Europe into Africa. That's big. Second, Africa is landlocked.
While Africa is far bigger in total size than Europe, if you just measure the coastline, Europe
has 2 to 3 times more coastline than does Africa. And because Africa is big and landlocked,
trade is more expensive, and economic growth, slower to start. What we learned from this foray into
civilization and geography is 2 things. First, being landlocked is like a natural tariff,
a natural tax on trade. And if natural tariffs are bad for growth, then perhaps tariffs created by governments
aren't that great for growth either. Second, growth is not just about policy. Some places have natural blessings
that have helped those places to prosper. And that too helps us understand our world. [Announcer] If you want to test yourself,
click ""Practice Questions"". Or, if you're ready to move on,
you can click ""Go to the Next Video."" You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see
our entire library of videos and resources.",is-china-going-to-surpass-the-united-states-in-terms-of-standard-of-living,"What is the correlation between access to water and GDP density in prosperous cities?
Answer: Access to water reduces the cost of trade and leads to larger markets, resulting in higher GDP density.",What is the correlation between access to water and GDP density in prosperous cities?,"Access to water reduces the cost of trade and leads to larger markets, resulting in higher GDP density.","['pipeline', 'africa', 'water', 'gdp density', 'navigable rivers']"
185,06-04-00-learn-with-videos,06-04,0,Arguments Favoring Convergence,"Several arguments suggest that low-income countries might have an advantage in achieving greater worker productivity and economic growth in the future.
**1. A first argument is based on diminishing marginal returns.**
Even though deepening human and physical capital will tend to increase GDP per capita, the law of diminishing returns suggests that as an economy continues to increase its human and physical capital, the marginal gains to economic growth will diminish. For example, raising the average education level of the population by two years from a tenth-grade level to a high school diploma (while holding all other inputs constant) would produce a certain increase in output. An additional two-year increase, so that the average person had a two-year college degree, would increase output further, but the marginal gain would be smaller. Yet another additional two-year increase in the level of education, so that the average person would have a four-year-college bachelor's degree, would increase output still further, but the marginal increase would again be smaller. A similar lesson holds for physical capital. If the quantity of physical capital available to the average worker increases, by, say, \$5,000 to \$10,000 (again, while holding all other inputs constant), it will increase the level of output. An additional increase from \$10,000 to \$15,000 will increase output further, but the marginal increase will be smaller.
Low-income countries like China and India tend to have lower levels of human capital and physical capital, so an investment in capital deepening should have a larger marginal effect in these countries than in high-income countries, where levels of human and physical capital are already relatively high. Diminishing returns implies that low-income economies could converge to the levels that the high-income countries achieve.
**2. A second argument is that low-income countries may find it easier to improve their technologies than high-income countries.**
High-income countries must continually invent new technologies, whereas low-income countries can often find ways of applying technology that has already been invented and is well understood. The economist Alexander Gerschenkron (1904 - 1978) gave this phenomenon a memorable name: “the advantages of backwardness.” Of course, he did not literally mean that it is an advantage to have a lower standard of living. He was pointing out that a country that is behind has some extra potential for catching up.
**Finally, optimists argue that many countries have observed the experience of those that have grown more quickly and have learned from it.**
Moreover, once the people of a country begin to enjoy the benefits of a higher standard of living, they may be more likely to build and support the market-friendly institutions that will help provide this standard of living.","Several arguments suggest that low-income countries might have an advantage in achieving greater worker productivity and economic growth in the future.
1. A first argument is based on diminishing marginal returns.
Even though deepening human and physical capital will tend to increase GDP per capita, the law of diminishing returns suggests that as an economy continues to increase its human and physical capital, the marginal gains to economic growth will diminish. For example, raising the average education level of the population by two years from a tenth-grade level to a high school diploma (while holding all other inputs constant) would produce a certain increase in output. An additional two-year increase, so that the average person had a two-year college degree, would increase output further, but the marginal gain would be smaller. Yet another additional two-year increase in the level of education, so that the average person would have a four-year-college bachelor's degree, would increase output still further, but the marginal increase would again be smaller. A similar lesson holds for physical capital. If the quantity of physical capital available to the average worker increases, by, say, \$5,000 to \$10,000 (again, while holding all other inputs constant), it will increase the level of output. An additional increase from \$10,000 to \$15,000 will increase output further, but the marginal increase will be smaller.
Low-income countries like China and India tend to have lower levels of human capital and physical capital, so an investment in capital deepening should have a larger marginal effect in these countries than in high-income countries, where levels of human and physical capital are already relatively high. Diminishing returns implies that low-income economies could converge to the levels that the high-income countries achieve.
2. A second argument is that low-income countries may find it easier to improve their technologies than high-income countries.
High-income countries must continually invent new technologies, whereas low-income countries can often find ways of applying technology that has already been invented and is well understood. The economist Alexander Gerschenkron (1904 - 1978) gave this phenomenon a memorable name: “the advantages of backwardness.” Of course, he did not literally mean that it is an advantage to have a lower standard of living. He was pointing out that a country that is behind has some extra potential for catching up.
Finally, optimists argue that many countries have observed the experience of those that have grown more quickly and have learned from it.
Moreover, once the people of a country begin to enjoy the benefits of a higher standard of living, they may be more likely to build and support the market-friendly institutions that will help provide this standard of living.",learn-with-videos,"{""question"": ""What are two arguments that suggest low-income countries might have an advantage in achieving greater worker productivity and economic growth in the future?"", ""answer"": ""The arguments are based on diminishing marginal returns and the advantages of backwardness.""}",What are two arguments that suggest low-income countries might have an advantage in achieving greater worker productivity and economic growth in the future?,The arguments are based on diminishing marginal returns and the advantages of backwardness.,"['lowincome countries', 'worker productivity', 'economic growth', 'marginal returns', 'human capital']"
186,06-04-01-overview,06-04,1,Learn with Videos,"
View full lesson:
http://ed.ted.com/lessons/the-good-news-of-the-decade-hans-rosling Hans
Rosling reframes 10 years of UN data with his spectacular visuals, ...
",[Music] [Music] we are here today because United Nations have defined goals for the progress of countries they're called Millennium Development Goals and the reason I really like these goals is that there are eight of them and by specifying eight different goals the United Nations have said that there are so many things needed to change in a country in order to get a good life for people look here you have to end poverty education gender child and maternal health control infections protect the environment and get the good global links between nations in every aspects from aid to trade there's a second reason I like these Development Goals and that is because each and every one is measured take child mortality the aim here is to reduce child mortality with two thirds from 1990 to 2050 that's a 4% reduction per year and this with measuring that's what make the difference between political talking like this and really going for the important thing a better life for people and what I'm so happy about with this is that we have already documented that there are many countries in Asia in Middle East in Latin America and East Europe that is reducing with this rate and even my T Brazil is going down with 5% per year and Turkey with 7% per year so there's good news but then I hear people saying there is no progress in Africa and there's not even statistics in Africa to know what is happening I'll prove them wrong on both points come with me to the wonderful world of statistic I bring you to the webpage child mortality dot or you know where you can bag deaths in children below five years of age for all countries it's done by UN specialists you know and I will take Kenya as an example here you see the data don't panic now don't panic you know I'll help you through this it looks you know nasty like in in in college when you did like statistics man but first thing when you see dots like this you have to ask yourself from where do the date that come what is the origin of the data is it so that in Kenya there are doctors and other specialists who write the death certificate at the death of a child and it's sent to the Statistical Office no low-income countries like Kenya still don't have that level of organization it exists but it's not complete because so many deaths occur in the home with the family and it's not registered so what we rely on is not incomplete system we have interviews we have surveys and in this is highly professional female interviewers who sit down for one hour with a woman and Oscar about birth history how many children did you have order you're alive if they died at what age and what year and then this is done in a representative sample of thousands of women in the country and put together in what you used to be called a demographic Health Survey report but these surveys are costly so they can only be done with three to five years interval but they have good quality so this is this is a limitation and all these colored lines here are results each color is one serving but that's too complicated for today so I'll simplified for you and I give you one average point for each survey this was 1977 1988 1992 97 and 2002 and when when the expert in the UN have got these service in place in their database then they use advanced mathematical formulas to produce a trend line and trend line and the trend line looks like this see here is the best fit they can get of this point but watch out they continue the line beyond the last point out into nothing and they estimated that 2008 Kenya had a child mortality of 128 and I was sad because we could see this this reversal in Kenya with an increased child mortality in the 90s it was so tragic but in June I got the mail in my inbox from demographic Health Survey and it showed good news from Kenya I was so happy this was the estimate of the new survey then it just took another three months for you and to get it into their server and on Friday we got the new trend line it was down here isn't it nice isn't it nice yeah I was actually on Friday sitting in front of my computer and I saw that the death rate fall from 128 to 84 yes that morning you know so we celebrated but now when you have this trend line how do we measure progress I'm going into some details here because you n do it like this they start 1992 they measure to 2009 they say 0.9% no progress that's unfair as a professor I think I have the right to propose something differently I would say at least do this ten years is enough to follow the trend it's to two surveys and you can see what's happening now they have 2.4 percent had I been in the Ministry of Health in Kenya I may have joined these two points so what I'm telling you is that we know the child mortality we have a decent trend it coming into some tricky things then when we are measuring MDGs and the reason here for Africa is especially important because 90s was a bad decade not only in Kenya but across Africa the HIV epidemic peak that was resistant for the old malaria drugs until we got the new drugs we got late to the mosquito netting and there were socio-economic problems which are now being solved at the much better scale so look at the average here this is the average for all of sub-saharan Africa and UN says it's a reduction with 1.8 percent now this sounds a little theoretical but it's not so theoretically you know these economists they love money they want more and more of it they want it to grow so they calculate the percent annual growth rate of economy we in public health we hate child death so we want less and less and less of child deaths so we we calculate the percent reduction per year but it's sort of the same percentage if your economy grow with 4% you ought to reduce child mortality with 4% if it's used well and people are really involved and can get the use of the resources in the way they want so so is this fair now to measure this over 19 years and economists would never do that I have just divided into two period in the 90s only 1.2 percent only 1.2 percent whereas now second gear is like Africa had first gear now they go into second gear but even this is not a fair representation of Africa because it's an average it's an average speed of reduction in Africa and look here when I take you into my bubble graphs still here child F per 1000 on that axis here we have year and I'm now giving you a wider picture than the MDG I start 50 years ago when Africa celebrated independence in most countries I give you Congo which was high Ghana lower and Kenya even lower and what has happened over the years since there here we go you can see with independence literacy improved you know and vaccinations started smallpox was eradicated hygiene was improved and things got better but then in the eighties watch out here Congo got into civil war and they leveled off fear Ghana got very help fast this was the backlash in Kenya and go on a bypass but then Kenyan gonna go down together still the standstill in Congo that's why we are today you can see it doesn't make sense to make an average of this serie improvement and this very fast improvement time has come to stop thinking about sub-saharan Africa as one place that their countries are so different and they married to be recognized in the same way as we don't talk about Europe as one place I can tell you that the economy in Greece and Sweden are very different everyone knows that and they are judged each country on how they are doing you know so so let me show the why the picture my country Sweden 1800 we were up there what the strange personality disorder we must have counting the children so meticulously in spite of a high child death rate it's very strange it's sort of embarrassing but we had that habit in Sweden you know that we counted all the child that's even if we didn't do anything about it and then you see these are famine years this was bad years and people got fed up with freedom my ancestors moved to the United States you know and eventually soon they started to get better and better here and here we got better education and we got health service and child mortality came though we never had a war Sweden was in peace all this time but look the rate of lowering in Sweden was not fast Sweden achieved a low child mortality because we started early we had primary school actually starting 1842 and then you get that wonderful effect when we got female literacy one generation later you have to realise that the investments we do in progress for long term investments is not about just five years it's long term investments and and and Sweden never reach Millennium Development Goal rate 3.1 percent when I calculate so we are off track that was Sweden is but you don't talk about it so much you know we want others to be better than we were and indeed others have been better let me show you Thailand see what a success story in Thailand from the 1960s how they went down here and reached almost the same child mortality levels of Sweden and I'll give you another story Egypt the most hidden glorious success in public health he just was up here 1960 higher than Congo the Nile Delta was a misery for children with diarrheal disease you know and and malaria and a lot of problem and then they got the Aswan Dam they got electricity in the homes the increased education and they got primary health care and down they went you know and they got safer water they eradicated malaria and isn't it a success story Millennium Development Goal rates for child mortality is fully possible and the good thing is that Ghana today is going with the same rate as Egypt did as it fastest you know Kenya is now speeding up here we have a problem we have a severe problem in countries which are at a standstill now let me now bring you to a wider picture a wider picture of child mortality I'm going to show you the relation between child mortality on this axis here this here is child mortality and here I have the family size the relation between child mortality and family size one two three four children per woman six seven eight children per woman this is once again 1960 50 years ago each bubble is a country the color you can see the continent the dark blue here is sub-saharan Africa you know and the size of the bubble is the population and these are the so called developing countries they had high or very high child mortality and family size six to eight and and and the ones over there they were the so called Western countries they had low child mortality and small families what has happened what I want you now is to see with your own eyes the relation between falling child mortality and decrease in family size I just want not have any ruby has to see that for yourself this is what happened now I start the world here we come down with their educational smallpox better education you know health service it got on there China comes Indian to the Western box here you know and here Brazil is in the west of all India's approach' the first African countries coming into the Western ball and we get a lot of new neighbors welcome to a decent life come on we want everyone down here this is the vision we have isn't it and look now the African the first African countries here are coming in there we are today there is no such thing as a Western world and developing world this is the this is the report from UN which came out on Friday it's very good levels and Friends and child mortality except this page this page is very bad it's the categorization of countries it labels developing countries I can read from the listed developing countries Republic of Korea South Korea now they get some some how can they be developing countries they have here Singapore that the lowest child mortality in the world is Singapore they bypass Sweden and five years ago and they are label developing country they have here guitar it's a richest country in the world with aljazeera how the heck could they be developing this is crap the rest there is good the rest is good we have to have a modern concept which fit to the data you know and we have to realize that we are all going to live into this down to here what is the importance now with the relations here look even if we look in Africa these are the African countries you can clearly see the relation with falling child mortality and decreasing family size even within Africa it's very clear that this is what happens and a very important piece of research came out on Friday from the Institute of Health metrics and evaluation in Seattle showing that almost 50% of the fallen child mortality can be attributed to female education that is when we got get girls in school we will get an impact 15 to 20 years later which is a secular trend which is very strong that's why we must have that long-term perspective but we must measure the impact over ten years period it's fully possible to get child mortality down in all of these countries and to get them down into the corner why we all would like to live together and of course lowering child mortality is a matter or actor most important from humanitarian aspects it's a decent life for children we are talking about but it is also a strategic investment in the future of all mankind because it's about the environment we will not be able to manage the environment and avoid the terrible climate crisis if we don't stabilize the world population let's be clear about that and the way to do that that is to get child mortality down get access to family planning and behind that a drive of female education and that is fully possible let's do it thank you very much you [Music],overview,"Question: What is the significance of measuring child mortality rates according to the speaker?
Answer: Measuring child mortality rates allows for tracking progress and determining the effectiveness of efforts to reduce child mortality and improve the well-being of children.",What is the significance of measuring child mortality rates according to the speaker?,Measuring child mortality rates allows for tracking progress and determining the effectiveness of efforts to reduce child mortality and improve the well-being of children.,"['maternal health control infections', 'global links', 'child mortality', 'poverty education gender']"
187,06-04-02-limitations-of-gdp-as-a-measure-of-the-standard-of-living,06-04,2,Arguments That Convergence Is neither Inevitable nor Likely,"There is a crucial factor in the aggregate production function: **technology**.
If the economy's growth depended only on the deepening of human capital and physical capital, then we would expect that economy's growth rate to slow down over the long run because of diminishing marginal returns. However, there is another crucial factor in the aggregate production function: technology. Developing new technology can provide a way for an economy to sidestep the diminishing marginal returns of capital deepening. **Figure 6.7** shows how.
The graph's horizontal axis measures the amount of capital deepening, which on this figure is an overall measure that includes deepening of both physical and human capital. The amount of human and physical capital per worker increases as you move from left to right, from $C_1$ to $C_2$ to $C_3$.
The diagram's vertical axis measures per capita output. Along the lowest aggregate production function, labeled Technology 1, the level of technology is held constant, so the line shows only the relationship between capital deepening and output. As capital deepens from $C_1$ to $C_2$ to $C_3$ and the economy moves from $R$ to $U$ to $W$, per-capita output does increase— but the line starts out steeper on the left and flattens as it moves to the right.
**Figure 6.7 Capital Deepening and New Technology**
This shows diminishing marginal returns, as additional marginal amounts of capital deepening increase output by ever-smaller amounts. The shape of the aggregate production line (Technology 1) shows that the ability of capital deepening, by itself, to generate sustained economic growth is limited, since diminishing returns will eventually set in.
Imagine that the economy starts at point $R$, with the level of physical and human capital $C_1$ and the output per-capita at $G_1$. If the economy relies only on capital deepening, while remaining at the technology level shown by the Technology 1 line, then it would face diminishing marginal returns as it moved from point $R$ to point $U$ to point $W$.
However, if capital deepening is combined with improvements in technology, then as capital deepens from $C_1$ to $C_2$, technology improves from Technology 1 to Technology 2, and the economy moves from $R$ to $S$. Similarly, as capital deepens from $C_2$ to $C_3$, technology increases from Technology 2 to Technology 3, and the economy moves from $S$ to $T$. With improvements in technology, there is no longer any reason that economic growth must necessarily slow down.
Now, bring improvements in technology into the picture. Improved technology means that with a given set of inputs, more output is possible. The production function labeled Technology 1 in the figure is based on one level of technology, but Technology 2 is based on an improved level of technology, so for every level of capital deepening on the horizontal axis, it produces a higher level of output on the vertical axis. In turn, production function Technology 3 represents a still higher level of technology, so that for every level of inputs on the horizontal axis, it produces a higher level of output on the vertical axis than either of the other two aggregate production functions.
Most healthy, growing economies are deepening their human and physical capital and increasing technology at the same time. As a result, the economy can move from a choice like point $R$ on the Technology 1 aggregate production line to a point like $S$ on Technology 2 and a point like $T$ on the still higher Technology 3. With the combination of technology and capital deepening, the rise in GDP per-capita in high-income countries does not need to fade away because of diminishing returns. The gains from technology can offset the diminishing returns involved with capital deepening.
Will technological improvements themselves run into diminishing returns over
time? That is, will it become continually harder and more costly to discover
new technological improvements?
Perhaps someday, but, at least over the last two centuries since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, improvements in technology have not run into diminishing marginal returns. Modern inventions, like the internet or discoveries in genetics or materials science, do not seem to provide smaller gains to output than earlier inventions like the steam engine or the railroad. One reason that technological ideas do not seem to run into diminishing returns is that new technologies are often applicable to a wide array of industries at a marginal cost that is very low or even zero. For example, a specific worker or group of workers must use a specific additional machine, or an additional year of education. Many workers across the economy can use a new technology or invention at very low marginal cost.
The argument that it is easier for a low-income country to copy and adapt existing technology than it is for a high-income country to invent new technology is not necessarily true, either. When it comes to adapting and using new technology, a society's performance is not necessarily guaranteed, but is the result of whether the country's economic, educational, and public policy institutions are supportive. In theory, perhaps, low-income countries have many opportunities to copy and adapt technology, but if they lack the appropriate supportive economic infrastructure and institutions, the theoretical possibility that backwardness might have certain advantages is of little practical relevance.","There is a crucial factor in the aggregate production function: technology.
If the economy's growth depended only on the deepening of human capital and physical capital, then we would expect that economy's growth rate to slow down over the long run because of diminishing marginal returns. However, there is another crucial factor in the aggregate production function: technology. Developing new technology can provide a way for an economy to sidestep the diminishing marginal returns of capital deepening. Figure 6.7 shows how.
The graph's horizontal axis measures the amount of capital deepening, which on this figure is an overall measure that includes deepening of both physical and human capital. The amount of human and physical capital per worker increases as you move from left to right, from $C_1$ to $C_2$ to $C_3$.
The diagram's vertical axis measures per capita output. Along the lowest aggregate production function, labeled Technology 1, the level of technology is held constant, so the line shows only the relationship between capital deepening and output. As capital deepens from $C_1$ to $C_2$ to $C_3$ and the economy moves from $R$ to $U$ to $W$, per-capita output does increase— but the line starts out steeper on the left and flattens as it moves to the right.
Although economic convergence between high-income countries and the rest of
the world seems possible and even likely, it will proceed slowly.
Consider, for example, a country that starts off with a GDP per capita of \$40,000, which would roughly represent a typical high-income country today, and another country that starts out at \$4,000, which is roughly the level in low-income but not impoverished countries like Indonesia, Guatemala, or Egypt. Say that the rich country chugs along at a 2% annual growth rate of GDP per capita, while the poorer country grows at the aggressive rate of 7% per year. After 30 years, GDP per capita in the rich country will be \$72,450, that is,
$$
\text{\$40,000 }(1 + 0.02)^{30}
$$
while in the poor country it will be \$30,450, that is
$$
\text{\$4,000 }(1 + 0.07)^{30}
$$
**Convergence has occurred. The rich country used to be 10 times as wealthy as the poor one, and now it is only about 2.4 times as wealthy.**
Even after 30 consecutive years of very rapid growth, however, people in the low-income country are still likely to feel quite poor compared to people in the rich country. Moreover, as the poor country catches up, its opportunities for catch-up growth are reduced, and its growth rate may slow down somewhat.
The slowness of convergence illustrates again that small differences in annual rates of economic growth become huge differences over time. The high-income countries have been building up their advantage in standard of living over decades—more than a century in some cases. Even in an optimistic scenario, it will take decades for the low-income countries of the world to catch up significantly.","Although economic convergence between high-income countries and the rest of
the world seems possible and even likely, it will proceed slowly.
Consider, for example, a country that starts off with a GDP per capita of \$40,000, which would roughly represent a typical high-income country today, and another country that starts out at \$4,000, which is roughly the level in low-income but not impoverished countries like Indonesia, Guatemala, or Egypt. Say that the rich country chugs along at a 2% annual growth rate of GDP per capita, while the poorer country grows at the aggressive rate of 7% per year. After 30 years, GDP per capita in the rich country will be \$72,450, that is,
$$
\text{\$40,000 }(1 + 0.02)^{30}
$$
while in the poor country it will be \$30,450, that is
$$
\text{\$4,000 }(1 + 0.07)^{30}
$$
Convergence has occurred. The rich country used to be 10 times as wealthy as the poor one, and now it is only about 2.4 times as wealthy.
Even after 30 consecutive years of very rapid growth, however, people in the low-income country are still likely to feel quite poor compared to people in the rich country. Moreover, as the poor country catches up, its opportunities for catch-up growth are reduced, and its growth rate may slow down somewhat.
The slowness of convergence illustrates again that small differences in annual rates of economic growth become huge differences over time. The high-income countries have been building up their advantage in standard of living over decades—more than a century in some cases. Even in an optimistic scenario, it will take decades for the low-income countries of the world to catch up significantly.",does-a-rise-in-gdp-overstate-or-understate-the-rise-in-the-standard-of-living,"Question: Will economic convergence between high-income countries and the rest of the world proceed slowly?
Answer: Yes, economic convergence between high-income countries and the rest of the world will proceed slowly.",Will economic convergence between high-income countries and the rest of the world proceed slowly?,"Yes, economic convergence between high-income countries and the rest of the world will proceed slowly.","['economic convergence', 'highincome countries', 'gdp per capita', 'impoverished countries', 'ind']"
189,07-00-00-calories-and-economic-growth,07-00,0,Unemployment and the Great Recession,"
Nearly eight million U.S. jobs were lost as a consequence of the Great
Recession, which lasted from December 2007 to June 2009.
At the onset of the recession, the unemployment rate was 5.0%. The rate began rising several months after the recession began, and it peaked at 10.0% in October 2009, several months after the recession ended, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). The job loss represented a huge number of positions, yet recovery was protracted without dramatic job gains.
Companies added some positions back, but as of summer 2013, four years after the end of the recession, unemployment was about 7.5%, well above the pre-recession rate. Employment began increasing at the outset of 2010, and reached its pre-recession level in mid-2014. However, because of population and labor force growth, the unemployment rate at that point was still slightly above 6%. The economy only returned to an unemployment rate of 5.0% in September 2015, and it has remained at or slightly below that level since then, up through January 2017.
This brief overview of unemployment during and after the Great Recession highlights a few important points about recovery periods of recent recessions:
- First, unemployment is a lagging indicator of business activity. It didn't begin to increase until a few months after the onset of the recession, and it didn't begin to decline until several months after the recovery.
- Second, the decline in the unemployment rate was quite slow, only reaching a lower level than the pre-recession rate six years after the recession ended.
- Slow unemployment decrease was an indicator of both the slow increase in numbers of jobs and ongoing increases in the size of the population and the labor force.
It turns out that recent recessions, going back to the early 1990s, have been characterized by longer periods of recovery than their predecessors. We will return to this point at the end of the chapter. However, first we need to examine unemployment. What constitutes it, and how do we measure it?","Nearly eight million U.S. jobs were lost as a consequence of the Great
Recession, which lasted from December 2007 to June 2009.
At the onset of the recession, the unemployment rate was 5.0%. The rate began rising several months after the recession began, and it peaked at 10.0% in October 2009, several months after the recession ended, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). The job loss represented a huge number of positions, yet recovery was protracted without dramatic job gains.
Companies added some positions back, but as of summer 2013, four years after the end of the recession, unemployment was about 7.5%, well above the pre-recession rate. Employment began increasing at the outset of 2010, and reached its pre-recession level in mid-2014. However, because of population and labor force growth, the unemployment rate at that point was still slightly above 6%. The economy only returned to an unemployment rate of 5.0% in September 2015, and it has remained at or slightly below that level since then, up through January 2017.
This brief overview of unemployment during and after the Great Recession highlights a few important points about recovery periods of recent recessions:
First, unemployment is a lagging indicator of business activity. It didn't begin to increase until a few months after the onset of the recession, and it didn't begin to decline until several months after the recovery.
Second, the decline in the unemployment rate was quite slow, only reaching a lower level than the pre-recession rate six years after the recession ended.
Slow unemployment decrease was an indicator of both the slow increase in numbers of jobs and ongoing increases in the size of the population and the labor force.
It turns out that recent recessions, going back to the early 1990s, have been characterized by longer periods of recovery than their predecessors. We will return to this point at the end of the chapter. However, first we need to examine unemployment. What constitutes it, and how do we measure it?",calories-and-economic-growth,"{""question"": ""What was the peak unemployment rate during the Great Recession?"", ""answer"": ""10.0%""}",What was the peak unemployment rate during the Great Recession?,10.0%,"['unemployment', 'recovery periods', 'business activity', 'population', 'labor force growth']"
190,07-00-01-introduction,07-00,1,Introduction,"For unemployed individuals and their families, there is the day-to-day financial stress of not knowing from where the next paycheck is coming. There are painful adjustments, like watching your savings account dwindle, selling a car and buying a cheaper one, or moving to a less expensive place to live. Even when the unemployed person finds a new job, it may pay less than the previous one. For many people, their job is an important part of their self worth. When unemployment separates people from the workforce, it can affect family relationships as well as mental and physical health.
The human costs of unemployment alone would justify making a low-level of unemployment an important public policy priority. However, unemployment also includes economic costs to the broader society. When millions of unemployed but willing workers cannot find jobs, economic resources are unused. An economy with high unemployment is like a company operating with a functional but unused factory. The opportunity cost of unemployment is the output that the unemployed workers could have produced.
This chapter will discuss how economists define and compute the unemployment rate. It will examine the patterns of unemployment over time, for the U.S. economy as a whole, for different demographic groups in the U.S. economy, and for other countries. It will then consider an economic explanation of unemployment and patterns of unemployment, and will consider public policies for reducing it.","For unemployed individuals and their families, there is the day-to-day financial stress of not knowing from where the next paycheck is coming. There are painful adjustments, like watching your savings account dwindle, selling a car and buying a cheaper one, or moving to a less expensive place to live. Even when the unemployed person finds a new job, it may pay less than the previous one. For many people, their job is an important part of their self worth. When unemployment separates people from the workforce, it can affect family relationships as well as mental and physical health.
The human costs of unemployment alone would justify making a low-level of unemployment an important public policy priority. However, unemployment also includes economic costs to the broader society. When millions of unemployed but willing workers cannot find jobs, economic resources are unused. An economy with high unemployment is like a company operating with a functional but unused factory. The opportunity cost of unemployment is the output that the unemployed workers could have produced.
This chapter will discuss how economists define and compute the unemployment rate. It will examine the patterns of unemployment over time, for the U.S. economy as a whole, for different demographic groups in the U.S. economy, and for other countries. It will then consider an economic explanation of unemployment and patterns of unemployment, and will consider public policies for reducing it.",introduction,"Question: What are the human costs of unemployment?
Answer: The human costs of unemployment include financial stress, painful adjustments, impact on self-worth and family relationships, and effects on mental and physical health.",What are the human costs of unemployment?,"The human costs of unemployment include financial stress, painful adjustments, impact on self-worth and family relationships, and effects on mental and physical health.","['unemployment', 'families', 'financial stress', 'family relationships', 'mental', 'physical health']"
191,07-00-02-the-relatively-recent-arrival-of-economic-growth,07-00,2,Learn with Videos,"
There's already been much discussion over what fueled the Great Recession of 2008. In this video, Tyler Cowen focuses on a central theme of the crisis: the failure of financial intermediaries. By 2008, the economy was in a very fragile state, with both homeowners and banks taking on greater leverage, many ending up ""underwater.""
","♪ [music] ♪ [Tyler] A lot of ink
already has been spilt discussing the Great Recession of 2008. And a full examination of that
would require a lot more than just one video. So today, I'm going
to limit our discussion to just one central theme
of the crisis, namely financial intermediation. Let's say you're buying a home
that costs $100,000. A typical down payment
might have been, say, 20%, and that would mean your mortgage
was for 80% of the home value, or $80,000. Now in the lead up to the crisis,
many homes were being purchased with much less than 20% down --
10% down or 5% down. Or in a lot of cases, nothing was put down at all --
zero down. When you put money down on a house, that creates a kind
of protective cushion. Now, the difference
between the value of the house and the unpaid amount
of the mortgage -- that's called ""owner's equity."" So now, when you first buy a house, your down payment
is your owner's equity. Over time, as you pay down
your mortgage and if your home value goes up, well, in those cases,
your owner's equity rises and that makes
the protective cushion bigger. The ratio of debt to equity,
which represents how much of a protective cushion
is in a home or in a company -- that's called the ""leverage ratio."" So, a 5% down payment
on a $100,000 house would mean you'd have
$5,000 in owner's equity, which when compared
to the mortgage of $95,000, would give you
a leverage ratio of 19. So what's the effect
of high leverage? It means there's very little room
for the price on your home to drop before the value of your house is less than the unpaid
mortgage amount. That is, if you needed
to sell the home to pay off your mortgage, the proceeds from the house sale
would not be enough to pay off the bank. Being under water is clearly not good for the individual home owner. But very importantly,
it's also not good for the bank. In the case of foreclosure, say the homeowner cannot
keep on paying the mortgage. Well the bank is getting a home
but the home isn't worth enough. The bank loses money because
the value of the home is less than what the bank was expecting
to receive from the home owner in the form of mortgage payments. So again, back to the broader picture. It wasn't just home owners
who were using more leverage. Banks were using more leverage. They were buying assets
using more debt and less of their own cash. So what we're doing here
is stacking problems: the problem
of the home owner's leverage, the problem of the bank leverage. And the more problems
like these you stack, the more financial fragility
you're bringing into the economy. Now in 2004, the investment bank
Lehman Brothers -- it had a leverage ratio
of about 20. But it continued
to borrow more money. And by 2007, that leverage ratio
went as high as 44. Now in that setting, if Lehman Brothers sees its assets
fall in value very quickly, Lehman Brothers too
will in essence be under water. That is the assets of the company
will be worth less than the debt the company owes. In other words, in that case,
the company would be insolvent. This sounds like
such a terrible state of affairs. So you have to wonder ""Why would the experienced managers of a large firm like Lehman Brothers
have been so risky?"" There are a few reasons, but the first
and most important reason was just sheer excess confidence. Those managers
bought mortgage securities and they made
other risky investments. But the managers,
like indeed most other people, they just didn't think that American home prices
could fall so much. And they also didn't understand that a fall in home prices
could potentially create so much turmoil
in American capital markets. Another key factor
behind the failure was incentives. The managers at Lehman --
they got big bonuses based on the profits
of the company. And in some cases, this can lead
managers to take on too much risk. How does that work?
Well think about it. Bigger profits typically meant
bigger bonuses. So if you go from
a leverage ratio of 20 to 44, as Lehman Brothers did,
that means you can buy more than double
the amount of assets with the same amount
of initial capital, because you're using more debt. That means
more than double the profit if asset prices rise
as indeed they had been doing. But what if the assets
fall in value? What if the initial risk
does turn out badly? And you have to ask
when the asset prices did fall and Lehman Brothers went bankrupt, did the managers also
personally go bankrupt? No, they did not.
They still, for the most part, had a lot of money
in their bank accounts. So in this setting, Lehman managers
had a lot to gain if things would go well, but they faced
only limited downside in the scenario
where things would go sour. Let's add
another factor to this mix that ended up pushing the economy even a bit closer
toward the edge of the cliff, and that additional factor
was securitization. So how does securitization work? Briefly, individual mortgages
are bundled together and sold to outside parties
as liquid financial assets. So rather than lending
a company money directly, as you would do with a bond,
you buy a mortgage security, and indirectly
you provide money to people who use it to buy homes. So it turned out there were
all these securities out there which were very hard to value, many of them were riskier
than advertised, and many of them
were just bad outright, filled with too many
high-risk loans. How is it that this happened?
Well there were a few factors. Sometimes the problem
was outright fraud in terms of how the security
was sold and how it was explained. Or sometimes it was a failure
of the rating agencies, which were supposed to assess risk
more or less accurately, but they performed poorly. But probably the biggest
single problem was again a kind of complacency. Most people incorrectly assumed American housing was really
quite a safe investment, and that prices
would either continue to rise, or at the very least
hold fairly stable. One final factor set the stage
and brought all of this together, and that's what is called
the shadow banking system. So what does that mean? Well here I need
to give some terminology. What you and I commonly
would just call a bank is actually more technically
a commercial bank. And that means a bank
that takes deposits from individuals and businesses and it's insured by the government
through the FDIC. Because of
the government guarantee, depositors don't feel
the need to run to the bank at the first sign of trouble
and pull out their money. Now investment banks --
they're different. Investment banks,
like Lehman Brothers, were a different kind of bank without a comparable
governmental guarantee for deposits or liabilities. The money they used --
it came from investors, not from depositors. So the investors
were always asking, ""If I lend to an investment bank,
are my funds safe? Will I get my money back?"" And these investors
were more watchful and sometimes even prone to panic if something seemed to be wrong
with the investment bank. Now the shadow banking system
as a whole is made up of investment banks along with other complex
financial intermediaries, such as hedge funds,
issuers of asset-backed securities like the mortgage bonds
discussed earlier, money market funds, and even some parts
of traditional commercial banks, which are not covered
by the deposit insurance guarantee. So, in that setting,
by the year 2008, the shadow banking system actually
was lending considerably more than were traditional
commercial banks. So we've got
highly leveraged houses and banks, banks and other investors
holding risky mortgage securities, and a massive shadow banking system highly dependent
on short-term loans, which in turn were dependent
on investor confidence. This was the proverbial case
of being very close to the cliff and needing only
an extra nudge to fall off. And that nudge came in 2007 when housing prices
started to fall, causing many home owners
to be under water. This meant that the assets
owned by banks, such as mortgage-backed securities,
were dropping in value. Remember, banks were
highly leveraged too. So this fall in asset values pushed
many banks closer to insolvency. Worse yet,
the complexity of investments in mortgage-backed securities
obscured how much exposure particular banks faced. The market started to think
of virtually all banks as really quite risky, and this exacerbated
the financial crisis. The investors who provided
the short-term loans to fund the shadow banking system --
well, they fled to safety. They pulled their capital
away from these short-term loans to investment banks
such as Lehman Brothers, and this run
on the shadow banking system was similar to the runs
on traditional commercial banks by depositors, as seen
in America's Great Depression. And that was a time when even
bank deposits were not insured by the government. Without these short-term loans, investment banks
and other financial institutions -- they were starved of the money
they needed to function. They couldn't keep on
making loans of their own and so they started
selling their own assets to get operating funds
just to stay up and running. But that leads
to yet another problem. When a lot of financial institutions
are all selling assets at the same time, you end up
with what's called a fire sale. As they all sell, that selling pushes asset prices
lower -- even lower. And those lower asset values -- that pushes even more
financial institutions closer toward bankruptcy. So, financial intermediaries
came crashing down and this led to a credit crunch
that damaged the entire economy. In this setting, many businesses
that depended on credit -- they failed
or they stopped growing. Maybe they laid off workers
to conserve cash and unemployment spiked. So, looking back we have to ask,
""What could have been done? What should have been done?"" It's now considered
a general problem that short-term loans
for the shadow banking system can flee rapidly in times of crisis and cause widespread
financial and economic turmoil. So what to do? In response to this,
some suggest a similar solution to what we did for runs
on traditional commercial banks, namely a government guarantee of some, or all,
of those liabilities. However,
that's a pretty radical step. It would put an even larger
potential burden on taxpayers, maybe trillions. And it also doesn't fix
the incentive problems I mentioned earlier,
namely that when there’s leverage, and especially guaranteed liabilities, the managers have an incentive
to take too much risk. It would make that problem worse. Since the financial crisis,
other regulations have been enacted to cover the shadow banking system,
and also traditional banks. Those regulations require
more equity and less leverage. And that makes sense
in terms of my earlier discussion of needing a larger
financial protective cushion. Still, it remains to be seen just how effective
these regulations will prove. So far there's been
no market turmoil comparable to the crisis of 2008. So we just don't know
exactly how well the new institutions will work. There's a lot more to cover
on the Great Recession. And if you're interested
in learning more, please just let us know. Thanks. [Narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on, you can click
""Go To The Next Video."" ♪ [music] ♪ You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see our entire library
of videos and resources.",the-relatively-recent-arrival-of-economic-growth,"Short answer question: What is the main cause of the financial crisis discussed in the passage?
Correct answer: The main cause of the financial crisis was excessive leverage by both homeowners and banks.",Short answer question: What is the main cause of the financial crisis discussed in the passage?,Correct answer: The main cause of the financial crisis was excessive leverage by both homeowners and banks.,"['bank', 'protective cushion']"
192,12-01-00-what-were-economic-conditions-like-before-1870,12-01,0,Overview,"
- Explain the importance of potential GDP in the long run
- Analyze the role of flexible prices
- Interpret a neoclassical model of aggregate demand and aggregate supply
- Evaluate different ways for measuring the speed of macroeconomic adjustment
This chapter begins with two building blocks of neoclassical economics:
1. Potential GDP determines the economy's size
2. Wages and prices will adjust in a flexible manner so that the economy will adjust back to its potential GDP level of output.
The key policy implication in the neoclassical model is that government should focus more on long-term growth and controlling inflation than worry about recessions or cyclical unemployment. This focus on long-run growth rather than the short-run fluctuations in the business cycle means that neoclassical economics is more useful for long-run macroeconomic analysis, while Keynesian economics is more useful for analyzing the macroeconomic short run.
Let's consider the two neoclassical building blocks in turn, and how we can apply them in the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model.
The neoclassical perspective on macroeconomics holds that, in the long run,
the economy will fluctuate around its potential GDP and its natural rate of
unemployment.
","- Explain the importance of potential GDP in the long run
Analyze the role of flexible prices
Interpret a neoclassical model of aggregate demand and aggregate supply
Evaluate different ways for measuring the speed of macroeconomic adjustment
This chapter begins with two building blocks of neoclassical economics:
Potential GDP determines the economy's size
Wages and prices will adjust in a flexible manner so that the economy will adjust back to its potential GDP level of output.
The key policy implication in the neoclassical model is that government should focus more on long-term growth and controlling inflation than worry about recessions or cyclical unemployment. This focus on long-run growth rather than the short-run fluctuations in the business cycle means that neoclassical economics is more useful for long-run macroeconomic analysis, while Keynesian economics is more useful for analyzing the macroeconomic short run.
Let's consider the two neoclassical building blocks in turn, and how we can apply them in the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model.
The neoclassical perspective on macroeconomics holds that, in the long run,
the economy will fluctuate around its potential GDP and its natural rate of
unemployment.",what-were-economic-conditions-like-before-1870,"Question: Explain the importance of potential GDP in the long run.
Answer: Potential GDP is important in the long run as it determines the economy's size and serves as a benchmark for assessing economic performance and growth.",Explain the importance of potential GDP in the long run.,Potential GDP is important in the long run as it determines the economy's size and serves as a benchmark for assessing economic performance and growth.,"['potential gb', 'flexible prices', 'neoclassical model', 'aggregate demand']"
193,12-01-02-rule-of-law-and-economic-growth,12-01,2,The Role of Flexible Prices,"
How does the macroeconomy adjust back to its level of potential GDP in the long run?
What if aggregate demand increases or decreases?
Economists base the neoclassical view of how the macroeconomy adjusts on the fact that even if wages and prices are slow to change (“sticky”) in the short run, they are flexible over time. To understand this better, let's follow the connections from the short-run to the long-run macroeconomic equilibrium.
The aggregate demand and aggregate supply diagram in **Figure 12.3** shows two aggregate supply curves. We draw the original upward sloping aggregate supply curve ($\text{SRAS}_0$) is a short-run or Keynesian AS curve. The vertical aggregate supply curve ($\text{LRAS}_\text{n}$) is the long-run or neoclassical AS curve, which is located at potential GDP. The original aggregate demand curve, labeled $A_{D0}$, so that the original equilibrium occurs at point $E_0$, at which point the economy is producing at its potential GDP.
**Figure 12.3** The Rebound to Potential GDP after AD Increases
The original equilibrium ($E_0$), at an output level of 500 and a price level of 120, happens at the intersection of the aggregate demand curve ($A_{D0}$) and the short-run aggregate supply curve ($\text{SRAS}_0$). The output at $E_0$ is equal to potential GDP. Aggregate demand shifts right from $A_{D0}$ to $A_{D1}$. The new equilibrium is $E_1$, with a higher output level of 550 and an increase in the price level to 125. With unemployment rates unsustainably low, eager employers bid up wages, which shifts short-run aggregate supply to the left, from $\text{SRAS}_0$ to $\text{SRAS}_1$. The new equilibrium ($E_2$) is at the same original level of output, 500, but at a higher price level of 130. Thus, the long-run aggregate supply curve ($\text{LRAS}_n$), which is vertical at the level of potential GDP, determines the level of real GDP in this economy in the long run.
Now, imagine that some economic event boosts aggregate demand: perhaps a surge of export sales or a rise in business confidence that leads to more investment, perhaps a policy decision like higher government spending, or perhaps a tax cut that leads to additional aggregate demand. The short-run Keynesian analysis is that the rise in aggregate demand will shift the aggregate demand curve out to the right, from AD0 to AD1, leading to a new equilibrium at point E1 with higher output, lower unemployment, and pressure for an inflationary rise in the price level.
In the long-run neoclassical analysis, however, the chain of economic events is just beginning. As economic output rises above potential GDP, the level of unemployment falls. The economy is now above full employment and there is a labor shortage. Eager employers are trying to bid workers away from other companies and to encourage their current workers to exert more effort and to work longer hours. This high demand for labor will drive up wages.
Most employers review their workers salaries only once or twice a year, and so it will take time before the higher wages filter through the economy. As wages do rise, it will mean a leftward shift in the short-run Keynesian aggregate supply curve back to $\text{SRAS}_1$, because the price of a major input to production has increased. The economy moves to a new equilibrium ($E_2$). The new equilibrium has the same level of real GDP as did the original equilibrium ($E_0$), but there has been an inflationary increase in the price level.
This description of the short-run shift from E0 to E1 and the long-run shift from $E_1$ to $E_2$ is a step-by-step way of making a simple point: the economy cannot sustain production above its potential GDP in the long run. An economy may produce above its level of potential GDP in the short run, under pressure from a surge in aggregate demand. Over the long run, however, that surge in aggregate demand ends up as an increase in the price level, not as a rise in output.
The original equilibrium ($E_0$), at an output level of 500 and a price level of 120, happens at the intersection of the aggregate demand curve ($A_{D0}$) and the short-run aggregate supply curve ($\text{SRAS}_0$). The output at $E_0$ is equal to potential GDP. Aggregate demand shifts left, from $A_{D0}$ to $A_{D1}$. The new equilibrium is at $E_1$, with a lower output level of 450 and downward pressure on the price level of 115. With high unemployment rates, wages are held down. Lower wages are an economy-wide decrease in the price of a key input, which shifts short-run aggregate supply to the right, from $\text{SRAS}_0$ to $\text{SRAS}_1$. The new equilibrium ($E_2$) is at the same original level of output, 500, but at a lower price level of 110.
**Figure 12.4** A Rebound Back to Potential GDP from a Shift to the Left in
Aggregate Demand
The rebound of the economy back to potential GDP also works in response to a shift to the left in aggregate demand. **Figure 12.4** again starts with two aggregate supply curves, with SRAS0 showing the original upward sloping short-run Keynesian AS curve and LRASn showing the vertical long-run neoclassical aggregate supply curve. A decrease in aggregate demand—for example, because of a decline in consumer confidence that leads to less consumption and more saving—causes the original aggregate demand curve AD0 to shift back to AD1. The shift from the original equilibrium ($E_0$) to the new equilibrium ($E_1$) results in a decline in output. The economy is now below full employment and there is a surplus of labor. As output falls below potential GDP, unemployment rises.
While a lower price level (i.e., deflation) is rare in the United States, it does happen occasionally during very weak periods of economic activity. For practical purposes, we might consider a lower price level in the AD-AS model as indicative of disinflation, which is a decline in the inflation rate. Thus, the long-run aggregate supply curve LRASn, which is vertical at the level of potential GDP, ultimately determines this economy's real GDP.
From the neoclassical perspective, this short-run scenario is only the beginning of the chain of events. The higher level of unemployment means more workers looking for jobs. As a result, employers can hold down on pay increases—or perhaps even replace some of their higher-paid workers with unemployed people willing to accept a lower wage. As wages stagnate or fall, this decline in the price of a key input means that the short-run Keynesian AS curve shifts to the right from its original ($\text{SRAS}_0$ to $\text{SRAS}_1$).
The overall impact in the long run, as the macroeconomic equilibrium shifts from E0 to E1 to E2, is that the level of output returns to potential GDP, where it started. There is, however, downward pressure on the price level. Thus, in the neoclassical view, changes in aggregate demand can have a short-run impact on output and on unemployment—but only a short-run impact. In the long run, when wages and prices are flexible, potential GDP and aggregate supply determine real GDP's size.","How does the macroeconomy adjust back to its level of potential GDP in the long run?
What if aggregate demand increases or decreases?
Economists base the neoclassical view of how the macroeconomy adjusts on the fact that even if wages and prices are slow to change (“sticky”) in the short run, they are flexible over time. To understand this better, let's follow the connections from the short-run to the long-run macroeconomic equilibrium.
The aggregate demand and aggregate supply diagram in Figure 12.3 shows two aggregate supply curves. We draw the original upward sloping aggregate supply curve ($\text{SRAS}0$) is a short-run or Keynesian AS curve. The vertical aggregate supply curve ($\text{LRAS}\text{n}$) is the long-run or neoclassical AS curve, which is located at potential GDP. The original aggregate demand curve, labeled $A_{D0}$, so that the original equilibrium occurs at point $E_0$, at which point the economy is producing at its potential GDP.
How long does it take for wages and prices to adjust, and for the economy to
rebound to its potential GDP?
This subject is highly contentious. Keynesian economists argue that if the adjustment from recession to potential GDP takes a very long time, then neoclassical theory may be more hypothetical than practical. In response to John Maynard Keynes' immortal words, “In the long run we are all dead,” neoclassical economists respond that even if the adjustment takes as long as, say, ten years the neoclassical perspective remains of central importance in understanding the economy.
One subset of neoclassical economists holds that wage and price adjustment in the macroeconomy might be quite rapid. The theory of **rational expectations** holds that people form the most accurate possible expectations about the future that they can, using all information available to them. In an economy where most people have rational expectations, economic adjustments may happen very quickly.
To understand how rational expectations may affect the speed of price adjustments, think about a situation in the real estate market. Imagine that several events seem likely to push up home values in the neighborhood. Perhaps a local employer announces that it plans to hire many more people or the city announces that it will build a local park or a library in that neighborhood.
The theory of rational expectations points out that even though none of the changes will happen immediately, home prices in the neighborhood will rise immediately, because the expectation that homes will be worth more in the future will lead buyers to be willing to pay more in the present. The amount of the immediate increase in home prices will depend on how likely it seems that the announcements about the future will actually happen and on how distant the local jobs and neighborhood improvements are in the future. The key point is that, because of rational expectations, prices do not wait on events, but adjust immediately.
At a macroeconomic level, the theory of rational expectations points out that if the aggregate supply curve is vertical over time, then people should rationally expect this pattern. When a shift in aggregate demand occurs, people and businesses with rational expectations will know that its impact on output and employment will be temporary, while its impact on the price level will be permanent. If firms and workers perceive the outcome of the process in advance, and if all firms and workers know that everyone else is perceiving the process in the same way, then they have no incentive to go through an extended series of short-run scenarios, like a firm first hiring more people when aggregate demand shifts out and then firing those same people when aggregate supply shifts back. Instead, everyone will recognize where this process is heading—toward a change in the price level—and then will act on that expectation. In this scenario, the expected long-run change in the price level may happen very quickly, without a drawn-out zigzag of output and employment first moving one way and then the other.
The theory that people and firms have rational expectations can be a useful simplification, but as a statement about how people and businesses actually behave, the assumption seems too strong. After all, many people and firms are not especially well informed, either about what is happening in the economy or about how the economy works. An alternate assumption is that people and firms act with **adaptive expectations**: they look at past experience and gradually adapt their beliefs and behavior as circumstances change, but are not perfect synthesizers of information and accurate predictors of the future in the sense of rational expectations theory. If most people and businesses have some form of adaptive expectations, then the adjustment from the short run and long run will be traced out in incremental steps that occur over time.
The empirical evidence on the speed of macroeconomic adjustment of prices and wages is not clear-cut. The speed of macroeconomic adjustment probably varies among different countries and time periods. A reasonable guess is that the initial short-run effect of a shift in aggregate demand might last two to five years, before the adjustments in wages and prices cause the economy to adjust back to potential GDP. Thus, one might think of the short run for applying Keynesian analysis as time periods less than two to five years, and the long run for applying neoclassical analysis as longer than five years. For practical purposes, this guideline is frustratingly imprecise, but when analyzing a complex social mechanism like an economy as it evolves over time, some imprecision seems unavoidable.
","How long does it take for wages and prices to adjust, and for the economy to
rebound to its potential GDP?
This subject is highly contentious. Keynesian economists argue that if the adjustment from recession to potential GDP takes a very long time, then neoclassical theory may be more hypothetical than practical. In response to John Maynard Keynes' immortal words, “In the long run we are all dead,” neoclassical economists respond that even if the adjustment takes as long as, say, ten years the neoclassical perspective remains of central importance in understanding the economy.
One subset of neoclassical economists holds that wage and price adjustment in the macroeconomy might be quite rapid. The theory of rational expectations holds that people form the most accurate possible expectations about the future that they can, using all information available to them. In an economy where most people have rational expectations, economic adjustments may happen very quickly.
To understand how rational expectations may affect the speed of price adjustments, think about a situation in the real estate market. Imagine that several events seem likely to push up home values in the neighborhood. Perhaps a local employer announces that it plans to hire many more people or the city announces that it will build a local park or a library in that neighborhood.
The theory of rational expectations points out that even though none of the changes will happen immediately, home prices in the neighborhood will rise immediately, because the expectation that homes will be worth more in the future will lead buyers to be willing to pay more in the present. The amount of the immediate increase in home prices will depend on how likely it seems that the announcements about the future will actually happen and on how distant the local jobs and neighborhood improvements are in the future. The key point is that, because of rational expectations, prices do not wait on events, but adjust immediately.
At a macroeconomic level, the theory of rational expectations points out that if the aggregate supply curve is vertical over time, then people should rationally expect this pattern. When a shift in aggregate demand occurs, people and businesses with rational expectations will know that its impact on output and employment will be temporary, while its impact on the price level will be permanent. If firms and workers perceive the outcome of the process in advance, and if all firms and workers know that everyone else is perceiving the process in the same way, then they have no incentive to go through an extended series of short-run scenarios, like a firm first hiring more people when aggregate demand shifts out and then firing those same people when aggregate supply shifts back. Instead, everyone will recognize where this process is heading—toward a change in the price level—and then will act on that expectation. In this scenario, the expected long-run change in the price level may happen very quickly, without a drawn-out zigzag of output and employment first moving one way and then the other.
The theory that people and firms have rational expectations can be a useful simplification, but as a statement about how people and businesses actually behave, the assumption seems too strong. After all, many people and firms are not especially well informed, either about what is happening in the economy or about how the economy works. An alternate assumption is that people and firms act with adaptive expectations: they look at past experience and gradually adapt their beliefs and behavior as circumstances change, but are not perfect synthesizers of information and accurate predictors of the future in the sense of rational expectations theory. If most people and businesses have some form of adaptive expectations, then the adjustment from the short run and long run will be traced out in incremental steps that occur over time.
The empirical evidence on the speed of macroeconomic adjustment of prices and wages is not clear-cut. The speed of macroeconomic adjustment probably varies among different countries and time periods. A reasonable guess is that the initial short-run effect of a shift in aggregate demand might last two to five years, before the adjustments in wages and prices cause the economy to adjust back to potential GDP. Thus, one might think of the short run for applying Keynesian analysis as time periods less than two to five years, and the long run for applying neoclassical analysis as longer than five years. For practical purposes, this guideline is frustratingly imprecise, but when analyzing a complex social mechanism like an economy as it evolves over time, some imprecision seems unavoidable.",learn-with-videos-1,"How long does it typically take for wages and prices to adjust, and for the economy to rebound to its potential GDP?
The empirical evidence on the speed of macroeconomic adjustment of prices and wages is not clear-cut, but a reasonable guess is that the initial short-run effect of a shift in aggregate demand might last two to five years before the adjustments in wages and prices cause the economy to adjust back to potential GDP.","How long does it typically take for wages and prices to adjust, and for the economy to rebound to its potential GDP?", ,"['rational expectations', 'economic adjustments', 'real estate market', 'home prices', 'rational expectations']"
195,07-01-00-overview,07-01,0,Overview,"
- Calculate the labor force participation rate and the unemployment rate
- Explain hidden unemployment and what it means to be in or out of the labor force
- Evaluate the collection and interpretation of unemployment data
Newspaper or television reports typically describe unemployment as a percentage or a rate. A recent report might have said, for example, “From August 2009 to November 2009, the U.S. unemployment rate rose from 9.7% to 10.0%, but by June 2010, it had fallen to 9.5%.” At a glance, the changes between the percentages may seem small. However, remember that the U.S. economy has about 160 million adults (as of the beginning of 2017) who either have jobs or are looking for them. A rise or fall of just 0.1% in the unemployment rate of 160 million potential workers translates into 160,000 people, which is roughly the total population of a city like Syracuse, New York, Brownsville, Texas, or Pasadena, California. Large rises in the unemployment rate mean large numbers of job losses. In November 2009, at the peak of the recession, about 15 million people were out of work. Even with the unemployment rate now at 4.8% as of January 2017, about 7.6 million people who would like to have jobs are out of work.
The [Bureau of Labor Statistics](http://openstax.org/l/BLS1) tracks and reports all data related to unemployment.","Calculate the labor force participation rate and the unemployment rate
Explain hidden unemployment and what it means to be in or out of the labor force
Evaluate the collection and interpretation of unemployment data
Newspaper or television reports typically describe unemployment as a percentage or a rate. A recent report might have said, for example, “From August 2009 to November 2009, the U.S. unemployment rate rose from 9.7% to 10.0%, but by June 2010, it had fallen to 9.5%.” At a glance, the changes between the percentages may seem small. However, remember that the U.S. economy has about 160 million adults (as of the beginning of 2017) who either have jobs or are looking for them. A rise or fall of just 0.1% in the unemployment rate of 160 million potential workers translates into 160,000 people, which is roughly the total population of a city like Syracuse, New York, Brownsville, Texas, or Pasadena, California. Large rises in the unemployment rate mean large numbers of job losses. In November 2009, at the peak of the recession, about 15 million people were out of work. Even with the unemployment rate now at 4.8% as of January 2017, about 7.6 million people who would like to have jobs are out of work.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics tracks and reports all data related to unemployment.",overview,"Question: What does the Bureau of Labor Statistics track and report?
Answer: The Bureau of Labor Statistics tracks and reports all data related to unemployment.",What does the Bureau of Labor Statistics track and report?,The Bureau of Labor Statistics tracks and reports all data related to unemployment.,"['unemployment rate', 'hidden unemployment', 'newspaper', 'television reports', 'us economy']"
196,07-01-01-sources-of-economic-growth-the-aggregate-production-function,07-01,1,Who's In or Out of the Labor Force?,"Should we count everyone without a job as unemployed? Of course not. For example, we should not count children as unemployed. Surely, we should not count the retired as unemployed. Many full-time college students have only a part-time job, or no job at all, but it seems inappropriate to count them as suffering the pains of unemployment. Some people are not working because they are rearing children, ill, on vacation, or on parental leave.
**The point is that we do not just divide the adult population into employed and unemployed. A third group exists: people who do not have a job, and for some reason are not interested in having a job either.**
It also includes those who do want a job but have quit looking, often due to discouragement due to their inability to find suitable employment. Economists refer to this third group of those who are not working and not looking for work as **discouraged workers**—workers out of the labor force or not in the labor force.
The U.S. unemployment rate, which is based on a monthly survey carried out by the U.S. Bureau of the Census, asks a series of questions to divide the adult population into employed, unemployed, or not in the labor force. To be classified as unemployed, a person must be without a job, currently available to work, and actively looking for work in the previous four weeks. Thus, a person who does not have a job but who is not currently available to work or has not actively looked for work in the last four weeks is counted as **out of the labor force.**
Economists refer to the group of those who are not working and not looking for
work as out of the labor force or not in the labor force.
currently working for pay
Out of paid work and not actively looking for a job
The number of employed plus the unemployed.
","Should we count everyone without a job as unemployed? Of course not. For example, we should not count children as unemployed. Surely, we should not count the retired as unemployed. Many full-time college students have only a part-time job, or no job at all, but it seems inappropriate to count them as suffering the pains of unemployment. Some people are not working because they are rearing children, ill, on vacation, or on parental leave.
The point is that we do not just divide the adult population into employed and unemployed. A third group exists: people who do not have a job, and for some reason are not interested in having a job either.
It also includes those who do want a job but have quit looking, often due to discouragement due to their inability to find suitable employment. Economists refer to this third group of those who are not working and not looking for work as discouraged workers—workers out of the labor force or not in the labor force.
The U.S. unemployment rate, which is based on a monthly survey carried out by the U.S. Bureau of the Census, asks a series of questions to divide the adult population into employed, unemployed, or not in the labor force. To be classified as unemployed, a person must be without a job, currently available to work, and actively looking for work in the previous four weeks. Thus, a person who does not have a job but who is not currently available to work or has not actively looked for work in the last four weeks is counted as out of the labor force.
Economists refer to the group of those who are not working and not looking for
work as out of the labor force or not in the labor force.
currently working for pay
Out of paid work and not actively looking for a job
The number of employed plus the unemployed.",sources-of-economic-growth-the-aggregate-production-function,"[
{
""question"": ""Should we count everyone without a job as unemployed?"",
""answer"": ""No, not everyone without a job should be counted as unemployed.""
}
]",Should we count everyone without a job as unemployed?,"No, not everyone without a job should be counted as unemployed.","['unemployment', 'children', 'parttime college students', 'discouraged workers', 'adult']"
197,07-01-02-components-of-the-aggregate-production-function,07-01,2,Learn with Videos,"
Learn how the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics calculates the unemployment
rate.
","Have you ever wondered how the
unemployment rate you hear about on the news is calculated? Each month we talk
to people across the country, asking questions about what they did last week.
Based on their responses, we divide people into one of three categories:
employed, unemployed, and not in the labor force. Let's use this hive and these bees
as an example. If you have a job, you are employed. If you do not have a job, are
currently looking for and available to take a job, you are unemployed. Employed
and unemployed make up what's called the labor force. Everyone else falls into
our third category, not in the labor force. Some examples are if you are retired, a student, or taking care of your family.
The vast majority of people who are not in the labor force say that they do not
want a job. To calculate the unemployment rate, you add the employed and the
unemployed to get the labor force. Then you divide the number of unemployed by
the labor force. So the unemployment rate is the unemployed divided by the labor
force. To learn more check out BLS.gov/cps.",components-of-the-aggregate-production-function,"Question: How is the unemployment rate calculated?
Answer: The unemployment rate is calculated by dividing the number of unemployed individuals by the labor force.",How is the unemployment rate calculated?,The unemployment rate is calculated by dividing the number of unemployed individuals by the labor force.,"['unemployment rate', 'employment', 'hansabeans', 'teachers', 'students']"
198,07-01-03-measuring-productivity,07-01,3,Calculating the Unemployment Rate,"
**Figure 7.1** shows the three-way division of the 16-and-over population.
The total adult, working-age population in January 2017 was 254.1 million.
Out of this total population, 152.1 million were classified as employed, and 7.6 million were classified as unemployed. The remaining 94.4 million were classified as out of the labor force.
**Figure 7.1 Employed, Unemployed, and Out of the Labor Force Distribution
of Adult Population** (age 16 and older), January 2017
As you will learn, however, this seemingly simple chart does not tell the whole story.
About 62.9% of the adult population was ""in the labor force""; that is, people are either employed or without a job but looking for work. We can divide those in the labor force into the employed and the unemployed. **Table 7.1** shows those values.
The **unemployment rate** is not the percentage of the total adult population without jobs, but rather the percentage of adults who are in the labor force but who do not have jobs:
Unemployed rate = (Unemployed People / Labor Force) x 100
In this example, we can calculate the unemployment rate as 7.635 million unemployed people divided by 159.716 million people in the labor force, which works out to a 4.8% rate of unemployment. The following Work It Out feature will walk you through the steps of this calculation.
| | |
| ----------------------------------------- | ----------------------- |
| Total adult population over the age of 16 | 254.082 million |
| In the labor force | 159.716 million (62.9%) |
| Employed | 152.081 million |
| Unemployed | 7.635 million |
| Out of the labor force | 94.366 million (37.1%) |
**Table 7.1** U.S. Employment and Unemployment, January 2017 (Source: https://data.bls.gov)
####
Divide the number of people in the labor force (159.716 million) by the total adult (working-age) population (254.082 million).
####
Multiply by 100 to obtain the percentage.
Percentage in the labor force = 159.71 / 254.08 = 0.6286 = 62.9%
####
Divide the number of people out the labor force (94.366 million) by the total adult (working-age) population (254.082 million).
####
Multiply by 100 to obtain the percentage.
Percentage out of the labor force = 94.366 / 254.08 = 0.3714 = 37.1%
####
Divide the number of unemployed people (7.635 million) by the total labor force (157 million).
####
Multiply by 100 to obtain the rate.
Unemployment rate = 7.635 / 159.716 = 0.0478 = 4.8%
","Figure 7.1 shows the three-way division of the 16-and-over population.
The total adult, working-age population in January 2017 was 254.1 million.
Out of this total population, 152.1 million were classified as employed, and 7.6 million were classified as unemployed. The remaining 94.4 million were classified as out of the labor force.
####
Divide the number of people in the labor force (159.716 million) by the total adult (working-age) population (254.082 million).
####
Multiply by 100 to obtain the percentage.
Percentage in the labor force = 159.71 / 254.08 = 0.6286 = 62.9%
####
Divide the number of people out the labor force (94.366 million) by the total adult (working-age) population (254.082 million).
####
Multiply by 100 to obtain the percentage.
Percentage out of the labor force = 94.366 / 254.08 = 0.3714 = 37.1%
####
Divide the number of unemployed people (7.635 million) by the total labor force (157 million).
####
Multiply by 100 to obtain the rate.
Unemployment rate = 7.635 / 159.716 = 0.0478 = 4.8%
",measuring-productivity,"{""question"": ""What was the unemployment rate in January 2017?"", ""answer"": ""The unemployment rate in January 2017 was 4.8%.""}",What was the unemployment rate in January 2017?,The unemployment rate in January 2017 was 4.8%.,"['threeway division', '16andover population', 'total adult']"
199,07-01-09-introduction,07-01,9,Criticisms of Measuring Unemployment,"There are always complications in measuring the number of unemployed people.
**For example, what about people who do not have jobs and would be available to work, but are discouraged by the lack of available jobs in their area and stopped looking?**
Such people, and their families, may be suffering the pains of unemployment. However, the survey counts them as out of the labor force because they are not actively looking for work. Other people may tell the Census Bureau that they are ready to work and looking for a job but, truly, they are not that eager to work and are not looking very hard at all. They are counted as unemployed, although they might more accurately be classified as out of the labor force. Still other people may have a job, perhaps doing something like yard work, childcare, or cleaning houses, but are not reporting the income earned to the tax authorities. They may report being unemployed, when they actually are working.
Although the unemployment rate gets most of the public and media attention, economic researchers at the Bureau of Labor Statistics publish a wide array of surveys and reports that try to measure these kinds of issues and to develop a more nuanced and complete view of the labor market. It is not exactly a hot news flash that economic statistics are imperfect. Even imperfect measures like the unemployment rate, however, can still be quite informative, when interpreted knowledgeably and sensibly.","There are always complications in measuring the number of unemployed people.
For example, what about people who do not have jobs and would be available to work, but are discouraged by the lack of available jobs in their area and stopped looking?
Such people, and their families, may be suffering the pains of unemployment. However, the survey counts them as out of the labor force because they are not actively looking for work. Other people may tell the Census Bureau that they are ready to work and looking for a job but, truly, they are not that eager to work and are not looking very hard at all. They are counted as unemployed, although they might more accurately be classified as out of the labor force. Still other people may have a job, perhaps doing something like yard work, childcare, or cleaning houses, but are not reporting the income earned to the tax authorities. They may report being unemployed, when they actually are working.
Although the unemployment rate gets most of the public and media attention, economic researchers at the Bureau of Labor Statistics publish a wide array of surveys and reports that try to measure these kinds of issues and to develop a more nuanced and complete view of the labor market. It is not exactly a hot news flash that economic statistics are imperfect. Even imperfect measures like the unemployment rate, however, can still be quite informative, when interpreted knowledgeably and sensibly.",introduction,"{""question"": ""What are some complications in measuring the number of unemployed people?"", ""answer"": ""Complications in measuring the number of unemployed people include discouraged workers, those falsely reporting their job search, and workers not reporting their income.""}",What are some complications in measuring the number of unemployed people?,"Complications in measuring the number of unemployed people include discouraged workers, those falsely reporting their job search, and workers not reporting their income.","['unemployment rate', 'survey', 'economic statistics', 'yard work', 'childcare', 'cleaning houses']"
200,07-01-04-the-new-economy-controversy,07-01,4,Hidden Unemployment,"Even with the “out of the labor force” category, there are still some people who are mislabeled in the categorization of employed, unemployed, or out of the labor force. There are some people who have only part time or temporary jobs, and they are looking for full time and permanent employment that are counted as employed, although they are not employed in the way they would like or need to be. Additionally, there are individuals who are **underemployed**. This includes those who are trained or skilled for one type or level of work but are working in a lower paying job or one that does not utilize their skills. For example, we would consider an individual with a college degree in finance who is working as a sales clerk underemployed. They are, however, also counted in the employed group. All of these individuals fall under the umbrella of the term “hidden unemployment.” **Discouraged workers**, those who have stopped looking for employment and, hence, are no longer counted in the unemployed also fall into this group","Even with the “out of the labor force” category, there are still some people who are mislabeled in the categorization of employed, unemployed, or out of the labor force. There are some people who have only part time or temporary jobs, and they are looking for full time and permanent employment that are counted as employed, although they are not employed in the way they would like or need to be. Additionally, there are individuals who are underemployed. This includes those who are trained or skilled for one type or level of work but are working in a lower paying job or one that does not utilize their skills. For example, we would consider an individual with a college degree in finance who is working as a sales clerk underemployed. They are, however, also counted in the employed group. All of these individuals fall under the umbrella of the term “hidden unemployment.” Discouraged workers, those who have stopped looking for employment and, hence, are no longer counted in the unemployed also fall into this group",the-new-economy-controversy,"What is the term used to describe individuals who are working part-time or temporary jobs but are looking for full-time and permanent employment?
""hidden unemployment""",What is the term used to describe individuals who are working part-time or temporary jobs but are looking for full-time and permanent employment?,"""hidden unemployment""","['unemployment', 'temporary jobs', 'permanent employment', 'college degree', 'finance', 'sales clerk']"
201,07-01-05-comparing-the-economies-of-two-countries,07-01,5,Labor Force Participation Rate,"Another important statistic is the **labor force participation rate**. This is the percentage of adults in an economy who are either employed or who are unemployed and looking for a job. Using the data in **Figure 7.1** and **Table 7.1**, those included in this calculation would be the 159.716 million individuals in the labor force. We calculate the rate by taking the number of people in the labor force, that is, the number employed and the number unemployed, divided by the total adult population and multiplying by 100 to get the percentage. For the data from January 2017, the labor force participation rate is 62.9%. Historically, the civilian labor force participation rate in the United States climbed beginning in the 1960s as women increasingly entered the workforce, and it peaked at just over 67% in late 1999 to early 2000. Since then, the labor force participation rate has steadily declined, slowly to about 66% in 2008, early in the Great Recession, and then more rapidly during and after that recession, reaching its present level, where it has remained stable, near the end of 2013.
This includes those who are trained or skilled for one type or level of work
but are working in a lower paying job or one that does not utilize their
skills.
Discouraged workers, those who have stopped looking for employment and, hence,
are no longer counted in the unemployed also fall into this group.
This is the percentage of adults in an economy who are either employed or who
are unemployed and looking for a job.
","Another important statistic is the labor force participation rate. This is the percentage of adults in an economy who are either employed or who are unemployed and looking for a job. Using the data in Figure 7.1 and Table 7.1, those included in this calculation would be the 159.716 million individuals in the labor force. We calculate the rate by taking the number of people in the labor force, that is, the number employed and the number unemployed, divided by the total adult population and multiplying by 100 to get the percentage. For the data from January 2017, the labor force participation rate is 62.9%. Historically, the civilian labor force participation rate in the United States climbed beginning in the 1960s as women increasingly entered the workforce, and it peaked at just over 67% in late 1999 to early 2000. Since then, the labor force participation rate has steadily declined, slowly to about 66% in 2008, early in the Great Recession, and then more rapidly during and after that recession, reaching its present level, where it has remained stable, near the end of 2013.
This includes those who are trained or skilled for one type or level of work
but are working in a lower paying job or one that does not utilize their
skills.
Discouraged workers, those who have stopped looking for employment and, hence,
are no longer counted in the unemployed also fall into this group.
This is the percentage of adults in an economy who are either employed or who
are unemployed and looking for a job.",comparing-the-economies-of-two-countries,"Question: What is the labor force participation rate?
Answer: The labor force participation rate is the percentage of adults in an economy who are either employed or who are unemployed and looking for a job.",What is the labor force participation rate? ,The labor force participation rate is the percentage of adults in an economy who are either employed or who are unemployed and looking for a job.,"['labor force participation rate', 'adults', 'economy', 'unemployed', 'total adult population', 'civilian']"
202,07-01-06-the-power-of-sustained-economic-growth,07-01,6,Learn with Videos,"
The formula for the labor force participation rate is simple: labor force (unemployed + employed) / adult population, excluding people in the military or pri...
","♪ [music] ♪ [Alex] In earlier videos,
we looked at unemployment: when people want a job,
but can't find one. But it's also important to look
at the factors that determine whether people want a job. Why are some people
in the labor force while others are not? The labor force participation rate
is defined as the labor force divided by the adult population -- in both cases, excluding people
in prison and in the military. If we google ""Labor force
participation rate United States FRED,"" we'll find this graph
from the St. Louis Federal Reserve. The labor force participation rate
was about 59% in the 1950s. In other words, 59% of the adult population
was in the labor force, either working
or looking for a job. The participation rate
then increased to 67% by 2000 before falling to 63% in 2015. Why does the participation rate
vary over time? One reason is
changing demographics. Let's add to the data the male and female labor force
participation rates. We can now see
the changes in the total rate have been influenced
by two quite different trends: a dramatic increase
in the female rate -- the red line at the bottom -- and a smaller but steady decrease
in the male participation rate -- in green at the top. In the 1950s, for example, most women
were not in the labor force. Less than 40% of women worked. By the year 2000, most women
were in the labor force. Female participation rates
had reached 60%. Over this same period,
male labor force participation rates have decreased from 86%
to only 69%. So what's behind these changes? One force is big, structural changes
in our economy over the past half-century. In particular,
manufacturing has declined as a share of the economy,
and services have increased. The decline in manufacturing has tended to reduce
male participation rates. And the increase in services has tended to increase
female participation rates. Let's take a closer look. Manufacturers used to hire
a lot of relatively low-skilled, low-education workers,
most of whom were men. Technology, however, has made
manufacturing much more productive. We actually manufacture
more goods in the United States than ever before, but we do so
using fewer workers. And the workers who are hired
in manufacturing -- they're more likely to be
highly educated software engineers than relatively low-skilled
line workers. The decline in manufacturing jobs has hit low-skill, low-education,
male workers pretty hard. And unlike the shift
from agriculture to manufacturing, these workers haven't been able
to find high-paying jobs in other sectors of the economy. As a result, some
of these types of workers have dropped out
of the labor force. Women, on the other hand,
have benefited from the shift
to a service economy. Sectors that traditionally employed
a lot of women, such as education and healthcare --
those sectors have grown. In addition, women more than men have increased
their education levels. As these changes
have worked themselves out, male and female
labor force participation rates have become much more similar, although males are still about
12 percentage points more likely to be in the labor force
than are females. Another important
demographic factor that can influence
the labor force participation rate is the age distribution
of the population. Both young and older adults
are less likely to work than people of middle age. Young adults, for example,
are often not working because they're in college,
while older people have retired. If the fraction of the population
that is young or old changes, then we can expect changes in the labor force
participation rate. We saw earlier, for example, that the participation rate
has declined since 2000. Some people have suggested that this is because
the economy is weaker than the unemployment rate
would suggest. And as a result, many workers are simply dropping out
of the labor force. There's probably
some truth to this claim. But another reason is that
Baby Boomers have been retiring in greater numbers --
and that alone would account for part of the decline
in participation rates. Let's return to data
from the St. Louis Federal Reserve, and now graph
the labor force participation rate since 1980 alongside the percentage
of the adult population in their prime working years,
ages 25 to 54. As you can see, these two measures
move closely together. As one increases or decreases,
so does the other. And that's not surprising. It means that as the percentage
of the people in the population who are most likely to work --
as that percentage increases, so does the labor force
participation rate. And similarly for decreases. Since the share of the population
which is most likely to work has been falling since around 1998, some of the decline in the labor force
participation rate -- it was baked in. It was going to happen regardless
of the state of the economy. In fact, careful estimates suggest that at least half of the decline in recent labor force
participation rates was predictable
from demographics alone. Demographics alone, however,
aren't the only determinant of labor force participation rates. You won't be surprised to learn
that incentives are also important. We're going to turn to that next. [Narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click ""Practice Questions."" Or, if you're ready to move on, you can click
""Go to the Next Video."" You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see our entire library
of videos and resources. ♪ [music] ♪",the-power-of-sustained-economic-growth,"Question: What are some factors that determine whether people want a job and participate in the labor force?
Answer: Changing demographics, such as increasing female labor force participation rates and decreasing male participation rates, and the age distribution of the population can influence labor force participation rates.",What are some factors that determine whether people want a job and participate in the labor force?,"Changing demographics, such as increasing female labor force participation rates and decreasing male participation rates, and the age distribution of the population can influence labor force participation rates.","['unemployment', 'labor force participation rate', 'adult population', 'military', 'women']"
203,07-01-07-how-are-compound-growth-rates-and-compound-interest-rates-related,07-01,7,How Does the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Collect the U.S. Unemployment Data?,"The unemployment rate announced by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics on the first Friday of each month for the previous month is based on the Current Population Survey (CPS), which the Bureau has carried out every month since 1940. The Bureau takes great care to make this survey representative of the country as a whole. The country is first divided into 3,137 areas. The U.S. Bureau of the Census then selects 729 of these areas to survey. It divides the 729 areas into districts of about 300 households each, and divides each district into clusters of about four dwelling units. Every month, Census Bureau employees call about 15,000 of the four-household clusters, for a total of 60,000 households. Employees interview households for four consecutive months, then rotate them out of the survey for eight months, and then interview them again for the same four months the following year, before leaving the sample permanently.
According to this survey, state, industry, urban and rural areas, gender, age, race or ethnicity, and level of education statistics are all factors that contribute to unemployment rates.
A wide variety of other information is available, too. For example, how long
have people been unemployed? Did they become unemployed because they quit, or
were laid off, or their employer went out of business? Is the unemployed
person the only wage earner in the family?
The Current Population Survey is a treasure trove of information about employment and unemployment. If you are wondering what the difference is between the CPS and EPS, read the following **Clear it Up** feature.","The unemployment rate announced by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics on the first Friday of each month for the previous month is based on the Current Population Survey (CPS), which the Bureau has carried out every month since 1940. The Bureau takes great care to make this survey representative of the country as a whole. The country is first divided into 3,137 areas. The U.S. Bureau of the Census then selects 729 of these areas to survey. It divides the 729 areas into districts of about 300 households each, and divides each district into clusters of about four dwelling units. Every month, Census Bureau employees call about 15,000 of the four-household clusters, for a total of 60,000 households. Employees interview households for four consecutive months, then rotate them out of the survey for eight months, and then interview them again for the same four months the following year, before leaving the sample permanently.
According to this survey, state, industry, urban and rural areas, gender, age, race or ethnicity, and level of education statistics are all factors that contribute to unemployment rates.
A wide variety of other information is available, too. For example, how long
have people been unemployed? Did they become unemployed because they quit, or
were laid off, or their employer went out of business? Is the unemployed
person the only wage earner in the family?
The Current Population Survey is a treasure trove of information about employment and unemployment. If you are wondering what the difference is between the CPS and EPS, read the following Clear it Up feature.",how-are-compound-growth-rates-and-compound-interest-rates-related,"What factors contribute to unemployment rates according to the Current Population Survey?
Answer: State, industry, urban and rural areas, gender, age, race or ethnicity, and level of education statistics are all factors that contribute to unemployment rates.",What factors contribute to unemployment rates according to the Current Population Survey?,"State, industry, urban and rural areas, gender, age, race or ethnicity, and level of education statistics are all factors that contribute to unemployment rates.","['unemployment rate', 'us bureau of labour statistics', 'cps']"
204,07-01-08-learn-with-videos,07-01,8,What is the difference between CPS and EPS?,"The United States Census Bureau conducts the Current Population Survey (CPS), which measures the percentage of the labor force that is unemployed.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics' establishment payroll survey (EPS) is a payroll survey that measures the net change in jobs created for the month.","The United States Census Bureau conducts the Current Population Survey (CPS), which measures the percentage of the labor force that is unemployed.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics' establishment payroll survey (EPS) is a payroll survey that measures the net change in jobs created for the month.",learn-with-videos,"{""question"": ""What are two surveys conducted by the United States Census Bureau and Bureau of Labor Statistics to measure employment?"", ""answer"": ""The Current Population Survey (CPS) and the establishment payroll survey (EPS)""}",What are two surveys conducted by the United States Census Bureau and Bureau of Labor Statistics to measure employment?,The Current Population Survey (CPS) and the establishment payroll survey (EPS),"['upi', 'current population survey', 'labor force', 'employment', 'survey of employment']"
205,07-01-10-capital-deepening,07-01,10,Learn with Videos,"
You may recall from our previous video that to be counted in the official
unemployment rate in the U.S., you have to be an adult without a job and have
activ...
Visit this [website](https://www.bls.gov/cps/) to learn more about the CPS and to read frequently asked questions about employment and labor.
As many who entered the labor market following the Great Recession know all too well, graduating with a college degree does not mean you'll easily fall into a good career. Four-year college graduates with entry-level jobs actually earned more in 2000 than they're earning today and student loan debt burdens are higher than ever.
","♪ [music] ♪ [Alex] As we saw in our last video,
to be defined as unemployed, a person has to be without a job and they must have
actively looked for a job in the last four weeks. Now what this means is that if a person without a job
gives up looking for work, then they are no longer
counted as unemployed. Every now and then
someone discovers this definition, and they call
the unemployment rate a fraud, a big lie, even a conspiracy. These melodramatic claims
are often made for political reasons, when someone wants to argue
that the real unemployment rate is higher than
the official unemployment rate. Do these claims hold up? Well, there is nothing sinister about the official definition
of unemployment. If someone says they want a job, but they aren't
actively looking for work, it's hard to count them
as unemployed. For example, recently the boxer,
Floyd Mayweather, he retired. Is he now unemployed? It seems he doesn't want a job. But Floyd also says
that if he was paid enough he'd fight again. [Floyd] If I came back. Of course, it would have to be
a nine-figure payday . . . [Alex] But lots of retired people --
they'd take a job if they were offered enough money. So, are all retired people
unemployed? Maybe, but that wouldn't be a very useful definition
of unemployment. So, it’s quite reasonable
to define someone as unemployed only if they don't have a job
and they’re actively seeking a job. At the same time, there is nothing sacrosanct
about the official definition. It's quite legitimate
to look at other measures of the state of the workforce, such as wage growth
or labor force participation rate. We'll discuss those
in future videos. It's even perfectly legitimate
to look at other ways of defining unemployment. In fact, the Bureau
of Labor Statistics defines and measures six unemployment rates, called U1 through U6. The official unemployment rate,
the one we have defined, is U3. U1 and U2 are more stringent
definitions of unemployment. U1, for example, counts
someone as unemployed only if they have been out of work
for 15 weeks or longer. U4, U5 and U6 are
less stringent definitions. For example, the BLS defines
“discouraged workers” as people who say they want a job, but although they haven't looked
for work in the past four weeks, they have looked in the past year. If we add these discouraged workers
to the unemployed workers, we can define
a new unemployment rate: U4. Here it is. Including discouraged workers increases the unemployment
rate slightly, but the two rates
move together very closely. Indeed, as a general rule, most of the alternative definitions
of unemployment track each other closely. So, if things are getting worse
by one measure, they are usually getting worse
by all measures. The same is true when things
are getting better. The U4, U5, and U6 definitions
of unemployment -- they do give a higher number
for the unemployment rate than does the official rate. But they always give
a higher number. So, if things are worse today
by the alternative measure, then they were also
worse in the past, in whatever golden age
you want to compare with. Then using any definition
consistently -- that's okay. But it’s not okay to use
the official unemployment rate when your favorite president
is in power and then use an alternative,
higher rate when your least favorite
president is in power. The bottom line is
that even if you think that the official definition
of unemployment is too strict, and you think that
the real unemployment rate is higher than the official rate -- even so, the official unemployment
rate is still a good indicator of the state of the labor market, and whether things are
getting better or getting worse. In the next video,
we’re going to take a look at three different types,
or causes, of unemployment: frictional, structural
and cyclical unemployment. [Narrator] If you want
to test yourself, click “Practice Questions.” Or, if you’re ready to move on, you can click
“Go to the Next Video.” You can also visit MRUniversity.com to see our entire library
of videos and resources. ♪ [music] ♪",capital-deepening,"Question: According to the passage, why is it reasonable to define someone as unemployed only if they don't have a job and are actively seeking a job?
Answer: It is reasonable to define someone as unemployed only if they don't have a job and are actively seeking a job because if someone says they want a job but they aren't actively looking for work, it's hard to count them as unemployed.","According to the passage, why is it reasonable to define someone as unemployed only if they don't have a job and are actively seeking a job?","It is reasonable to define someone as unemployed only if they don't have a job and are actively seeking a job because if someone says they want a job but they aren't actively looking for work, it's hard to count them as unemployed.","['unemployment', 'official unemployment rate', 'fraud', 'big lie', 'conspiracy', 'u']"
206,07-02-01-how-do-girls-education-and-economic-growth-relate-in-low-income-countries,07-02,1,Unemployment Rates by Group,"Unemployment is not distributed evenly across the U.S. population. **Figure 7.3** shows unemployment rates broken down in various ways: by gender, age, and race/ethnicity.","Unemployment is not distributed evenly across the U.S. population. Figure 7.3 shows unemployment rates broken down in various ways: by gender, age, and race/ethnicity.",how-do-girls-education-and-economic-growth-relate-in-low-income-countries,"{""question"": ""How is unemployment distributed across the U.S. population?"", ""answer"": ""Unemployment is not distributed evenly across the U.S. population.""}",How is unemployment distributed across the U.S. population?,Unemployment is not distributed evenly across the U.S. population.,"['unemployment', 'us population', 'gender', 'age', 'raceethnicity']"
207,07-02-02-a-healthy-climate-for-economic-growth,07-02,2,Unemployment Rates by Gender,"
**Figure 7.3 (a) Unemployment Rates by Gender** (Source: www.bls.gov)
Unemployment rates for men used to be lower than unemployment rates for women, but in recent decades, the two rates have been very close, with the unemployment rate for men somewhat higher, especially during and soon after the Great Recession.
The unemployment rate for women had historically tended to be higher than the unemployment rate for men, perhaps reflecting the historical pattern that women were seen as “secondary” earners. By about 1980, however, the unemployment rate for women was essentially the same as that for men. During the 2008-2009 recession and in the immediate aftermath, the unemployment rate for men exceeded the unemployment rate for women. Subsequently, however, the gap has narrowed.
","
**Figure 7.3 (b) Unemployment Rates by Age** (Source: www.bls.gov)
Unemployment rates are highest for the very young and become lower with age. Younger workers tend to have higher unemployment, while middle-aged workers tend to have lower unemployment. Younger workers move in and out of jobs more than middle-aged workers, as part of the process of matching workers with jobs, and this contributes to their higher unemployment rates. In addition, middle-aged workers are more likely to feel the responsibility of needing to have a job more heavily. Elderly workers have extremely low rates of unemployment, because those who do not have jobs often exit the labor force by retiring, and thus are not counted in the unemployment statistics.","
**Figure 7.3 (c) Unemployment Rates by Race and Ethnicity** (Source:
www.bls.gov)
Although unemployment rates for all groups tend to rise and fall together, the unemployment rate for black workers is typically about twice as high as that for whites, while the unemployment rate for Hispanic workers is in between.
Finally, those with less education typically suffer higher unemployment. In January 2017, for example, the unemployment rate for those with a college degree was 2.5%; for those with some college but not a four year degree, the unemployment rate was 3.8%; for high school graduates with no additional degree, the unemployment rate was 5.3%; and for those without a high school diploma, the unemployment rate was 7.7%. This pattern arises because additional education typically offers better connections to the labor market and higher demand. With less attractive labor market opportunities like lower pay for low-skilled workers compared to the opportunities for more highly-skilled workers, low-skilled workers may be less motivated to find jobs.","
The Bureau of Labor Statistics also gives information about the reasons for
unemployment, as well as the length of time individuals have been unemployed.
**Table 7.2**, for example, shows the four reasons for unemployment and the percentages of the currently unemployed that fall into each category. **Table 7.3** shows the length of unemployment. For both of these data sets, the information is from January 2017.
| Reason | Percentage |
| ------------------------- | ---------- |
| New Entrants | 10.8% |
| Re-entrants | 28.7% |
| Job Leavers | 11.4% |
| Job Losers: Temporary | 14.0% |
| Job Losers: Non Temporary | 35.1% |
**Table 7.2** Reasons for Unemployment, January 2017
| Length of Time | Percentage |
| -------------- | ---------- |
| Under 5 weeks | 32.5% |
| 5 to 14 weeks | 27.5% |
| 15 to 26 weeks | 15.7% |
| Over 27 weeks | 27.4% |
**Table 7.3** Length of Unemployment, January 2017
Robots and algorithms are getting good at jobs like building cars, writing articles, translating -- jobs that once required a human. So what will we humans d...
","The Bureau of Labor Statistics also gives information about the reasons for
unemployment, as well as the length of time individuals have been unemployed.
Table 7.2, for example, shows the four reasons for unemployment and the percentages of the currently unemployed that fall into each category. Table 7.3 shows the length of unemployment. For both of these data sets, the information is from January 2017.
Table 7.2 Reasons for Unemployment, January 2017
Table 7.3 Length of Unemployment, January 2017
- Analyze cyclical unemployment
- Explain the relationship between sticky wages and employment using various economic arguments
- Apply supply and demand models to unemployment and wages
We have seen that unemployment varies across times and places. What causes change in unemployment? There are different answers in the short run and in the long run. Let's look at the short run first.
","Analyze cyclical unemployment
Explain the relationship between sticky wages and employment using various economic arguments
Apply supply and demand models to unemployment and wages
We have seen that unemployment varies across times and places. What causes change in unemployment? There are different answers in the short run and in the long run. Let's look at the short run first.",unemployment-and-the-great-recession,"{""question"": ""What causes change in unemployment in the short run?"", ""answer"": ""Various factors such as economic conditions and government policies can cause change in unemployment in the short run.""}",What causes change in unemployment in the short run?,Various factors such as economic conditions and government policies can cause change in unemployment in the short run.,"['unemployment', 'sticky wages', 'employment', 'economic arguments', 'demand models', 'cyclical']"
212,07-03-01-introduction,07-03,1,Cyclical Unemployment,"Let's make the plausible assumption that in the short run, from a few months to a few years, the quantity of hours that the average person is willing to work for a given wage does not change much, so the labor supply curve does not shift much. In addition, make the standard _ceteris paribus_ assumption that there is no substantial short-term change in the age structure of the labor force, institutions and laws affecting the labor market, or other possibly relevant factors.
One primary determinant of the demand for labor from firms is how they perceive the state of the macro economy. If firms believe that business is expanding, then at any given wage they will desire to hire a greater quantity of labor, and the labor demand curve shifts to the right. Conversely, if firms perceive that the economy is slowing down or entering a recession, then they will wish to hire a lower quantity of labor at any given wage, and the labor demand curve will shift to the left. Economists call the variation in unemployment that the economy causes moving from expansion to recession or from recession to expansion (i.e. the business cycle) **cyclical unemployment**.
From the standpoint of the supply-and-demand model of competitive and flexible labor markets, unemployment represents something of a puzzle. In a supply-and-demand model of a labor market, as **Figure 7.4** illustrates, the labor market should move toward an equilibrium wage and quantity. At the equilibrium wage (We), the equilibrium quantity (Qe) of labor supplied by workers should be equal to the quantity of labor demanded by employers.
**Figure 7.4 The Unemployment and Equilibrium in the Labor Market**
In a labor market with flexible wages, the equilibrium will occur at wage We and quantity Qe, where the number of people who want jobs (shown by S) equals the number of jobs available (shown by D).
One possibility for unemployment is that people who are unemployed are those who are not willing to work at the current equilibrium wage, say $10 an hour, but would be willing to work at a higher wage, like $20 per hour. The monthly Current Population Survey would count these people as unemployed, because they say they are ready and looking for work (at $20 per hour). However, from an economist's perspective, these people are choosing to be unemployed because they are not actively looking for employment in the current labor market.
Probably a few people are unemployed because of unrealistic expectations about wages, but they do not represent the majority of the unemployed. Instead, unemployed people often have friends or acquaintances of similar skill levels who are employed, and the unemployed would be willing to work in the same conditions. However, the employers of their friends and acquaintances do not seem to be hiring. In other words, these people are involuntarily unemployed.
This wk: More from Macro -- Cyclical unemployment, sticky wages, natural unemployment, and more. Coming soon: Who works? Who doesn't? Why? Get a big picture ...
","Let's make the plausible assumption that in the short run, from a few months to a few years, the quantity of hours that the average person is willing to work for a given wage does not change much, so the labor supply curve does not shift much. In addition, make the standard ceteris paribus assumption that there is no substantial short-term change in the age structure of the labor force, institutions and laws affecting the labor market, or other possibly relevant factors.
One primary determinant of the demand for labor from firms is how they perceive the state of the macro economy. If firms believe that business is expanding, then at any given wage they will desire to hire a greater quantity of labor, and the labor demand curve shifts to the right. Conversely, if firms perceive that the economy is slowing down or entering a recession, then they will wish to hire a lower quantity of labor at any given wage, and the labor demand curve will shift to the left. Economists call the variation in unemployment that the economy causes moving from expansion to recession or from recession to expansion (i.e. the business cycle) cyclical unemployment.
From the standpoint of the supply-and-demand model of competitive and flexible labor markets, unemployment represents something of a puzzle. In a supply-and-demand model of a labor market, as Figure 7.4 illustrates, the labor market should move toward an equilibrium wage and quantity. At the equilibrium wage (We), the equilibrium quantity (Qe) of labor supplied by workers should be equal to the quantity of labor demanded by employers.
One set of reasons why wages may be “sticky downward,” as economists put it,
involves economic laws and institutions.
For low-skilled workers receiving minimum wage, it is illegal to reduce their wages. For union workers operating under a multiyear contract with a company, wage cuts might violate the contract and create a labor dispute or a strike. However, minimum wages and union contracts are not a sufficient reason why wages would be sticky downward for the U.S. economy as a whole. After all, out of the 150 million or so employed workers in the U.S. economy, only about 2.6 million—less than 2% of the total—do not receive compensation above the minimum wage. Similarly, labor unions represent only about 11% of American wage and salary workers. In other high-income countries, more workers may have their wages determined by unions or the minimum wage may be set at a level that applies to a larger share of workers. **However, for the United States, these two factors combined affect only about 15% or less of the labor force.**
Economists looking for reasons why wages might be sticky downwards have focused on factors that may characterize most labor relationships in the economy, not just a few. Many have proposed a number of different theories, but they share a common tone.
One argument is that even employees who are not union members often work under an implicit contract, which is that the employer will try to keep wages from falling when the economy is weak or the business is having trouble, and the employee will not expect huge salary increases when the economy or the business is strong. This wage-setting behavior acts like a form of insurance: the employee has some protection against wage declines in bad times, but pays for that protection with lower wages in good times. Clearly, this sort of implicit contract means that firms will be hesitant to cut wages, lest workers feel betrayed and work less hard or even leave the firm.
Efficiency wage theory argues that workers' productivity depends on their
pay, and so employers will often find it worthwhile to pay their employees
somewhat more than market conditions might dictate. One reason is that
employees who receive better pay than others will be more productive because
they recognize that if they were to lose their current jobs, they would
suffer a decline in salary. As a result, they are motivated to work harder
and to stay with the current employer. In addition, employers know that it
is costly and time-consuming to hire and train new employees, so they would
prefer to pay workers a little extra now rather than to lose them and have
to hire and train new workers. Thus, by avoiding wage cuts, the employer
minimizes costs of training and hiring new workers, and reaps the benefits
of well-motivated employees.
The adverse selection of wage cuts argument points out that if an employer
reacts to poor business conditions by reducing wages for all workers, then
the best workers, those with the best employment alternatives at other
firms, are the most likely to leave. The least attractive workers, with
fewer employment alternatives, are more likely to stay. Consequently, firms
are more likely to choose which workers should depart, through layoffs and
firings, rather than trimming wages across the board. Sometimes companies
that are experiencing difficult times can persuade workers to take a pay cut
for the short term, and still retain most of the firm's workers. However, it
is far more typical for companies to lay off some workers, rather than to
cut wages for everyone.
The insider-outsider model of the labor force, in simple terms, argues that
those already working for firms are “insiders,” while new employees, at
least for a time, are “outsiders.” A firm depends on its insiders to keep
the organization running smoothly, to be familiar with routine procedures,
and to train new employees. However, cutting wages will alienate the
insiders and damage the firm's productivity and prospects.
Finally, the relative wage coordination argument points out that even if
most workers were hypothetically willing to see a decline in their own wages
in bad economic times as long as everyone else also experiences such a
decline, there is no obvious way for a decentralized economy to implement
such a plan. Instead, workers confronted with the possibility of a wage cut
will worry that other workers will not have such a wage cut, and so a wage
cut means being worse off both in absolute terms and relative to others. As
a result, workers fight hard against wage cuts.
These theories of why wages tend not to move downward differ in their logic and their implications, and figuring out the strengths and weaknesses of each theory is an ongoing subject of research and controversy among economists. All tend to imply that wages will decline only very slowly, if at all, even when the economy or a business is having tough times. When wages are inflexible and unlikely to fall, then either short-term or long-term unemployment can result, as illustrated in **Figure 7.5**.
**Figure 7.5 Sticky Wages in the Labor Market**
Because the wage rate is stuck at W, above the equilibrium, the number of those who want jobs ($Q_s$) is greater than the number of job openings ($Q_d$). The result is unemployment, shown by the bracket in the figure.
**Figure 7.6** shows the interaction between shifts in labor demand and wages that are sticky downward.
**Figure 7.6 Rising Wage and Low Unemployment: Where Is the Unemployment in Supply and Demand?**
**Figure 7.6 (a)** illustrates when demand for labor shifts to the right from D0 to D1. In this case, the equilibrium wage rises from W0 to W1 and the equilibrium quantity of labor hired increases from Q0 to Q1. It does not hurt employee morale at all for wages to rise.
**Figure 7.6 (b)** shows when demand for labor shifts to the left from D0 to D1, as it would tend to do in a recession. Because wages are sticky downward, they do not adjust toward what would have been the new equilibrium wage (W1), at least not in the short term. Instead, after the shift in the labor demand curve, the same quantity of workers is willing to work at that wage as before; however, the quantity of workers demanded at that wage has declined from Q0 to Q2. The gap between the original equilibrium quantity (Q0) and the new quantity demanded of labor (Q2) represents workers who would be willing to work at the going wage but cannot find jobs. The gap represents the economic meaning of unemployment.
This analysis helps to explain the connection that we noted earlier:
- Unemployment tends to rise in recessions and to decline during expansions.
- The overall state of the economy shifts the labor demand curve and, combined with wages that are sticky downwards, unemployment changes.
- The rise in unemployment that occurs because of a recession is cyclical unemployment.
Visit [the Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED) web site](https://fred.stlouisfed.org/categories/12), which provides complete data sets on various measures of the unemployment rate as well as the monthly Bureau of Labor Statistics report on the results of the household and employment surveys.
","If a labor market model with flexible wages does not describe unemployment very well—because it predicts that anyone willing to work at the going wage can always find a job—then it may prove useful to consider economic models in which wages are not flexible or adjust only very slowly. In particular, even though wage increases may occur with relative ease, wage decreases are few and far between.
One set of reasons why wages may be “sticky downward,” as economists put it,
involves economic laws and institutions.
For low-skilled workers receiving minimum wage, it is illegal to reduce their wages. For union workers operating under a multiyear contract with a company, wage cuts might violate the contract and create a labor dispute or a strike. However, minimum wages and union contracts are not a sufficient reason why wages would be sticky downward for the U.S. economy as a whole. After all, out of the 150 million or so employed workers in the U.S. economy, only about 2.6 million—less than 2% of the total—do not receive compensation above the minimum wage. Similarly, labor unions represent only about 11% of American wage and salary workers. In other high-income countries, more workers may have their wages determined by unions or the minimum wage may be set at a level that applies to a larger share of workers. However, for the United States, these two factors combined affect only about 15% or less of the labor force.
Economists looking for reasons why wages might be sticky downwards have focused on factors that may characterize most labor relationships in the economy, not just a few. Many have proposed a number of different theories, but they share a common tone.
One argument is that even employees who are not union members often work under an implicit contract, which is that the employer will try to keep wages from falling when the economy is weak or the business is having trouble, and the employee will not expect huge salary increases when the economy or the business is strong. This wage-setting behavior acts like a form of insurance: the employee has some protection against wage declines in bad times, but pays for that protection with lower wages in good times. Clearly, this sort of implicit contract means that firms will be hesitant to cut wages, lest workers feel betrayed and work less hard or even leave the firm.
Efficiency wage theory argues that workers' productivity depends on their
pay, and so employers will often find it worthwhile to pay their employees
somewhat more than market conditions might dictate. One reason is that
employees who receive better pay than others will be more productive because
they recognize that if they were to lose their current jobs, they would
suffer a decline in salary. As a result, they are motivated to work harder
and to stay with the current employer. In addition, employers know that it
is costly and time-consuming to hire and train new employees, so they would
prefer to pay workers a little extra now rather than to lose them and have
to hire and train new workers. Thus, by avoiding wage cuts, the employer
minimizes costs of training and hiring new workers, and reaps the benefits
of well-motivated employees.
The adverse selection of wage cuts argument points out that if an employer
reacts to poor business conditions by reducing wages for all workers, then
the best workers, those with the best employment alternatives at other
firms, are the most likely to leave. The least attractive workers, with
fewer employment alternatives, are more likely to stay. Consequently, firms
are more likely to choose which workers should depart, through layoffs and
firings, rather than trimming wages across the board. Sometimes companies
that are experiencing difficult times can persuade workers to take a pay cut
for the short term, and still retain most of the firm's workers. However, it
is far more typical for companies to lay off some workers, rather than to
cut wages for everyone.
The insider-outsider model of the labor force, in simple terms, argues that
those already working for firms are “insiders,” while new employees, at
least for a time, are “outsiders.” A firm depends on its insiders to keep
the organization running smoothly, to be familiar with routine procedures,
and to train new employees. However, cutting wages will alienate the
insiders and damage the firm's productivity and prospects.
Finally, the relative wage coordination argument points out that even if
most workers were hypothetically willing to see a decline in their own wages
in bad economic times as long as everyone else also experiences such a
decline, there is no obvious way for a decentralized economy to implement
such a plan. Instead, workers confronted with the possibility of a wage cut
will worry that other workers will not have such a wage cut, and so a wage
cut means being worse off both in absolute terms and relative to others. As
a result, workers fight hard against wage cuts.
These theories of why wages tend not to move downward differ in their logic and their implications, and figuring out the strengths and weaknesses of each theory is an ongoing subject of research and controversy among economists. All tend to imply that wages will decline only very slowly, if at all, even when the economy or a business is having tough times. When wages are inflexible and unlikely to fall, then either short-term or long-term unemployment can result, as illustrated in Figure 7.5.
- Explain frictional and structural unemployment
- Assess relationships between the natural rate of employment and potential real GDP, productivity, and public policy
- Identify recent patterns in the natural rate of employment
- Propose ways to combat unemployment
Cyclical unemployment explains why unemployment rises during a recession and falls during an economic expansion, but what explains the remaining level of unemployment even in good economic times? Why is the unemployment rate never zero? Even when the U.S. economy is growing strongly, the unemployment rate only rarely dips as low as 4%. Moreover, the discussion earlier in this chapter pointed out that unemployment rates in many European countries like Italy, France, and Germany have often been remarkably high at various times in the last few decades.
Why does some level of unemployment persist even when economies are growing strongly?
Why are unemployment rates continually higher in certain economies, through good economic years and bad?
Economists have a term to describe the remaining level of unemployment that occurs even when the economy is healthy: **the natural rate of unemployment.**","Explain frictional and structural unemployment
Assess relationships between the natural rate of employment and potential real GDP, productivity, and public policy
Identify recent patterns in the natural rate of employment
Propose ways to combat unemployment
Cyclical unemployment explains why unemployment rises during a recession and falls during an economic expansion, but what explains the remaining level of unemployment even in good economic times? Why is the unemployment rate never zero? Even when the U.S. economy is growing strongly, the unemployment rate only rarely dips as low as 4%. Moreover, the discussion earlier in this chapter pointed out that unemployment rates in many European countries like Italy, France, and Germany have often been remarkably high at various times in the last few decades.
Why does some level of unemployment persist even when economies are growing strongly?
Why are unemployment rates continually higher in certain economies, through good economic years and bad?
Economists have a term to describe the remaining level of unemployment that occurs even when the economy is healthy: the natural rate of unemployment.",overview,"What term do economists use to describe the level of unemployment that persists even when the economy is healthy?
The natural rate of unemployment.",What term do economists use to describe the level of unemployment that persists even when the economy is healthy?,The natural rate of unemployment.,"['structural unemployment', 'natural rate', 'employment', 'potential real gdp', 'productivity']"
215,07-04-01-whos-in-or-out-of-the-labor-force,07-04,1,The Long Term: The Natural Rate of Unemployment,"
The natural rate of unemployment is not “natural” in the sense that water
freezes at 32 degrees Fahrenheit or boils at 212 degrees Fahrenheit. It is not
a physical and unchanging law of nature.
Instead, it is the unemployment rate that would result from the combination of economic, social, and political factors that exist at a time—assuming the economy was neither booming nor in recession. These forces include the usual pattern of companies expanding and contracting their work forces in a dynamic economy, social and economic forces that affect the labor market, or public policies that affect either the eagerness of people to work or the willingness of businesses to hire. Let's discuss these factors in more detail.","The natural rate of unemployment is not “natural” in the sense that water
freezes at 32 degrees Fahrenheit or boils at 212 degrees Fahrenheit. It is not
a physical and unchanging law of nature.
Instead, it is the unemployment rate that would result from the combination of economic, social, and political factors that exist at a time—assuming the economy was neither booming nor in recession. These forces include the usual pattern of companies expanding and contracting their work forces in a dynamic economy, social and economic forces that affect the labor market, or public policies that affect either the eagerness of people to work or the willingness of businesses to hire. Let's discuss these factors in more detail.",whos-in-or-out-of-the-labor-force,"What is the natural rate of unemployment and how is it determined?
The natural rate of unemployment is the unemployment rate that would result from the combination of economic, social, and political factors that exist at a time, assuming the economy was neither booming nor in recession. It is determined by factors such as the usual pattern of companies expanding and contracting their workforces, social and economic forces that affect the labor market, or public policies that affect either the eagerness of people to work or the willingness of businesses to hire.",What is the natural rate of unemployment and how is it determined?,"The natural rate of unemployment is the unemployment rate that would result from the combination of economic, social, and political factors that exist at a time, assuming the economy was neither booming nor in recession. It is determined by factors such as the usual pattern of companies expanding and contracting their workforces, social and economic forces that affect the labor market, or public policies that affect either the eagerness of people to work or the willingness of businesses to hire.","['unemployment rate', 'political factors', 'companies', 'dynamic economy', 'social forces']"
216,07-04-03-calculating-the-unemployment-rate,07-04,3,Structural Unemployment,"Another factor that influences the natural rate of unemployment is the amount of structural unemployment.
The structurally unemployed are individuals who have no jobs because they lack
skills valued by the labor market, either because demand has shifted away from
the skills they do have, or because they never learned any skills.
An example of the former would be the unemployment among aerospace engineers after the U.S. space program downsized in the 1970s. An example of the latter would be high school dropouts.
Some people worry that technology causes structural unemployment. In the past, new technologies have put lower skilled employees out of work, but at the same time they create demand for higher skilled workers to use the new technologies. Education seems to be the key in minimizing the amount of structural unemployment. Individuals who have degrees can be retrained if they become structurally unemployed. For people with no skills and little education, that option is more limited.","Another factor that influences the natural rate of unemployment is the amount of structural unemployment.
The structurally unemployed are individuals who have no jobs because they lack
skills valued by the labor market, either because demand has shifted away from
the skills they do have, or because they never learned any skills.
An example of the former would be the unemployment among aerospace engineers after the U.S. space program downsized in the 1970s. An example of the latter would be high school dropouts.
Some people worry that technology causes structural unemployment. In the past, new technologies have put lower skilled employees out of work, but at the same time they create demand for higher skilled workers to use the new technologies. Education seems to be the key in minimizing the amount of structural unemployment. Individuals who have degrees can be retrained if they become structurally unemployed. For people with no skills and little education, that option is more limited.",calculating-the-unemployment-rate,"{""question"": ""What is one factor that influences the natural rate of unemployment?"", ""answer"": ""The amount of structural unemployment.""}",What is one factor that influences the natural rate of unemployment?,The amount of structural unemployment.,"['structurally unemployed', 'employment', 'higher skilled workers', 'degrees retraining', 'structural programming', 'management']"
217,07-04-04-hidden-unemployment,07-04,4,Natural Unemployment and Potential Real GDP,"The natural unemployment rate is related to two other important concepts: full employment and potential real GDP. Economists consider the economy to be at full employment when the actual unemployment rate is equal to the natural unemployment rate. When the economy is at full employment, real GDP is equal to potential real GDP. By contrast, when the economy is below full employment, the unemployment rate is greater than the natural unemployment rate and real GDP is less than potential. Finally, when the economy is above full employment, then the unemployment rate is less than the natural unemployment rate and real GDP is greater than potential. Operating above potential is only possible for a short while, since it is analogous to all workers working overtime.
Finding a job can be kind of like dating. When a new graduate enters the labor market, she may have the opportunity to enter into a long-term relationship wi...
Unemployment comes in many forms. Sometimes, like we saw with short-term, frictional unemployment, it can actually indicate a healthy, growing economy. But w...
","The natural unemployment rate is related to two other important concepts: full employment and potential real GDP. Economists consider the economy to be at full employment when the actual unemployment rate is equal to the natural unemployment rate. When the economy is at full employment, real GDP is equal to potential real GDP. By contrast, when the economy is below full employment, the unemployment rate is greater than the natural unemployment rate and real GDP is less than potential. Finally, when the economy is above full employment, then the unemployment rate is less than the natural unemployment rate and real GDP is greater than potential. Operating above potential is only possible for a short while, since it is analogous to all workers working overtime.
Unexpected shifts in productivity can have a powerful effect on the natural
rate of unemployment. Over time, workers' productivity determines the level of
wages in an economy.
After all, if a business paid workers more than could be justified by their productivity, the business will ultimately lose money and go bankrupt. Conversely, if a business tries to pay workers less than their productivity then, in a competitive labor market, other businesses will find it worthwhile to hire away those workers and pay them more.
However, adjustments of wages to productivity levels will not happen quickly or smoothly. Employers typically review wages only once or twice a year. In many modern jobs, it is difficult to measure productivity at the individual level.
How precisely would one measure the quantity produced by an accountant who is
one of many people working in the tax department of a large corporation?
Because productivity is difficult to observe, employers often determine wage increases based on recent experience with productivity. If productivity has been rising at, say, 2% per year, then wages rise at that level as well. However, when productivity changes unexpectedly, it can affect the natural rate of unemployment for a time.
The U.S. economy in the 1970s and 1990s provides two vivid examples of this process. In the 1970s, productivity growth slowed down unexpectedly (as we discussed in Economic Growth). For example, output per hour of U.S. workers in the business sector increased at an annual rate of 3.3% per year from 1960 to 1973, but only 0.8% from 1973 to 1982.
**Figure 7.7 (a)** illustrates how the demand for labor—that is, the quantity of labor that business is willing to hire at any given wage—has been shifting out a little each year because of rising productivity, from D0 to D1 to D2. As a result, equilibrium wages have been rising each year from W0 to W1 to W2. However, when productivity unexpectedly slows down, the pattern of wage increases does not adjust right away. Wages keep rising each year from W2 to W3 to W4, but the demand for labor is no longer shifting up. A gap opens where the quantity of labor supplied at wage level W4 is greater than the quantity demanded, and the natural rate of unemployment rises. In the aftermath of this unexpectedly low productivity in the 1970s, the unemployment rate did not fall below 7% from May 1980 until 1986. Over time, the rise in wages will adjust to match the slower gains in productivity, and the unemployment rate will ease back down, but this process may take years.
**Figure 7.7 (a)** Productivity is rising, increasing the demand for labor, and employers and workers become used to the pattern of wage increases. Then productivity suddenly stops increasing, but the expectations of employers and workers for wage increases do not shift immediately. Wages keep rising as before, but the demand for labor has not increased, so at wage W4, unemployment exists where the quantity supplied of labor exceeds the quantity demanded.
**Figure 7.7 (b)** The rate of productivity increase has been zero for a time, so employers and workers have come to accept the equilibrium wage level (W). Then productivity increases unexpectedly, shifting demand for labor from D0 to D1. At the wage (W), this means that the quantity demanded of labor exceeds the quantity supplied, and with job offers plentiful, the unemployment rate will be low.
**Figure 7.7 Unexpected Productivity Changes and Unemployment**
The late 1990s provide an opposite example: instead of the surprise decline in productivity that occurred in the 1970s, productivity unexpectedly rose in the mid-1990s. The annual growth rate of real output per hour of labor increased from 1.7% from 1980-1995, to an annual rate of 2.6% from 1995-2001. Let-s simplify the situation a bit, and say that productivity had not been increasing at all in earlier years, so the intersection of the labor market was at point E in **Figure 7.7 (b)**, where the demand curve for labor (D0) intersects the supply curve for labor. As a result, real wages were not increasing. Now, productivity jumps upward, which shifts the demand for labor out to the right, from D0 to D1. At least for a time, wages are still set according to the earlier expectations of no productivity growth, so wages do not rise. The result is that at the prevailing wage level (W), the quantity of labor demanded (Qd) will for a time exceed the quantity of labor supplied (Qs), and unemployment will be very low—below the natural level of unemployment for a time. This pattern of unexpectedly high productivity helps to explain why the unemployment rate stayed below 4.5%—quite a low level by historical standards—from 1998 until after the U.S. economy had entered a recession in 2001.
Levels of unemployment will tend to be somewhat higher on average when productivity is unexpectedly low, and conversely somewhat lower on average when productivity is unexpectedly high. However, over time, wages do eventually adjust to reflect productivity levels.","Unexpected shifts in productivity can have a powerful effect on the natural
rate of unemployment. Over time, workers' productivity determines the level of
wages in an economy.
After all, if a business paid workers more than could be justified by their productivity, the business will ultimately lose money and go bankrupt. Conversely, if a business tries to pay workers less than their productivity then, in a competitive labor market, other businesses will find it worthwhile to hire away those workers and pay them more.
However, adjustments of wages to productivity levels will not happen quickly or smoothly. Employers typically review wages only once or twice a year. In many modern jobs, it is difficult to measure productivity at the individual level.
How precisely would one measure the quantity produced by an accountant who is
one of many people working in the tax department of a large corporation?
Because productivity is difficult to observe, employers often determine wage increases based on recent experience with productivity. If productivity has been rising at, say, 2% per year, then wages rise at that level as well. However, when productivity changes unexpectedly, it can affect the natural rate of unemployment for a time.
The U.S. economy in the 1970s and 1990s provides two vivid examples of this process. In the 1970s, productivity growth slowed down unexpectedly (as we discussed in Economic Growth). For example, output per hour of U.S. workers in the business sector increased at an annual rate of 3.3% per year from 1960 to 1973, but only 0.8% from 1973 to 1982.
Figure 7.7 (a) illustrates how the demand for labor—that is, the quantity of labor that business is willing to hire at any given wage—has been shifting out a little each year because of rising productivity, from D0 to D1 to D2. As a result, equilibrium wages have been rising each year from W0 to W1 to W2. However, when productivity unexpectedly slows down, the pattern of wage increases does not adjust right away. Wages keep rising each year from W2 to W3 to W4, but the demand for labor is no longer shifting up. A gap opens where the quantity of labor supplied at wage level W4 is greater than the quantity demanded, and the natural rate of unemployment rises. In the aftermath of this unexpectedly low productivity in the 1970s, the unemployment rate did not fall below 7% from May 1980 until 1986. Over time, the rise in wages will adjust to match the slower gains in productivity, and the unemployment rate will ease back down, but this process may take years.
Figure 7.7 (a) Productivity is rising, increasing the demand for labor, and employers and workers become used to the pattern of wage increases. Then productivity suddenly stops increasing, but the expectations of employers and workers for wage increases do not shift immediately. Wages keep rising as before, but the demand for labor has not increased, so at wage W4, unemployment exists where the quantity supplied of labor exceeds the quantity demanded.
Figure 7.7 (b) The rate of productivity increase has been zero for a time, so employers and workers have come to accept the equilibrium wage level (W). Then productivity increases unexpectedly, shifting demand for labor from D0 to D1. At the wage (W), this means that the quantity demanded of labor exceeds the quantity supplied, and with job offers plentiful, the unemployment rate will be low.
Public policy can also have a powerful effect on the natural rate of
unemployment. On the supply side of the labor market, public policies to
assist the unemployed can affect how eager people are to find work.
For example, if a worker who loses a job is guaranteed a generous package of unemployment insurance, welfare benefits, food assistance, and government medical benefits, then the opportunity cost of unemployment is lower and that worker will be less eager to seek a new job.
What seems to matter most is not just the amount of these benefits, but how long they last. A society that provides generous help for the unemployed that cuts off after, say, six months, may provide less of an incentive for unemployment than a society that provides less generous help that lasts for several years. Conversely, government assistance for job search or retraining can in some cases encourage people to return to work sooner. See the Clear it Up to learn how the U.S. handles unemployment insurance.","Public policy can also have a powerful effect on the natural rate of
unemployment. On the supply side of the labor market, public policies to
assist the unemployed can affect how eager people are to find work.
For example, if a worker who loses a job is guaranteed a generous package of unemployment insurance, welfare benefits, food assistance, and government medical benefits, then the opportunity cost of unemployment is lower and that worker will be less eager to seek a new job.
What seems to matter most is not just the amount of these benefits, but how long they last. A society that provides generous help for the unemployed that cuts off after, say, six months, may provide less of an incentive for unemployment than a society that provides less generous help that lasts for several years. Conversely, government assistance for job search or retraining can in some cases encourage people to return to work sooner. See the Clear it Up to learn how the U.S. handles unemployment insurance.",learn-with-videos-1,"Question: How can public policies to assist the unemployed affect the eagerness of people to find work?
Answer: Public policies that guarantee generous benefits for a longer duration may reduce the incentive for unemployment, while government assistance for job search or retraining can encourage people to return to work sooner.",How can public policies to assist the unemployed affect the eagerness of people to find work?,"Public policies that guarantee generous benefits for a longer duration may reduce the incentive for unemployment, while government assistance for job search or retraining can encourage people to return to work sooner.","['public policy', 'unemployment insurance', 'welfare benefits', 'food assistance', 'government medical benefits', 'opportunity cost']"
220,07-04-07-how-does-the-us-bureau-of-labor-statistics-collect-the-us-unemployment-data,07-04,7,How does U.S. unemployment insurance work?,"Unemployment insurance is a joint federal-state program that the federal government enacted in 1935. While the federal government sets minimum standards for the program, state governments conduct most of the administration.
The funding for the program is a federal tax collected from employers. The federal government requires tax collection on the first $7,000 in wages paid to each worker; however, states can choose to collect the tax on a higher amount if they wish, and 41 states have set a higher limit. States can choose the length of time that they pay benefits, although most states limit unemployment benefits to 26 weeks—with extensions possible in times of especially high unemployment. The states then use the fund to pay benefits to those who become unemployed. Average unemployment benefits are equal to about one-third of the wage that the person earned in his or her previous job, but the level of unemployment benefits varies considerably across states.
| Bottom 10 States That Pay the Lowest Benefit per Week | | Top 10 States That Pay the Highest Benefit per Week | |
| ----------------------------------------------------- | ---- | --------------------------------------------------- | ---- |
| Delaware | $330 | Massachusetts | $672 |
| Georgia | $330 | Minnesota | $683 |
| South Carolina | $326 | Washington | $681 |
| Missouri | $320 | New Jersey | $657 |
| Florida | $275 | North Dakota | $633 |
| Tennessee | $275 | Connecticut | $598 |
| Alabama | $265 | Oregon | $590 |
| Louisiana | $247 | Pennsylvania | $573 |
| Arizona | $240 | Colorado | $568 |
| Mississippi | $235 | Rhode Island | $566 |
**Table 7.5** Maximum Weekly Unemployment Benefits by State in 2017
One other interesting thing to note about the classifications of unemployment is that an individual does not have to collect unemployment benefits to be classified as unemployed. While there are statistics kept and studied relating to how many people are collecting unemployment insurance, this is not the source of unemployment rate information.
On the demand side of the labor market, government rules, social institutions, and the presence of unions can affect the willingness of firms to hire. For example, if a government makes it hard for businesses to start up or to expand, by wrapping new businesses in bureaucratic red tape, then businesses will become more discouraged about hiring. Government regulations can make it harder to start a business by requiring that a new business obtain many permits and pay many fees, or by restricting the types and quality of products that a company can sell. Other government regulations, like zoning laws, may limit where companies can conduct business, or whether businesses are allowed to be open during evenings or on Sunday.
Government rules may encourage and support powerful unions, which can then
push up wages for union workers, but at a cost of discouraging businesses from
hiring those workers.
Whatever defenses may be offered for such laws in terms of social value—like the value some Christians place on not working on Sunday, or Orthodox Jews or highly observant Muslims on Saturday—these kinds of restrictions impose a barrier between some willing workers and other willing employers, and thus contribute to a higher natural rate of unemployment. Similarly, if government makes it difficult to fire or lay off workers, businesses may react by trying not to hire more workers than strictly necessary, since laying these workers off would be costly and difficult. High minimum wages may discourage businesses from hiring low-skill workers.","Unemployment insurance is a joint federal-state program that the federal government enacted in 1935. While the federal government sets minimum standards for the program, state governments conduct most of the administration.
The funding for the program is a federal tax collected from employers. The federal government requires tax collection on the first $7,000 in wages paid to each worker; however, states can choose to collect the tax on a higher amount if they wish, and 41 states have set a higher limit. States can choose the length of time that they pay benefits, although most states limit unemployment benefits to 26 weeks—with extensions possible in times of especially high unemployment. The states then use the fund to pay benefits to those who become unemployed. Average unemployment benefits are equal to about one-third of the wage that the person earned in his or her previous job, but the level of unemployment benefits varies considerably across states.
Table 7.5 Maximum Weekly Unemployment Benefits by State in 2017
One other interesting thing to note about the classifications of unemployment is that an individual does not have to collect unemployment benefits to be classified as unemployed. While there are statistics kept and studied relating to how many people are collecting unemployment insurance, this is not the source of unemployment rate information.
On the demand side of the labor market, government rules, social institutions, and the presence of unions can affect the willingness of firms to hire. For example, if a government makes it hard for businesses to start up or to expand, by wrapping new businesses in bureaucratic red tape, then businesses will become more discouraged about hiring. Government regulations can make it harder to start a business by requiring that a new business obtain many permits and pay many fees, or by restricting the types and quality of products that a company can sell. Other government regulations, like zoning laws, may limit where companies can conduct business, or whether businesses are allowed to be open during evenings or on Sunday.
Government rules may encourage and support powerful unions, which can then
push up wages for union workers, but at a cost of discouraging businesses from
hiring those workers.
Whatever defenses may be offered for such laws in terms of social value—like the value some Christians place on not working on Sunday, or Orthodox Jews or highly observant Muslims on Saturday—these kinds of restrictions impose a barrier between some willing workers and other willing employers, and thus contribute to a higher natural rate of unemployment. Similarly, if government makes it difficult to fire or lay off workers, businesses may react by trying not to hire more workers than strictly necessary, since laying these workers off would be costly and difficult. High minimum wages may discourage businesses from hiring low-skill workers.",how-does-the-us-bureau-of-labor-statistics-collect-the-us-unemployment-data,"What is the funding source for unemployment insurance and what is the federal tax collected on?
The funding for unemployment insurance comes from a federal tax collected from employers, and the tax is collected on the first $7,000 in wages paid to each worker.",What is the funding source for unemployment insurance and what is the federal tax collected on?,"The funding for unemployment insurance comes from a federal tax collected from employers, and the tax is collected on the first $7,000 in wages paid to each worker.","['unemployment insurance', 'federal government', 'minimum standards', 'state governments', 'federal tax collection', 'wages']"
221,07-04-08-what-is-the-difference-between-cps-and-eps,07-04,8,The Natural Rate of Unemployment in Recent Years,"
The underlying economic, social, and political factors that determine the
natural rate of unemployment can change over time, which means that the
natural rate of unemployment can change over time, too.
Estimates by economists of the natural rate of unemployment in the U.S. economy in the early 2000s run at about 4.5 to 5.5%. This is a lower estimate than before 2000. We outline three of the common reasons that economists propose for this change below.
1. The internet has provided a remarkable new tool through which job seekers can find out about jobs at different companies and can make contact with relative ease. An internet search is far easier than trying to find a list of local employers and then hunting up phone numbers for all of their human resources departments, and requesting a list of jobs and application forms. Social networking sites such as LinkedIn have changed how people find work as well.
2. The growth of the temporary worker industry has probably helped to reduce the natural rate of unemployment. In the early 1980s, only about 0.5% of all workers held jobs through temp agencies. By the early 2000s, the figure had risen above 2%. Temp agencies can provide jobs for workers while they are looking for permanent work. They can also serve as a clearinghouse, helping workers find out about jobs with certain employers and getting a tryout with the employer. For many workers, a temp job is a stepping-stone to a permanent job that they might not have heard about or obtained any other way, so the growth of temp jobs will also tend to reduce frictional unemployment.
3. The aging of the “baby boom generation”—the especially large generation of Americans born between 1946 and 1964—meant that the proportion of young workers in the economy was relatively high in the 1970s, as the boomers entered the labor market, but is relatively low today. As we noted earlier, middle-aged and older workers are far more likely to experience low unemployment than younger workers, a factor that tends to reduce the natural rate of unemployment as the baby boomers age.
The combined result of these factors is that the natural rate of unemployment was on average lower in the 1990s and the early 2000s than in the 1980s. The 2008-2009 Great Recession pushed monthly unemployment rates up to 10% in late 2009. However, even at that time, the Congressional Budget Office was forecasting that by 2015, unemployment rates would fall back to about 5%. During the last four months of 2015 the unemployment rate held steady at 5.0%. Throughout 2016 and up through January 2017, the unemployment rate has remained at or slightly below 5%. As of the first quarter of 2017, the Congressional Budget Office estimates the natural rate to be 4.74%, and the measured unemployment rate for January 2017 is 4.8%.","The underlying economic, social, and political factors that determine the
natural rate of unemployment can change over time, which means that the
natural rate of unemployment can change over time, too.
Estimates by economists of the natural rate of unemployment in the U.S. economy in the early 2000s run at about 4.5 to 5.5%. This is a lower estimate than before 2000. We outline three of the common reasons that economists propose for this change below.
The internet has provided a remarkable new tool through which job seekers can find out about jobs at different companies and can make contact with relative ease. An internet search is far easier than trying to find a list of local employers and then hunting up phone numbers for all of their human resources departments, and requesting a list of jobs and application forms. Social networking sites such as LinkedIn have changed how people find work as well.
The growth of the temporary worker industry has probably helped to reduce the natural rate of unemployment. In the early 1980s, only about 0.5% of all workers held jobs through temp agencies. By the early 2000s, the figure had risen above 2%. Temp agencies can provide jobs for workers while they are looking for permanent work. They can also serve as a clearinghouse, helping workers find out about jobs with certain employers and getting a tryout with the employer. For many workers, a temp job is a stepping-stone to a permanent job that they might not have heard about or obtained any other way, so the growth of temp jobs will also tend to reduce frictional unemployment.
The aging of the “baby boom generation”—the especially large generation of Americans born between 1946 and 1964—meant that the proportion of young workers in the economy was relatively high in the 1970s, as the boomers entered the labor market, but is relatively low today. As we noted earlier, middle-aged and older workers are far more likely to experience low unemployment than younger workers, a factor that tends to reduce the natural rate of unemployment as the baby boomers age.
The combined result of these factors is that the natural rate of unemployment was on average lower in the 1990s and the early 2000s than in the 1980s. The 2008-2009 Great Recession pushed monthly unemployment rates up to 10% in late 2009. However, even at that time, the Congressional Budget Office was forecasting that by 2015, unemployment rates would fall back to about 5%. During the last four months of 2015 the unemployment rate held steady at 5.0%. Throughout 2016 and up through January 2017, the unemployment rate has remained at or slightly below 5%. As of the first quarter of 2017, the Congressional Budget Office estimates the natural rate to be 4.74%, and the measured unemployment rate for January 2017 is 4.8%.",what-is-the-difference-between-cps-and-eps,"Question: What are some reasons that economists propose for the decrease in the natural rate of unemployment in the early 2000s?
Answer: The growth of the temporary worker industry, the availability of job information through the internet, and the aging of the baby boom generation are some reasons that economists propose for the decrease in the natural rate of unemployment in the early 2000s.",What are some reasons that economists propose for the decrease in the natural rate of unemployment in the early 2000s?,"The growth of the temporary worker industry, the availability of job information through the internet, and the aging of the baby boom generation are some reasons that economists propose for the decrease in the natural rate of unemployment in the early 2000s.","['unemployment', 'us economy', 'temp job', 'human resources', 'social']"
222,08-00-00-learn-with-videos-2,08-00,0,A $550 Million Loaf of Bread?,"If you were born within the last three decades in the United States, Canada, or many other countries in the developed world, you probably have no real experience with a high rate of inflation. Inflation is when most prices in an entire economy are rising. However, there is an extreme form of inflation called hyperinflation. This occurred in Germany between 1921 and 1928, and more recently in Zimbabwe between 2008 and 2009. In November 2008, Zimbabwe had an inflation rate of 79.6 billion percent. In contrast, in 2014, the United States had an average annual rate of inflation of 1.6%.
Zimbabwe's inflation rate was so high it is difficult to comprehend, so let's put it into context. It is equivalent to price increases of 98% per day. This means that, from one day to the next, prices essentially double. What is life like in an economy afflicted with hyperinflation? Most of you reading this will have never experienced this phenomenon. The government adjusted prices for commodities in Zimbabwean dollars several times _each day_. There was no desire to hold on to currency since it lost value by the minute. The people there spent a great deal of time getting rid of any cash they acquired by purchasing whatever food or other commodities they could find. At one point, a loaf of bread cost 550 million Zimbabwean dollars. Teachers' salaries were in the trillions a month; however, this was equivalent to only one U.S. dollar a day. At its height, it took 621,984,228 Zimbabwean dollars to purchase one U.S. dollar.
Government agencies had no money to pay their workers so they started printing money to pay their bills rather than raising taxes. Rising prices caused the government to enact price controls on private businesses, which led to shortages and the emergence of black markets. In 2009, the country abandoned its currency and allowed people to use foreign currencies for purchases.
How does this happen? How can both government and the economy fail to function
at the most basic level? Before we consider these extreme cases of
hyperinflation, let's first look at inflation itself.
","If you were born within the last three decades in the United States, Canada, or many other countries in the developed world, you probably have no real experience with a high rate of inflation. Inflation is when most prices in an entire economy are rising. However, there is an extreme form of inflation called hyperinflation. This occurred in Germany between 1921 and 1928, and more recently in Zimbabwe between 2008 and 2009. In November 2008, Zimbabwe had an inflation rate of 79.6 billion percent. In contrast, in 2014, the United States had an average annual rate of inflation of 1.6%.
Zimbabwe's inflation rate was so high it is difficult to comprehend, so let's put it into context. It is equivalent to price increases of 98% per day. This means that, from one day to the next, prices essentially double. What is life like in an economy afflicted with hyperinflation? Most of you reading this will have never experienced this phenomenon. The government adjusted prices for commodities in Zimbabwean dollars several times each day. There was no desire to hold on to currency since it lost value by the minute. The people there spent a great deal of time getting rid of any cash they acquired by purchasing whatever food or other commodities they could find. At one point, a loaf of bread cost 550 million Zimbabwean dollars. Teachers' salaries were in the trillions a month; however, this was equivalent to only one U.S. dollar a day. At its height, it took 621,984,228 Zimbabwean dollars to purchase one U.S. dollar.
Government agencies had no money to pay their workers so they started printing money to pay their bills rather than raising taxes. Rising prices caused the government to enact price controls on private businesses, which led to shortages and the emergence of black markets. In 2009, the country abandoned its currency and allowed people to use foreign currencies for purchases.
How does this happen? How can both government and the economy fail to function
at the most basic level? Before we consider these extreme cases of
hyperinflation, let's first look at inflation itself.",learn-with-videos-2,"Question: How does hyperinflation affect the economy and government functioning?
Answer: Hyperinflation causes the economy to fail, leading to a loss of value in the currency, price increases, shortages, and the abandonment of the national currency. The government may resort to printing money to pay bills and enacting price controls, further worsening the situation.",How does hyperinflation affect the economy and government functioning?,"Hyperinflation causes the economy to fail, leading to a loss of value in the currency, price increases, shortages, and the abandonment of the national currency. The government may resort to printing money to pay bills and enacting price controls, further worsening the situation.","['zimbabwe', 'hyperinflation', 'price increases', 'germany', 'euro']"
223,08-00-01-the-historical-us-unemployment-rate,08-00,1,Introduction,"Inflation does not refer to a change in relative prices. A relative price change occurs when you see that the price of tuition has risen, but the price of laptops has fallen. Inflation, on the other hand, means that there is pressure for prices to rise in most markets in the economy. Price increases in the supply and demand model were one-time events, representing a shift from a previous equilibrium to a new one, but inflation implies an ongoing rise in prices.
This chapter begins by showing you how to combine prices of individual goods and services to create a measure of overall inflation. It discusses the historical and recent experience of inflation, both in the United States and in other countries around the world. Finally, it will show you how to use inflation statistics to adjust other economic variables. Using these tools, you will be able to tell, for example, how much the rise in GDP over different periods of time is the result of an actual increase in the production of goods and services and how much it should attribute to the fact that prices for most items have risen.
The chapter concludes with a discussion of some imperfections and biases in inflation statistics, and a preview of policies for fighting inflation that we will discuss in other chapters.
How would you like to pay $417.00 per sheet of toilet paper? Sound crazy? It's not as crazy as you may think. Here's a story of how this happened in Zimbabwe. Around 2000, Robert Mugabe, the President of Zimbabwe, was in need of cash to bribe his enemies and reward his allies.
","Inflation does not refer to a change in relative prices. A relative price change occurs when you see that the price of tuition has risen, but the price of laptops has fallen. Inflation, on the other hand, means that there is pressure for prices to rise in most markets in the economy. Price increases in the supply and demand model were one-time events, representing a shift from a previous equilibrium to a new one, but inflation implies an ongoing rise in prices.
This chapter begins by showing you how to combine prices of individual goods and services to create a measure of overall inflation. It discusses the historical and recent experience of inflation, both in the United States and in other countries around the world. Finally, it will show you how to use inflation statistics to adjust other economic variables. Using these tools, you will be able to tell, for example, how much the rise in GDP over different periods of time is the result of an actual increase in the production of goods and services and how much it should attribute to the fact that prices for most items have risen.
The chapter concludes with a discussion of some imperfections and biases in inflation statistics, and a preview of policies for fighting inflation that we will discuss in other chapters.
**Table 8.2** A College Student's Basket of Goods
To calculate the annual rate of inflation in this example, complete the following steps:
1. Find the percentage change in the cost of purchasing the overall basket of goods between the time periods. The general equation for percentage changes between two years, whether in the context of inflation or in any other calculation, is:
(Level in new year - Level in previous year) / Level in previous year x 100 = Percentage change
2. From period 1 to period 2, the total cost of purchasing the basket of goods in **Table 8.2** rises from $100 to $106.50. Therefore, the percentage change over this time—the inflation rate—is:
$$
(106.50 - 100) / 100 = 0.065 = 6.5\%
$$
3. From period 2 to period 3, the overall change in the cost of purchasing the basket rises from $106.50 to $107. Thus, the inflation rate over this time, again calculated by the percentage change, is approximately:
$$
(107 - 106.50) / 106.5 = 0.0047 = 0.47\%
$$
4. From period 3 to period 4, the overall cost rises from $107 to $117.50. The inflation rate is thus:
$$
(117.50 - 107) / 107 = 0.098 = 9.8\%
$$
This calculation of the change in the total cost of purchasing a basket of goods accounts for how much a student spends on each good. Hamburgers are the lowest-priced good in this example, and aspirin is the highest-priced. If an individual buys a greater quantity of a low-price good, then changes in the price of that good should have a larger impact on the buying power of that person's money. The larger impact of hamburgers shows up in the “amount spent” row, where, in all time periods, hamburgers are the largest item within the amount spent row.","Consider the simple basket of goods with only three items. Say that in any given month, a college student spends money on 20 hamburgers, one bottle of aspirin, and five movies. The table provides prices for these items over four years through each time period (Pd). Prices of some goods in the basket may rise while others fall. In this example, the price of aspirin does not change over the four years, while movies increase in price and hamburgers bounce up and down. Table 8.2 shows the cost of buying the given basket of goods at the prices prevailing at that time.
Table 8.2 A College Student's Basket of Goods
To calculate the annual rate of inflation in this example, complete the following steps:
Find the percentage change in the cost of purchasing the overall basket of goods between the time periods. The general equation for percentage changes between two years, whether in the context of inflation or in any other calculation, is:
(Level in new year - Level in previous year) / Level in previous year x 100 = Percentage change
From period 1 to period 2, the total cost of purchasing the basket of goods in Table 8.2 rises from $100 to $106.50. Therefore, the percentage change over this time—the inflation rate—is:
$$
(106.50 - 100) / 100 = 0.065 = 6.5\%
$$
From period 2 to period 3, the overall change in the cost of purchasing the basket rises from $106.50 to $107. Thus, the inflation rate over this time, again calculated by the percentage change, is approximately:
$$
(107 - 106.50) / 106.5 = 0.0047 = 0.47\%
$$
From period 3 to period 4, the overall cost rises from $107 to $117.50. The inflation rate is thus:
$$
(117.50 - 107) / 107 = 0.098 = 9.8\%
$$
This calculation of the change in the total cost of purchasing a basket of goods accounts for how much a student spends on each good. Hamburgers are the lowest-priced good in this example, and aspirin is the highest-priced. If an individual buys a greater quantity of a low-price good, then changes in the price of that good should have a larger impact on the buying power of that person's money. The larger impact of hamburgers shows up in the “amount spent” row, where, in all time periods, hamburgers are the largest item within the amount spent row.",unemployment-rates-by-ages,"Question: How does the calculation of the annual rate of inflation take into account the quantity of each good purchased by a college student?
Answer: The calculation of the annual rate of inflation takes into account the quantity of each good purchased by a college student by considering the change in the total cost of purchasing the basket of goods over time. The impact of the quantity of each good is reflected in the ""amount spent"" row.",How does the calculation of the annual rate of inflation take into account the quantity of each good purchased by a college student?,"The calculation of the annual rate of inflation takes into account the quantity of each good purchased by a college student by considering the change in the total cost of purchasing the basket of goods over time. The impact of the quantity of each good is reflected in the ""amount spent"" row.","['inflation rate', 'hamburgers', 'aspirin', 'movies', 'overall cost', 'buying power']"
226,08-01-03-unemployment-rates-by-race-and-ethnicity,08-01,3,Index Numbers,"
Economists create price indices to calculate an overall average change in
relative prices over time.
The numerical results of a calculation based on a basket of goods can get a little messy. The simplified example in **Table 8.2** has only three goods and the prices are in rounded dollars, not numbers like 79 cents or \$124.99. If the list of products were much longer, and we used more realistic prices, the total quantity spent over a year might be some messy-looking number like \$17,147.51 or \$27.654.92.
To simplify the task of interpreting the price levels for more realistic and complex baskets of goods, economists typically report the price level in each period as an **index number**, rather than as the dollar amount for buying the basket of goods. Economists create price indices to calculate an overall average change in relative prices over time. To convert the money spent on the basket to an index number, economists arbitrarily choose one year to be the base year, or the starting point from which we measure changes in prices.
The base year, by definition, has an index number equal to 100. This sounds complicated, but it is really a simple math trick. In the example of the college student in the previous Work It Out section, say that we choose time period 3 as the base year. Since the total amount of spending in that year is $107, we divide that amount by itself and multiply by 100. Again, this is because the index number in the base year must always have a value of 100. Then, to figure out the values of the index number for the other years, we divide the dollar amounts for the other years by 1.07 as well. Note also that the dollar signs cancel out so that index numbers have no units.
**Table 8.3** shows calculations for the other values of the index number, based on the example in **Table 8.2**. Because we calculate the index numbers so that they are in exactly the same proportion as the total dollar cost of purchasing the basket of goods, we can calculate the inflation rate based on the index numbers, using the percentage change formula. Thus, the inflation rate from period 1 to period 2 would be
$$
(99.5 - 93.4) / 93.4 = 0.065 = 6.5\%
$$
This is the same answer that we derived when measuring inflation based on the dollar cost of the basket of goods for the same time period.
| | Total Spending | Index Number | Inflation Rate Since Previous Period |
| ------------ | -------------- | ------------------- | ------------------------------------ |
| **Period 1** | $100 | 100 / 1.07 = 83.4 | |
| **Period 2** | $106.50 | 106.50/1.07 = 99.5 | (99.5-93.4)/93.4 = 0.065 = 6.5% |
| **Period 3** | $107 | 107/1.07 = 100 | (100-99.5)/99.5 = 0.005 = 0.5% |
| **Period 4** | $117.50 | 117.50/1.07 = 109.8 | (109.8 - 100)/100 = 0.098 = 9.8% |
**Table 8.3** Calculating Index Numbers When Period 3 is the Base Year
If the inflation rate is the same whether it is based on dollar values or
index numbers, then why bother with the index numbers?
The advantage is that indexing allows for easier approximation of inflation numbers. If you glance at two index numbers like 107 and 110, you know automatically that the rate of inflation between the two years is about, but not quite exactly equal to, 3%. By contrast, imagine that we express the price levels in absolute dollars of a large basket of goods, so that when you looked at the data, the numbers were $19,493.62 and $20,040.17. Most people find it difficult to glance at those kinds of numbers and approximate a change of about 3%. However, the two numbers expressed in absolute dollars are exactly in the same proportion of 107 to 110 as the previous example. If you're wondering why simple subtraction of the index numbers wouldn't work, read the following section.","Economists create price indices to calculate an overall average change in
relative prices over time.
The numerical results of a calculation based on a basket of goods can get a little messy. The simplified example in Table 8.2 has only three goods and the prices are in rounded dollars, not numbers like 79 cents or \$124.99. If the list of products were much longer, and we used more realistic prices, the total quantity spent over a year might be some messy-looking number like \$17,147.51 or \$27.654.92.
To simplify the task of interpreting the price levels for more realistic and complex baskets of goods, economists typically report the price level in each period as an index number, rather than as the dollar amount for buying the basket of goods. Economists create price indices to calculate an overall average change in relative prices over time. To convert the money spent on the basket to an index number, economists arbitrarily choose one year to be the base year, or the starting point from which we measure changes in prices.
The base year, by definition, has an index number equal to 100. This sounds complicated, but it is really a simple math trick. In the example of the college student in the previous Work It Out section, say that we choose time period 3 as the base year. Since the total amount of spending in that year is $107, we divide that amount by itself and multiply by 100. Again, this is because the index number in the base year must always have a value of 100. Then, to figure out the values of the index number for the other years, we divide the dollar amounts for the other years by 1.07 as well. Note also that the dollar signs cancel out so that index numbers have no units.
Table 8.3 shows calculations for the other values of the index number, based on the example in Table 8.2. Because we calculate the index numbers so that they are in exactly the same proportion as the total dollar cost of purchasing the basket of goods, we can calculate the inflation rate based on the index numbers, using the percentage change formula. Thus, the inflation rate from period 1 to period 2 would be
$$
(99.5 - 93.4) / 93.4 = 0.065 = 6.5\%
$$
This is the same answer that we derived when measuring inflation based on the dollar cost of the basket of goods for the same time period.
Table 8.3 Calculating Index Numbers When Period 3 is the Base Year
If the inflation rate is the same whether it is based on dollar values or
index numbers, then why bother with the index numbers?
The advantage is that indexing allows for easier approximation of inflation numbers. If you glance at two index numbers like 107 and 110, you know automatically that the rate of inflation between the two years is about, but not quite exactly equal to, 3%. By contrast, imagine that we express the price levels in absolute dollars of a large basket of goods, so that when you looked at the data, the numbers were $19,493.62 and $20,040.17. Most people find it difficult to glance at those kinds of numbers and approximate a change of about 3%. However, the two numbers expressed in absolute dollars are exactly in the same proportion of 107 to 110 as the previous example. If you're wondering why simple subtraction of the index numbers wouldn't work, read the following section.",unemployment-rates-by-race-and-ethnicity,"{
""question"": ""Why do economists bother with index numbers if the inflation rate is the same whether it is based on dollar values or index numbers?"",
""answer"": ""Indexing allows for easier approximation of inflation numbers by expressing them as proportions rather than absolute dollar values.""
}",Why do economists bother with index numbers if the inflation rate is the same whether it is based on dollar values or index numbers?,Indexing allows for easier approximation of inflation numbers by expressing them as proportions rather than absolute dollar values.,"['price indices', 'overall average change', 'relative prices', 'numerical results', 'basket of goods']"
227,08-01-04-link-it-up,08-01,4,Why do you not just subtract index numbers?,"A word of warning: When a price index moves from, say, 107 to 110, the rate of inflation is not _exactly_ 3%. Remember, the inflation rate is not derived by subtracting the index numbers, but rather through the percentage-change calculation. We calculate the precise inflation rate as the price index moves from 107 to 110 as 100 x (110 - 107) / 107 = 100 x 0.028 = 2.8%. When the base year is fairly close to 100, a quick subtraction is not a terrible shortcut to calculating the inflation rate—but when precision matters down to tenths of a percent, subtracting will not give the right answer.
Two final points about index numbers are worth remembering:
1. **Index numbers have no dollar signs or other units attached to them.**
Although we can use index numbers to calculate a percentage inflation rate, the index numbers themselves do not have percentage signs. Index numbers just mirror the proportions that we find in other data. They transform the other data so that it is easier to work with.
2. **The choice of a base year of 100 is arbitrary.**
We choose it as a starting point from which we can track changes in prices. In the official inflation statistics, it is common to use one base year for a few years, and then to update it, so that the base year of 100 is relatively close to the present. However, any base year that we choose for the index numbers will result in exactly the same inflation rate. To see this in the previous example, imagine that period 1 is the base year when total spending was $100, and we assign it an index number of 100. At a glance, you can see that the index numbers would now exactly match the dollar figures, and the inflation rate in the first period would be 6.5%.
Now that we see how indices work to track inflation, the next module will show us how economists measure the cost of living.
An episode of Duck Tales dealing with the negative consequences of inflation. for more information visit www.mises.org
","A word of warning: When a price index moves from, say, 107 to 110, the rate of inflation is not exactly 3%. Remember, the inflation rate is not derived by subtracting the index numbers, but rather through the percentage-change calculation. We calculate the precise inflation rate as the price index moves from 107 to 110 as 100 x (110 - 107) / 107 = 100 x 0.028 = 2.8%. When the base year is fairly close to 100, a quick subtraction is not a terrible shortcut to calculating the inflation rate—but when precision matters down to tenths of a percent, subtracting will not give the right answer.
Two final points about index numbers are worth remembering:
Index numbers have no dollar signs or other units attached to them.
Although we can use index numbers to calculate a percentage inflation rate, the index numbers themselves do not have percentage signs. Index numbers just mirror the proportions that we find in other data. They transform the other data so that it is easier to work with.
The choice of a base year of 100 is arbitrary.
We choose it as a starting point from which we can track changes in prices. In the official inflation statistics, it is common to use one base year for a few years, and then to update it, so that the base year of 100 is relatively close to the present. However, any base year that we choose for the index numbers will result in exactly the same inflation rate. To see this in the previous example, imagine that period 1 is the base year when total spending was $100, and we assign it an index number of 100. At a glance, you can see that the index numbers would now exactly match the dollar figures, and the inflation rate in the first period would be 6.5%.
Now that we see how indices work to track inflation, the next module will show us how economists measure the cost of living.
the rise in the price of a fixed basket of goods over time—tends to overstate
the rise in a consumer’s true cost of living, because it does not take into
account that the person can substitute away from goods whose relative prices
have risen.
","When the price of a good rises, consumers tend to purchase less of it and to seek out substitutes instead. Conversely, as the price of a good falls, people will tend to purchase more of it. This pattern implies that goods with generally rising prices should tend over time to become less important in the overall basket of goods used to calculate inflation, while goods with falling prices should tend to become more important.
Consider, as an example, a rise in the price of peaches by $100 per pound. If consumers were utterly inflexible in their demand for peaches, this would lead to a big rise in the price of food for consumers. Alternatively, imagine that people are utterly indifferent to whether they have peaches or other types of fruit. Now, if peach prices rise, people completely switch to other fruit choices and the average price of food does not change at all. A fixed and unchanging basket of goods assumes that consumers are locked into buying exactly the same goods, regardless of price changes—not a very likely assumption.
the rise in the price of a fixed basket of goods over time—tends to overstate
the rise in a consumer’s true cost of living, because it does not take into
account that the person can substitute away from goods whose relative prices
have risen.",learn-with-videos,"{
""question"": ""What implication does the pattern of consumers seeking substitutes when the price of a good rises have on the calculation of inflation?"",
""answer"": ""Goods with generally rising prices should tend over time to become less important in the overall basket of goods used to calculate inflation, while goods with falling prices should tend to become more important.""
}",What implication does the pattern of consumers seeking substitutes when the price of a good rises have on the calculation of inflation?,"Goods with generally rising prices should tend over time to become less important in the overall basket of goods used to calculate inflation, while goods with falling prices should tend to become more important.","['suppliers', 'price', 'peaches', 'food', 'average price', 'food industry']"
229,08-02-01-breaking-down-unemployment-in-other-ways,08-02,1,Quality/New Goods Bias,"The other major problem in using a fixed basket of goods as the basis for calculating inflation is how to deal with the arrival of improved versions of older goods or altogether new goods. Consider the problem that arises if a cereal is improved by adding 12 essential vitamins and minerals and that it costs 5% more. It would clearly be misleading to count the entire resulting higher price as inflation, because the new price reflects a higher quality (or at least different) product. Ideally, one would like to know how much of the higher price is due to the quality change, and how much of it is just a higher price. The Bureau of Labor Statistics, which is responsible for computing the Consumer Price Index (CPI), must deal with these difficulties in adjusting for quality changes.
We can think of a new product as an extreme improvement in quality—from something that did not exist to something that does. However, the basket of goods that was fixed in the past obviously does not include new goods created since then. The basket of goods and services in the CPI is revised and updated over time, and so new products are gradually included. The process of adding new products takes some time, however. Take the following trends in products for example:
- Room air conditioners were widely sold in the early 1950s, but were not introduced into the basket of goods behind the CPI until 1964.
- The VCR and personal computer were available in the late 1970s and widely sold by the early 1980s, but did not enter the CPI basket of goods until 1987.
- By 1996, there were more than 40 million cellular phone subscribers in the United States—but cell phones were not yet part of the CPI basket of goods until 1998.
The parade of inventions has continued, with the CPI inevitably lagging a few years behind, as the arrival of new goods makes it difficult to measure inflation accurately. The reason people buy new goods, presumably, is that the new goods offer better value for money than existing goods. Thus, if the price index leaves out new goods, it overlooks one of the ways the cost of living is improving. In addition, the price of a new good is often higher when it is first introduced and then declines over time. If the new good is not included in the CPI for some years, until its price is already lower, the CPI may miss counting this price decline altogether.
The following section is a must-read on how statisticians comprise and calculate the CPI.
the rise in the price of a fixed basket of goods over time tends to overstate
the rise in a consumer's true cost of living, because it does not account for
how improvements in the quality of existing goods or the invention of new
goods improves the standard of living.
","The other major problem in using a fixed basket of goods as the basis for calculating inflation is how to deal with the arrival of improved versions of older goods or altogether new goods. Consider the problem that arises if a cereal is improved by adding 12 essential vitamins and minerals and that it costs 5% more. It would clearly be misleading to count the entire resulting higher price as inflation, because the new price reflects a higher quality (or at least different) product. Ideally, one would like to know how much of the higher price is due to the quality change, and how much of it is just a higher price. The Bureau of Labor Statistics, which is responsible for computing the Consumer Price Index (CPI), must deal with these difficulties in adjusting for quality changes.
We can think of a new product as an extreme improvement in quality—from something that did not exist to something that does. However, the basket of goods that was fixed in the past obviously does not include new goods created since then. The basket of goods and services in the CPI is revised and updated over time, and so new products are gradually included. The process of adding new products takes some time, however. Take the following trends in products for example:
Room air conditioners were widely sold in the early 1950s, but were not introduced into the basket of goods behind the CPI until 1964.
The VCR and personal computer were available in the late 1970s and widely sold by the early 1980s, but did not enter the CPI basket of goods until 1987.
By 1996, there were more than 40 million cellular phone subscribers in the United States—but cell phones were not yet part of the CPI basket of goods until 1998.
The parade of inventions has continued, with the CPI inevitably lagging a few years behind, as the arrival of new goods makes it difficult to measure inflation accurately. The reason people buy new goods, presumably, is that the new goods offer better value for money than existing goods. Thus, if the price index leaves out new goods, it overlooks one of the ways the cost of living is improving. In addition, the price of a new good is often higher when it is first introduced and then declines over time. If the new good is not included in the CPI for some years, until its price is already lower, the CPI may miss counting this price decline altogether.
The following section is a must-read on how statisticians comprise and calculate the CPI.
the rise in the price of a fixed basket of goods over time tends to overstate
the rise in a consumer's true cost of living, because it does not account for
how improvements in the quality of existing goods or the invention of new
goods improves the standard of living.",breaking-down-unemployment-in-other-ways,"Question: What is one major problem with using a fixed basket of goods to calculate inflation?
Answer: The major problem is that it does not account for improvements in the quality of existing goods or the invention of new goods, which improves the standard of living.",What is one major problem with using a fixed basket of goods to calculate inflation?,"The major problem is that it does not account for improvements in the quality of existing goods or the invention of new goods, which improves the standard of living.","['inflation', 'fixed basket of goods', 'quality change', 'consumer price index']"
230,08-02-02-international-unemployment-comparisons,08-02,2,How do U.S. government statisticians measure the Consumer Price Index?,"When the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) calculates the Consumer Price Index, the first task is to decide on a basket of goods that is representative of the purchases of the average household. We do this by using the Consumer Expenditure Survey, a national survey of about 7,000 households, which provides detailed information on spending habits. Statisticians divide consumer expenditures into eight major groups (seen below), which in turn they divide into more than 200 individual item categories. The BLS currently uses 1982-1984 as the base period.
For each of the 200 individual expenditure items, the BLS chooses several hundred very specific examples of that item and looks at the prices of those examples. In figuring out the “breakfast cereal” item under the overall category of “foods and beverages,” the BLS picks several hundred examples of breakfast cereal. One example might be the price of a 24-oz. box of a particular brand of cereal sold at a particular store. The BLS statistically selects specific products and sizes and stores to reflect what people buy and where they shop. The basket of goods in the Consumer Price Index thus consists of about 80,000 products; that is, several hundred specific products in over 200 broad-item categories. Statisticians rotate about one-quarter of these 80,000 specific products of the sample each year, and replace them with a different set of products.
The next step is to collect data on prices. Data collectors visit or call about 23,000 stores in 87 urban areas all over the United States every month to collect prices on these 80,000 specific products. The BLS also conducts a survey of 50,000 landlords or tenants to collect information about rents.
Statisticians then calculate the CPI by taking the 80,000 prices of individual products and combining them into price indices for the 200 or so overall items, using weights (see **Figure 8.2**) determined by the quantities of these products that people buy and allowing for factors like substitution between goods and quality improvements. Then, the statisticians combine the price indices for the 200 items into an overall CPI.
According the CPI website, there are eight categories that data collectors use. Click on each number label to learn more about the category.","When the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) calculates the Consumer Price Index, the first task is to decide on a basket of goods that is representative of the purchases of the average household. We do this by using the Consumer Expenditure Survey, a national survey of about 7,000 households, which provides detailed information on spending habits. Statisticians divide consumer expenditures into eight major groups (seen below), which in turn they divide into more than 200 individual item categories. The BLS currently uses 1982-1984 as the base period.
For each of the 200 individual expenditure items, the BLS chooses several hundred very specific examples of that item and looks at the prices of those examples. In figuring out the “breakfast cereal” item under the overall category of “foods and beverages,” the BLS picks several hundred examples of breakfast cereal. One example might be the price of a 24-oz. box of a particular brand of cereal sold at a particular store. The BLS statistically selects specific products and sizes and stores to reflect what people buy and where they shop. The basket of goods in the Consumer Price Index thus consists of about 80,000 products; that is, several hundred specific products in over 200 broad-item categories. Statisticians rotate about one-quarter of these 80,000 specific products of the sample each year, and replace them with a different set of products.
The next step is to collect data on prices. Data collectors visit or call about 23,000 stores in 87 urban areas all over the United States every month to collect prices on these 80,000 specific products. The BLS also conducts a survey of 50,000 landlords or tenants to collect information about rents.
Statisticians then calculate the CPI by taking the 80,000 prices of individual products and combining them into price indices for the 200 or so overall items, using weights (see Figure 8.2) determined by the quantities of these products that people buy and allowing for factors like substitution between goods and quality improvements. Then, the statisticians combine the price indices for the 200 items into an overall CPI.
According the CPI website, there are eight categories that data collectors use. Click on each number label to learn more about the category.",international-unemployment-comparisons,"Question: What is the first task of the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) when calculating the Consumer Price Index?
Answer: The first task is to decide on a basket of goods that is representative of the purchases of the average household.",What is the first task of the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) when calculating the Consumer Price Index?,The first task is to decide on a basket of goods that is representative of the purchases of the average household.,"['consumer price index', 'consumer expenditures', 'base period', 'breakfast cereal', 'foods', 'beverages']"
231,08-02-03-overview,08-02,3,The Eight Major Categories in the Consumer Price Index,"
**Figure 8.2 The Weighting of CPI Components Of the eight categories used to
generate the Consumer Price Index.** (Source: www.bls.gov/cpi)
Visit the [Ford Model T page on the Wikipedia](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ford_Model_T#Price_and_production.) to view a list of Ford car prices between 1909 and 1927. Consider how these prices compare to today’s models. Is the product today of a different quality?"," [The core inflation index] provides a better guide to monetary policy than the other indices, since it measures the more persistent underlying inflation rather than transitory influences on the price level.
>
> Ben Bernanke, former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank, 1999
Bernanke also noted that it helps communicate that the Federal Reserve does not need to respond to every inflationary shock since some price changes are transitory and not part of a structural change in the economy.
The CPI and core CPI are important, but serve different audiences. The CPI helps households understand their overall cost of living from month to month, while the core inflation index is a preferred gauge from which to make important government policy changes.
Government statisticians at the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS)
calculate the CPI based on the prices in a fixed basket of goods and services
that represents the purchases of the average family of four.
Economists typically calculate a core inflation index by taking the CPI
and excluding volatile economic variables.
Inflation is common in a modern economy. Shifts in supply and demand for goods and services cause prices to change accordingly. When the average level of pri...
","Imagine if you were driving a company truck across the country- you probably would care about things like the prices of available roadside food and motel rooms as well as the truck's operating condition. However, the manager of the firm might have different priorities. He would care mostly about the truck's on-time performance and much less so about the food you were eating and the places you were staying. In other words, the company manager would be paying attention to the firm's production, while ignoring transitory elements that impacted you, but did not affect the company's bottom line.
In a sense, a similar situation occurs with regard to measures of inflation. As we've learned, CPI measures prices as they affect everyday household spending. Economists typically calculate a core inflation index by taking the CPI and excluding volatile economic variables. In this way, economists have a better sense of the underlying trends in prices that affect the cost of living.
Examples of excluded variables include energy and food prices, which can jump around from month to month because of the weather. According to an article by Kent Bernhard, during Hurricane Katrina in 2005, a key supply point for the nation's gasoline was nearly knocked out. Gas prices quickly shot up across the nation, in some places by up to 40 cents a gallon in one day. This was not the cause of an economic policy but rather a short-lived event until the pumps were restored in the region. In this case, the CPI that month would register the change as a cost of living event to households, but the core inflation index would remain unchanged. As a result, the Federal Reserve's decisions on interest rates would not be influenced. Similarly, droughts can cause world-wide spikes in food prices that, if temporary, do not affect the nation's economic capability.
[The core inflation index] provides a better guide to monetary policy than the other indices, since it measures the more persistent underlying inflation rather than transitory influences on the price level.
Ben Bernanke, former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank, 1999
Bernanke also noted that it helps communicate that the Federal Reserve does not need to respond to every inflationary shock since some price changes are transitory and not part of a structural change in the economy.
The CPI and core CPI are important, but serve different audiences. The CPI helps households understand their overall cost of living from month to month, while the core inflation index is a preferred gauge from which to make important government policy changes.
Government statisticians at the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS)
calculate the CPI based on the prices in a fixed basket of goods and services
that represents the purchases of the average family of four.
Economists typically calculate a core inflation index by taking the CPI
and excluding volatile economic variables.
**Figure 16.2** Effects of Change in Budget Surplus or Deficit on Investment, Savings, and The Trade Balance
Chart (a) shows the potential results when the budget deficit rises or budget surplus falls. Chart (b) shows the potential results when the budget deficit falls or budget surplus rises
","The national saving and investment identity provides a framework for showing the relationships between the sources of demand and supply in financial capital markets. The identity begins with a statement that must always hold true: the quantity of financial capital supplied in the market must equal the quantity of financial capital demanded.
The U.S. economy has two main sources for financial capital: private savings and public savings.
$$
\text{Total savings} = \text { Private savings }(\mathrm{S})+\text { Public savings }(\mathrm{T}-\mathrm{G})
$$
These include the inflow of foreign financial capital from abroad. The inflow of savings from abroad is, by definition, equal to the trade deficit (we will cover this in detail in The International Trade and Capital Flows chapter). For now, we can write this inflow of foreign investment capital as imports (M) minus exports (X). There are also two main sources of demand for financial capital: private sector investment (I) and government borrowing. Government borrowing in any given year is equal to the budget deficit, which we can write as the difference between government spending (G) and net taxes (T). Let’s call this equation 1.
$$
\text {Quantity supplied of financial capital} = \text {Quantity demanded of financial capital.}
$$
$$
\text {Private savings + Inflow of foreign savings} = \text {Private investment} + \text {Government budget deficit}
$$
$$
\mathrm{S}+(\mathrm{M}-\mathrm{X})=\mathrm{I}+(\mathrm{G}-\mathrm{T})
$$
Equation 1
Governments often spend more than they receive in taxes and, therefore, public savings (T - G) is negative. This causes a need to borrow money in the amount of (G - T) instead of adding to the nation's savings. If this is the case, we can view governments as demanders of financial capital instead of suppliers. In algebraic terms, we can rewrite the national savings and investment identity like this:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text { Private investment } & =\text { Private savings }+ \text { Public savings }+ \text { Trade deficit } \
& \mathrm{I}=\mathrm{S}+(\mathrm{T}-\mathrm{G})+(\mathrm{M}-\mathrm{X})
\end{aligned}
$$
Equation 2
Let's call this equation 2. Equation 2 helps us identify the sources of the financial capital. This is possible because we assume that the equality of quantity supplied and quantity demanded always holds and a change in any part of the national saving and investment identity must be offset by changes in at least one other part of the equation. If the government budget deficit changes, then either private saving or investment or the trade balance—or some combination of the three—must change as well. Figure 16.2 shows the possible effects.
Figure 16.2 Effects of Change in Budget Surplus or Deficit on Investment, Savings, and The Trade Balance
Chart (a) shows the potential results when the budget deficit rises or budget surplus falls. Chart (b) shows the potential results when the budget deficit falls or budget surplus rises",the-national-saving-and-investment-identity,"{""question"": ""What is the national saving and investment identity?"", ""answer"": ""The national saving and investment identity is a framework that shows the relationship between the sources of demand and supply in financial capital markets, stating that the quantity of financial capital supplied must equal the quantity of financial capital demanded.""}",What is the national saving and investment identity?,"The national saving and investment identity is a framework that shows the relationship between the sources of demand and supply in financial capital markets, stating that the quantity of financial capital supplied must equal the quantity of financial capital demanded.","['national saving and investment identity', 'financial capital markets', 'public savings', 'trade deficit', 'international trade']"
234,08-02-05-why-wages-might-be-sticky-downward,08-02,5,Practical Solutions for the Substitution and the Quality/New Goods Biases,"By the early 2000s, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) was using more complex mathematical methods for calculating the Consumer Price Index (CPI) to allow for some substitution between goods.
It was also updating the basket of goods behind the CPI more frequently, so that it could include new and improved goods more rapidly. For certain products, the BLS was carrying out studies to try to measure the quality improvement. For example, with computers, an economic study can try to adjust for changes in speed, memory, screen size, and other product characteristics, and then calculate the change in price after accounting for these product changes. However, these adjustments are inevitably imperfect, and exactly how to make these adjustments is often a source of controversy among professional economists.
By the early 2000s, the substitution bias and quality/new goods bias had been somewhat reduced, so that since then the rise in the CPI probably overstates the true rise in inflation by only about 0.5% per year. Over one or a few years, this is not much. Over a period of a decade or two, even half of a percent per year compounds to a more significant amount. In addition, the CPI tracks prices from physical locations, and not at online sites like Amazon, where prices can be lower.
When measuring inflation (and other economic statistics, too), a tradeoff
arises between simplicity and interpretation.
If we calculate the inflation rate with a basket of goods that is fixed and unchanging, then the calculation is straightforward. However, when the basket of goods is allowed to shift and evolve to reflect substitution toward lower relative prices, quality improvements, and new goods, the technical details of calculating the inflation rate grow more complex.","By the early 2000s, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) was using more complex mathematical methods for calculating the Consumer Price Index (CPI) to allow for some substitution between goods.
It was also updating the basket of goods behind the CPI more frequently, so that it could include new and improved goods more rapidly. For certain products, the BLS was carrying out studies to try to measure the quality improvement. For example, with computers, an economic study can try to adjust for changes in speed, memory, screen size, and other product characteristics, and then calculate the change in price after accounting for these product changes. However, these adjustments are inevitably imperfect, and exactly how to make these adjustments is often a source of controversy among professional economists.
By the early 2000s, the substitution bias and quality/new goods bias had been somewhat reduced, so that since then the rise in the CPI probably overstates the true rise in inflation by only about 0.5% per year. Over one or a few years, this is not much. Over a period of a decade or two, even half of a percent per year compounds to a more significant amount. In addition, the CPI tracks prices from physical locations, and not at online sites like Amazon, where prices can be lower.
When measuring inflation (and other economic statistics, too), a tradeoff
arises between simplicity and interpretation.
If we calculate the inflation rate with a basket of goods that is fixed and unchanging, then the calculation is straightforward. However, when the basket of goods is allowed to shift and evolve to reflect substitution toward lower relative prices, quality improvements, and new goods, the technical details of calculating the inflation rate grow more complex.",why-wages-might-be-sticky-downward,"What are some factors that contribute to the complexity of calculating the inflation rate?
The factors that contribute to the complexity of calculating the inflation rate include substitution toward lower relative prices, quality improvements, and the introduction of new goods.",What are some factors that contribute to the complexity of calculating the inflation rate? ,"The factors that contribute to the complexity of calculating the inflation rate include substitution toward lower relative prices, quality improvements, and the introduction of new goods.","['inflation rate', 'bLS', 'complex mathematical methods', 'consumer price index', 'improved goods']"
235,08-02-06-overview,08-02,6,"Additional Price Indices: PPI, GDP Deflator, and More","The basket of goods behind the Consumer Price Index (CPI) represents an average hypothetical U.S. household's consumption, which is to say that it does not exactly capture anyone's personal experience. When the task is to calculate an average level of inflation, this approach works fine.
What if, however, you are concerned about inflation experienced by a certain
group, like the elderly, the poor, single-parent families with children, or
Hispanic-Americans?
In specific situations, a price index based on the buying power of the average consumer may not feel quite right.
This problem has a straightforward solution. If the Consumer Price Index does not serve the desired purpose, then invent another index, based on a basket of goods appropriate for the group of interest. The Bureau of Labor Statistics publishes a number of experimental price indices: some for particular groups like the elderly or the poor, some for different geographic areas, and some for certain broad categories of goods like food or housing.
The BLS also calculates several price indices that are not based on baskets of consumer goods.
- The **Producer Price Index (PPI)** is based on prices paid for supplies and inputs by producers of goods and services. We can break it down into price indices for different industries, commodities, and stages of processing, like finished goods, intermediate goods, or crude materials for further processing.
- An **International Price Index** based on the prices of merchandise that is exported or imported.
- An **Employment Cost Index** measures wage inflation in the labor market.
- The **GDP deflator**, which the Bureau of Economic Analysis measures, is a price index that includes all the GDP components (that is, consumption plus investment plus government plus exports minus imports). Unlike the CPI, its baskets are not fixed but re-calculate what that year's GDP would have been worth using the base-year's prices. MIT's Billion Prices Project is a more recent alternative attempt to measure prices: economists collect data online from retailers and then put them into an index that they compare to the CPI (Source: http://bpp.mit.edu/usa/).
What's the best measure of inflation?
If one is concerned with the most accurate measure of inflation, one should use the GDP deflator as it picks up the prices of goods and services produced. However, it is not a good measure of the cost of living as it includes prices of many products not purchased by households (e.g., aircraft, fire engines, factory buildings, office complexes, and bulldozers).
If one wants the most accurate measure of inflation as it impacts households, one should use the CPI, as it only picks up prices of products purchased by households. That is why economists sometimes refer to the CPI as the **cost-of-living index**. As the BLS states on its website:
The ""best"" measure of inflation for a given application depends on the
intended use of the data.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics
","The basket of goods behind the Consumer Price Index (CPI) represents an average hypothetical U.S. household's consumption, which is to say that it does not exactly capture anyone's personal experience. When the task is to calculate an average level of inflation, this approach works fine.
What if, however, you are concerned about inflation experienced by a certain
group, like the elderly, the poor, single-parent families with children, or
Hispanic-Americans?
In specific situations, a price index based on the buying power of the average consumer may not feel quite right.
This problem has a straightforward solution. If the Consumer Price Index does not serve the desired purpose, then invent another index, based on a basket of goods appropriate for the group of interest. The Bureau of Labor Statistics publishes a number of experimental price indices: some for particular groups like the elderly or the poor, some for different geographic areas, and some for certain broad categories of goods like food or housing.
The BLS also calculates several price indices that are not based on baskets of consumer goods.
The Producer Price Index (PPI) is based on prices paid for supplies and inputs by producers of goods and services. We can break it down into price indices for different industries, commodities, and stages of processing, like finished goods, intermediate goods, or crude materials for further processing.
An International Price Index based on the prices of merchandise that is exported or imported.
An Employment Cost Index measures wage inflation in the labor market.
The GDP deflator, which the Bureau of Economic Analysis measures, is a price index that includes all the GDP components (that is, consumption plus investment plus government plus exports minus imports). Unlike the CPI, its baskets are not fixed but re-calculate what that year's GDP would have been worth using the base-year's prices. MIT's Billion Prices Project is a more recent alternative attempt to measure prices: economists collect data online from retailers and then put them into an index that they compare to the CPI (Source: http://bpp.mit.edu/usa/).
What's the best measure of inflation?
If one is concerned with the most accurate measure of inflation, one should use the GDP deflator as it picks up the prices of goods and services produced. However, it is not a good measure of the cost of living as it includes prices of many products not purchased by households (e.g., aircraft, fire engines, factory buildings, office complexes, and bulldozers).
If one wants the most accurate measure of inflation as it impacts households, one should use the CPI, as it only picks up prices of products purchased by households. That is why economists sometimes refer to the CPI as the cost-of-living index. As the BLS states on its website:
The ""best"" measure of inflation for a given application depends on the
intended use of the data.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics",overview,"{""question"": ""What is the best measure of inflation?"", ""answer"": ""If one is concerned with the most accurate measure of inflation, one should use the GDP deflator as it picks up the prices of goods and services produced. However, if one wants the most accurate measure of inflation as it impacts households, one should use the CPI, as it only picks up prices of products purchased by households.""}",What is the best measure of inflation?,"If one is concerned with the most accurate measure of inflation, one should use the GDP deflator as it picks up the prices of goods and services produced. However, if one wants the most accurate measure of inflation as it impacts households, one should use the CPI, as it only picks up prices of products purchased by households.","['consumer price index', 'employment cost index', 'wage inflation', 'labor market', 'consumer goods']"
236,08-03-00-the-long-term-the-natural-rate-of-unemployment,08-03,0,Overview,"
- Identify patterns of inflation for the United States using data from the Consumer Price Index
- Identify patterns of inflation on an international level
In the last three decades, inflation has been relatively low in the U.S. economy, with the Consumer Price Index typically rising 2% to 4% per year. Looking back over the twentieth century, there have been several periods where inflation caused the price level to rise at double-digit rates, but nothing has come close to hyperinflation.","Identify patterns of inflation for the United States using data from the Consumer Price Index
Identify patterns of inflation on an international level
In the last three decades, inflation has been relatively low in the U.S. economy, with the Consumer Price Index typically rising 2% to 4% per year. Looking back over the twentieth century, there have been several periods where inflation caused the price level to rise at double-digit rates, but nothing has come close to hyperinflation.",the-long-term-the-natural-rate-of-unemployment,"{
""question"": ""What is the typical range of inflation in the U.S. economy over the last three decades?"",
""answer"": ""In the last three decades, inflation in the U.S. economy has typically risen 2% to 4% per year.""
}",What is the typical range of inflation in the U.S. economy over the last three decades?,"In the last three decades, inflation in the U.S. economy has typically risen 2% to 4% per year.","['inflation', 'usa', 'consumer price index', 'us economy']"
237,08-03-01-frictional-unemployment,08-03,1,How the U.S. and Other Countries Experience Inflation,"**Figure 8.3 (a)** shows the level of prices in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) stretching back to 1913. In this case, the base years when the CPI is defined as 100 are set for the average level of prices that existed from 1982 to 1984. **Figure 8.3 (b)** shows the annual percentage changes in the CPI over time, which is the inflation rate.
Graph (a) shows the trends in the U.S. price level from the year 1913 to 2016. In 1913, the graph starts out close to 10, rises to around 20 in 1920, stays around 16 or 17 until 1931, then falls to 13 or 14 until 1940. It gradually increases until about 1973, then increases more rapidly through the remainder of the 1970s and beyond, with periodic dips, until 2016, when it reached around 240.
Graph (b) shows the trends in U.S. inflation rates from the year 1914 to 2016. In 2014, the graph starts out with inflation at almost 8%, jumps to about 17% in 1917, drops drastically to close to -11% in 1921, goes up and down periodically, with peaks in the 1940s and the 1970s, until settling to around 1.3% in 2016.
**Figure 8.3 U.S. Price Level and Inflation Rates since 1913**
The first two waves of inflation are easy to characterize in historical terms: they are right after World War I and World War II. However, there are also two periods of severe negative inflation—called **deflation**—in the early decades of the twentieth century: one following the deep 1920-21 recession and the other during the Great Depression of the 1930s.
Since inflation is a time when the buying power of money in terms of goods and services is reduced, deflation will be a time when the buying power of money in terms of goods and services increases. For the period from 1900 to about 1960, the major inflations and deflations nearly balanced each other out, so the average annual rate of inflation over these years was only about 1% per year.
A third wave of more severe inflation arrived in the 1970s and departed in the early 1980s.
Times of recession or depression often seem to be times when the inflation rate is lower, as in the recession of 1920-1921, the Great Depression, the recession of 1980-1982, and the Great Recession of 2008-2009. There were a few months in 2009 that were deflationary, but not at an annual rate.
High levels of unemployment typically accompany recessions, and the total demand for goods falls, pulling the price level down. Conversely, the rate of inflation often, but not always, seems to start moving up when the economy is growing very strongly, like right after wartime or during the 1960s. The frameworks for macroeconomic analysis, that we developed in other chapters, will explain why recession often accompanies higher unemployment and lower inflation, while rapid economic growth often brings lower unemployment but higher inflation.
Visit the [CPI Inflation Calculator web site](https://data.bls.gov/cgi-bin/cpicalc.pl) to discover how prices have changed in the last 100 years.","Figure 8.3 (a) shows the level of prices in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) stretching back to 1913. In this case, the base years when the CPI is defined as 100 are set for the average level of prices that existed from 1982 to 1984. Figure 8.3 (b) shows the annual percentage changes in the CPI over time, which is the inflation rate.
Graph (a) shows the trends in the U.S. price level from the year 1913 to 2016. In 1913, the graph starts out close to 10, rises to around 20 in 1920, stays around 16 or 17 until 1931, then falls to 13 or 14 until 1940. It gradually increases until about 1973, then increases more rapidly through the remainder of the 1970s and beyond, with periodic dips, until 2016, when it reached around 240.
Graph (b) shows the trends in U.S. inflation rates from the year 1914 to 2016. In 2014, the graph starts out with inflation at almost 8%, jumps to about 17% in 1917, drops drastically to close to -11% in 1921, goes up and down periodically, with peaks in the 1940s and the 1970s, until settling to around 1.3% in 2016.
- Explain how inflation can cause redistributions of purchasing power
- Identify ways inflation can blur the perception of supply and demand
- Explain the economic benefits and challenges of inflation
Economists usually oppose high inflation, but not to the extent that many non-economists do. Robert Shiller, one of 2013's Nobel Prize winners in economics, carried out several surveys during the 1990s about attitudes toward inflation. One of his questions asked,
“Do you agree that preventing high inflation is an important national
priority, as important as preventing drug abuse or preventing deterioration in
the quality of our schools?”
Answers were on a scale of 1-5, where 1 meant “Fully agree” and 5 meant “Completely disagree.”
For the U.S. population, 52% answered “Fully agree” that preventing high inflation was a highly important national priority and just 4% said “Completely disagree.” However, among professional economists, only 18% answered “Fully agree,” while the same percentage of 18% answered “Completely disagree.”
It is clear from Shiller's survey that there is some confusion over inflation. In this section, we will consider the economic problems caused by inflation, and why economists often regard them with less concern than the general public.","Explain how inflation can cause redistributions of purchasing power
Identify ways inflation can blur the perception of supply and demand
Explain the economic benefits and challenges of inflation
Economists usually oppose high inflation, but not to the extent that many non-economists do. Robert Shiller, one of 2013's Nobel Prize winners in economics, carried out several surveys during the 1990s about attitudes toward inflation. One of his questions asked,
“Do you agree that preventing high inflation is an important national
priority, as important as preventing drug abuse or preventing deterioration in
the quality of our schools?”
Answers were on a scale of 1-5, where 1 meant “Fully agree” and 5 meant “Completely disagree.”
For the U.S. population, 52% answered “Fully agree” that preventing high inflation was a highly important national priority and just 4% said “Completely disagree.” However, among professional economists, only 18% answered “Fully agree,” while the same percentage of 18% answered “Completely disagree.”
It is clear from Shiller's survey that there is some confusion over inflation. In this section, we will consider the economic problems caused by inflation, and why economists often regard them with less concern than the general public.",natural-unemployment-and-potential-real-gdp,"Question: According to Robert Shiller's survey, how do professional economists typically view the importance of preventing high inflation compared to the general public?
Answer: Professional economists typically view the importance of preventing high inflation with less concern than the general public.","According to Robert Shiller's survey, how do professional economists typically view the importance of preventing high inflation compared to the general public?",Professional economists typically view the importance of preventing high inflation with less concern than the general public.,"['inflation', 'redistributions', 'purchasing power', 'high inflation', 'survey']"
239,08-04-01-productivity-shifts-and-the-natural-rate-of-unemployment,08-04,1,The Land of Funny Money,"One morning, everyone in the Land of Funny Money awakened to find that everything denominated in money had increased by 20%. The change was completely unexpected. Every price in every store was 20% higher. Paychecks were 20% higher. Interest rates were 20 % higher. The amount of money, everywhere from wallets to savings accounts, was 20% larger. This overnight inflation of prices made newspaper headlines everywhere in the Land of Funny Money. However, the headlines quickly disappeared, as people realized that in terms of what they could actually buy with their incomes, this inflation had no economic impact. Everyone's pay could still buy exactly the same set of goods as it did before. Everyone's savings were still sufficient to buy exactly the same car, vacation, or retirement that they could have bought before. Equal levels of inflation in all wages and prices ended up not mattering much at all.
When the people in Robert Shiller's surveys explained their concern about inflation, one typical reason was that they feared that as prices rose, they would not be able to afford to buy as much. In other words, people were worried because they did not live in a place like the Land of Funny Money, where all prices and wages rose simultaneously. Instead, people live here on Planet Earth, where prices might rise while wages do not rise at all, or where wages rise more slowly than prices.
Economists note that over most periods, the inflation level in prices is
roughly similar to the inflation level in wages.
They reason that, on average, over time, people's economic status is not greatly changed by inflation. If all prices, wages, and interest rates adjusted automatically and immediately with inflation, as in the Land of Funny Money, then no one's purchasing power, profits, or real loan payments would change. However, if other economic variables do not move exactly in sync with inflation, or if they adjust for inflation only after a time lag, then inflation can cause three types of problems: unintended redistributions of purchasing power, blurred price signals, and difficulties in long-term planning.","One morning, everyone in the Land of Funny Money awakened to find that everything denominated in money had increased by 20%. The change was completely unexpected. Every price in every store was 20% higher. Paychecks were 20% higher. Interest rates were 20 % higher. The amount of money, everywhere from wallets to savings accounts, was 20% larger. This overnight inflation of prices made newspaper headlines everywhere in the Land of Funny Money. However, the headlines quickly disappeared, as people realized that in terms of what they could actually buy with their incomes, this inflation had no economic impact. Everyone's pay could still buy exactly the same set of goods as it did before. Everyone's savings were still sufficient to buy exactly the same car, vacation, or retirement that they could have bought before. Equal levels of inflation in all wages and prices ended up not mattering much at all.
When the people in Robert Shiller's surveys explained their concern about inflation, one typical reason was that they feared that as prices rose, they would not be able to afford to buy as much. In other words, people were worried because they did not live in a place like the Land of Funny Money, where all prices and wages rose simultaneously. Instead, people live here on Planet Earth, where prices might rise while wages do not rise at all, or where wages rise more slowly than prices.
Economists note that over most periods, the inflation level in prices is
roughly similar to the inflation level in wages.
They reason that, on average, over time, people's economic status is not greatly changed by inflation. If all prices, wages, and interest rates adjusted automatically and immediately with inflation, as in the Land of Funny Money, then no one's purchasing power, profits, or real loan payments would change. However, if other economic variables do not move exactly in sync with inflation, or if they adjust for inflation only after a time lag, then inflation can cause three types of problems: unintended redistributions of purchasing power, blurred price signals, and difficulties in long-term planning.",productivity-shifts-and-the-natural-rate-of-unemployment,"Question: What are the three types of problems that inflation can cause if other economic variables do not move in sync with inflation?
Answer: The three types of problems that inflation can cause are unintended redistributions of purchasing power, blurred price signals, and difficulties in long-term planning.",What are the three types of problems that inflation can cause if other economic variables do not move in sync with inflation?,"The three types of problems that inflation can cause are unintended redistributions of purchasing power, blurred price signals, and difficulties in long-term planning.","['inflation', 'land of funny money', 'store', 'interest rates', 'wallets', 'savings']"
240,08-04-02-public-policy-and-the-natural-rate-of-unemployment,08-04,2,Unintended Redistributions of Purchasing Power,"Inflation can cause redistributions of purchasing power that hurt some and help others. People who are hurt by inflation include those who are holding considerable cash, some wage earners, and retirees on defined benefits plans. People who can benefit from inflation are borrowers of fixed rate loans.","Inflation can cause redistributions of purchasing power that hurt some and help others. People who are hurt by inflation include those who are holding considerable cash, some wage earners, and retirees on defined benefits plans. People who can benefit from inflation are borrowers of fixed rate loans.",public-policy-and-the-natural-rate-of-unemployment,"{""question"": ""Who can benefit from inflation?"", ""answer"": ""Borrowers of fixed rate loans.""}",Who can benefit from inflation?,Borrowers of fixed rate loans.,"['inflation', 'purchasing power', 'wage earners', 'retirees', 'defined benefits plans', 'fixed']"
241,08-04-03-how-does-us-unemployment-insurance-work,08-04,3,People with Considerable Financial Assets,"When inflation happens, the buying power of cash diminishes. However, cash is only an example of a more general problem: anyone who has financial assets invested in a way that the nominal return does not keep up with inflation will tend to suffer from inflation. For example, if a person has money in a bank account that pays 4% interest, but inflation rises to 5%, then the real rate of return for the money invested in that bank account is negative 1%, and the money itself is worth less.
The problem of a good-looking nominal interest rate transforming into an ugly-looking real interest rate can be worsened by taxes. The U.S. income tax is charged on the nominal interest received in dollar terms, without an adjustment for inflation. Thus, the government taxes a person who invests $10,000 and receives a 5% nominal rate of interest on the $500 received—no matter whether the inflation rate is 0%, 5%, or 10%. If inflation is 0%, then the real interest rate is 5% and all $500 is a gain in buying power. However, if inflation is 5%, then the real interest rate is zero and the person had no real gain—but owes income tax on the nominal gain anyway. If inflation is 10%, then the real interest rate is negative 5% and the person is actually falling behind in buying power, but would still owe taxes on the $500 in nominal gains.","When inflation happens, the buying power of cash diminishes. However, cash is only an example of a more general problem: anyone who has financial assets invested in a way that the nominal return does not keep up with inflation will tend to suffer from inflation. For example, if a person has money in a bank account that pays 4% interest, but inflation rises to 5%, then the real rate of return for the money invested in that bank account is negative 1%, and the money itself is worth less.
The problem of a good-looking nominal interest rate transforming into an ugly-looking real interest rate can be worsened by taxes. The U.S. income tax is charged on the nominal interest received in dollar terms, without an adjustment for inflation. Thus, the government taxes a person who invests $10,000 and receives a 5% nominal rate of interest on the $500 received—no matter whether the inflation rate is 0%, 5%, or 10%. If inflation is 0%, then the real interest rate is 5% and all $500 is a gain in buying power. However, if inflation is 5%, then the real interest rate is zero and the person had no real gain—but owes income tax on the nominal gain anyway. If inflation is 10%, then the real interest rate is negative 5% and the person is actually falling behind in buying power, but would still owe taxes on the $500 in nominal gains.",how-does-us-unemployment-insurance-work,"{""question"": ""What happens to the buying power of cash during inflation?"", ""answer"": ""The buying power of cash diminishes during inflation.""}",What happens to the buying power of cash during inflation?,The buying power of cash diminishes during inflation.,"['inflation', 'financial assets', 'nominal interest', 'bank account', 'real rate of return']"
242,08-04-04-the-natural-rate-of-unemployment-in-recent-years,08-04,4,Wage Earners,"Inflation can cause unintended redistributions for wage earners, too. Wages do typically creep up with inflation over time, eventually. The last row of **Table 8.1** at the start of this chapter showed that the average hourly wage in manufacturing in the U.S. economy increased from $3.23 in 1970 to $20.65 in 2017, which is an increase by a factor of more than six. Over that time period, the Consumer Price Index increased by an almost identical amount. However, increases in wages may lag behind inflation for a year or two, since wage adjustments are often somewhat sticky and occur only once or twice a year. Moreover, the extent to which wages keep up with inflation creates insecurity for workers and may involve painful, prolonged conflicts between employers and employees. If the government adjusts minimum wage for inflation only infrequently, minimum wage workers are losing purchasing power from their nominal wages, as **Figure 8.6** shows.
**Figure 8.6 U.S. Minimum Wage and Inflation** (Sources: [History of Federal Minimum Wage Rates Under the Fair Labor Standards Act, 1938 - 2009](https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/minimum-wage/history/chart); [CPI for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U)](https://data.bls.gov/cgi-bin/surveymost?cu))
After adjusting for inflation, the federal minimum wage dropped more than 30 percent from 1967 to 2010, even though the nominal figure climbed from $1.40 to $7.25 per hour. Increases in the minimum wage in between 2008 and 2010 kept the decline from being worse—as it would have been if the wage had remained the same as it did from 1997 through 2007. Since 2010, the real minimum wage has continued to decline.","Inflation can cause unintended redistributions for wage earners, too. Wages do typically creep up with inflation over time, eventually. The last row of Table 8.1 at the start of this chapter showed that the average hourly wage in manufacturing in the U.S. economy increased from $3.23 in 1970 to $20.65 in 2017, which is an increase by a factor of more than six. Over that time period, the Consumer Price Index increased by an almost identical amount. However, increases in wages may lag behind inflation for a year or two, since wage adjustments are often somewhat sticky and occur only once or twice a year. Moreover, the extent to which wages keep up with inflation creates insecurity for workers and may involve painful, prolonged conflicts between employers and employees. If the government adjusts minimum wage for inflation only infrequently, minimum wage workers are losing purchasing power from their nominal wages, as Figure 8.6 shows.
Figure 8.6 U.S. Minimum Wage and Inflation (Sources: History of Federal Minimum Wage Rates Under the Fair Labor Standards Act, 1938 - 2009; CPI for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U))
After adjusting for inflation, the federal minimum wage dropped more than 30 percent from 1967 to 2010, even though the nominal figure climbed from $1.40 to $7.25 per hour. Increases in the minimum wage in between 2008 and 2010 kept the decline from being worse—as it would have been if the wage had remained the same as it did from 1997 through 2007. Since 2010, the real minimum wage has continued to decline.",the-natural-rate-of-unemployment-in-recent-years,"Question: How has the federal minimum wage changed after adjusting for inflation from 1967 to 2010?
Answer: After adjusting for inflation, the federal minimum wage dropped more than 30 percent from 1967 to 2010.",How has the federal minimum wage changed after adjusting for inflation from 1967 to 2010?,"After adjusting for inflation, the federal minimum wage dropped more than 30 percent from 1967 to 2010.","['inflation', 'unintended redistributions', 'wage earners', 'average hourly wage', 'us']"
243,08-04-05-unemployment-and-the-great-recession,08-04,5,Retirees on Defined Benefits Plans,"One sizable group of people has often received a large share of their income in a form that does not increase over time: retirees who receive a private company pension. Most pensions have traditionally been set as a fixed nominal dollar amount per year at retirement. For this reason, economists call pensions “defined benefits” plans. Even if inflation is low, the combination of inflation and a fixed income can create a substantial problem over time. A person who retires on a fixed income at age 65 will find that losing just 1% to 2% of buying power per year to inflation compounds to a considerable loss of buying power after a decade or two.
Fortunately, pensions and other defined benefits retirement plans are increasingly rare, replaced instead by “defined contribution” plans, such as 401(k)s and 403(b)s. In these plans, the employer contributes a fixed amount to the worker's retirement account on a regular basis (usually every pay check). The employee often contributes as well. The worker invests these funds in a wide range of investment vehicles. These plans are tax deferred, and they are portable so that if the individual takes a job with a different employer, their 401(k) comes with them. To the extent that the investments made generate real rates of return, retirees do not suffer from the inflation costs of traditional pensioners.","One sizable group of people has often received a large share of their income in a form that does not increase over time: retirees who receive a private company pension. Most pensions have traditionally been set as a fixed nominal dollar amount per year at retirement. For this reason, economists call pensions “defined benefits” plans. Even if inflation is low, the combination of inflation and a fixed income can create a substantial problem over time. A person who retires on a fixed income at age 65 will find that losing just 1% to 2% of buying power per year to inflation compounds to a considerable loss of buying power after a decade or two.
Fortunately, pensions and other defined benefits retirement plans are increasingly rare, replaced instead by “defined contribution” plans, such as 401(k)s and 403(b)s. In these plans, the employer contributes a fixed amount to the worker's retirement account on a regular basis (usually every pay check). The employee often contributes as well. The worker invests these funds in a wide range of investment vehicles. These plans are tax deferred, and they are portable so that if the individual takes a job with a different employer, their 401(k) comes with them. To the extent that the investments made generate real rates of return, retirees do not suffer from the inflation costs of traditional pensioners.",unemployment-and-the-great-recession,"{
""question"": ""What are the advantages of defined contribution retirement plans over defined benefits plans?"",
""answer"": ""Defined contribution plans, such as 401(k)s and 403(b)s, offer advantages such as portability, tax deferral, and the potential for real rates of return that mitigate the effects of inflation.""
}",What are the advantages of defined contribution retirement plans over defined benefits plans?,"Defined contribution plans, such as 401(k)s and 403(b)s, offer advantages such as portability, tax deferral, and the potential for real rates of return that mitigate the effects of inflation.","['retirement', 'private company pension', 'fixed nominal dollar amount', 'fixed income']"
244,08-04-06-overview,08-04,6,Borrowers with Fixed Interest Rate Loans,"Ordinary people can sometimes benefit from the unintended redistributions of inflation. Consider someone who borrows $10,000 to buy a car at a fixed interest rate of 9%. If inflation is 3% at the time the loan is made, then he or she must repay the loan at a real interest rate of 6%. However, if inflation rises to 9%, then the real interest rate on the loan is zero. In this case, the borrower's benefit from inflation is the lender's loss. A borrower paying a fixed interest rate, who benefits from inflation, is just the flip side of an investor receiving a fixed interest rate, who suffers from inflation. When interest rates are fixed, rises in the rate of inflation tend to penalize suppliers of financial capital, who receive repayment in dollars that are worth less because of inflation. Demanders of financial capital end up better off, because they can repay their loans in dollars that are worth less than originally expected.
The unintended redistributions of buying power that inflation causes may have a broader effect on society. America's widespread acceptance of market forces rests on a perception that people's actions have a reasonable connection to market outcomes. It is difficult to accept that a retiree might suffer from inflation, despite building up a pension or investing at a fixed interest rate, while someone who borrowed at a fixed interest rate benefits from inflation. Similarly, when homeowners benefit from inflation because the price of their homes rises, while renters suffer because they are paying higher rent, it is hard to see any useful effects of inflation. One of the reasons that the general public dislikes inflation is a sense that it makes economic rewards and penalties more arbitrary—and therefore seemingly unfair. This can even result in dangerous politicians taking advantage of public sentiment, as the next section shows.","Ordinary people can sometimes benefit from the unintended redistributions of inflation. Consider someone who borrows $10,000 to buy a car at a fixed interest rate of 9%. If inflation is 3% at the time the loan is made, then he or she must repay the loan at a real interest rate of 6%. However, if inflation rises to 9%, then the real interest rate on the loan is zero. In this case, the borrower's benefit from inflation is the lender's loss. A borrower paying a fixed interest rate, who benefits from inflation, is just the flip side of an investor receiving a fixed interest rate, who suffers from inflation. When interest rates are fixed, rises in the rate of inflation tend to penalize suppliers of financial capital, who receive repayment in dollars that are worth less because of inflation. Demanders of financial capital end up better off, because they can repay their loans in dollars that are worth less than originally expected.
The unintended redistributions of buying power that inflation causes may have a broader effect on society. America's widespread acceptance of market forces rests on a perception that people's actions have a reasonable connection to market outcomes. It is difficult to accept that a retiree might suffer from inflation, despite building up a pension or investing at a fixed interest rate, while someone who borrowed at a fixed interest rate benefits from inflation. Similarly, when homeowners benefit from inflation because the price of their homes rises, while renters suffer because they are paying higher rent, it is hard to see any useful effects of inflation. One of the reasons that the general public dislikes inflation is a sense that it makes economic rewards and penalties more arbitrary—and therefore seemingly unfair. This can even result in dangerous politicians taking advantage of public sentiment, as the next section shows.",overview,"{
""question"": ""How can borrowers benefit from inflation?"",
""answer"": ""Borrowers can benefit from inflation by repaying loans with dollars that are worth less than originally expected.""
}",How can borrowers benefit from inflation?,Borrowers can benefit from inflation by repaying loans with dollars that are worth less than originally expected.,"['inflation', 'unintended redistributions', 'fixed interest rate', 'real interest rate']"
245,09-02-04-neoclassical-economics-versus-keynesian-economics-1,09-02,4,Movements Along vs. Shifts in Consumption and Savings Functions,"When using diagrams, we make an important distinction between events that **move the economy along** the consumption and saving functions as opposed to events that **shift the consumption and saving functions**
","When using diagrams, we make an important distinction between events that move the economy along the consumption and saving functions as opposed to events that shift the consumption and saving functions",neoclassical-economics-versus-keynesian-economics-1,"{
""question"": ""What distinction do we make when using diagrams?"",
""answer"": ""We distinguish between events that move the economy along the consumption and saving functions and events that shift the consumption and saving functions.""
}",What distinction do we make when using diagrams?,We distinguish between events that move the economy along the consumption and saving functions and events that shift the consumption and saving functions.,"['dich', 'events', 'consumption', 'saving functions', 'government', 'usa net']"
246,16-01-02-what-about-budget-surpluses-and-trade-surpluses,16-01,2,What about Budget Surpluses and Trade Surpluses?,"
The national saving and investment identity must always hold true because, by
definition, the quantity supplied and quantity demanded in the financial
capital market must always be equal.
However, the formula will look somewhat different if the government budget is in deficit rather than surplus or if the balance of trade is in surplus rather than deficit.
For example, in 1999 and 2000, the U.S. government had budget surpluses, although the economy was still experiencing trade deficits. When the government was running budget surpluses, it was acting as a saver rather than a borrower, and supplying rather than demanding financial capital. As a result, we would write the national saving and investment identity during this time as:
$$
\begin{align*}
\text {Quantity supplied of financial capital} &= \text {Quantity demanded of financial capital.} \\
\text {Private savings} + \text {Trade deficit} + \text {Government surplus} &= \text {Private investment} \\
\mathrm{S}+(\mathrm{M}-\mathrm{X})+(\mathrm{T}-\mathrm{G}) &= \mathrm{I}
\end{align*}
$$
**Equation 3**
Let's call this equation 3. Notice that this expression is mathematically the same as equation 2 except the savings and investment sides of the identity have simply flipped sides.
During the 1960s, the U.S. government was often running a budget deficit, but the economy was typically running trade surpluses. Since a trade surplus means that an economy is experiencing a net outflow of financial capital, we would write the national saving and investment identity as:
$$
\begin{alignat*}{3}
&\text{Quantity supplied of financial capital} &&= \text{Quantity demanded of financial capital} \\
&\text{Private savings} &&= \text{Private investment} + \text{Outflow of foreign savings} + \text{Government budget deficit} \\
&S &&= I+(X-M)+(G-T)
\end{alignat*}
$$
Instead of the balance of trade representing part of the supply of financial capital, which occurs with a trade deficit, a trade surplus represents an outflow of financial capital leaving the domestic economy and invested elsewhere in the world.
$$
\begin{align*}
\text{Quantity supplied of financial capital} &= \text{Quantity demanded of financial capital demand} \\
\text{Private savings} &= \text{Private investment} + \text{Government budget deficit} + \text{Trade surplus} \\
\mathrm{S} &= \mathrm{I}+(\mathrm{G}-\mathrm{T})+(\mathrm{X}-\mathrm{M})
\end{align*}
$$
We assume that the point to these equations is that the national saving and investment identity always hold. When you write these relationships, it is important to think critically about what is on the supply and demand side of the financial capital market before you start your calculations.
As you can see in **Figure 16.3**, the Office of Management and Budget shows that the United States has consistently run budget deficits since 1977, except for 1999 and 2000. What is alarming is the dramatic increase in budget deficits that has occurred since 2008, which in part reflects declining tax revenues and increased safety net expenditures due to the Great Recession. Recall that T in the national savings and investment identity is net taxes. When the government must transfer funds back to individuals for safety-net expenditures like Social Security and unemployment benefits, budget deficits rise. These deficits have implications for the future health of the U.S. economy.
**Figure 16.3** United States On-Budget, Surplus, and Deficit, 1977-2014 (\$ millions)
(Source: Table 1.1, ""Summary of Receipts, Outlays, and Surpluses or Deficits,"" https://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/Historicals)
A rising budget deficit may result in a fall in domestic investment, a rise in
private savings, or a rise in the trade deficit. The following modules discuss
each of these possible effects in more detail.
What is debt? What is a deficit? And do these things have different outcomes for individuals and nations? Adriene and Jacob answer all these questions and more ...
","The national saving and investment identity must always hold true because, by
definition, the quantity supplied and quantity demanded in the financial
capital market must always be equal.
However, the formula will look somewhat different if the government budget is in deficit rather than surplus or if the balance of trade is in surplus rather than deficit.
For example, in 1999 and 2000, the U.S. government had budget surpluses, although the economy was still experiencing trade deficits. When the government was running budget surpluses, it was acting as a saver rather than a borrower, and supplying rather than demanding financial capital. As a result, we would write the national saving and investment identity during this time as:
$$
\begin{align}
\text {Quantity supplied of financial capital} &= \text {Quantity demanded of financial capital.} \
\text {Private savings} + \text {Trade deficit} + \text {Government surplus} &= \text {Private investment} \
\mathrm{S}+(\mathrm{M}-\mathrm{X})+(\mathrm{T}-\mathrm{G}) &= \mathrm{I}
\end{align}
$$
Equation 3
Let's call this equation 3. Notice that this expression is mathematically the same as equation 2 except the savings and investment sides of the identity have simply flipped sides.
During the 1960s, the U.S. government was often running a budget deficit, but the economy was typically running trade surpluses. Since a trade surplus means that an economy is experiencing a net outflow of financial capital, we would write the national saving and investment identity as:
$$
\begin{alignat}{3}
&\text{Quantity supplied of financial capital} &&= \text{Quantity demanded of financial capital} \
&\text{Private savings} &&= \text{Private investment} + \text{Outflow of foreign savings} + \text{Government budget deficit} \
&S &&= I+(X-M)+(G-T)
\end{alignat}
$$
Instead of the balance of trade representing part of the supply of financial capital, which occurs with a trade deficit, a trade surplus represents an outflow of financial capital leaving the domestic economy and invested elsewhere in the world.
$$
\begin{align}
\text{Quantity supplied of financial capital} &= \text{Quantity demanded of financial capital demand} \
\text{Private savings} &= \text{Private investment} + \text{Government budget deficit} + \text{Trade surplus} \
\mathrm{S} &= \mathrm{I}+(\mathrm{G}-\mathrm{T})+(\mathrm{X}-\mathrm{M})
\end{align}
$$
We assume that the point to these equations is that the national saving and investment identity always hold. When you write these relationships, it is important to think critically about what is on the supply and demand side of the financial capital market before you start your calculations.
As you can see in Figure 16.3, the Office of Management and Budget shows that the United States has consistently run budget deficits since 1977, except for 1999 and 2000. What is alarming is the dramatic increase in budget deficits that has occurred since 2008, which in part reflects declining tax revenues and increased safety net expenditures due to the Great Recession. Recall that T in the national savings and investment identity is net taxes. When the government must transfer funds back to individuals for safety-net expenditures like Social Security and unemployment benefits, budget deficits rise. These deficits have implications for the future health of the U.S. economy.
Figure 16.3 United States On-Budget, Surplus, and Deficit, 1977-2014 (\$ millions)
(Source: Table 1.1, ""Summary of Receipts, Outlays, and Surpluses or Deficits,"" https://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/Historicals)
A rising budget deficit may result in a fall in domestic investment, a rise in
private savings, or a rise in the trade deficit. The following modules discuss
each of these possible effects in more detail.
A fact that is probably little known to young people today, even in Germany, is that the final collapse of the Mark in 1923, the time when the Mark's inflation reached astronomical levels (inflation of 35,974.9% in November 1923 alone, for an annual rate that month of 4.69 x 1028%), came in the same month as did Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch, his Nazi Party's armed attempt to overthrow the German government. This failed putsch resulted in Hitler's imprisonment, at which time he wrote his book Mein Kampf, setting forth an inspirational plan for Germany's future, suggesting plans for world domination. . .
. . . Most people in Germany today probably do not clearly remember these events; this lack of attention to it may be because its memory is blurred by the more dramatic events that succeeded it (the Nazi seizure of power and World War II). However, to someone living through these historical events in sequence . . . [the putsch] may have been remembered as vivid evidence of the potential effects of inflation.
","Germany suffered an intense hyperinflation of its currency, the Mark, in the years after World War I, when the Weimar Republic in Germany resorted to printing money to pay its bills and the onset of the Great Depression created the social turmoil that Adolf Hitler was able to take advantage of in his rise to power. Shiller described the connection this way in a National Bureau of Economic Research 1996 Working Paper:
A fact that is probably little known to young people today, even in Germany, is that the final collapse of the Mark in 1923, the time when the Mark's inflation reached astronomical levels (inflation of 35,974.9% in November 1923 alone, for an annual rate that month of 4.69 x 1028%), came in the same month as did Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch, his Nazi Party's armed attempt to overthrow the German government. This failed putsch resulted in Hitler's imprisonment, at which time he wrote his book Mein Kampf, setting forth an inspirational plan for Germany's future, suggesting plans for world domination. . .
. . . Most people in Germany today probably do not clearly remember these events; this lack of attention to it may be because its memory is blurred by the more dramatic events that succeeded it (the Nazi seizure of power and World War II). However, to someone living through these historical events in sequence . . . [the putsch] may have been remembered as vivid evidence of the potential effects of inflation.",the-importance-of-potential-gdp-in-the-long-run,"{""question"": ""What event coincided with the final collapse of the Mark in 1923?"", ""answer"": ""Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch.""}",What event coincided with the final collapse of the Mark in 1923?,Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch.,"['germany', 'hyperinflation', 'mark', 'weimar Republic', 'great depression', 'Adolf']"
248,08-04-08-the-role-of-flexible-prices,08-04,8,Blurred Price Signals,"Prices are the messengers in a market economy, conveying information about conditions of demand and supply. Inflation blurs those price messages. Inflation means that we perceive price signals more vaguely, like a radio program received with considerable static. If the static becomes severe, it is hard to tell what is happening.
In Israel, when inflation accelerated to an annual rate of 500% in 1985, some stores stopped posting prices directly on items, since they would have had to put new labels on the items or shelves every few days to reflect inflation. Instead, a shopper just took items from a shelf and went up to the checkout register to find out the price for that day. Obviously, this situation makes comparing prices and shopping for the best deal rather difficult.
When the levels and changes of prices become uncertain, businesses and individuals find it harder to react to economic signals. In a world where inflation is at a high but variable rate, does a higher price of a good mean that inflation has risen, supply of that good has decreased, or that demand for that good has increased? Should a buyer of the good take the higher prices as an economic hint to start substituting other products, or have the prices of the substitutes risen by an equal amount? Should a seller of the good take a higher price as a reason to increase production, or is the higher price only a sign of a general inflation in which the prices of all inputs to production are rising as well? The true story will presumably become clear over time, but in a given moment, who can say?
High and variable inflation means that the incentives for the economy to adjust in response to changes in prices are weaker. Markets will adjust toward their equilibrium prices and quantities more erratically and slowly, and many individual markets will experience a greater chance of surpluses and shortages.","Prices are the messengers in a market economy, conveying information about conditions of demand and supply. Inflation blurs those price messages. Inflation means that we perceive price signals more vaguely, like a radio program received with considerable static. If the static becomes severe, it is hard to tell what is happening.
In Israel, when inflation accelerated to an annual rate of 500% in 1985, some stores stopped posting prices directly on items, since they would have had to put new labels on the items or shelves every few days to reflect inflation. Instead, a shopper just took items from a shelf and went up to the checkout register to find out the price for that day. Obviously, this situation makes comparing prices and shopping for the best deal rather difficult.
When the levels and changes of prices become uncertain, businesses and individuals find it harder to react to economic signals. In a world where inflation is at a high but variable rate, does a higher price of a good mean that inflation has risen, supply of that good has decreased, or that demand for that good has increased? Should a buyer of the good take the higher prices as an economic hint to start substituting other products, or have the prices of the substitutes risen by an equal amount? Should a seller of the good take a higher price as a reason to increase production, or is the higher price only a sign of a general inflation in which the prices of all inputs to production are rising as well? The true story will presumably become clear over time, but in a given moment, who can say?
High and variable inflation means that the incentives for the economy to adjust in response to changes in prices are weaker. Markets will adjust toward their equilibrium prices and quantities more erratically and slowly, and many individual markets will experience a greater chance of surpluses and shortages.",the-role-of-flexible-prices,"{""question"": ""What are the effects of inflation on price signals in a market economy?"", ""answer"": ""Inflation blurs price messages and makes it harder to react to economic signals.""}",What are the effects of inflation on price signals in a market economy?,Inflation blurs price messages and makes it harder to react to economic signals.,"['inflation', 'market economy', 'conditions of demand', 'supply', 'radio program']"
249,08-04-09-how-fast-is-the-speed-of-macroeconomic-adjustment,08-04,9,Problems of Long-Term Planning,"Inflation can make long-term planning difficult. In discussing unintended redistributions, we considered the case of someone trying to plan for retirement with a pension that is fixed in nominal terms and a high rate of inflation. Similar problems arise for all people trying to save for retirement, because they must consider what their money will really buy several decades in the future when we cannot know the rate of future inflation.
Inflation, especially at moderate or high levels, will pose substantial planning problems for businesses, too. A firm can make money from inflation—for example, by paying bills and wages as late as possible so that it can pay in inflated dollars, while collecting revenues as soon as possible. A firm can also suffer losses from inflation, as in the case of a retail business that gets stuck holding too much cash, only to see inflation eroding the value of that cash. However, when a business spends its time focusing on how to profit by inflation, or at least how to avoid suffering from it, an inevitable tradeoff occurs: less time is spent on improving products and services or on figuring out how to make existing products and services cheaper. An economy with high inflation rewards businesses that have found clever ways of profiting from inflation. These are not necessarily the businesses that excel at productivity, innovation, or quality of service.
In the short term, low or moderate levels of inflation may not pose an overwhelming difficulty for business planning, because costs of doing business and sales revenues may rise at similar rates. If, however, inflation varies substantially over the short or medium term, then it may make sense for businesses to stick to shorter-term strategies.
The evidence as to whether relatively low rates of inflation reduce productivity is controversial among economists. There is some evidence that if inflation can be held to moderate levels of less than 3% per year, it need not prevent a nation's real economy from growing at a healthy pace. For some countries that have experienced hyperinflation of several thousand percent per year, an annual inflation rate of 20-30% may feel basically the same as zero. However, several economists have pointed to the suggestive fact that when U.S. inflation heated up in the early 1970s—to 10%—U.S. growth in productivity slowed down, and when inflation slowed down in the 1980s, productivity edged up again not long thereafter, as **Figure 8.7** shows.
**Figure 8.7 U.S. Inflation Rate and U.S. Labor Productivity, 1961-2014**
Over the last several decades in the United States, there have been times when rising inflation rates have been closely followed by lower productivity rates and lower inflation rates have corresponded to increasing productivity rates. As the graph shows, however, this correlation does not always exist.","Inflation can make long-term planning difficult. In discussing unintended redistributions, we considered the case of someone trying to plan for retirement with a pension that is fixed in nominal terms and a high rate of inflation. Similar problems arise for all people trying to save for retirement, because they must consider what their money will really buy several decades in the future when we cannot know the rate of future inflation.
Inflation, especially at moderate or high levels, will pose substantial planning problems for businesses, too. A firm can make money from inflation—for example, by paying bills and wages as late as possible so that it can pay in inflated dollars, while collecting revenues as soon as possible. A firm can also suffer losses from inflation, as in the case of a retail business that gets stuck holding too much cash, only to see inflation eroding the value of that cash. However, when a business spends its time focusing on how to profit by inflation, or at least how to avoid suffering from it, an inevitable tradeoff occurs: less time is spent on improving products and services or on figuring out how to make existing products and services cheaper. An economy with high inflation rewards businesses that have found clever ways of profiting from inflation. These are not necessarily the businesses that excel at productivity, innovation, or quality of service.
In the short term, low or moderate levels of inflation may not pose an overwhelming difficulty for business planning, because costs of doing business and sales revenues may rise at similar rates. If, however, inflation varies substantially over the short or medium term, then it may make sense for businesses to stick to shorter-term strategies.
The evidence as to whether relatively low rates of inflation reduce productivity is controversial among economists. There is some evidence that if inflation can be held to moderate levels of less than 3% per year, it need not prevent a nation's real economy from growing at a healthy pace. For some countries that have experienced hyperinflation of several thousand percent per year, an annual inflation rate of 20-30% may feel basically the same as zero. However, several economists have pointed to the suggestive fact that when U.S. inflation heated up in the early 1970s—to 10%—U.S. growth in productivity slowed down, and when inflation slowed down in the 1980s, productivity edged up again not long thereafter, as Figure 8.7 shows.
Figure 8.7 U.S. Inflation Rate and U.S. Labor Productivity, 1961-2014
Over the last several decades in the United States, there have been times when rising inflation rates have been closely followed by lower productivity rates and lower inflation rates have corresponded to increasing productivity rates. As the graph shows, however, this correlation does not always exist.",how-fast-is-the-speed-of-macroeconomic-adjustment,"{
""question"": ""How does inflation impact businesses' ability to improve products and services?"",
""answer"": ""When businesses spend more time trying to profit from inflation, they have less time to focus on improving products and services or making them cheaper.""
}",How does inflation impact businesses' ability to improve products and services?,"When businesses spend more time trying to profit from inflation, they have less time to focus on improving products and services or making them cheaper.","['inflation', 'longterm planning', 'planning problems', 'economic growth', 'foreign investment']"
250,08-04-10-chapter-objectives,08-04,10,Any Benefits of Inflation?,"Although the economic effects of inflation are primarily negative, two points are worth noting:
1. The impact of inflation will differ considerably according to whether it is creeping up slowly at 0% to 2% per year, galloping along at 10% to 20% per year, or racing to the point of hyperinflation at 40% per month. Hyperinflation can rip an economy and a society apart. An annual inflation rate of 2%, 3%, or 4%, however, is a long way from a national crisis. Low inflation is also better than deflation which occurs with severe recessions.
2. Economists sometimes argue that moderate inflation may help the economy by making wages in labor markets more flexible. The discussion in Unemployment pointed out that wages tend to be sticky in their downward movements and that unemployment can result. A little inflation could help real wages to decline slightly if necessary. In this way, though a moderate or high rate of inflation may keep the economy from growing, perhaps a low rate of inflation serves as a stimulant for the labor market.
This final argument is controversial, though. A full analysis would have to account for all the effects of inflation. It does, however, offer another reason to believe that, all things considered, very low rates of inflation may not be especially harmful.
The inflation rate can be somewhat volatile and unpredictable. For example, let's take the period between 1964 and 1983 in the U.S. The inflation rate jumped around from 1.3% in 1964 to 5.9% in 1970, and all the way up to 14% in in 1980, before dipping back down to 3% in 1983.
","Although the economic effects of inflation are primarily negative, two points are worth noting:
The impact of inflation will differ considerably according to whether it is creeping up slowly at 0% to 2% per year, galloping along at 10% to 20% per year, or racing to the point of hyperinflation at 40% per month. Hyperinflation can rip an economy and a society apart. An annual inflation rate of 2%, 3%, or 4%, however, is a long way from a national crisis. Low inflation is also better than deflation which occurs with severe recessions.
Economists sometimes argue that moderate inflation may help the economy by making wages in labor markets more flexible. The discussion in Unemployment pointed out that wages tend to be sticky in their downward movements and that unemployment can result. A little inflation could help real wages to decline slightly if necessary. In this way, though a moderate or high rate of inflation may keep the economy from growing, perhaps a low rate of inflation serves as a stimulant for the labor market.
This final argument is controversial, though. A full analysis would have to account for all the effects of inflation. It does, however, offer another reason to believe that, all things considered, very low rates of inflation may not be especially harmful.
",A change in income causes a movement along the consumption and saving functions. The changes in consumption expenditure and saving are determined by the MPC and the MPS. These are changes in expenditure and saving plans induced by changes in income.,navigating-unchartered-waters,"{""question"": ""What determines the changes in consumption expenditure and saving when there is a change in income?"", ""answer"": ""The MPC and the MPS determine the changes in consumption expenditure and saving.""}",What determines the changes in consumption expenditure and saving when there is a change in income?,The MPC and the MPS determine the changes in consumption expenditure and saving.,"['consumption expenditure', 'saving functions', 'mpc', 'mps', 'plans']"
252,08-05-00-navigating-unchartered-waters,08-05,0,Indexing in Private Markets,"There are three types of indexing that occur in private markets: cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs), adjustable-rate mortgage loans (ARM), and business contracts that have automatic adjustments for inflation.
In the 1970s and 1980s, labor unions commonly negotiated wage contracts that
had cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs) which guaranteed that their wages
would keep up with inflation. These contracts were sometimes written as, for
example, “COLA plus 3%.” Thus, if inflation was 5%, the wage increase would
automatically be 8%, but if inflation rose to 9%, the wage increase would
automatically be 12%. COLAs are a form of indexing applied to wages.
Loans often have built-in inflation adjustments, too, so that if the
inflation rate rises by two percentage points, then the interest rate that a
financial institution charges on the loan rises by two percentage points as
well. An adjustable- rate mortgage (ARM) is a type of loan that one can use
to purchase a home in which the interest rate varies with the rate of
inflation. Often, a borrower will be able receive a lower interest rate if
borrowing with an ARM, compared to a fixed-rate loan. The reason is that
with an ARM, the lender is protected against the risk that higher inflation
will reduce the real loan payments, and so the risk premium part of the
interest rate can be correspondingly lower.
Many ongoing or long-term business contracts also have provisions that
prices will adjust automatically according to inflation. Sellers like such
contracts because they are not locked into a low nominal selling price if
inflation turns out higher than expected. Buyers like such contracts because
they are not locked into a high buying price if inflation turns out to be
lower than expected. A contract with automatic adjustments for inflation in
effect agrees on a real price for the borrower to pay, rather than a nominal
price.
","There are three types of indexing that occur in private markets: cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs), adjustable-rate mortgage loans (ARM), and business contracts that have automatic adjustments for inflation.
In the 1970s and 1980s, labor unions commonly negotiated wage contracts that
had cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs) which guaranteed that their wages
would keep up with inflation. These contracts were sometimes written as, for
example, “COLA plus 3%.” Thus, if inflation was 5%, the wage increase would
automatically be 8%, but if inflation rose to 9%, the wage increase would
automatically be 12%. COLAs are a form of indexing applied to wages.
Loans often have built-in inflation adjustments, too, so that if the
inflation rate rises by two percentage points, then the interest rate that a
financial institution charges on the loan rises by two percentage points as
well. An adjustable- rate mortgage (ARM) is a type of loan that one can use
to purchase a home in which the interest rate varies with the rate of
inflation. Often, a borrower will be able receive a lower interest rate if
borrowing with an ARM, compared to a fixed-rate loan. The reason is that
with an ARM, the lender is protected against the risk that higher inflation
will reduce the real loan payments, and so the risk premium part of the
interest rate can be correspondingly lower.
Many ongoing or long-term business contracts also have provisions that
prices will adjust automatically according to inflation. Sellers like such
contracts because they are not locked into a low nominal selling price if
inflation turns out higher than expected. Buyers like such contracts because
they are not locked into a high buying price if inflation turns out to be
lower than expected. A contract with automatic adjustments for inflation in
effect agrees on a real price for the borrower to pay, rather than a nominal
price.",navigating-unchartered-waters,"{
""question"": ""What are the three types of indexing that occur in private markets?"",
""answer"": ""The three types of indexing that occur in private markets are cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs), adjustable-rate mortgage loans (ARM), and business contracts with automatic adjustments for inflation.""
}",What are the three types of indexing that occur in private markets?,"The three types of indexing that occur in private markets are cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs), adjustable-rate mortgage loans (ARM), and business contracts with automatic adjustments for inflation.","['inflation', 'private markets', 'costofliving adjustments', 'adjustablerate mortgage loans']"
253,08-05-01-introduction-to-the-neoclassical-perspective,08-05,1,Indexing in Government Programs,"Many government programs are indexed to inflation, including the U.S. income tax code, the U.S. Social Security program, and indexed bonds.
The U.S. income tax code is designed so that as a person's income rises above certain levels, the tax rate on the marginal income earned rises as well. This is what the expression “move into a higher tax bracket” means. For example, according to the basic tax tables from the Internal Revenue Service, in 2017 a single person owed 10% of all taxable income from \$0 to \$9,325; 15% of all income from \$9,326 to \$37,950; 25% of all taxable income from \$37,951 to \$91,900; 28% of all taxable income from \$91,901 to \$191,650; 33% of all taxable income from \$191,651 to \$416,700; 35% of all taxable income from \$416,701 to \$418,400; and 39.6% of all income from \$418,401 and above.
Because of the many complex provisions in the rest of the tax code, it is difficult to determine the exact amount of taxes an individual owes the government based on these numbers, but the numbers illustrate the basic theme that tax rates rise as the marginal dollar of income rises. Until the late 1970s, if nominal wages increased along with inflation, people were moved into higher tax brackets and owed a higher proportion of their income in taxes, even though their real income had not risen. In 1981, the government eliminated this “bracket creep”. Now, the income levels where higher tax rates kick in are indexed to rise automatically with inflation.
The Social Security program offers two examples of indexing. Since the passage of the Social Security Indexing Act of 1972, the level of Social Security benefits increases each year along with the Consumer Price Index. Also, Social Security is funded by payroll taxes, which the government imposes on the income earned up to a certain amount—$117,000 in 2014. The government adjusts this level of income upward each year according to the rate of inflation, so that an indexed increase in the Social Security tax base accompanies the indexed rise in the benefit level.
As another example of a government program affected by indexing, in 1996 the U.S. government began offering indexed bonds. Bonds are means by which the U.S. government (and many private-sector companies as well) borrows money; that is, investors buy the bonds, and then the government repays the money with interest. Traditionally, government bonds have paid a fixed rate of interest. This policy gave a government that had borrowed an incentive to encourage inflation, because it could then repay its past borrowing in inflated dollars at a lower real interest rate. However, indexed bonds promise to pay a certain real rate of interest above whatever inflation rate occurs. In the case of a retiree trying to plan for the long term and worried about the risk of inflation, for example, indexed bonds that guarantee a rate of return higher than inflation—no matter the level of inflation—can be a very comforting investment.
","Many government programs are indexed to inflation, including the U.S. income tax code, the U.S. Social Security program, and indexed bonds.
The U.S. income tax code is designed so that as a person's income rises above certain levels, the tax rate on the marginal income earned rises as well. This is what the expression “move into a higher tax bracket” means. For example, according to the basic tax tables from the Internal Revenue Service, in 2017 a single person owed 10% of all taxable income from \$0 to \$9,325; 15% of all income from \$9,326 to \$37,950; 25% of all taxable income from \$37,951 to \$91,900; 28% of all taxable income from \$91,901 to \$191,650; 33% of all taxable income from \$191,651 to \$416,700; 35% of all taxable income from \$416,701 to \$418,400; and 39.6% of all income from \$418,401 and above.
Because of the many complex provisions in the rest of the tax code, it is difficult to determine the exact amount of taxes an individual owes the government based on these numbers, but the numbers illustrate the basic theme that tax rates rise as the marginal dollar of income rises. Until the late 1970s, if nominal wages increased along with inflation, people were moved into higher tax brackets and owed a higher proportion of their income in taxes, even though their real income had not risen. In 1981, the government eliminated this “bracket creep”. Now, the income levels where higher tax rates kick in are indexed to rise automatically with inflation.
The Social Security program offers two examples of indexing. Since the passage of the Social Security Indexing Act of 1972, the level of Social Security benefits increases each year along with the Consumer Price Index. Also, Social Security is funded by payroll taxes, which the government imposes on the income earned up to a certain amount—$117,000 in 2014. The government adjusts this level of income upward each year according to the rate of inflation, so that an indexed increase in the Social Security tax base accompanies the indexed rise in the benefit level.
As another example of a government program affected by indexing, in 1996 the U.S. government began offering indexed bonds. Bonds are means by which the U.S. government (and many private-sector companies as well) borrows money; that is, investors buy the bonds, and then the government repays the money with interest. Traditionally, government bonds have paid a fixed rate of interest. This policy gave a government that had borrowed an incentive to encourage inflation, because it could then repay its past borrowing in inflated dollars at a lower real interest rate. However, indexed bonds promise to pay a certain real rate of interest above whatever inflation rate occurs. In the case of a retiree trying to plan for the long term and worried about the risk of inflation, for example, indexed bonds that guarantee a rate of return higher than inflation—no matter the level of inflation—can be a very comforting investment.
",introduction-to-the-neoclassical-perspective,"{
""question"": ""What are some examples of government programs that are indexed to inflation?"",
""answer"": ""The U.S. income tax code, the U.S. Social Security program, and indexed bonds.""
}",What are some examples of government programs that are indexed to inflation?,"The U.S. income tax code, the U.S. Social Security program, and indexed bonds.","['government programs', 'inflation', 'us income tax code', 'social security program', 'indexed']"
254,08-05-02-overview,08-05,2,Might Indexing Reduce Concern over Inflation?,"Indexing may seem like an obviously useful step. After all, when individuals, firms, and government programs are indexed against inflation, then people can worry less about arbitrary redistributions and other effects of inflation.
However, some of the fiercest opponents of inflation express grave concern about indexing. They point out that indexing is always partial. Not every employer will provide COLAs for workers. Not all companies can assume that costs and revenues will rise in lockstep with the general rates of inflation. Not all interest rates for borrowers and savers will change to match inflation exactly. However, as partial inflation indexing spreads, the political opposition to inflation may diminish. After all, older people whose Social Security benefits are protected against inflation, or banks that have loaned their money with adjustable-rate loans, no longer have as much reason to care whether inflation heats up. In a world where some people are indexed against inflation and some are not, financially savvy businesses and investors may seek out ways to be protected against inflation, while the financially unsophisticated and small businesses may suffer from it most.","Indexing may seem like an obviously useful step. After all, when individuals, firms, and government programs are indexed against inflation, then people can worry less about arbitrary redistributions and other effects of inflation.
However, some of the fiercest opponents of inflation express grave concern about indexing. They point out that indexing is always partial. Not every employer will provide COLAs for workers. Not all companies can assume that costs and revenues will rise in lockstep with the general rates of inflation. Not all interest rates for borrowers and savers will change to match inflation exactly. However, as partial inflation indexing spreads, the political opposition to inflation may diminish. After all, older people whose Social Security benefits are protected against inflation, or banks that have loaned their money with adjustable-rate loans, no longer have as much reason to care whether inflation heats up. In a world where some people are indexed against inflation and some are not, financially savvy businesses and investors may seek out ways to be protected against inflation, while the financially unsophisticated and small businesses may suffer from it most.",overview,"Question: What is one concern expressed by opponents of inflation indexing?
Answer: One concern expressed by opponents of inflation indexing is that it is always partial and not everyone is included in the indexing process.",What is one concern expressed by opponents of inflation indexing?,One concern expressed by opponents of inflation indexing is that it is always partial and not everyone is included in the indexing process.,"['inflation', 'government programs', 'arbitrary redistributions', 'costs', 'revenues', 'partial inflation']"
255,08-05-03-why-and-how-do-economists-measure-inflation-expectations,08-05,3,A $550 Million Loaf of Bread?,"As we will learn in **Money and Banking**, the existence of money provides enormous benefits to an economy. Money is what greases the gears of markets. It makes transactions easier. It allows people to find employment producing one product, then use the money earned to purchase the other products they need to live.
Too much money in circulation, however, can lead to inflation. Extreme cases of governments recklessly printing money lead to hyperinflation. Inflation reduces the value of money. Hyperinflation, because money loses value so quickly, ultimately results in people no longer using money. The economy reverts to barter, or it adopts another country's more stable currency, like U.S. dollars. In the meantime, the economy literally falls apart as people leave jobs and fend for themselves because it is not worth the time to work for money that will be worthless in a few days.
Only national governments have the power to cause hyperinflation. Hyperinflation typically happens when government faces extraordinary demands for spending, which it cannot finance by taxes or borrowing. The only option is to print money—more and more of it. With more money in circulation chasing the same amount (or even fewer) goods and services, the only result is increasingly higher prices until the economy and/or the government collapses. This is why economists are generally wary of letting inflation spiral out of control.
","As we will learn in Money and Banking, the existence of money provides enormous benefits to an economy. Money is what greases the gears of markets. It makes transactions easier. It allows people to find employment producing one product, then use the money earned to purchase the other products they need to live.
Too much money in circulation, however, can lead to inflation. Extreme cases of governments recklessly printing money lead to hyperinflation. Inflation reduces the value of money. Hyperinflation, because money loses value so quickly, ultimately results in people no longer using money. The economy reverts to barter, or it adopts another country's more stable currency, like U.S. dollars. In the meantime, the economy literally falls apart as people leave jobs and fend for themselves because it is not worth the time to work for money that will be worthless in a few days.
Only national governments have the power to cause hyperinflation. Hyperinflation typically happens when government faces extraordinary demands for spending, which it cannot finance by taxes or borrowing. The only option is to print money—more and more of it. With more money in circulation chasing the same amount (or even fewer) goods and services, the only result is increasingly higher prices until the economy and/or the government collapses. This is why economists are generally wary of letting inflation spiral out of control.",why-and-how-do-economists-measure-inflation-expectations,"{""question"": ""What can happen if there is too much money in circulation?"", ""answer"": ""Inflation can occur, and in extreme cases, hyperinflation may happen.""}",What can happen if there is too much money in circulation?,"Inflation can occur, and in extreme cases, hyperinflation may happen.","['inflation', 'employment', 'barter', 'stable currency', 'us']"
256,09-00-01-tracking-inflation-and-unemployment-rates,09-00,1,Introduction,"From the Great Depression in the 1930s until the 1970s, Keynesian economics was usually explained using the Aggregate Expenditure - Aggregate Output, or Expenditure-Output model. This approach is strongly rooted in the fundamental assumptions of Keynesian economics: it focuses on the total amount of spending (hence, “expenditure-output model”) in the economy, with no explicit mention of other fundamental factors such as aggregate supply or price level. Despite this lack of explicit discussion within the basic model, it is possible to draw some inferences about aggregate supply and price levels based on the model.
","From the Great Depression in the 1930s until the 1970s, Keynesian economics was usually explained using the Aggregate Expenditure - Aggregate Output, or Expenditure-Output model. This approach is strongly rooted in the fundamental assumptions of Keynesian economics: it focuses on the total amount of spending (hence, “expenditure-output model”) in the economy, with no explicit mention of other fundamental factors such as aggregate supply or price level. Despite this lack of explicit discussion within the basic model, it is possible to draw some inferences about aggregate supply and price levels based on the model.",tracking-inflation-and-unemployment-rates,"{
""question"": ""What is the Expenditure-Output model in Keynesian economics?"",
""answer"": ""The Expenditure-Output model focuses on the total amount of spending in the economy, with no explicit mention of other factors such as aggregate supply or price level.""
}",What is the Expenditure-Output model in Keynesian economics?,"The Expenditure-Output model focuses on the total amount of spending in the economy, with no explicit mention of other factors such as aggregate supply or price level.","['kennethian economics', 'aggregate Expenditure', 'Aggregate output', 'spending', 'price level']"
257,09-02-00-fighting-unemployment-or-inflation,09-02,0,Overview,"
- Describe and explain how each component of the Aggregate Expenditures responds to the changes in national income: Consumption, Investment, Government Spending, Net Exports
**Aggregate expenditure** is the key to the expenditure-income model. The aggregate expenditure schedule shows, either in the form of a table or a graph, how aggregate expenditures in the economy rise as real GDP or national income rises.
Thus, in thinking about the components of the aggregate expenditure line, —(1) consumption, (2) investment, (3) government spending, (4) exports and imports or net exports.
The key question is how expenditures in each category will adjust as national
income rises.
","Describe and explain how each component of the Aggregate Expenditures responds to the changes in national income: Consumption, Investment, Government Spending, Net Exports
Aggregate expenditure is the key to the expenditure-income model. The aggregate expenditure schedule shows, either in the form of a table or a graph, how aggregate expenditures in the economy rise as real GDP or national income rises.
Thus, in thinking about the components of the aggregate expenditure line, —(1) consumption, (2) investment, (3) government spending, (4) exports and imports or net exports.
The key question is how expenditures in each category will adjust as national
income rises.",fighting-unemployment-or-inflation,"{""question"": ""How do the components of Aggregate Expenditures respond to changes in national income?"", ""answer"": ""Expenditures in each category will adjust as national income rises.""}",How do the components of Aggregate Expenditures respond to changes in national income?,Expenditures in each category will adjust as national income rises.,"['aggregate expenditures', 'national income', 'consumption', 'investment', 'government spending', 'exports', 'net exports']"
258,09-02-01-fighting-recession-or-encouraging-long-term-growth,09-02,1,Consumption as a Function of National Income,"
How do consumption expenditures (C) increase as national income rises?
People can do two things with their income: consume it or save it. Each person who receives an additional dollar faces this choice.
- The **marginal propensity to consume (MPC)**, is the share of the additional dollar of income a person decides to devote to consumption expenditures.
- The **marginal propensity to save (MPS)** is the share of the additional dollar a person decides to save.
It must always hold true that:
$$
\text{MPC} + \text{MPS} = 1
$$
For example, if the marginal propensity to consume out of the marginal amount of income earned is 0.9, then the marginal propensity to save is 0.1.","How do consumption expenditures (C) increase as national income rises?
People can do two things with their income: consume it or save it. Each person who receives an additional dollar faces this choice.
The marginal propensity to consume (MPC), is the share of the additional dollar of income a person decides to devote to consumption expenditures.
The marginal propensity to save (MPS) is the share of the additional dollar a person decides to save.
It must always hold true that:
$$
\text{MPC} + \text{MPS} = 1
$$
For example, if the marginal propensity to consume out of the marginal amount of income earned is 0.9, then the marginal propensity to save is 0.1.",fighting-recession-or-encouraging-long-term-growth,"Question: How do consumption expenditures (C) increase as national income rises?
Answer: Consumption expenditures (C) increase as national income rises because people have a choice to either consume or save their additional income, and the marginal propensity to consume (MPC) determines the share of additional income that is devoted to consumption expenditures.",How do consumption expenditures (C) increase as national income rises?,"Consumption expenditures (C) increase as national income rises because people have a choice to either consume or save their additional income, and the marginal propensity to consume (MPC) determines the share of additional income that is devoted to consumption expenditures.","['consumption expenditures', 'national income', 'marginal propensity to consume', 'saving', 'increase']"
259,09-02-02-summary,09-02,2,Changes in Consumption (and Savings) as National Incomes Increases,"With this relationship in mind, consider the relationship among income, consumption, and savings shown on the consumption function in **Figure 9.8** below.
Note that we use “Aggregate Expenditure” on the vertical axis in this and the
following figures, because all consumption expenditures are parts of aggregate
expenditures. An assumption commonly made in this model is that even if income
were zero, people would have to consume something. For an intuitive example,
consider non-working full-time college students with zero income, but who
still have to consume a bundle of goods in order to sustain themselves.
**Figure 9.8** The Consumption Function
In the example in **Figure 9.8**, consumption would be $600 even if income were zero. Economists call this number the intercept of the consumption function and the vertical axis **autonomous consumption** or **autonomous expenditure**.
Autonomous consumption/expenditure is the portion of the expenditure or spending that is not related to current income.
When consumption is at \$600 as shown in **Figure 9.8**, the MPC is 0.8 and the MPS is 0.2. Thus, when income increases by \$1,000, consumption rises by \$800 and savings rise by \$200. Because both of these changes are result of changes in income first, we call them **induced consumption / expenditure and savings**.
At an income of \$4,000, total consumption will be the \$600 even without any income, plus \$4,000 multiplied by the MPC of 0.8, or \$3,200, for a total of \$3,800.
The total amount of consumption and saving must always add up to the total amount of income. Exactly how a situation of zero income and negative savings would work in practice is not important, because even low-income societies are not literally at zero income, so the point is hypothetical. This relationship between income and consumption, illustrated in **Figure 9.8** and **Table 9.1**, is called the **consumption function**.
In the expenditure-output model, how does consumption increase with the level
of national income?
- Output on the horizontal axis is conceptually the same as national income, since the value of all final output that is produced and sold must be income to someone, somewhere in the economy.
- At a national income level of zero, \$600 is consumed and -\$600 is saved (or “**dissaved**”).
- Each time income rises by \$1,000, consumption and savings rise by \$800 and \$200, because in this example, the marginal propensity to consume and save are 0.8 and 0.2, respectively.
The pattern of consumption shown in **Table 9.1** is plotted in **Figure 9.8**:
- To calculate consumption, multiply the income level by 0.8, for the marginal propensity to consume, and add \$600, for the amount that would be consumed even if income was zero.
- To calculate savings, multiply the income level by 0.2, for the marginal propensity to save, and add negative \$600, for the amount that would be saved even if income was zero.
- Consumption plus savings must be equal to income.
| Income | Consumption | Savings |
| ------ | ----------- | ------- |
| $0 | $600 | -$600 |
| $1,000 | $1,400 | -$400 |
| $2,000 | $2,200 | -$200 |
| $3,000 | $3,000 | $0 |
| $4,000 | $3,800 | $200 |
| $5,000 | $4,600 | $400 |
| $6,000 | $5,400 | $600 |
| $7,000 | $6,200 | $800 |
| $8,000 | $7,000 | $1,000 |
| $9,000 | $7,800 | $1,200 |
**Table 9.1** The Consumption Function
To illustrate these relationships further, consider the examples in **Table 9.2** and **Figure 9.9**.
**Table 9.2** The Consumption and Saving Functions: A Numerical Example
**Figure 9.9** The Consumption Function
","With this relationship in mind, consider the relationship among income, consumption, and savings shown on the consumption function in Figure 9.8 below.
Note that we use “Aggregate Expenditure” on the vertical axis in this and the
following figures, because all consumption expenditures are parts of aggregate
expenditures. An assumption commonly made in this model is that even if income
were zero, people would have to consume something. For an intuitive example,
consider non-working full-time college students with zero income, but who
still have to consume a bundle of goods in order to sustain themselves.
Figure 9.10 The Saving Function
Based on the above consumption function and the absence of government and foreign sectors, households can either spend income on consumption or save it. This means Y = C + S, and S = Y - C so the saving function shown in **Figure 9.10** is:
$$
S = -C_0 + (1 - c) Y
$$
Adding $C = C0 + cY$ and $S = -C0 + (1 - c)Y$, the left-hand side gives consumption plus saving or $C + S$, and the right-hand side gives income,
$$
Y = C_0 + cY +( -C_0 + (1 - c)Y)
$$
as it should.
Keynesian consumption diagram
","Saving is income not spent to finance consumption. Figure 9.9 (a) shows that when income (Y) is zero, saving is - C0. In other words, households are not borrowing or selling their assets. Because just a fraction c of any change in income is spent on consumption, the remaining fraction or (1 - c) of any change in income is saved. The marginal propensity to save
$\text{MPS} = \frac{\Delta S}{\Delta Y}$ is $(1 - c)$. Accordingly, a change in income changes planned consumption and planned saving, and MPC + MPS = 1.
Figure 9.10 shows the saving function corresponding to the consumption function in Figure 9.9.
The economic crisis and recession of 2008-2009 is explained in part by shifts in household consumption expenditure caused by changes in confidence and expectations about the future of the economy. Consumers watched as banks and financial institutions collapsed in many countries. Pessimism and uncertainty about households' income and finances increased with losses in household financial wealth as equity markets declined sharply on an international scale. In addition, the housing bubble collapse in the United States caused households to cut back, reducing autonomous expenditure.
Even in relatively tranquil economic times, increases in household indebtedness, changes in demographics, or changes in government monetary and fiscal policies will change autonomous consumption and shift the consumption function.","Any change other than a change in income that affects consumption and saving at every income level causes a shift in the consumption and saving functions. These changes in expenditure and saving plans are autonomous, caused by something other than changes in income.
The economic crisis and recession of 2008-2009 is explained in part by shifts in household consumption expenditure caused by changes in confidence and expectations about the future of the economy. Consumers watched as banks and financial institutions collapsed in many countries. Pessimism and uncertainty about households' income and finances increased with losses in household financial wealth as equity markets declined sharply on an international scale. In addition, the housing bubble collapse in the United States caused households to cut back, reducing autonomous expenditure.
Even in relatively tranquil economic times, increases in household indebtedness, changes in demographics, or changes in government monetary and fiscal policies will change autonomous consumption and shift the consumption function.",a-550-million-loaf-of-bread,"Question: What causes shifts in consumption and saving functions at every income level, aside from changes in income?
Answer: Any change other than a change in income that affects consumption and saving causes shifts in the consumption and saving functions.","What causes shifts in consumption and saving functions at every income level, aside from changes in income?",Any change other than a change in income that affects consumption and saving causes shifts in the consumption and saving functions.,"['consumption', 'saving', 'income level', 'household consumption expenditure', 'confidence']"
262,09-02-07-introduction,09-02,7,Changing Slopes of Consumption and Savings Functions,"We also identify a limited number of changes in the economy that will affect the slopes of the consumption and saving functions. For instance, a change in household preferences for saving that reduces the marginal propensity to save would cause the slope of the consumption function to become steeper: that is, if the savings rate is lower, then every increase in income leads to a larger rise in consumption. These events are of special interest because the slope of the consumption function—and the household expenditure behavior it describes—is the key to our understanding of fluctuations in real output.","We also identify a limited number of changes in the economy that will affect the slopes of the consumption and saving functions. For instance, a change in household preferences for saving that reduces the marginal propensity to save would cause the slope of the consumption function to become steeper: that is, if the savings rate is lower, then every increase in income leads to a larger rise in consumption. These events are of special interest because the slope of the consumption function—and the household expenditure behavior it describes—is the key to our understanding of fluctuations in real output.",introduction,"{""question"": ""What is the key to understanding fluctuations in real output?"", ""answer"": ""The slope of the consumption function and the household expenditure behavior it describes.""}",What is the key to understanding fluctuations in real output?,The slope of the consumption function and the household expenditure behavior it describes.,"['consumption function', 'saving functions', 'household preferences', 'marginal propensity', 'saving rate', 'income']"
263,09-02-08-overview,09-02,8,Investment as a Function of National Income,"Investment (I) decisions are forward-looking, based on expected rates of return. Because investment decisions depend primarily on perceptions about future economic conditions, they do not depend on the level of GDP in the current year. Thus, on a Keynesian cross diagram, the investment function can be drawn as a horizontal line, at a fixed level of expenditure.
**Figure 9.11** shows an investment function where the level of investment is set at a level of 500. Just as a consumption function shows the relationship between consumption levels and real GDP (or national income), the investment function shows the relationship between investment levels and real GDP.
**Figure 9.11** The Investment Function
The investment function is drawn as a flat line because investment is based on interest rates and expectations about the future, and it therefore does not change with the level of current national income.
In this example, investment expenditures are at a level of 500. However, changes in factors like technological opportunities, expectations about near-term economic growth, and interest rates would all cause the investment function to shift up or down.
The appearance of the investment function as a horizontal line does not mean that the level of investment never moves. It means only that in the context of this two-dimensional diagram, the level of investment on the vertical aggregate expenditure axis does not vary according to the current level of real GDP on the horizontal axis. However, all the other factors that affect investment—new technological opportunities, expectations about near-term economic growth, interest rates, the price of key inputs, and tax incentives for investment—can cause the horizontal investment function to shift up, indicating an increase in the level of investments, or down, indicating the decrease in investments.
the business expenditure on current output that adds to the stock of capital used to produce current goods and services.
","Investment (I) decisions are forward-looking, based on expected rates of return. Because investment decisions depend primarily on perceptions about future economic conditions, they do not depend on the level of GDP in the current year. Thus, on a Keynesian cross diagram, the investment function can be drawn as a horizontal line, at a fixed level of expenditure.
Figure 9.11 shows an investment function where the level of investment is set at a level of 500. Just as a consumption function shows the relationship between consumption levels and real GDP (or national income), the investment function shows the relationship between investment levels and real GDP.
**Figure 9.12** The Government Spending Function
In the Keynesian cross diagram, **government spending** (G) appears as a horizontal line just like the investments function. As in the case of investment spending, this horizontal line does not mean that government spending is unchanging. It means only that government spending changes when Congress decides on a change in the budget, rather than shifting in a predictable way with the current size of the real GDP shown on the horizontal axis.
- The level of government spending is determined by political factors, not by the level of real GDP in a given year. Thus, government spending is drawn as a horizontal line. In this example, government spending is at a level of 1,300.
- Congressional decisions to increase government spending will cause this horizontal line to shift up, while decisions to reduce spending would cause it to shift down.","
**Figure 9.15** A Keynesian Cross Diagram
- Each combination of national income and aggregate expenditure (after-tax consumption, government spending, investment, exports, and imports) is graphed.
- The equilibrium occurs where aggregate expenditure is equal to national income; this occurs where the aggregate expenditure schedule crosses the 45-degree line, at a real GDP of \$6,000.
- Potential GDP in this example is \$7,000, so the equilibrium is occurring at a level of output or real GDP below the potential GDP level.
| National Income | After-Tax Income | Consumption | Government Spending + Investment + Exports | Imports | Aggregate Expenditure |
| --------------- | ---------------- | ----------- | ------------------------------------------ | ------- | --------------------- |
| $3,000 | $2,100 | $2,280 | $2,640 | $300 | $4,620 |
| $4,000 | $2,800 | $2,840 | $2,640 | $400 | $5,080 |
| $5,000 | $3,500 | $3,400 | $2,640 | $500 | $5,540 |
| $6,000 | $4,200 | $3,960 | $2,640 | $600 | $6,000 |
| $7,000 | $4,900 | $4,520 | $2,640 | $700 | $6,460 |
| $8,000 | $5,600 | $5,080 | $2,640 | $800 | $6,920 |
| $9,000 | $6,300 | $5,640 | $2,640 | $900 | $7,380 |
**Table 9.3** below shows how to bring taxes into the consumption function.
- The first column is real GDP or national income, which is what appears on the horizontal axis of the income-expenditure diagram.
- The second column calculates after-tax income, based on the assumption, in this case, that 30% of real GDP is collected in taxes.
- The third column is based on an MPC of 0.8, so that as after-tax income rises by \$700 from one row to the next, consumption rises by \$560 (700 x 0.8) from one row to the next.
- The fourth column shows investment, government, spending, and exports, which do not change with the level of current national income. In the previous discussion, investment was \$500, government spending was \$1,300, and exports were \$840, for a total of \$2,640.
- The fifth column shows the level of imports, which are calculated as 0.1 of real GDP in this example.
- The final column, aggregate expenditures, sums up $C + I + G + X - M$. This aggregate expenditure line is illustrated in **Figure 9.15**.
The aggregate expenditure function is formed by stacking the consumption function (after taxes), the investment function, the government spending function, the export function, and the import function on top of one another. The point at which the aggregate expenditure function intersects the vertical axis will be determined by the levels of investment, government, and export expenditures, which do not vary with national income.
The upward slope of the aggregate expenditure function is determined by the marginal propensity to save, the tax rate, and the marginal propensity to import. A higher marginal propensity to save, tax rate, and marginal propensity to import will all make the slope of the aggregate expenditure function flatter, because out of any extra income, more goes to savings, taxes, or imports and less goes to spending on domestic goods and services.
The equilibrium occurs where national income is equal to aggregate expenditure, which is shown on the graph as the point where the aggregate expenditure schedule crosses the 45-degree line. In this example, the equilibrium occurs at 6,000. This equilibrium can also be read off the table under the figure; it is the level of national income where aggregate expenditure is equal to national income.
A video introducing the Aggregate Expenditure Model developed by John Maynard Keynes.
","All the components of aggregate expenditure—consumption (C), investment (I), government spending (G), and the trade balance (or net exports, NX, or X-M)—are now in place to build the Keynesian cross diagram. The same components also form aggregate demand, which we will explore in the next chapter.
Figure 9.15 builds an aggregate expenditure function, based on the numerical illustrations of C, I, G, X, and M that have been used throughout this text.
- Explain the connection between trade balances and financial capital flows
- Calculate comparative advantage
- Explain balanced trade in terms of investment and capital flows
With the aggregate expenditure line in place, the next step is to relate it to the two other elements of the Keynesian cross diagram: equilibrium and recessionary or inflationary gaps. To address the two elements, we will first interpret the intersection of the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line as **equilibrium**. We will then relate this point of intersection to the potential GDP line, thus defining a **recessionary** or **inflationary gap**.","Explain the connection between trade balances and financial capital flows
Calculate comparative advantage
Explain balanced trade in terms of investment and capital flows
With the aggregate expenditure line in place, the next step is to relate it to the two other elements of the Keynesian cross diagram: equilibrium and recessionary or inflationary gaps. To address the two elements, we will first interpret the intersection of the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line as equilibrium. We will then relate this point of intersection to the potential GDP line, thus defining a recessionary or inflationary gap.",index-numbers,"{""question"": ""How do we relate the aggregate expenditure line to equilibrium and recessionary or inflationary gaps in the Keynesian cross diagram?"", ""answer"": ""By interpreting the intersection of the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line as equilibrium and relating it to the potential GDP line, we can define a recessionary or inflationary gap.""}",How do we relate the aggregate expenditure line to equilibrium and recessionary or inflationary gaps in the Keynesian cross diagram?,"By interpreting the intersection of the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line as equilibrium and relating it to the potential GDP line, we can define a recessionary or inflationary gap.","['trade balances', 'financial capital flows', 'aggregate expenditure line', 'kennethian cross diagram']"
267,09-03-01-why-do-you-not-just-subtract-index-numbers,09-03,1,Where Equilibrium Occurs,"Equilibrium occurs at the point where the aggregate expenditure line that is constructed from $C + I + G + X - M$ crosses the 45-degree line. It is the only point on the aggregate expenditure line where the total amount being spent on aggregate demand equals the total level of production.
The meaning of **equilibrium** remains the same: a point of balance where no incentive exists to shift away from that outcome.
**Figure 9.16** Equilibrium in the Keynesian Cross Diagram
- If output was above the equilibrium level, at H, then the real output is greater than the aggregate expenditure in the economy. This pattern cannot hold, because it would mean that goods are produced but piling up unsold.
- If output was below the equilibrium level at L, then aggregate expenditure would be greater than output. This pattern cannot hold either, because it would mean that spending exceeds the number of goods being produced.
- Only point E can be at equilibrium, where output, or national income and aggregate expenditure, are equal. The equilibrium (E) must lie on the 45-degree line, which is the set of points where national income and aggregate expenditure are equal.
To understand why the point of intersection between the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line is a macroeconomic equilibrium, consider what would happen if an economy found itself to the right of the equilibrium point E, say point H in **Figure 9.16**, where output is higher than the equilibrium. At point H, the level of aggregate expenditure is below the 45-degree line, so that the level of aggregate expenditure in the economy is less than the level of output. As a result, at point H, output is piling up unsold—not a sustainable state of affairs.
Conversely, consider the situation where the level of output is at point L— where real output is lower than the equilibrium. In that case, the level of aggregate demand in the economy is above the 45-degree line, indicating that the level of aggregate expenditure in the economy is greater than the level of output. When the level of aggregate demand has emptied the store shelves, it cannot be sustained, either. Firms will respond by increasing their level of production. Thus, the equilibrium must be the point where the amount produced and the amount spent are in balance, at the intersection of the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line.
Thus, the equilibrium must be the point where the amount produced and the amount spent are in balance, at the intersection of the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line.","Equilibrium occurs at the point where the aggregate expenditure line that is constructed from $C + I + G + X - M$ crosses the 45-degree line. It is the only point on the aggregate expenditure line where the total amount being spent on aggregate demand equals the total level of production.
The meaning of equilibrium remains the same: a point of balance where no incentive exists to shift away from that outcome.
- What is the consumption function?
- What is the equilibrium?
- Why is a national income of $300 not at equilibrium?
- How do expenditures and output compare at this point?
**Figure 9.17**
","Figure 9.5 gives some information on an economy. The Keynesian model assumes that there is some level of consumption even without income. That amount is \$236 - \$216 = \$20. \$20 will be consumed when national income equals zero. Assume that taxes are 0.2 of real GDP. Let the marginal propensity to save of after-tax income be 0.1. The level of investment is \$70, the level of government spending is \$80, and the level of exports is \$50. Imports are 0.2 of after-tax income. Given these values, you need to complete Table 10.5 and then answer these questions:
- What is the consumption function?
What is the equilibrium?
Why is a national income of $300 not at equilibrium?
How do expenditures and output compare at this point?
In the Keynesian cross diagram, if the aggregate expenditure line intersects
the 45-degree line at the level of potential GDP or at the level of production
at full-employment, then the economy is in sound shape. There is no recession,
and unemployment is low.
**Figure 9.17** Addressing Recessionary and Inflationary Gaps
- **Figure 9.17** (a) illustrates a situation where the equilibrium occurs at an output below potential GDP, then a recessionary gap exists. The policy solution to a recessionary gap is to shift the aggregate expenditure schedule up from AE0 to AE1, using policies like tax cuts or government spending increases. Then the new equilibrium E1 occurs at potential GDP.
- **Figure 9.17** (b) illustrates a situation where the equilibrium occurs at an output above potential GDP, then an inflationary gap exists. The policy solution to an inflationary gap is to shift the aggregate expenditure schedule down from AE0 to AE1, using policies like tax increases or spending cuts. Then, the new equilibrium E1 occurs at potential GDP.
There is no guarantee that the equilibrium will occur at the potential GDP
level of output. The equilibrium might be higher or lower.
","In the Keynesian cross diagram, if the aggregate expenditure line intersects
the 45-degree line at the level of potential GDP or at the level of production
at full-employment, then the economy is in sound shape. There is no recession,
and unemployment is low.
- Define the Macroeconomic Multiplier and Explain How It Works
- Calculate the Multiplier
- Calculate the Effect of Policy Interventions
- Assess Tradeoffs of Policy Interventions
The Keynesian expenditure-output or Keynesian cross diagram model has one final twist. Assume that for a certain economy, the intersection of the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line is at a GDP of \$700, while the level of potential GDP for this economy is \$800. By how much does government spending need to be increased so that the economy reaches the full employment GDP?
The obvious answer might be \$800 - \$700 = \$100; therefore, to reach equilibrium, we need to raise government spending by \$100. But that answer is incorrect. A change of, for example, \$100 in government expenditures will have an effect of more than \$100 on the equilibrium level of real GDP. The reason is that a change in aggregate expenditures circles throughout the economy: Households buy from firms, firms pay workers and suppliers, workers and suppliers buy goods from other firms, those firms pay their workers and suppliers, and so on. In this way, the original change in aggregate expenditures is actually spent more than once. This is called the **multiplier effect**: An initial increase in spending cycles repeatedly throughout the economy and has a larger impact than the initial dollar amount spent.","Define the Macroeconomic Multiplier and Explain How It Works
Calculate the Multiplier
Calculate the Effect of Policy Interventions
Assess Tradeoffs of Policy Interventions
The Keynesian expenditure-output or Keynesian cross diagram model has one final twist. Assume that for a certain economy, the intersection of the aggregate expenditure function and the 45-degree line is at a GDP of \$700, while the level of potential GDP for this economy is \$800. By how much does government spending need to be increased so that the economy reaches the full employment GDP?
The obvious answer might be \$800 - \$700 = \$100; therefore, to reach equilibrium, we need to raise government spending by \$100. But that answer is incorrect. A change of, for example, \$100 in government expenditures will have an effect of more than \$100 on the equilibrium level of real GDP. The reason is that a change in aggregate expenditures circles throughout the economy: Households buy from firms, firms pay workers and suppliers, workers and suppliers buy goods from other firms, those firms pay their workers and suppliers, and so on. In this way, the original change in aggregate expenditures is actually spent more than once. This is called the multiplier effect: An initial increase in spending cycles repeatedly throughout the economy and has a larger impact than the initial dollar amount spent.",the-cpi-and-core-inflation-index,"{
""question"": ""What is the multiplier effect?"",
""answer"": ""The multiplier effect refers to an initial increase in spending that cycles repeatedly throughout the economy and has a larger impact than the initial dollar amount spent.""
}",What is the multiplier effect?,The multiplier effect refers to an initial increase in spending that cycles repeatedly throughout the economy and has a larger impact than the initial dollar amount spent.,"['macroeconomic multiplier', 'policy interventions', 'kennethian cross diagram model']"
272,09-04-01-practical-solutions-for-the-substitution-and-the-qualitynew-goods-biases,09-04,1,How Does the Multiplier Work?,"To understand how the multiplier effect works, return to the example in which the current equilibrium in the Keynesian cross diagram is a real GDP of \$700, or \$100 short of the \$800 needed to be at full employment, or potential GDP. If the government spends \$100 to close this gap, someone in the economy receives that spending and can treat it as income. Assume that those who receive this income pay 30% in taxes, save 10% of after-tax income, spend 10% of total income on imports, and then spend the rest on domestically produced goods and services.
As shown in the calculations in **Figure 9.18** and **Table 9.7**, out of the original \$100 in government spending, \$53 is left to spend on domestically produced goods and services. That \$53 which was spent becomes income to someone, somewhere in the economy. Those who receive that income also pay 30% in taxes, save 10% of after-tax income, and spend 10% of total income on imports, as shown in **Figure 9.18**, so that an additional \$28.09 (that is, 0.53 x \$53) is spent in the third round. The people who receive that income then pay taxes, save, and buy imports, and the amount spent in the fourth round is \$14.89 (that is, 0.53 x \$28.09).
**Figure 9.18** The Multiplier Effect
- An original increase of government spending of \$100 causes a rise in aggregate expenditure of \$100.
- But that \$100 is income to others in the economy, and after they save, pay taxes, and buy imports, they spend \$53 of that \$100 in a second round. In turn, that \$53 is income to others.
- Thus, the original government spending of \$100 is multiplied by these cycles of spending, but the impact of each successive cycle gets smaller and smaller.
- Given the numbers in this example, the original government spending increase of \$100 raises aggregate expenditure by \$213; therefore, the multiplier in this example is \$213 /\$100 = 2.13.
| Original increase in aggregate expenditure from government spending | 100 |
| ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ | -------------------------------- |
| Which is income to people throughout the economy: Pay 30% in taxes. Save 10% of after-tax income. Spend 10% of income on imports. Second-round increase of… | 70 - 7 - 10 = 53 |
| Which is $53 of income to people through the economy: Pay 30% in taxes. Save 10% of after-tax income. Spend 10% of income on imports. Third-round increase of… | 37.1 - 3.71 - 5. 3 = 28.09 |
| Which is $28.09 of income to people through the economy: Pay 30% in taxes. Save 10% of after-tax income. Spend 10% of income on imports. Fourth-round increase of… | 19.663 - 1.96633 - 2.809 = 14.89 |
**Table 9.7** Calculating the Multiplier Effect
Thus, over the first four rounds of aggregate expenditures, the impact of the original increase in government spending of \$100 creates a rise in aggregate expenditures of \$100 + \$53 + \$28.09 + \$14.89 = \$195.98. Figure 10.18 shows these total aggregate expenditures after the first four rounds and then the total aggregate expenditures after 30 rounds. The additional boost to aggregate expenditures is shrinking in each round of consumption.
After about 10 rounds, the additional increments are very small indeed—nearly invisible to the naked eye. After 30 rounds, the additional increments in each round are so small that they have no practical consequence. After 30 rounds, the cumulative value of the initial boost in aggregate expenditure is approximately \$213. Thus, the government spending increase of \$100 eventually produced an increase of \$213 in aggregate expenditure and real GDP. In this example, the multiplier is \$213 / \$100 = 2.13.","To understand how the multiplier effect works, return to the example in which the current equilibrium in the Keynesian cross diagram is a real GDP of \$700, or \$100 short of the \$800 needed to be at full employment, or potential GDP. If the government spends \$100 to close this gap, someone in the economy receives that spending and can treat it as income. Assume that those who receive this income pay 30% in taxes, save 10% of after-tax income, spend 10% of total income on imports, and then spend the rest on domestically produced goods and services.
As shown in the calculations in Figure 9.18 and Table 9.7, out of the original \$100 in government spending, \$53 is left to spend on domestically produced goods and services. That \$53 which was spent becomes income to someone, somewhere in the economy. Those who receive that income also pay 30% in taxes, save 10% of after-tax income, and spend 10% of total income on imports, as shown in Figure 9.18, so that an additional \$28.09 (that is, 0.53 x \$53) is spent in the third round. The people who receive that income then pay taxes, save, and buy imports, and the amount spent in the fourth round is \$14.89 (that is, 0.53 x \$28.09).
Figure 9.18 The Multiplier Effect
An original increase of government spending of \$100 causes a rise in aggregate expenditure of \$100.
But that \$100 is income to others in the economy, and after they save, pay taxes, and buy imports, they spend \$53 of that \$100 in a second round. In turn, that \$53 is income to others.
Thus, the original government spending of \$100 is multiplied by these cycles of spending, but the impact of each successive cycle gets smaller and smaller.
Given the numbers in this example, the original government spending increase of \$100 raises aggregate expenditure by \$213; therefore, the multiplier in this example is \$213 /\$100 = 2.13.
Table 9.7 Calculating the Multiplier Effect
Thus, over the first four rounds of aggregate expenditures, the impact of the original increase in government spending of \$100 creates a rise in aggregate expenditures of \$100 + \$53 + \$28.09 + \$14.89 = \$195.98. Figure 10.18 shows these total aggregate expenditures after the first four rounds and then the total aggregate expenditures after 30 rounds. The additional boost to aggregate expenditures is shrinking in each round of consumption.
After about 10 rounds, the additional increments are very small indeed—nearly invisible to the naked eye. After 30 rounds, the additional increments in each round are so small that they have no practical consequence. After 30 rounds, the cumulative value of the initial boost in aggregate expenditure is approximately \$213. Thus, the government spending increase of \$100 eventually produced an increase of \$213 in aggregate expenditure and real GDP. In this example, the multiplier is \$213 / \$100 = 2.13.",practical-solutions-for-the-substitution-and-the-qualitynew-goods-biases,"Question: What is the multiplier in the given example of government spending increase?
Answer: The multiplier in this example is 2.13.",What is the multiplier in the given example of government spending increase?,The multiplier in this example is 2.13.,"['multiplier effect', 'equilibrium', 'kennethian cross diagram', 'real g']"
273,09-04-02-additional-price-indices-ppi-gdp-deflator-and-more,09-04,2,Learn with Videos,"
Demonstrate the multiplier in the simple Keynesian model through a change in
invesment spending
",Oh we've now explored equilibrium in the goods market we've seen that equilibrium exists whenever the level of output is equal to total spending now in this section we'll take a closer look at changes in this equilibrium level of output from our equilibrium equation we identified two factors that could influence total spending and change this equilibrium autonomous spending could do it through either a change in autonomous consumption or investment spending and a change in our marginal propensity to consume could also have this effect we'll start with a quick look at what happens when there's an increase in just one of these autonomous variables investment spending now this causes the aggregate spending curve to shift upwards and a new equilibrium position is established at Point E one with a new equilibrium level of output y1 the important thing to notice here is that the increase in investment spending brings about a much larger increase in output and income if the increase in investment spending is a hundred million rand the increase in output and income will be considerably more than that this is the work of the multiplier effect an amazing force that can generate huge income from just a modest injection of funds we're going to see if the circular flow model can help shed some light on this magic we'll start off by assuming that a company has decided to build a new factory for a hundred million rand investment spending and total spending the economy rises by a hundred million rand the business employs various factors of production to build the factory and since these factors are owned by households their income increases by a hundred million rand and that investment was an injection into the economy increasing the level of output and income but that's not the end of it and this is where the mysterious multiplier kicks in as household income Rises households tend to increase their con sumption spending some new clothes a plasma TV a meal out and so on how much they increase their consumption spending by depends on their marginal propensity to consume we're going to assume that it's noir point eight so consumption spending grows by eighty million rand eighty percent of the initial 100 million rand injection what happens to the rest of their income the other twenty million rand well what's not spent is usually saved so savings increased by twenty million rand this brings us to the conservative sister of that Rash marginal propensity to consume the marginal propensity to save in this case it's nought point two from every one round rise in income households will save twenty cents so while investment is seen as an injection into the circular flow of income savings represent a leakage from the circular flow getting back to consumption though as households increase their spending the rise in demand prompts firms to increase production by the same amount eighty million rand which becomes another eighty million rand increase in income for the households employed by those firms okay hold on what's happened so far well at this point a hundred million rand increase in investment spending has caused total spending to rise by one hundred and eighty million rand we have the new hundred million rand factory the building of which generated a hundred million rand of additional income for the households involved in building it they in turn went out and spent eighty million rand of that and this please the firm's in the economy demands up again and they julie increase production by a further 80 million rand okay so what next well this last increase in production means a rise in income households earn another 80 million rand and they're going to spend it well not all of it eighty percent of it so consumption spending increases by sixty four million round the remaining 20% the 16 million Rand goes into savings now back to those firms who've just picked up 64 million rads worth of sales it's a good sign demands still rising they increase production to keep up with demand and in doing so generate income of 64 million rand for their owners and employees once again these households rush out and spend most of it 80% in fat so consumption spending rises again by 50 1.2 million rand the other 12 point eight million round went into savings firms must again try to keep up with demand and they increase output by 51 point 2 million rand and generating income for their employees and owners and so it continues this is the multiplier effect this round after round of further consumption spending is the indirect result of one initial increase in investment spending so does this multiplier effect continue indefinitely the answer unfortunately is no the reason is that the induced spending that is the changing consumption spending caused by an increase in income is getting smaller and smaller with each cycle because households only spend a portion of their increase in income the rest they save this savings represents a leakage from our circular flow model and the leakage rate is 20% all right keep this image of how the multiplier works in your mind we're going to see how it translates to our goods market diagram an increase in autonomous spending like that initial increase in investment causes a parallel output shift of the total spending curve a shift equal to the increase in investment the vertical intercept goes up by 100 million rand at the original level of income y0 total spending now exceeds the level of output by that much but this investment translates into income for those involved in building it this increase in income prompts households to increase their consumption spending output rises to keep up with demand this moves up to point B total spending still exceeds the equilibrium level of income and output but the gap is smaller as indicated by the vertical distance between point B and the 45-degree line as long as total spending exceeds the level of output firms will keep increasing production the income of households will keep rising and so will their consumption spending this process will continue until a new equilibrium is reached where total spending is equal to the level of output this occurs at point B 1 with an equilibrium level of income and output y1 comparing point E with E 1 it's clear that the increase in the equilibrium level of income and output is much greater than the initial investment by how much the equilibrium level of income changes depends on the value of the marginal propensity to consume small C so it's this that determines the value of the multiplier according to our equilibrium formula the multiplier effect is equal to 1 divided by 1 minus C given a propensity to consume of Nohr point 8 the multiplier is 1 over 1 minus nor point 8 which is 1 divided by nor 2 which equals 5 for every one R and increase in autonomous spending the equilibrium level of income increases by 5 R at the change in our equilibrium level of income is therefore the multiplier times the change in investment I in our case a hundred million round rise in investment increases the equilibrium level of output and income by 500 million R and now I can our circular flow model the impact of the multiplier can be shown like this the increase in total spending is equal to the initial investment spend 100 million rand plus the change in induced consumption spending which in the end amounted to 400 million rand the level of production and income increased by the same amount as the change in total spending 500 million rand but there's something else that change in savings if income increases by 500 million rand but consumption spending rises by only 400 million rand 80 percent the remaining hundred million or 20 percent went into savings the interesting thing here is that the increase in savings exactly matches the original investment spent indicating that investment spending has created its own savings so we've looked pretty,additional-price-indices-ppi-gdp-deflator-and-more,"{
""question"": ""What determines the value of the multiplier effect?"",
""answer"": ""The value of the multiplier effect is determined by the marginal propensity to consume.""
}",What determines the value of the multiplier effect?,The value of the multiplier effect is determined by the marginal propensity to consume.,"['equilibrium', 'goods market', 'total spending', 'equilibrium autonomous spending', 'autonomous consumption']"
274,09-04-03-overview,09-04,3,Calculating the Multiplier,"Fortunately for everyone who is not carrying around a computer with a spreadsheet program to project the impact of an original increase in expenditures over 20, 50, or 100 rounds of spending, there is a formula for calculating the multiplier.
According to **Figure 9.18** and **Table 9.7**:
$$
\text{Spending Multiplier} = \frac{1}{(1 - \text{MPC} \times (1 - \text{tax rate}) + \text{MPI})}
$$
- Marginal Propensity to Save (MPS) = 30%
- Tax rate = 10%
- Marginal Propensity to Import (MPI) = 10%
The MPC is equal to 1 - MPS, or 0.7. Therefore, the spending multiplier is:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Spending Multiplier} &= 1 / 1 - (0.7 - (0.10)(0.7) - 0.10) \\
&= 1 / 0.47 \\
&= 2.13
\end{aligned}
$$
A change in spending of \$100 multiplied by the spending multiplier of 2.13 is equal to a change in GDP of \$213. Not coincidentally, this result is exactly what was calculated in Figure 10.18 after many rounds of expenditures cycling through the economy.
The size of the multiplier is determined by what proportion of the marginal
dollar of income goes into taxes, saving, and imports.
These three factors are known as leakages, because they determine how much demand “leaks out” in each round of the multiplier effect:
- If the leakages are relatively small, then each successive round of the multiplier effect will have larger amounts of demand, and the multiplier will be high.
- Conversely, if the leakages are relatively large, then any initial change in demand will diminish more quickly in the second, third, and later rounds, and the multiplier will be small.
Changes in the size of the leakages—a change in the marginal propensity to save, the tax rate, or the marginal propensity to import—will change the size of the multiplier.","Fortunately for everyone who is not carrying around a computer with a spreadsheet program to project the impact of an original increase in expenditures over 20, 50, or 100 rounds of spending, there is a formula for calculating the multiplier.
According to Figure 9.18 and Table 9.7:
$$
\text{Spending Multiplier} = \frac{1}{(1 - \text{MPC} \times (1 - \text{tax rate}) + \text{MPI})}
$$
Marginal Propensity to Save (MPS) = 30%
Tax rate = 10%
Marginal Propensity to Import (MPI) = 10%
The MPC is equal to 1 - MPS, or 0.7. Therefore, the spending multiplier is:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Spending Multiplier} &= 1 / 1 - (0.7 - (0.10)(0.7) - 0.10) \
&= 1 / 0.47 \
&= 2.13
\end{aligned}
$$
A change in spending of \$100 multiplied by the spending multiplier of 2.13 is equal to a change in GDP of \$213. Not coincidentally, this result is exactly what was calculated in Figure 10.18 after many rounds of expenditures cycling through the economy.
The size of the multiplier is determined by what proportion of the marginal
dollar of income goes into taxes, saving, and imports.
These three factors are known as leakages, because they determine how much demand “leaks out” in each round of the multiplier effect:
If the leakages are relatively small, then each successive round of the multiplier effect will have larger amounts of demand, and the multiplier will be high.
Conversely, if the leakages are relatively large, then any initial change in demand will diminish more quickly in the second, third, and later rounds, and the multiplier will be small.
Changes in the size of the leakages—a change in the marginal propensity to save, the tax rate, or the marginal propensity to import—will change the size of the multiplier.",overview,"Question: What is the formula for calculating the spending multiplier in an economy?
Answer: The formula for calculating the spending multiplier in an economy is 1 / (1 - MPC × (1 - tax rate) + MPI).",What is the formula for calculating the spending multiplier in an economy?,The formula for calculating the spending multiplier in an economy is 1 / (1 - MPC × (1 - tax rate) + MPI).,"['sheetsheet program', 'spending multiplier', 'marginal propensity to save', 'tax rate', '10']"
275,09-04-04-how-the-us-and-other-countries-experience-inflation,09-04,4,Learn with Videos,"
In this video I explain the two multipliers that you will see in a standard
macroeconomics course: The Spending Multiplier and the Money Multiplier.
*Note* I ...
",hey econ students this is Jacob Clifford welcome to ac/dc econ right now it's time to go over one of the most important concepts in your macroeconomics class something called the multiplier of them multiplier of them multiplier of them multiplying is that I'm gonna add is this ever gonna answer say stop I'm actually making two videos on this topic in this video I'm gonna talk about the math and equations and the stuff you need for your econ class but in this video I'm going to talk about John Maynard Keynes and why the idea of the multiplier is important in an introductory macroeconomics course there's two different times you'll see the concept of the multiplier first when you learn about fiscal policy and learn about the spending multiplier and then again when you learn about monetary policy and learn about the money multiplier the situations are completely different but the math behind them and the equations themselves are practically identical let's start with the spending multiplier when the government spends money it becomes somebody's income and they save a portion of that and they spend the rest that's spending becomes somebody else's income and they save some and spend some that keeps happening over and over again and that's called the multiplier effect an initial change in spending caused a ripple effect to the entire economy and leads to more total spending the size of that ripple effect depends on how much people spend or save when they get new income that's called the marginal propensity to consume in the marginal propensity to save for example let's say you find a hundred dollars in the ground and you spend $75 and save $25 your MPC is 0.75 and your MPs is 0.25 together they have to equal one because there's only two things you can do with new income spend it or save it which reminds me in exam questions we often assume that everyone in the economy has the same propensity to consume and save which isn't really true in real life but that's okay the equation for the simple spending multiplier is 1 over the marginal propensity to save so at the MPC is 0.5 then the MPs is 0.5 then the spending multiplier is 1 over point 5 which is just 2 so if the government increases spending by 2 billion dollars that will eventually become 4 billion dollars of total spending did you get that the equation for the simple spending multiplier is 1 over the marginal propensity to save so if the MPC is 0.5 then the MPs is 0.5 then the spending multiplier is 1 over point 5 which is just 2 so if the government increases spending by 2 billion dollars that will eventually become 4 billion dollars of total spending now it's your turn let's say the MPC is 0.9 and the government looks to increase total spending by 20 billion dollars two questions how much is the simple spending multiplier and how much initial government spending must be done to achieve that twenty billion dollars total spending mmm hello hello are you on hello are you working are you working yes yes okay so if the NPC is 0.9 then the MPs must be 0.1 that means that the multiplier is 1 over point 1 or 10 and if the goal is to spend a total of 20 billion dollars then the government only needs to spend 2 billion dollars that 2 billion times a multiplier of 10 becomes 20 billion dollars notice that in both of these examples the initial change in spending was 2 billion dollars but one led to 4 billion dollars of total spending and the other one had 20 billion dollars of spending the reason for the difference was the amount that people consumed or spent of new money coming in the point is the higher the MPC the larger the multiplier effect before I move on to the money multiplier keep in mind there's also something called the tax multiplier it shows what happens when the government cuts taxes and it's not as strong as the spending multiplier there's actually an equation for the tax multiplier but you don't really need it all you need to remember is the tax multiplier is 1 less than the spending multiplier so if the spending multiplier is 10 then the tax multiplier is only 9 the reason is because there's one less ripple effect because consumers save a portion of the tax cut now if you want to practice again go ahead and click right here now you're also going to see the idea the multiplier we learn about fractional reserve banking and how banks create money now instead of money being spent and saved it's money being deposited and loaned out when you deposit money in the bank it must hold a portion and require reserves and then loans the rest out the person who took out the loan spends that money and eventual that money gets its way back into another Bank that Bank then holds a portion and reserves and loans rest out this keeps happening over and over and over again so sounds familiar right the portion of money that banks have to hold by law is called a reserve requirement so the money multiplier is 1 over that reserve requirement so if banks have to hold 10% or 0.1 then the money multiplier must be 10 an initial increase in the money supply of two billion dollars becomes a total increase of 20 billion dollars in the economy okay now it's time to practice let's say the reserve requirement is point two and the Federal Reserve buys bonds initially adding two billion dollars to the economy two questions how much is the money multiplier and what will be the total increase in the money supply how do I look okay getting some weight little fat base okay it's one over point - so the money multiplier is five the two billion dollars will eventually become ten billion dollars of total money created did you get that again click right here if you need to practice it's important to understand the general idea the multiplier effect but if you're enrolled in a macro economics class it's important to be able to do these calculations and know the equations just remember that the simple spending multiplier and the money multiplier are won over how much you save alright thanks for watching until next time hey thanks for watching this video if you want to learn more about Keynes and the idea the multiplier effect click right here and if one review for your final or for the AP test go to my website and learn more about my study guides click right here also please make sure to leave a comment below and like and subscribe subscribing tells me that you like my videos that you want me to make more ok until next time,how-the-us-and-other-countries-experience-inflation,"{""question"": ""What is the equation for the simple spending multiplier?"", ""answer"": ""The equation for the simple spending multiplier is 1 over the marginal propensity to save.""}",What is the equation for the simple spending multiplier?,The equation for the simple spending multiplier is 1 over the marginal propensity to save.,"['constraining', 'macroeconomics', 'them multiplier', 'total spending', 'marginal propensity']"
276,09-04-05-inflation-around-the-world,09-04,5,Calculating Keynesian Policy Interventions,"Returning to the original question: How much should government spending be increased to produce a total increase in real GDP of \$100? If the goal is to increase aggregate demand by \$100, and the multiplier is 2.13, then the increase in government spending to achieve that goal would be \$100 / 2.13 = \$47. Government spending of approximately \$47, when combined with a multiplier of 2.13 (which is, remember, based on the specific assumptions about tax, saving, and import rates), produces an overall increase in real GDP of \$100, restoring the economy to potential GDP of \$800, as **Figure 9.19** shows.
**Figure 9.19** The Multiplier Effect in an Expenditure-Output Model
1. The power of the multiplier effect is that an increase in expenditure has a larger increase on the equilibrium output. The increase in expenditure is the vertical increase from AE0 to AE1.
2. However, the increase in equilibrium output, shown on the horizontal axis, is clearly larger.
The multiplier effect is also visible on the Keynesian cross diagram. Figure 9.19 shows the example we have been discussing: a recessionary gap with an equilibrium of \$700, potential GDP of $800, and the slope of the aggregate expenditure function (AE0), determined by the assumptions that taxes are 30% of income, savings are 0.1 of after-tax income, and imports are 0.1 of before-tax income. At AE1, the aggregate expenditure function is moved up to reach potential GDP.
Now, compare the vertical shift upward in the aggregate expenditure function, which is \$47, with the horizontal shift outward in real GDP, which is \$100. The rise in real GDP is more than double the rise in the aggregate expenditure function. Similarly, if you look back at Figure 9.18, you will see that the vertical movements in the aggregate expenditure functions are smaller than the change in equilibrium output that is produced on the horizontal axis—the multiplier effect at work. In this way, the power of the multiplier is apparent in the income-expenditure graph, as well as in the arithmetic calculation.
The multiplier does not just affect government spending, but applies to any spending change in the economy. Say that business confidence declines and investment falls off, or that the economy of a leading trading partner slows down so that export sales decline. These changes will reduce aggregate expenditures and will have an even larger effect on real GDP because of the multiplier effect. Read the following Clear It Up feature to learn how the multiplier effect can be applied to analyze the economic impact of professional sports.","Returning to the original question: How much should government spending be increased to produce a total increase in real GDP of \$100? If the goal is to increase aggregate demand by \$100, and the multiplier is 2.13, then the increase in government spending to achieve that goal would be \$100 / 2.13 = \$47. Government spending of approximately \$47, when combined with a multiplier of 2.13 (which is, remember, based on the specific assumptions about tax, saving, and import rates), produces an overall increase in real GDP of \$100, restoring the economy to potential GDP of \$800, as Figure 9.19 shows.
**Figure 9.1** New Single Family Houses Sold (Source: U.S. Census Bureau)
From the early 1990s up through 2005, the number of new single family houses sold rose steadily. In 2006, the number dropped dramatically and this dramatic decline continued through 2011. By 2014, the number of new houses sold had begun to climb back up, but the levels are still lower than those of 1990.
The housing bubble began to show signs of bursting in 2005, as delinquency and late payments began to grow and an oversupply of new homes on the market became apparent. Dropping home values contributed to a decrease in the overall wealth of the household sector and caused homeowners to pull back on spending. Several mortgage lenders were forced to file for bankruptcy because homeowners were not making their payments, and by 2008 the problem had spread throughout the financial markets. Lenders clamped down on credit and the housing bubble burst. Financial markets were now in crisis and unable or unwilling to even extend credit to credit-worthy customers.
The housing bubble and the crisis in the financial markets were major contributors to the Great Recession that led to unemployment rates of over 10% and falling GDP. While the United States is still recovering from the impact of the Great Recession, it has made substantial progress in restoring financial market stability through implementing aggressive fiscal and monetary policy.
The economic history of the United States is cyclical in nature with recessions and expansions. Some of these fluctuations are severe, such as the economic downturn that occurred during the Great Depression in the 1930s, which lasted several years. Why does the economy grow at different rates in different years? What are the causes of the cyclical behavior of the economy?
This chapter will introduce an important model, the aggregate demand-aggregate supply model, to begin our understanding of why economies expand and contract over time.","The United States experienced rising home ownership rates for most of the last two decades. Between 1990 and 2006, the U.S. housing market grew. Home ownership rates grew from 64% to a high of over 69% between 2004 and 2005. For many people, this was a period in which they could either buy first homes or buy a larger and more expensive home. During this time mortgage values tripled. Housing became more accessible to Americans and was considered to be a safe financial investment. Figure 9.1 shows how new single family home sales peaked in 2005 at 107,000 units.
Figure 9.1 New Single Family Houses Sold (Source: U.S. Census Bureau)
From the early 1990s up through 2005, the number of new single family houses sold rose steadily. In 2006, the number dropped dramatically and this dramatic decline continued through 2011. By 2014, the number of new houses sold had begun to climb back up, but the levels are still lower than those of 1990.
The housing bubble began to show signs of bursting in 2005, as delinquency and late payments began to grow and an oversupply of new homes on the market became apparent. Dropping home values contributed to a decrease in the overall wealth of the household sector and caused homeowners to pull back on spending. Several mortgage lenders were forced to file for bankruptcy because homeowners were not making their payments, and by 2008 the problem had spread throughout the financial markets. Lenders clamped down on credit and the housing bubble burst. Financial markets were now in crisis and unable or unwilling to even extend credit to credit-worthy customers.
The housing bubble and the crisis in the financial markets were major contributors to the Great Recession that led to unemployment rates of over 10% and falling GDP. While the United States is still recovering from the impact of the Great Recession, it has made substantial progress in restoring financial market stability through implementing aggressive fiscal and monetary policy.
The economic history of the United States is cyclical in nature with recessions and expansions. Some of these fluctuations are severe, such as the economic downturn that occurred during the Great Depression in the 1930s, which lasted several years. Why does the economy grow at different rates in different years? What are the causes of the cyclical behavior of the economy?
This chapter will introduce an important model, the aggregate demand-aggregate supply model, to begin our understanding of why economies expand and contract over time.",unintended-redistributions-of-purchasing-power,"{
""question"": ""Why does the economy grow at different rates in different years? What are the causes of the cyclical behavior of the economy?"",
""answer"": ""The economy grows at different rates in different years due to various factors such as changes in consumer spending, investment levels, government policies, and external shocks. The cyclical behavior of the economy is caused by fluctuations in aggregate demand and aggregate supply.""
}",Why does the economy grow at different rates in different years? What are the causes of the cyclical behavior of the economy?,"The economy grows at different rates in different years due to various factors such as changes in consumer spending, investment levels, government policies, and external shocks. The cyclical behavior of the economy is caused by fluctuations in aggregate demand and aggregate supply.","['the united states', 'home ownership rates', 'financial markets', 'debt levels', 'restructured']"
280,10-00-01-people-with-considerable-financial-assets,10-00,1,Introduction,"- How is the rate of economic growth connected to changes in the unemployment rate?
- Is there a reason why unemployment and inflation seem to move in opposite directions?
- Why did the current account deficit rise so high, but then decline in 2009?
To analyze questions like these, we must move beyond discussing macroeconomic issues one at a time and begin building economic models that capture the relationships and interconnections between different macroeconomic indicators and their fluctuations during the business cycles.
The next three chapters take up this task. This chapter introduces the macroeconomic model of aggregate supply and aggregate demand, how the two interact to reach a macroeconomic equilibrium, and how shifts in aggregate demand or aggregate supply will affect that equilibrium. This chapter also relates the model of aggregate supply and aggregate demand to the three goals of economic policy (**growth, unemployment, and inflation**), and provides a framework for thinking about many of the connections and tradeoffs between these goals. In future chapters, we will focus on the macroeconomy in the short run, where aggregate demand plays a crucial role (**The Keynesian Perspective)**, and the macroeconomy in the long run, where aggregate supply plays a crucial role (**The Neoclassical Perspective**).
","How is the rate of economic growth connected to changes in the unemployment rate?
Is there a reason why unemployment and inflation seem to move in opposite directions?
Why did the current account deficit rise so high, but then decline in 2009?
To analyze questions like these, we must move beyond discussing macroeconomic issues one at a time and begin building economic models that capture the relationships and interconnections between different macroeconomic indicators and their fluctuations during the business cycles.
The next three chapters take up this task. This chapter introduces the macroeconomic model of aggregate supply and aggregate demand, how the two interact to reach a macroeconomic equilibrium, and how shifts in aggregate demand or aggregate supply will affect that equilibrium. This chapter also relates the model of aggregate supply and aggregate demand to the three goals of economic policy (growth, unemployment, and inflation), and provides a framework for thinking about many of the connections and tradeoffs between these goals. In future chapters, we will focus on the macroeconomy in the short run, where aggregate demand plays a crucial role (The Keynesian Perspective), and the macroeconomy in the long run, where aggregate supply plays a crucial role (The Neoclassical Perspective).",people-with-considerable-financial-assets,"question: How can economic models help analyze the connections between macroeconomic indicators and their fluctuations during business cycles?
answer: Economic models can capture the relationships and interconnections between different macroeconomic indicators, such as the rate of economic growth and changes in the unemployment rate, and provide a framework for understanding the connections and tradeoffs between different goals of economic policy.",question: How can economic models help analyze the connections between macroeconomic indicators and their fluctuations during business cycles?,"answer: Economic models can capture the relationships and interconnections between different macroeconomic indicators, such as the rate of economic growth and changes in the unemployment rate, and provide a framework for understanding the connections and tradeoffs between different goals of economic policy.","['unemployment rate', 'inflation', 'current account deficit', 'macroeconomic issues', 'macro']"
281,10-01-00-wage-earners,10-01,0,Overview,"
- Explain Say's Law and understand why it primarily applies in the long run
- Explain Keynes' Law and understand why it primarily applies in the short run
**Macroeconomists over the last two centuries have often divided into two groups:**
- Those who argue that **supply is the most important determinant** of the size of the macroeconomy while demand just tags along.
- Those who argue that **demand is the most important factor** in the size of the macroeconomy while supply just tags along.","Explain Say's Law and understand why it primarily applies in the long run
Explain Keynes' Law and understand why it primarily applies in the short run
Macroeconomists over the last two centuries have often divided into two groups:
Those who argue that supply is the most important determinant of the size of the macroeconomy while demand just tags along.
Those who argue that demand is the most important factor in the size of the macroeconomy while supply just tags along.",wage-earners,"{
""question"": ""What is Say's Law and why does it primarily apply in the long run?"",
""answer"": ""Say's Law states that supply is the most important determinant of the size of the macroeconomy while demand just tags along. It primarily applies in the long run because in the long run, supply and demand tend to equalize.""
}",What is Say's Law and why does it primarily apply in the long run?,"Say's Law states that supply is the most important determinant of the size of the macroeconomy while demand just tags along. It primarily applies in the long run because in the long run, supply and demand tend to equalize.","['says law', 'macroeconomy', 'demand', 'short run', 'macroeconomic systems']"
282,10-01-01-retirees-on-defined-benefits-plans,10-01,1,Say's Law and the Macroeconomics of Supply,"
Supply creates its own demand.
Those economists who emphasize the role of supply in the macroeconomy often refer to the work of a famous early nineteenth century French economist named Jean-Baptiste Say (1767-1832). **Say's law** is: “Supply creates its own demand.” As a matter of historical accuracy, it seems clear that Say never actually wrote down this law and that it oversimplifies his beliefs, but the law lives on as useful shorthand for summarizing a point of view.
Say's law states that each time a good or service is produced and sold, it generates income for someone. We alluded to this earlier in our discussion of the National Income approach to measuring GDP. The forces of supply and demand in individual markets will cause prices to rise and fall. **The bottom line remains, however, that every sale represents income to someone, and Say's law argues that a given value of supply must create an equivalent value of demand somewhere else in the economy.**
If supply always creates exactly enough demand at the macroeconomic level, then (as Say himself recognized) it is hard to understand why periods of recession and high unemployment should ever occur. To be sure, even if total supply always creates an equal amount of total demand, the economy could still experience a situation of some firms earning profits while other firms suffer losses. Nevertheless, a recession is not a situation where all business failures are exactly counterbalanced by an offsetting number of successes. A recession is a situation in which the economy as a whole is shrinking in size, business failures outnumber the remaining success stories, and many firms end up suffering losses and laying off workers.
Say's law that supply creates its own demand does seem a good approximation for the long run. Over periods of some years or decades, as the productive power of an economy to supply goods and services increases, total demand in the economy grows at roughly the same pace. However, over shorter time horizons of a few months or even years, recessions or even depressions occur in which firms, as a group, seem to face a lack of demand for their products.
Because Jean-Baptiste Say, Adam Smith, and other economists writing about this
view around the turn of the nineteenth century were known as ""classical""
economists, modern economists who generally subscribe to Say's law are called
neoclassical economists. They focus on the importance of supply for
determining the size of the macroeconomy.
","Supply creates its own demand.
Those economists who emphasize the role of supply in the macroeconomy often refer to the work of a famous early nineteenth century French economist named Jean-Baptiste Say (1767-1832). Say's law is: “Supply creates its own demand.” As a matter of historical accuracy, it seems clear that Say never actually wrote down this law and that it oversimplifies his beliefs, but the law lives on as useful shorthand for summarizing a point of view.
Say's law states that each time a good or service is produced and sold, it generates income for someone. We alluded to this earlier in our discussion of the National Income approach to measuring GDP. The forces of supply and demand in individual markets will cause prices to rise and fall. The bottom line remains, however, that every sale represents income to someone, and Say's law argues that a given value of supply must create an equivalent value of demand somewhere else in the economy.
If supply always creates exactly enough demand at the macroeconomic level, then (as Say himself recognized) it is hard to understand why periods of recession and high unemployment should ever occur. To be sure, even if total supply always creates an equal amount of total demand, the economy could still experience a situation of some firms earning profits while other firms suffer losses. Nevertheless, a recession is not a situation where all business failures are exactly counterbalanced by an offsetting number of successes. A recession is a situation in which the economy as a whole is shrinking in size, business failures outnumber the remaining success stories, and many firms end up suffering losses and laying off workers.
Say's law that supply creates its own demand does seem a good approximation for the long run. Over periods of some years or decades, as the productive power of an economy to supply goods and services increases, total demand in the economy grows at roughly the same pace. However, over shorter time horizons of a few months or even years, recessions or even depressions occur in which firms, as a group, seem to face a lack of demand for their products.
Because Jean-Baptiste Say, Adam Smith, and other economists writing about this
view around the turn of the nineteenth century were known as ""classical""
economists, modern economists who generally subscribe to Say's law are called
neoclassical economists. They focus on the importance of supply for
determining the size of the macroeconomy.",retirees-on-defined-benefits-plans,"{""question"": ""What is Say's law?"", ""answer"": ""Say's law states that each time a good or service is produced and sold, it generates income for someone and a given value of supply must create an equivalent value of demand somewhere else in the economy.""}",What is Say's law?,"Say's law states that each time a good or service is produced and sold, it generates income for someone and a given value of supply must create an equivalent value of demand somewhere else in the economy.","['supply', 'macroeconomy', 'jacobabeans', 'francisco bay community']"
283,10-01-02-borrowers-with-fixed-interest-rate-loans,10-01,2,Keynes' Law and the Macroeconomics of Demand,"
Demand creates its own supply.
The alternative to Say's law, with its emphasis on supply, is **Keynes' law**: “Demand creates its own supply.” Just as Jean-Baptiste Say never wrote down anything as simpleminded as Say's law, John Maynard Keynes never wrote down Keynes' law, but it is a useful simplification that conveys a certain way of understanding the macroeconomy.
When Keynes wrote his influential work The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money during the 1930s, he pointed out that the economy's capacity to supply goods and services had not changed much during the Great Depression. U.S. unemployment rates soared higher than 20% from 1933 to 1935, but the number of possible workers had not increased or decreased much. Factories closed, but machinery and equipment had not disappeared. Technologies that had been invented in the 1920s were not un-invented and forgotten in the 1930s.
Thus, Keynes argued that the Great Depression—and many ordinary recessions as well—were not caused by a drop in the ability of the economy to supply goods as measured by labor, physical capital, or technology. He argued the economy often produced less than its full potential, not because it was technically impossible to produce more with the existing workers and machines, but because a lack of demand in the economy as a whole led to inadequate incentives for firms to produce. **In such cases, he argued, the level of GDP in the economy was not primarily determined by the potential of what the economy could supply, but rather by the amount of total demand.**
Keynes' law seems to apply fairly well in the short run of a few months to a few years, when many firms experience either a drop in demand for their output during a recession or so much demand that they have trouble producing enough during an economic boom. However, demand cannot tell the whole macroeconomic story, either. After all, if demand was all that mattered at the macroeconomic level, then the government could make the economy as large as it wanted just by pumping up total demand through a large increase in government spending or by legislating large tax cuts to push up consumption.
Economies do, however, face genuine limits to how much they can produce,
limits determined by the quantity of labor, physical capital, technology, and
the institutional and market structures that bring these factors of production
together. These constraints on what an economy can supply at the macroeconomic
level do not disappear just because of an increase in demand.
","Demand creates its own supply.
The alternative to Say's law, with its emphasis on supply, is Keynes' law: “Demand creates its own supply.” Just as Jean-Baptiste Say never wrote down anything as simpleminded as Say's law, John Maynard Keynes never wrote down Keynes' law, but it is a useful simplification that conveys a certain way of understanding the macroeconomy.
When Keynes wrote his influential work The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money during the 1930s, he pointed out that the economy's capacity to supply goods and services had not changed much during the Great Depression. U.S. unemployment rates soared higher than 20% from 1933 to 1935, but the number of possible workers had not increased or decreased much. Factories closed, but machinery and equipment had not disappeared. Technologies that had been invented in the 1920s were not un-invented and forgotten in the 1930s.
Thus, Keynes argued that the Great Depression—and many ordinary recessions as well—were not caused by a drop in the ability of the economy to supply goods as measured by labor, physical capital, or technology. He argued the economy often produced less than its full potential, not because it was technically impossible to produce more with the existing workers and machines, but because a lack of demand in the economy as a whole led to inadequate incentives for firms to produce. In such cases, he argued, the level of GDP in the economy was not primarily determined by the potential of what the economy could supply, but rather by the amount of total demand.
Keynes' law seems to apply fairly well in the short run of a few months to a few years, when many firms experience either a drop in demand for their output during a recession or so much demand that they have trouble producing enough during an economic boom. However, demand cannot tell the whole macroeconomic story, either. After all, if demand was all that mattered at the macroeconomic level, then the government could make the economy as large as it wanted just by pumping up total demand through a large increase in government spending or by legislating large tax cuts to push up consumption.
Economies do, however, face genuine limits to how much they can produce,
limits determined by the quantity of labor, physical capital, technology, and
the institutional and market structures that bring these factors of production
together. These constraints on what an economy can supply at the macroeconomic
level do not disappear just because of an increase in demand.",borrowers-with-fixed-interest-rate-loans,"{""question"": ""According to Keynes, what determines the level of GDP in the economy?"", ""answer"": ""The level of GDP in the economy is primarily determined by the amount of total demand.""}","According to Keynes, what determines the level of GDP in the economy?",The level of GDP in the economy is primarily determined by the amount of total demand.,"['demand', 'says law', 'gdp', 'total demand', 'unemployment rates', 'machinery']"
284,10-02-00-is-there-a-connection-between-german-hyperinflation-and-hitlers-rise-to-power,10-02,0,Overview,"
- Explain the aggregate supply curve and how it relates to real GDP and potential GDP
- Explain the aggregate demand curve and how it is influenced by price levels
- Interpret the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model
- Identify the point of equilibrium in the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model
- Define short run aggregate supply and long run aggregate supply
To build a useful macroeconomic model, we need a model that shows what
determines total supply or total demand for the economy and how the two
interact at the macroeconomic level.
We call this the **aggregate demand/aggregate supply model**. This module will explain aggregate supply, aggregate demand, and the equilibrium between them. The following modules will discuss the causes of shifts in aggregate supply and aggregate demand.","Explain the aggregate supply curve and how it relates to real GDP and potential GDP
Explain the aggregate demand curve and how it is influenced by price levels
Interpret the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model
Identify the point of equilibrium in the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model
Define short run aggregate supply and long run aggregate supply
To build a useful macroeconomic model, we need a model that shows what
determines total supply or total demand for the economy and how the two
interact at the macroeconomic level.
We call this the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model. This module will explain aggregate supply, aggregate demand, and the equilibrium between them. The following modules will discuss the causes of shifts in aggregate supply and aggregate demand.",is-there-a-connection-between-german-hyperinflation-and-hitlers-rise-to-power,"{""question"": ""Explain the aggregate supply curve and how it relates to real GDP and potential GDP"", ""answer"": ""The aggregate supply curve represents the total amount of goods and services that firms are willing and able to produce at different price levels. It shows the relationship between the price level and the quantity of real GDP produced, with potential GDP representing the level of output that can be sustained in the long run.""}",Explain the aggregate supply curve and how it relates to real GDP and potential GDP,"The aggregate supply curve represents the total amount of goods and services that firms are willing and able to produce at different price levels. It shows the relationship between the price level and the quantity of real GDP produced, with potential GDP representing the level of output that can be sustained in the long run.","['aggregate supply model', 'real gb', 'price levels', 'long run aggregate supply']"
285,10-02-01-blurred-price-signals,10-02,1,The Aggregate Supply Curve and Potential GDP,"Firms make decisions about what quantity to supply based on the profits they expect to earn. They determine profits, in turn, by the price of the outputs they sell and by the prices of the inputs, like labor or raw materials, that they need to buy.
refers to the total quantity of output (i.e. real GDP) firms will produce and
sell.
shows the total quantity of output (i.e. real GDP) that firms will produce and
sell at each price level.
**Figure 10.2** shows an aggregate supply curve. In the following paragraphs, we will walk through the elements of the diagram one at a time: the **horizontal and vertical axes**, the **aggregate supply curve** itself, and the meaning of the **potential GDP** vertical line.
**Figure 10.2** The Aggregate Supply Curve
Aggregate supply (AS) slopes up, because as the price level for outputs rises, with the price of inputs remaining fixed, firms have an incentive to produce more to earn higher profits. The potential GDP line shows the maximum that the economy can produce with full employment of workers and physical capital.
The diagram's horizontal axis shows real GDP—that is, the level of GDP adjusted for inflation. The vertical axis shows the price level, which measures the average price of all goods and services produced in the economy. In other words, the price level in the AD/AS model is what we called the GDP Deflator in **The Macroeconomic Perspective**. Remember that the price level is different from the inflation rate. We visualize the price level as an index number, like the Consumer Price Index, while the inflation rate is the percentage change in the price level over time.
As the price level rises, real GDP rises as well. Why? The price level on the vertical axis represents prices for final goods or outputs bought in the economy—i.e. the GDP deflator—not the price level for intermediate goods and services that are inputs to production. Thus, the AS curve describes how suppliers will react to a higher price level for final outputs of goods and services, while holding the prices of inputs like labor and energy constant. If firms across the economy face a situation where the price level of what they produce and sell is rising, but their costs of production are not rising, then the lure of higher profits will induce them to expand production. In other words, an aggregate supply curve shows how producers as a group will respond to an increase in aggregate demand.
An AS curve's slope changes from nearly flat at its far left to nearly vertical at its far right. At the far left of the aggregate supply curve, the level of output in the economy is far below **potential GDP**, which we define as the amount of real GDP an economy can produce by fully employing its existing levels of labor, physical capital, and technology, in the context of its existing market and legal institutions. At these relatively low levels of output, levels of unemployment are high, and many factories are running only part-time, or have closed their doors. In this situation, a relatively small increase in the prices of the outputs that businesses sell—while assuming no rise in input prices—can encourage a considerable surge in the quantity of aggregate supply because so many workers and factories are ready to swing into production.
As the GDP increases, however, some firms and industries will start running into limits: perhaps nearly all of the expert workers in a certain industry will have jobs or factories in certain geographic areas or industries will be running at full speed. In the AS curve's intermediate area, a higher price level for outputs continues to encourage a greater quantity of output—but as the increasingly steep upward slope of the aggregate supply curve shows, the increase in real GDP in response to a given rise in the price level will not be as large. (Read the following section to learn why the AS curve crosses potential GDP.)
This short video explains aggregate supply and the shifter of AS like resource prices, technology, and productivity. Make sure to answer the questions.
","Firms make decisions about what quantity to supply based on the profits they expect to earn. They determine profits, in turn, by the price of the outputs they sell and by the prices of the inputs, like labor or raw materials, that they need to buy.
refers to the total quantity of output (i.e. real GDP) firms will produce and
sell.
shows the total quantity of output (i.e. real GDP) that firms will produce and
sell at each price level.
Figure 10.2 shows an aggregate supply curve. In the following paragraphs, we will walk through the elements of the diagram one at a time: the horizontal and vertical axes, the aggregate supply curve itself, and the meaning of the potential GDP vertical line.
Figure 10.2 The Aggregate Supply Curve
Aggregate supply (AS) slopes up, because as the price level for outputs rises, with the price of inputs remaining fixed, firms have an incentive to produce more to earn higher profits. The potential GDP line shows the maximum that the economy can produce with full employment of workers and physical capital.
The diagram's horizontal axis shows real GDP—that is, the level of GDP adjusted for inflation. The vertical axis shows the price level, which measures the average price of all goods and services produced in the economy. In other words, the price level in the AD/AS model is what we called the GDP Deflator in The Macroeconomic Perspective. Remember that the price level is different from the inflation rate. We visualize the price level as an index number, like the Consumer Price Index, while the inflation rate is the percentage change in the price level over time.
As the price level rises, real GDP rises as well. Why? The price level on the vertical axis represents prices for final goods or outputs bought in the economy—i.e. the GDP deflator—not the price level for intermediate goods and services that are inputs to production. Thus, the AS curve describes how suppliers will react to a higher price level for final outputs of goods and services, while holding the prices of inputs like labor and energy constant. If firms across the economy face a situation where the price level of what they produce and sell is rising, but their costs of production are not rising, then the lure of higher profits will induce them to expand production. In other words, an aggregate supply curve shows how producers as a group will respond to an increase in aggregate demand.
An AS curve's slope changes from nearly flat at its far left to nearly vertical at its far right. At the far left of the aggregate supply curve, the level of output in the economy is far below potential GDP, which we define as the amount of real GDP an economy can produce by fully employing its existing levels of labor, physical capital, and technology, in the context of its existing market and legal institutions. At these relatively low levels of output, levels of unemployment are high, and many factories are running only part-time, or have closed their doors. In this situation, a relatively small increase in the prices of the outputs that businesses sell—while assuming no rise in input prices—can encourage a considerable surge in the quantity of aggregate supply because so many workers and factories are ready to swing into production.
As the GDP increases, however, some firms and industries will start running into limits: perhaps nearly all of the expert workers in a certain industry will have jobs or factories in certain geographic areas or industries will be running at full speed. In the AS curve's intermediate area, a higher price level for outputs continues to encourage a greater quantity of output—but as the increasingly steep upward slope of the aggregate supply curve shows, the increase in real GDP in response to a given rise in the price level will not be as large. (Read the following section to learn why the AS curve crosses potential GDP.)
How can an economy produce at an output level which is higher than its
“potential” or “full employment” GDP?
The economic intuition here is that if prices for outputs were high enough, producers would make fanatical efforts to produce: all workers would be on double-overtime, all machines would run 24 hours a day, seven days a week. Such hyper-intense production would go beyond using potential labor and physical capital resources fully, to using them in a way that is not sustainable in the long term. Thus, it is possible for production to sprint above potential GDP, but only in the short run.
At the far right, the aggregate supply curve becomes nearly vertical. At this quantity, higher prices for outputs cannot encourage additional output, because even if firms want to expand output, the inputs of labor and machinery in the economy are fully employed. In **Figure 10.2**, the vertical line in the exhibit shows that potential GDP occurs at a total output of 9,500. When an economy is operating at its potential GDP, machines and factories are running at capacity, and the unemployment rate is relatively low at the natural rate of unemployment. For this reason, potential GDP is sometimes also called **full-employment GDP**.","Economists typically draw the aggregate supply curve to cross the potential GDP line. This shape may seem puzzling:
How can an economy produce at an output level which is higher than its
“potential” or “full employment” GDP?
The economic intuition here is that if prices for outputs were high enough, producers would make fanatical efforts to produce: all workers would be on double-overtime, all machines would run 24 hours a day, seven days a week. Such hyper-intense production would go beyond using potential labor and physical capital resources fully, to using them in a way that is not sustainable in the long term. Thus, it is possible for production to sprint above potential GDP, but only in the short run.
At the far right, the aggregate supply curve becomes nearly vertical. At this quantity, higher prices for outputs cannot encourage additional output, because even if firms want to expand output, the inputs of labor and machinery in the economy are fully employed. In Figure 10.2, the vertical line in the exhibit shows that potential GDP occurs at a total output of 9,500. When an economy is operating at its potential GDP, machines and factories are running at capacity, and the unemployment rate is relatively low at the natural rate of unemployment. For this reason, potential GDP is sometimes also called full-employment GDP.",problems-of-long-term-planning,"{
""question"": ""How can an economy produce at an output level which is higher than its “potential” or “full employment” GDP?"",
""answer"": ""If prices for outputs were high enough, producers would make fanatical efforts to produce, going beyond using potential labor and physical capital resources fully, but it is not sustainable in the long term.""
}",How can an economy produce at an output level which is higher than its “potential” or “full employment” GDP?,"If prices for outputs were high enough, producers would make fanatical efforts to produce, going beyond using potential labor and physical capital resources fully, but it is not sustainable in the long term.","['aggregate supply curve', 'potential gb', 'economic intuition', 'prices', 'physical capital']"
287,10-02-03-any-benefits-of-inflation,10-02,3,Defining SRAS and LRAS,"The AS curve shows short run changes in aggregate supply, while the vertical line at potential GDP shows long run changes in aggregate supply. In the short run, if demand is too low or too high, it is possible for producers to supply less or more than potential GDP. In the long run, however, producers are limited to producing at potential GDP. For this reason, we may also refer to what we have been calling the AS curve as the **short run aggregate supply (SRAS) curve**. We may also refer to the vertical line at potential GDP as the **long run aggregate supply (LRAS) curve**.
In this video, we explore how rapid shocks to the aggregate demand curve can cause business fluctuations.
The long-run aggregate supply curve is actually pretty simple: it's a vertical line showing an economy's potential growth rates. Combining the long-run aggregate supply curve with the aggregate demand curve can help us understand business fluctuations.
","The AS curve shows short run changes in aggregate supply, while the vertical line at potential GDP shows long run changes in aggregate supply. In the short run, if demand is too low or too high, it is possible for producers to supply less or more than potential GDP. In the long run, however, producers are limited to producing at potential GDP. For this reason, we may also refer to what we have been calling the AS curve as the short run aggregate supply (SRAS) curve. We may also refer to the vertical line at potential GDP as the long run aggregate supply (LRAS) curve.
What information does Table 10.1 tell you about the state of the Xurbia's economy? Where is the equilibrium price level and output level (this is the SR macroequilibrium)?
Is Xurbia risking inflationary pressures or facing high unemployment? How can
you tell?
| Price Level | Aggregate Demand | Aggregate Supply |
| ----------- | ---------------- | ---------------- |
| 110 | $700 | $600 |
| 120 | $690 | $640 |
| 130 | $680 | $680 |
| 140 | $670 | $720 |
| 150 | $660 | $740 |
| 160 | $650 | $760 |
| 170 | $640 | $770 |
**Table 10.1** Price Level: Aggregate Demand/Aggregate Supply
To begin to use the AD/AS model, it is important to plot the AS and AD curves from the data provided. What is the equilibrium?
####
Draw your x- and y-axis. Label the x-axis Real GDP and the y-axis Price Level.
####
Plot $AD$ on your graph.
####
Plot $AS$ on your graph.
####
Look at **Figure 10.4** which provides a visual to aid in your analysis.
####
Determine where $AD$ and $AS$ intersect. This is the equilibrium with the price level at 130 and real GDP at \$680.
####
Look at the graph to determine where equilibrium is located. We can see that this equilibrium is fairly far from where the $AS$ curve becomes quite steep, almost vertical, which seems to start at about \$750 of real output. This implies that the economy is not close to potential GDP. Thus, unemployment will be high. In the relatively flat part of the $AS$ curve, where the equilibrium occurs, changes in the price level will not be a major concern, since such changes are likely to be small.
####
Determine what the steep portion of the $AS$ curve indicates. Where the $AS$ curve is steep, the economy is at or close to potential GDP.
####
Draw conclusions from the given information:
**Figure 10.4** The AD/AS Curves AD and AS curves created from the data in
**Table 10.1**.
- If equilibrium occurs in the flat range of AS, then the economy is not close to potential GDP. It will be experiencing unemployment, but have stable price levels.
- If equilibrium occurs in the steep range of AS, then the economy is close or at potential GDP. It will be experiencing rising price levels or inflationary pressures, but will have a low unemployment rate.
Put your quantity theory of money knowledge to use in understanding the aggregate demand curve.
","Table 10.1 shows the information on aggregate supply, aggregate demand, and the price level for the imaginary country of Xurbia.
What information does Table 10.1 tell you about the state of the Xurbia's economy? Where is the equilibrium price level and output level (this is the SR macroequilibrium)?
Is Xurbia risking inflationary pressures or facing high unemployment? How can
you tell?
Table 10.1 Price Level: Aggregate Demand/Aggregate Supply
To begin to use the AD/AS model, it is important to plot the AS and AD curves from the data provided. What is the equilibrium?
####
Draw your x- and y-axis. Label the x-axis Real GDP and the y-axis Price Level.
####
Plot $AD$ on your graph.
####
Plot $AS$ on your graph.
####
Look at **Figure 10.4** which provides a visual to aid in your analysis.
####
Determine where $AD$ and $AS$ intersect. This is the equilibrium with the price level at 130 and real GDP at \$680.
####
Look at the graph to determine where equilibrium is located. We can see that this equilibrium is fairly far from where the $AS$ curve becomes quite steep, almost vertical, which seems to start at about \$750 of real output. This implies that the economy is not close to potential GDP. Thus, unemployment will be high. In the relatively flat part of the $AS$ curve, where the equilibrium occurs, changes in the price level will not be a major concern, since such changes are likely to be small.
####
Determine what the steep portion of the $AS$ curve indicates. Where the $AS$ curve is steep, the economy is at or close to potential GDP.
####
Draw conclusions from the given information:
The balance of trade (or trade balance) is any gap between a nation's dollar
value of its exports, or what its producers sell abroad, and the dollar value
of its imports, or the foreign-made products and services that households and
businesses purchase.
Recall from **The Macroeconomic Perspective** that if exports exceed imports, the economy has a trade surplus. If imports exceed exports, the economy has a trade deficit. If exports and imports are equal, then the trade is balanced.
Germany, for example, has had substantial trade surpluses in recent decades, in which exports have greatly exceeded imports. According to the Central Intelligence Agency's The World Factbook, in 2016, Germany ran a trade surplus of \$295 billion. In contrast, the U.S. economy in recent decades has experienced large trade deficits, in which imports have considerably exceeded exports. In 2016, for example, U.S. imports exceeded exports by \$502 billion.
A series of financial crises triggered by unbalanced trade can lead economies into deep recessions. These crises begin with large trade deficits. At some point, foreign investors become pessimistic about the economy and move their money to other countries. The economy then drops into a deep recession, with real GDP often falling up to 10% or more in a single year. This happened to Mexico in 1995 when their GDP fell by 8.1%. A number of countries in East Asia—Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia—succumbed to the same economic crisis in the 1997-1998 Asian Financial Crisis. In the late 1990s and into the early 2000s, Russia and Argentina had an identical experience.
What are the connections between imbalances of trade in goods and services
and the flows of international financial capital that set off these economic
avalanches?
We will start by examining the balance of trade in more detail, by looking at some patterns of trade balances in the United States and around the world. Then we will examine the intimate connection between international flows of goods and services and international flows of financial capital, which to economists are really just two sides of the same coin. People often assume that trade surpluses like those in Germany must be a positive sign for an economy, while trade deficits like those in the United States must be harmful. As it turns out, both trade surpluses and deficits can be either good or bad. We will see why in this chapter.
","The balance of trade (or trade balance) is any gap between a nation's dollar
value of its exports, or what its producers sell abroad, and the dollar value
of its imports, or the foreign-made products and services that households and
businesses purchase.
Recall from The Macroeconomic Perspective that if exports exceed imports, the economy has a trade surplus. If imports exceed exports, the economy has a trade deficit. If exports and imports are equal, then the trade is balanced.
Germany, for example, has had substantial trade surpluses in recent decades, in which exports have greatly exceeded imports. According to the Central Intelligence Agency's The World Factbook, in 2016, Germany ran a trade surplus of \$295 billion. In contrast, the U.S. economy in recent decades has experienced large trade deficits, in which imports have considerably exceeded exports. In 2016, for example, U.S. imports exceeded exports by \$502 billion.
A series of financial crises triggered by unbalanced trade can lead economies into deep recessions. These crises begin with large trade deficits. At some point, foreign investors become pessimistic about the economy and move their money to other countries. The economy then drops into a deep recession, with real GDP often falling up to 10% or more in a single year. This happened to Mexico in 1995 when their GDP fell by 8.1%. A number of countries in East Asia—Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia—succumbed to the same economic crisis in the 1997-1998 Asian Financial Crisis. In the late 1990s and into the early 2000s, Russia and Argentina had an identical experience.
What are the connections between imbalances of trade in goods and services
and the flows of international financial capital that set off these economic
avalanches?
We will start by examining the balance of trade in more detail, by looking at some patterns of trade balances in the United States and around the world. Then we will examine the intimate connection between international flows of goods and services and international flows of financial capital, which to economists are really just two sides of the same coin. People often assume that trade surpluses like those in Germany must be a positive sign for an economy, while trade deficits like those in the United States must be harmful. As it turns out, both trade surpluses and deficits can be either good or bad. We will see why in this chapter.",introduction,"Question: What are the connections between imbalances of trade in goods and services and the flows of international financial capital that set off economic crises?
Answer: Imbalances of trade in goods and services can lead to economic crises when foreign investors become pessimistic about the economy and move their money to other countries, causing a drop in real GDP and triggering a recession.",What are the connections between imbalances of trade in goods and services and the flows of international financial capital that set off economic crises?,"Imbalances of trade in goods and services can lead to economic crises when foreign investors become pessimistic about the economy and move their money to other countries, causing a drop in real GDP and triggering a recession.","['trade balance', 'foreignmade products', 'services', 'us economy']"
290,10-02-06-might-indexing-reduce-concern-over-inflation,10-02,6,Equilibrium in the Aggregate Demand/Aggregate Supply Model,"The intersection of the aggregate supply and aggregate demand curves shows the equilibrium level of real GDP and the equilibrium price level in the economy. At a relatively low price level for output, firms have little incentive to produce, although consumers would be willing to purchase a large quantity of output. As the price level rises, aggregate supply rises and aggregate demand falls until the equilibrium point is reached.
**Figure 10.5** Aggregate Supply and Aggregate Demand
**Figure 10.5** combines the AS curve from Figure 10.2 and the AD curve from **Figure 10.3** and places them both on a single diagram. In this example, the equilibrium point occurs at point E, at a price level of 90 and an output level of 8,800.
Confusion sometimes arises between the aggregate supply and aggregate demand model and the microeconomic analysis of demand and supply in particular markets for goods, services, labor, and capital. Read the following section to gain an understanding of whether AS and AD are macro or micro.","The intersection of the aggregate supply and aggregate demand curves shows the equilibrium level of real GDP and the equilibrium price level in the economy. At a relatively low price level for output, firms have little incentive to produce, although consumers would be willing to purchase a large quantity of output. As the price level rises, aggregate supply rises and aggregate demand falls until the equilibrium point is reached.
Figure 10.5 Aggregate Supply and Aggregate Demand
Figure 10.5 combines the AS curve from Figure 10.2 and the AD curve from Figure 10.3 and places them both on a single diagram. In this example, the equilibrium point occurs at point E, at a price level of 90 and an output level of 8,800.
Confusion sometimes arises between the aggregate supply and aggregate demand model and the microeconomic analysis of demand and supply in particular markets for goods, services, labor, and capital. Read the following section to gain an understanding of whether AS and AD are macro or micro.",might-indexing-reduce-concern-over-inflation,"Question: What is the equilibrium point in the aggregate supply and aggregate demand model shown in Figure 10.5?
Answer: The equilibrium point occurs at point E, at a price level of 90 and an output level of 8,800.",What is the equilibrium point in the aggregate supply and aggregate demand model shown in Figure 10.5?,"The equilibrium point occurs at point E, at a price level of 90 and an output level of 8,800.","['aggregate demand curves', 'equilibrium level', 'real gdp', 'equilibrium price level']"
291,10-02-07-a-550-million-loaf-of-bread,10-02,7,Are AS and AD macro or micro?,"The aggregate supply/demand model has a superficial resemblance to the microeconomic analysis of demand and supply in particular markets for goods, services, labor, and capital, but the two approaches also have many underlying differences.
1. **The vertical and horizontal axes have distinctly different meanings in macroeconomic and microeconomic diagrams.** The vertical axis of a microeconomic demand and supply diagram expresses a price (or wage or rate of return) for an individual good or service. This price is implicitly relative: it is intended to be compared with the prices of other products, e.g. the price of pizza relative to the price of fried chicken. In contrast, the vertical axis of an aggregate supply/aggregate demand diagram expresses the level of a price index like the Consumer Price Index or the GDP deflator, combining a wide array of prices from across the economy. The price level is absolute: it is not intended to be compared to any other prices since it is the average price of all products in an economy. The horizontal axis of a microeconomic supply and demand curve measures the quantity of a particular good or service. In contrast, the horizontal axis of the aggregate demand and aggregate supply diagram measures GDP, which is the sum of all the final goods and services produced in the economy, not the quantity in a specific market.
2. **The economic reasons for the shapes of the curves in the macroeconomic model are different from the reasons behind the shapes of the curves in microeconomic models.** Demand curves for individual goods or services slope down primarily because of the existence of substitute goods, not the wealth effects, interest rate, and foreign price effects associated with aggregate demand curves. The slopes of individual supply and demand curves can have a variety of different slopes, depending on the extent to which quantity demanded and quantity supplied react to price in that specific market, but the slopes of the AS and AD curves are much the same in every diagram, as we shall see in later chapters, though, short-run and long-run perspectives will emphasize different parts of the AS curve.
In short, just because the AD/AS diagram has two lines that cross, do not assume that it is the same as every other diagram where two lines cross. The intuitions and meanings of the macro and micro diagrams are only distant cousins from different branches of the economics family tree.
In this video. I explain the most important graph in most introductory
macroeconomics courses- the aggregate demand model. In this video I cover
aggregate de...
In this short video I explain aggregate supply and the shifter of AS like resource prices, technology, and productivity. Make sure to answer the questions. T...
","The aggregate supply/demand model has a superficial resemblance to the microeconomic analysis of demand and supply in particular markets for goods, services, labor, and capital, but the two approaches also have many underlying differences.
The vertical and horizontal axes have distinctly different meanings in macroeconomic and microeconomic diagrams. The vertical axis of a microeconomic demand and supply diagram expresses a price (or wage or rate of return) for an individual good or service. This price is implicitly relative: it is intended to be compared with the prices of other products, e.g. the price of pizza relative to the price of fried chicken. In contrast, the vertical axis of an aggregate supply/aggregate demand diagram expresses the level of a price index like the Consumer Price Index or the GDP deflator, combining a wide array of prices from across the economy. The price level is absolute: it is not intended to be compared to any other prices since it is the average price of all products in an economy. The horizontal axis of a microeconomic supply and demand curve measures the quantity of a particular good or service. In contrast, the horizontal axis of the aggregate demand and aggregate supply diagram measures GDP, which is the sum of all the final goods and services produced in the economy, not the quantity in a specific market.
The economic reasons for the shapes of the curves in the macroeconomic model are different from the reasons behind the shapes of the curves in microeconomic models. Demand curves for individual goods or services slope down primarily because of the existence of substitute goods, not the wealth effects, interest rate, and foreign price effects associated with aggregate demand curves. The slopes of individual supply and demand curves can have a variety of different slopes, depending on the extent to which quantity demanded and quantity supplied react to price in that specific market, but the slopes of the AS and AD curves are much the same in every diagram, as we shall see in later chapters, though, short-run and long-run perspectives will emphasize different parts of the AS curve.
In short, just because the AD/AS diagram has two lines that cross, do not assume that it is the same as every other diagram where two lines cross. The intuitions and meanings of the macro and micro diagrams are only distant cousins from different branches of the economics family tree.
- Explain how productivity growth changes the aggregate supply curve
- Explain how changes in input prices change the aggregate supply curve
The original equilibrium in the AD/AS diagram will shift to a new equilibrium if the AS or AD curve shifts. When the AS curve shifts to the right, then at every price level, producers supply a greater quantity of real GDP. When the AS curve shifts to the left, then at every price level, producers supply a lower quantity of real GDP.
This module discusses two of the most important factors that can lead to shifts in the AS curve: **productivity growth and changes in input prices.**","Explain how productivity growth changes the aggregate supply curve
Explain how changes in input prices change the aggregate supply curve
The original equilibrium in the AD/AS diagram will shift to a new equilibrium if the AS or AD curve shifts. When the AS curve shifts to the right, then at every price level, producers supply a greater quantity of real GDP. When the AS curve shifts to the left, then at every price level, producers supply a lower quantity of real GDP.
This module discusses two of the most important factors that can lead to shifts in the AS curve: productivity growth and changes in input prices.",from-housing-bubble-to-housing-bust,"{""question"": ""Explain how productivity growth changes the aggregate supply curve"", ""answer"": ""Productivity growth shifts the aggregate supply curve to the right, resulting in producers supplying a greater quantity of real GDP at every price level.""}",Explain how productivity growth changes the aggregate supply curve,"Productivity growth shifts the aggregate supply curve to the right, resulting in producers supplying a greater quantity of real GDP at every price level.","['productivity growth', 'aggregate supply curve', 'input prices', 'adas diagram']"
293,10-05-00-the-aggregate-demand-curve,10-05,0,Overview,"
- Use the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model to show periods of economic growth and recession
- Explain how unemployment and inflation impact the aggregate demand/aggregate
supply model
- Evaluate the importance of the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model
The AD/AS model can convey a number of interlocking relationships between the three macroeconomic goals of growth, unemployment, and low inflation. Moreover, the AD/AS framework is flexible enough to accommodate both Keynes' law, which focuses on aggregate demand and the short run, and Say's law, which focuses on aggregate supply and the long run.
These advantages of the AD/AS model are considerable. Every model is a simplified version of the deeper reality and, in the context of the AD/AS model, the three macroeconomic goals arise in ways that are sometimes indirect or incomplete. In this module, we consider how the AD/AS model illustrates the three macroeconomic goals of economic growth, low unemployment, and low inflation.","- Use the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model to show periods of economic growth and recession
- Explain how unemployment and inflation impact the aggregate demand/aggregate
supply model
- Evaluate the importance of the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model
The AD/AS model can convey a number of interlocking relationships between the three macroeconomic goals of growth, unemployment, and low inflation. Moreover, the AD/AS framework is flexible enough to accommodate both Keynes' law, which focuses on aggregate demand and the short run, and Say's law, which focuses on aggregate supply and the long run.
These advantages of the AD/AS model are considerable. Every model is a simplified version of the deeper reality and, in the context of the AD/AS model, the three macroeconomic goals arise in ways that are sometimes indirect or incomplete. In this module, we consider how the AD/AS model illustrates the three macroeconomic goals of economic growth, low unemployment, and low inflation.",the-aggregate-demand-curve,"Question: How does the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model illustrate the three macroeconomic goals of economic growth, low unemployment, and low inflation?
Answer: The AD/AS model conveys the interlocking relationships between economic growth, unemployment, and low inflation by accommodating both aggregate demand and aggregate supply in the short run and long run.","How does the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model illustrate the three macroeconomic goals of economic growth, low unemployment, and low inflation?","The AD/AS model conveys the interlocking relationships between economic growth, unemployment, and low inflation by accommodating both aggregate demand and aggregate supply in the short run and long run.","['aggregate supply model', 'economic growth', 'recession', 'adas model', 'macroeconomic']"
294,10-03-03-says-law-and-the-macroeconomics-of-supply,10-03,3,Other Supply Shocks,"**The aggregate supply curve can also shift due to shocks to input goods or labor.**
For example, an unexpected early freeze could destroy a large number of agricultural crops, a shock that would shift the AS curve to the left since there would be fewer agricultural products available at any given price.
**Similarly, shocks to the labor market can affect aggregate supply.**
An extreme example might be an overseas war that required a large number of workers to cease their ordinary production in order to go fight for their country. In this case, SRAS and LRAS would both shift to the left because there would be fewer workers available to produce goods at any given price.
Think you understand the AD-AS model? Put your knowledge to test by exploring how three real-world examples of multiple shocks to an economy might play out.
","The aggregate supply curve can also shift due to shocks to input goods or labor.
For example, an unexpected early freeze could destroy a large number of agricultural crops, a shock that would shift the AS curve to the left since there would be fewer agricultural products available at any given price.
Similarly, shocks to the labor market can affect aggregate supply.
An extreme example might be an overseas war that required a large number of workers to cease their ordinary production in order to go fight for their country. In this case, SRAS and LRAS would both shift to the left because there would be fewer workers available to produce goods at any given price.
- Explain how imports influence aggregate demand
- Identify ways in which business confidence and consumer confidence can affect aggregate demand
- Explain how government policy can change aggregate demand
- Evaluate why economists disagree on the topic of tax cuts
As we have mentioned, the components of aggregate demand are consumption spending (C), investment spending (I), government spending (G), and spending on exports (X) minus imports (M).
A shift of the AD curve to the right means that at least one of these components increased so that a greater amount of total spending would occur at every price level. A shift of the AD curve to the left means that at least one of these components decreased so that a lesser amount of total spending would occur at every price level. **The Keynesian Perspective** will discuss the components of aggregate demand and the factors that affect them. Here, the discussion will sketch two broad categories that could cause AD curves to shift: changes in consumer or firm behavior and changes in government tax or spending policy.
Read the following section for an explanation of why imports are subtracted from exports and what this means for aggregate demand.","- Explain how imports influence aggregate demand
- Identify ways in which business confidence and consumer confidence can affect aggregate demand
- Explain how government policy can change aggregate demand
- Evaluate why economists disagree on the topic of tax cuts
As we have mentioned, the components of aggregate demand are consumption spending (C), investment spending (I), government spending (G), and spending on exports (X) minus imports (M).
A shift of the AD curve to the right means that at least one of these components increased so that a greater amount of total spending would occur at every price level. A shift of the AD curve to the left means that at least one of these components decreased so that a lesser amount of total spending would occur at every price level. The Keynesian Perspective will discuss the components of aggregate demand and the factors that affect them. Here, the discussion will sketch two broad categories that could cause AD curves to shift: changes in consumer or firm behavior and changes in government tax or spending policy.
Read the following section for an explanation of why imports are subtracted from exports and what this means for aggregate demand.",keynes-law-and-the-macroeconomics-of-demand,"{
""question"": ""Explain how imports influence aggregate demand."",
""answer"": ""Imports are subtracted from exports in the calculation of aggregate demand, meaning that an increase in imports will decrease aggregate demand.""
}",Explain how imports influence aggregate demand.,"Imports are subtracted from exports in the calculation of aggregate demand, meaning that an increase in imports will decrease aggregate demand.","['aggregate demand', 'business confidence', 'consumer confidence', 'government policy', 'tax cuts', 'investment']"
296,10-04-01-overview,10-04,1,Do imports diminish aggregate demand?,"We have seen that the formula for aggregate demand is AD = C + I + G + X - M, where M is the total value of imported goods. Why is there a minus sign in front of imports? Does this mean that more imports will result in a lower level of aggregate demand? The short answer is yes, because aggregate demand is defined as total demand for domestically produced goods and services.
When an American buys a foreign product, for example, it gets counted along with all the other consumption. Thus, the income generated does not go to American producers, but rather to producers in another country. It would be wrong to count this as part of domestic demand. Therefore, imports added in consumption are subtracted back out in the M term of the equation.
Because of the way in which we write the demand equation, it is easy to make
the mistake of thinking that imports are bad for the economy. Just keep in
mind that every negative number in the M term has a corresponding positive
number in the C or I or G term, and they always cancel out.
","We have seen that the formula for aggregate demand is AD = C + I + G + X - M, where M is the total value of imported goods. Why is there a minus sign in front of imports? Does this mean that more imports will result in a lower level of aggregate demand? The short answer is yes, because aggregate demand is defined as total demand for domestically produced goods and services.
When an American buys a foreign product, for example, it gets counted along with all the other consumption. Thus, the income generated does not go to American producers, but rather to producers in another country. It would be wrong to count this as part of domestic demand. Therefore, imports added in consumption are subtracted back out in the M term of the equation.
Because of the way in which we write the demand equation, it is easy to make
the mistake of thinking that imports are bad for the economy. Just keep in
mind that every negative number in the M term has a corresponding positive
number in the C or I or G term, and they always cancel out.",overview,"{""question"": ""Why is there a minus sign in front of imports in the aggregate demand formula?"", ""answer"": ""The minus sign indicates that more imports will result in a lower level of aggregate demand because aggregate demand is defined as total demand for domestically produced goods and services.""}",Why is there a minus sign in front of imports in the aggregate demand formula?,The minus sign indicates that more imports will result in a lower level of aggregate demand because aggregate demand is defined as total demand for domestically produced goods and services.,"['aggregate demand', 'total demand', 'domestically produced goods', 'services', 'foreign product']"
297,10-04-02-the-aggregate-supply-curve-and-potential-gdp,10-04,2,How Changes by Consumers and Firms Can Affect AD,"
When consumers feel more confident about the future of the economy, they tend
to consume more. If business confidence is high, then firms tend to spend more
on investment, believing that the future payoff from that investment will be
substantial. Conversely, if consumer or business confidence drops, then
consumption and investment spending decline.
The University of Michigan publishes a survey of consumer confidence and constructs an [index of consumer confidence](https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/UMCSENT) each month. The survey results are then reported at [Surveys of Consumers](http://www.sca.isr.umich.edu/), which breaks down the change in consumer confidence among different income levels. According to that index, consumer confidence averaged around 90 prior to the Great Recession, and then it fell to below 60 in late 2008, which was the lowest it had been since 1980. Since then, confidence has climbed from a low of 55.8 in 2011 back to a level in the low 80s, which economists consider close to a healthy state.
The Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD) publishes one measure of business confidence: the ""[business tendency surveys](https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/BSCICP03USM665S)"". The OECD collects business opinion survey data for 21 countries on future selling prices and employment, among other business climate elements. After sharply declining during the Great Recession, the measure has risen above zero again and is back to long-term averages (the indicator dips below zero when business outlook is weaker than usual). Of course, either of these survey measures is not very precise. They can however, suggest when confidence is rising or falling, as well as when it is relatively high or low compared to the past.
**Figure 10.7** Shifts in Aggregate Demand
(a) An increase in consumer confidence or business confidence can shift AD
to the right, from AD0 to AD1. When AD shifts to the right, the new
equilibrium (E1) will have a higher quantity of output and also a higher
price level compared with the original equilibrium (E0). In this example,
the new equilibrium (E1) is also closer to potential GDP. An increase in
government spending or a cut in taxes that leads to a rise in consumer
spending can also shift AD to the right.
(b) A decrease in consumer confidence or business confidence can shift AD to
the left, from AD0 to AD1. When AD shifts to the left, the new equilibrium
(E1) will have a lower quantity of output and also a lower price level
compared with the original equilibrium (E0). In this example, the new
equilibrium (E1) is also farther below potential GDP. A decrease in
government spending or higher taxes that leads to a fall in consumer
spending can also shift AD to the left.
Because economists associate a rise in confidence with higher consumption and investment demand, higher confidence will lead to an outward shift in the AD curve, and a move of the equilibrium, from E0 to E1, to a higher quantity of output and a higher price level, as **Figure 10.7 (a)** shows.
Consumer and business confidence often reflect macroeconomic realities. For example, confidence is usually high when the economy is growing briskly and low during a recession. However, economic confidence can sometimes rise or fall for reasons that do not have a close connection to the immediate economy, like a risk of war, election results, foreign policy events, or a pessimistic prediction about the future by a prominent public figure. U.S. presidents, for example, must be careful in their public pronouncements about the economy. If they offer economic pessimism, they risk provoking a decline in confidence that reduces consumption and investment and shifts AD to the left. In a self-fulfilling prophecy, such rhetoric might actually cause the recession that the President warned against in the first place. **Figure 10.7 (b)** shows a shift of AD to the left, and the corresponding movement of the equilibrium, from E0 to E1, to a lower quantity of output and a lower price level.
Visit this [website](https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/UMCSENT/) for data on consumer sentiment.","When consumers feel more confident about the future of the economy, they tend
to consume more. If business confidence is high, then firms tend to spend more
on investment, believing that the future payoff from that investment will be
substantial. Conversely, if consumer or business confidence drops, then
consumption and investment spending decline.
The University of Michigan publishes a survey of consumer confidence and constructs an index of consumer confidence each month. The survey results are then reported at Surveys of Consumers, which breaks down the change in consumer confidence among different income levels. According to that index, consumer confidence averaged around 90 prior to the Great Recession, and then it fell to below 60 in late 2008, which was the lowest it had been since 1980. Since then, confidence has climbed from a low of 55.8 in 2011 back to a level in the low 80s, which economists consider close to a healthy state.
The Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD) publishes one measure of business confidence: the ""business tendency surveys"". The OECD collects business opinion survey data for 21 countries on future selling prices and employment, among other business climate elements. After sharply declining during the Great Recession, the measure has risen above zero again and is back to long-term averages (the indicator dips below zero when business outlook is weaker than usual). Of course, either of these survey measures is not very precise. They can however, suggest when confidence is rising or falling, as well as when it is relatively high or low compared to the past.
**Figure 10.8** Recession and Full Employment in the AD/AS Model
Whether the economy is in a recession is illustrated in the AD/AS model by how close the equilibrium is to the potential GDP line as indicated by the vertical LRAS line.
In this example, the level of output Y0 at the equilibrium E0 is relatively far from the potential GDP line, so it can represent an economy in recession, well below the full employment level of GDP.
In contrast, the level of output Y1 at the equilibrium E1 is relatively close to potential GDP, and so it would represent an economy with a lower unemployment rate.
Read the following section to consider the question of whether economists favor tax cuts or oppose them.","Government spending is one component of AD. Thus, higher government spending will cause AD to shift to the right, as in Figure 10.7 (a), while lower government spending will cause AD to shift to the left, as in Figure 10.7 (b).
In the United States, for example, government spending declined by 3.2% of GDP during the 1990s, from 21% of GDP in 1991, to 17.8% of GDP in 1998. However, from 2005 to 2009, the peak of the Great Recession, government spending increased from 19% of GDP to 21.4% of GDP. If changes of a few percentage points of GDP seem small to you, remember that since GDP was about $14.4 trillion in 2009, a seemingly small change of 2% of GDP is equal to close to $300 billion.
Tax policy can affect consumption and investment spending, too. Tax cuts for individuals will tend to increase consumption demand, while tax increases will tend to diminish it. Tax policy can also pump up investment demand by offering lower tax rates for corporations or tax reductions that benefit specific kinds of investment. Shifting C or I will shift the AD curve as a whole.
During a recession, when unemployment is high and many businesses are suffering low profits or even losses, the U.S. Congress often passes tax cuts. During the 2001 recession, for example, the U.S. Congress passed a tax cut into law. At such times, the political rhetoric often focuses on how people experiencing hard times need relief from taxes.
The aggregate supply and aggregate demand framework, however, offers a complementary rationale, as Figure 10.8 illustrates. The original equilibrium during a recession is at point E0, relatively far from the full employment level of output. The tax cut, by increasing consumption, shifts the AD curve to the right. At the new equilibrium (E1), real GDP rises, and unemployment falls. Because in this diagram, the economy has not yet reached its potential or full employment level of GDP, any rise in the price level remains muted.
Figure 10.8 Recession and Full Employment in the AD/AS Model
Whether the economy is in a recession is illustrated in the AD/AS model by how close the equilibrium is to the potential GDP line as indicated by the vertical LRAS line.
In this example, the level of output Y0 at the equilibrium E0 is relatively far from the potential GDP line, so it can represent an economy in recession, well below the full employment level of GDP.
In contrast, the level of output Y1 at the equilibrium E1 is relatively close to potential GDP, and so it would represent an economy with a lower unemployment rate.
Read the following section to consider the question of whether economists favor tax cuts or oppose them.",why-does-as-cross-potential-gdp,"{""question"": ""How can tax policy affect consumption and investment spending?"", ""answer"": ""Tax cuts for individuals will tend to increase consumption demand, while tax increases will tend to diminish it. Tax policy can also pump up investment demand by offering lower tax rates for corporations or tax reductions that benefit specific kinds of investment.""}",How can tax policy affect consumption and investment spending?,"Tax cuts for individuals will tend to increase consumption demand, while tax increases will tend to diminish it. Tax policy can also pump up investment demand by offering lower tax rates for corporations or tax reductions that benefit specific kinds of investment.","['government spending', 'aggregate supply', 'aggregate demand framework', 'us congress', 'tax']"
299,12-02-00-wage-and-price-stickiness,12-02,0,Overview,"
- Discuss why and how economists measure inflation expectations
- Analyze the impacts of fiscal and monetary policy on aggregate supply and aggregate demand
- Explain the neoclassical Phillips curve, noting its tradeoff between inflation and unemployment
- Identify clear distinctions between neoclassical economics and Keynesian economics
To understand the policy recommendations of the neoclassical economists, it helps to start with the Keynesian perspective. Suppose a decrease in aggregate demand causes the economy to go into recession with high unemployment. The Keynesian response would be to use government policy to stimulate aggregate demand and eliminate the recessionary gap. The neoclassical economists believe that the Keynesian response, while perhaps well intentioned, will not have a good outcome for reasons we will discuss shortly. Since the neoclassical economists believe that the economy will correct itself over time, the only advantage of a Keynesian stabilization policy would be to accelerate the process and minimize the time that the unemployed are out of work. Is that the likely outcome?
Keynesian macroeconomic policy requires some optimism about the government's ability to recognize a situation of too little or too much aggregate demand, and to adjust aggregate demand accordingly with the right level of changes in taxes or spending, all enacted in a timely fashion. After all, neoclassical economists argue, it takes government statisticians months to produce even preliminary estimates of GDP so that politicians know whether a recession is occurring—and those preliminary estimates may be revised substantially later.
Moreover, there is the question of timely action. The political process can take more months to enact a tax cut or a spending increase. Political or economic considerations may determine the amount of tax or spending changes, but the economy will take even more months to put changes in aggregate demand through spending and production into effect.
When economists and policy makers consider all of these time lags and political realities, active fiscal policy may fail to address the current problem, and could even make the future economy worse. The average U.S. post-World War II recession has lasted only about a year. By the time government policy activates, the recession will likely be over, and the only result of government intervention will be to stimulate the economy when it is already recovering (or to contract the economy when it is already falling). In other words, an active macroeconomic policy is likely to exacerbate the cycles rather than dampen them. Some neoclassical economists believe a large part of the business cycles we observe are due to flawed government policy. To learn about this issue further, read the following section.","Discuss why and how economists measure inflation expectations
Analyze the impacts of fiscal and monetary policy on aggregate supply and aggregate demand
Explain the neoclassical Phillips curve, noting its tradeoff between inflation and unemployment
Identify clear distinctions between neoclassical economics and Keynesian economics
To understand the policy recommendations of the neoclassical economists, it helps to start with the Keynesian perspective. Suppose a decrease in aggregate demand causes the economy to go into recession with high unemployment. The Keynesian response would be to use government policy to stimulate aggregate demand and eliminate the recessionary gap. The neoclassical economists believe that the Keynesian response, while perhaps well intentioned, will not have a good outcome for reasons we will discuss shortly. Since the neoclassical economists believe that the economy will correct itself over time, the only advantage of a Keynesian stabilization policy would be to accelerate the process and minimize the time that the unemployed are out of work. Is that the likely outcome?
Keynesian macroeconomic policy requires some optimism about the government's ability to recognize a situation of too little or too much aggregate demand, and to adjust aggregate demand accordingly with the right level of changes in taxes or spending, all enacted in a timely fashion. After all, neoclassical economists argue, it takes government statisticians months to produce even preliminary estimates of GDP so that politicians know whether a recession is occurring—and those preliminary estimates may be revised substantially later.
Moreover, there is the question of timely action. The political process can take more months to enact a tax cut or a spending increase. Political or economic considerations may determine the amount of tax or spending changes, but the economy will take even more months to put changes in aggregate demand through spending and production into effect.
When economists and policy makers consider all of these time lags and political realities, active fiscal policy may fail to address the current problem, and could even make the future economy worse. The average U.S. post-World War II recession has lasted only about a year. By the time government policy activates, the recession will likely be over, and the only result of government intervention will be to stimulate the economy when it is already recovering (or to contract the economy when it is already falling). In other words, an active macroeconomic policy is likely to exacerbate the cycles rather than dampen them. Some neoclassical economists believe a large part of the business cycles we observe are due to flawed government policy. To learn about this issue further, read the following section.",wage-and-price-stickiness,"Question: What is the potential outcome of implementing a Keynesian stabilization policy according to neoclassical economists?
Answer: Neoclassical economists believe that implementing a Keynesian stabilization policy is likely to exacerbate economic cycles rather than dampen them.",What is the potential outcome of implementing a Keynesian stabilization policy according to neoclassical economists?,Neoclassical economists believe that implementing a Keynesian stabilization policy is likely to exacerbate economic cycles rather than dampen them.,"['monetary policy', 'aggregate demand', 'neoclassical Phillips curve', 'government policy']"
300,10-05-01-interpreting-the-adas-model,10-05,1,Growth and Recession in the AD/AS Diagram,"In the AD/AS diagram, long-run economic growth due to productivity increases over time will be represented by a gradual shift to the right of aggregate supply. The vertical line representing potential GDP (or the full employment level of GDP) will gradually shift to the right over time as well.
**Figure 10.7** Shifts in Aggregate Supply
Earlier, **Figure 10.7 (a)** showed a pattern of economic growth over three years, with the AS curve shifting slightly out to the right each year. However, the factors that determine the speed of this long-term economic growth rate—like investment in physical and human capital, technology, and whether an economy can take advantage of catch-up growth—do not appear directly in the AD/AS diagram.
In the short run, GDP falls and rises as every economy dips into or expands
out of recession. The AD/AS diagram illustrates recessions when the
equilibrium level of real GDP is substantially below potential GDP, as we see
at the equilibrium point E0 in **Figure 10.9**. From another standpoint, in
years of resurgent economic growth, the equilibrium will typically be close to
potential GDP, as equilibrium point E1 in **Figure 11.9** shows.
**Figure 10.9** Recession and Full Employment in the AD/AS Model
","In the AD/AS diagram, long-run economic growth due to productivity increases over time will be represented by a gradual shift to the right of aggregate supply. The vertical line representing potential GDP (or the full employment level of GDP) will gradually shift to the right over time as well.
**Figure 10.10** Sources of Inflationary Pressure in the AD/AS Model
(a) A shift in aggregate demand, from $A_{D0}$ to $A_{D1}$, when it happens in the
area of the SRAS curve that is near potential GDP, will lead to a higher
price level and to pressure for a higher price level and inflation. The new
equilibrium ($E_1$) is at a higher price level ($P_1$) than the original
equilibrium.
(b) A shift in aggregate supply, from $\text{SRAS}_0$ to $\text{SRAS}_1$, will lead to a lower
real GDP and to pressure for a higher price level and inflation. The new
equilibrium ($E_1$) is at a higher price level ($P_1$), while the original
equilibrium ($E_0$) is at the lower price level ($P_0$).
An alternative source of inflationary pressures can occur due to a rise in input prices that affects many or most firms across the economy—perhaps an important input to production like oil or labor. These higher price levels cause the aggregate supply curve to shift back to the left. In **Figure 10.10 (b)**, the SRAS curve's shift to the left also increases the price level from P0 at the original equilibrium (E0) to a higher price level of P1 at the new equilibrium (E1). In effect, the rise in input prices results in a higher price level for outputs after the final output is produced and sold.
The AD/AS diagram shows only a one-time shift in the price level. It does not address the question of what would cause inflation either to vanish after a year, or to sustain itself for several years. There are two explanations for why inflation may persist over time. One way that continual inflationary price increases can occur is if the government continually attempts to stimulate aggregate demand in a way that keeps pushing the AD curve when it is already in the SRAS curve's steep portion. A second possibility is that, if inflation has been occurring for several years, people might begin to expect a certain level of inflation. If they do, then these expectations will cause prices, wages and interest rates to increase annually by the amount of the inflation expected.
These two reasons are interrelated, because if a government fosters a macroeconomic environment with inflationary pressures, then people will grow to expect inflation. However, the AD/AS diagram does not show these patterns of ongoing or expected inflation in a direct way.","Inflation fluctuates in the short run. Higher inflation rates have typically occurred either during or just after economic booms. The biggest spurts of inflation in the U.S. economy during the twentieth century, for example, followed the wartime booms of World War I and World War II.
Conversely, rates of inflation generally decline during recessions. As an extreme example, inflation actually became negative—a situation called “deflation”—during the Great Depression. Even during the relatively short 1991-1992 recession, the inflation rate declined from 5.4% in 1990 to 3.0% in 1992. During the relatively short 2001 recession, the rate of inflation declined from 3.4% in 2000 to 1.6% in 2002. During the deep recession of 2007-2009, the inflation rate declined from 3.8% in 2008 to -0.4% in 2009. Some countries have experienced bouts of high inflation that lasted for years. In the U.S. economy since the mid-1980s, inflation does not seem to have had any long-term trend of being substantially higher. Instead, it has stayed in the 1-5% range annually.
The AD/AS framework implies two ways that inflationary pressures may arise. One possible trigger is if aggregate demand continues to shift to the right when the economy is already at or near potential GDP and full employment, thus pushing the macroeconomic equilibrium into the AS curve's steep portion. In Figure 10.10 (a), aggregate demand shifts to the right. The new equilibrium E1 is clearly at a higher price level than the original equilibrium E0. In this situation, the aggregate demand in the economy has soared so high that firms are not capable of producing additional goods, because labor and physical capital are fully employed. In this case, additional increases in aggregate demand can only result in a rise in the price level.
Understanding the source of these macroeconomic fluctuations provided monetary
and fiscal policy makers with insight about what policy actions to take to
mitigate the impact of the housing crisis.
From a monetary policy perspective, the Federal Reserve lowered short-term interest rates to between 0% and 0.25 %, to loosen up credit throughout the financial system. Discretionary fiscal policy measures included the passage of the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 that allowed for the purchase of troubled assets, such as mortgages, from financial institutions and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 that increased government spending on infrastructure, provided for tax cuts, and increased transfer payments. In combination, both monetary and fiscal policy measures were designed to help stimulate aggregate demand in the U.S. economy, pushing the AD curve to the right.
While most economists agree on the usefulness of the AD/AS diagram in analyzing the sources of these fluctuations, there is still some disagreement about the effectiveness of policy decisions that are useful in stabilizing these fluctuations. We discuss the possible policy actions and the differences among economists about their effectiveness in more detail in **The Keynesian Perspective, Monetary Policy** and **Bank Regulation, and Government Budgets and Fiscal Policy**.
","We can explain economic fluctuations, whether those experienced during the 1930s Great Depression, the 1970s stagflation, or the 2008-2009 Great Recession, using the AD/AS diagram. Short-run fluctuations in output occur due to shifts of the SRAS curve, the AD curve, or both.
In the case of the housing bubble, rising home values caused the AD curve to shift to the right as more people felt that rising home values increased their overall wealth. Many homeowners took on mortgages that exceeded their ability to pay because, as home values continued to rise, the increased value would pay off any debt outstanding. Increased wealth due to rising home values lead to increased home equity loans and increased spending. All these activities pushed AD to the right, contributing to low unemployment rates and economic growth in the United States.
When the housing bubble burst, overall wealth dropped dramatically, wiping out the recent gains. This drop in home values was a demand shock to the U.S. economy because of its impact directly on the wealth of the household sector, and its contagion into the financial market that essentially locked up new credit. The AD curve shifted to the left as evidenced by the Great Recession's rising unemployment.
Understanding the source of these macroeconomic fluctuations provided monetary
and fiscal policy makers with insight about what policy actions to take to
mitigate the impact of the housing crisis.
From a monetary policy perspective, the Federal Reserve lowered short-term interest rates to between 0% and 0.25 %, to loosen up credit throughout the financial system. Discretionary fiscal policy measures included the passage of the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 that allowed for the purchase of troubled assets, such as mortgages, from financial institutions and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 that increased government spending on infrastructure, provided for tax cuts, and increased transfer payments. In combination, both monetary and fiscal policy measures were designed to help stimulate aggregate demand in the U.S. economy, pushing the AD curve to the right.
While most economists agree on the usefulness of the AD/AS diagram in analyzing the sources of these fluctuations, there is still some disagreement about the effectiveness of policy decisions that are useful in stabilizing these fluctuations. We discuss the possible policy actions and the differences among economists about their effectiveness in more detail in The Keynesian Perspective, Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation, and Government Budgets and Fiscal Policy.",how-productivity-growth-shifts-the-as-curve,"Question: How did the bursting of the housing bubble impact the AD curve during the Great Recession?
Answer: The bursting of the housing bubble caused the AD curve to shift to the left during the Great Recession.",How did the bursting of the housing bubble impact the AD curve during the Great Recession?,The bursting of the housing bubble caused the AD curve to shift to the left during the Great Recession.,"['economic fluctuations', 'adas diagram', 'shortrun fluctuations', 'SRas curve']"
305,12-02-01-why-is-the-pace-of-wage-adjustments-slow,12-02,1,Why and how do economists measure inflation expectations?,"People take expectations about inflation into consideration every time they make a major purchase, such as a house or a car. As inflation fluctuates, so too does the nominal interest rate on loans to buy these goods. The nominal interest rate is comprised of the real rate, plus an expected inflation factor.
Expected inflation also tells economists about how the public views the economy's direction. Suppose the public expects inflation to increase. This could be the result of positive demand shock due to an expanding economy and increasing aggregate demand. It could also be the result of a negative supply shock, perhaps from rising energy prices and decreasing aggregate supply. In either case, the public may expect the central bank to engage in contractionary monetary policy to reduce inflation, and this policy results in higher interest rates. If, however economists expect inflation to decrease, the public may anticipate a recession. In turn, the public may expect expansionary monetary policy, and lower interest rates, in the short run.
By monitoring expected inflation, economists garner information about the effectiveness of macroeconomic policies. Additionally, monitoring expected inflation allows economists to predict the direction of real interest rates that isolate for the effect of inflation. This information is necessary for making decisions about financing investments.
Expectations about inflation may seem like a highly theoretical concept, but, in fact the Federal Reserve Bank measures, inflation expectations based upon early research conducted by Joseph Livingston, a financial journalist for the _Philadelphia Inquirer_. In 1946, he started a twice-a-year survey of economists about their expectations of inflation. After Livingston's death in 1969, the Federal Reserve Bank and other economic research agencies such as the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan, the American Statistical Association, and the National Bureau of Economic Research continued the survey.
Current Federal Reserve research compares these expectations to actual inflation that has occurred, and the results, so far, are mixed. Economists' forecasts, however, have become notably more accurate in the last few decades. Economists are actively researching how inflation expectations and other economic variables form and change.
Visit this [website](https://www.clevelandfed.org/newsroom-and-events/publications/economic-commentary/economic-commentary-archives/2009-economic-commentaries/ec-20090809-a-new-approach-to-gauging-inflation-expectations.aspx) to read “The Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland's Economic Commentary: A New Approach to Gauging Inflation Expectations” by Joseph G. Haubrich for more information about how economists forecast expected inflation.","People take expectations about inflation into consideration every time they make a major purchase, such as a house or a car. As inflation fluctuates, so too does the nominal interest rate on loans to buy these goods. The nominal interest rate is comprised of the real rate, plus an expected inflation factor.
Expected inflation also tells economists about how the public views the economy's direction. Suppose the public expects inflation to increase. This could be the result of positive demand shock due to an expanding economy and increasing aggregate demand. It could also be the result of a negative supply shock, perhaps from rising energy prices and decreasing aggregate supply. In either case, the public may expect the central bank to engage in contractionary monetary policy to reduce inflation, and this policy results in higher interest rates. If, however economists expect inflation to decrease, the public may anticipate a recession. In turn, the public may expect expansionary monetary policy, and lower interest rates, in the short run.
By monitoring expected inflation, economists garner information about the effectiveness of macroeconomic policies. Additionally, monitoring expected inflation allows economists to predict the direction of real interest rates that isolate for the effect of inflation. This information is necessary for making decisions about financing investments.
Expectations about inflation may seem like a highly theoretical concept, but, in fact the Federal Reserve Bank measures, inflation expectations based upon early research conducted by Joseph Livingston, a financial journalist for the Philadelphia Inquirer. In 1946, he started a twice-a-year survey of economists about their expectations of inflation. After Livingston's death in 1969, the Federal Reserve Bank and other economic research agencies such as the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan, the American Statistical Association, and the National Bureau of Economic Research continued the survey.
Current Federal Reserve research compares these expectations to actual inflation that has occurred, and the results, so far, are mixed. Economists' forecasts, however, have become notably more accurate in the last few decades. Economists are actively researching how inflation expectations and other economic variables form and change.
Visit this website to read “The Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland's Economic Commentary: A New Approach to Gauging Inflation Expectations” by Joseph G. Haubrich for more information about how economists forecast expected inflation.",why-is-the-pace-of-wage-adjustments-slow,"{
""question"": ""What does monitoring expected inflation allow economists to predict?"",
""answer"": ""Monitoring expected inflation allows economists to predict the direction of real interest rates that isolate for the effect of inflation.""
}",What does monitoring expected inflation allow economists to predict?,Monitoring expected inflation allows economists to predict the direction of real interest rates that isolate for the effect of inflation.,"['inflation', 'nominal interest rate', 'loans', 'expected inflation factor', 'positive demand shock']"
306,11-00-00-how-changes-in-input-prices-shift-the-as-curve,11-00,0,Chapter Objectives,"
- Aggregate Demand in Keynesian Analysis
- The Building Blocks of Keynesian Analysis
- The Phillips Curve
- The Keynesian Perspective on Market Forces
Home foreclosures were just one of the many signs and symptoms of the recent Great Recession. During that time, many businesses closed and many people lost their jobs.
What caused this recession?
What prevented the economy from spiraling further into another depression?
","Aggregate Demand in Keynesian Analysis
The Building Blocks of Keynesian Analysis
The Phillips Curve
The Keynesian Perspective on Market Forces
Home foreclosures were just one of the many signs and symptoms of the recent Great Recession. During that time, many businesses closed and many people lost their jobs.
What caused this recession?
What prevented the economy from spiraling further into another depression?",how-changes-in-input-prices-shift-the-as-curve,"{""question"": ""What caused this recession?"", ""answer"": ""Many businesses closed and many people lost their jobs.""}",What caused this recession?,Many businesses closed and many people lost their jobs.,"['aggregate demand', 'kennethian analysis', 'home foreclosures']"
307,11-00-01-other-supply-shocks,11-00,1,The Great Recession,"According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), the number of unemployed Americans rose from 6.8 million in May 2007 to 15.4 million in October 2009. During that time, the U.S. Census Bureau estimated that approximately 170,000 small businesses closed. Mass layoffs peaked in February 2009 when employers gave 326,392 workers notice. U.S. productivity and output fell as well. Job losses, declining home values, declining incomes, and uncertainty about the future caused consumption expenditures to decrease. According to the BLS, household spending dropped by 7.8%.
Home foreclosures and the meltdown in U.S. financial markets called for immediate action by Congress, the President, and the Federal Reserve Bank. For example, the government implemented programs such as the American Restoration and Recovery Act to help millions of people by providing tax credits for homebuyers, paying “cash for clunkers,” and extending unemployment benefits. From cutting back on spending, filing for unemployment, and losing homes, millions of people were affected by the recession. While the United States is now on the path to recovery, people will feel the impact for many years to come.
Policymakers looked to the lessons learned from the 1930s Great Depression and to John Maynard Keynes' models to analyze the causes and find solutions to the country's economic woes. The Keynesian perspective is the subject of this chapter.","According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), the number of unemployed Americans rose from 6.8 million in May 2007 to 15.4 million in October 2009. During that time, the U.S. Census Bureau estimated that approximately 170,000 small businesses closed. Mass layoffs peaked in February 2009 when employers gave 326,392 workers notice. U.S. productivity and output fell as well. Job losses, declining home values, declining incomes, and uncertainty about the future caused consumption expenditures to decrease. According to the BLS, household spending dropped by 7.8%.
Home foreclosures and the meltdown in U.S. financial markets called for immediate action by Congress, the President, and the Federal Reserve Bank. For example, the government implemented programs such as the American Restoration and Recovery Act to help millions of people by providing tax credits for homebuyers, paying “cash for clunkers,” and extending unemployment benefits. From cutting back on spending, filing for unemployment, and losing homes, millions of people were affected by the recession. While the United States is now on the path to recovery, people will feel the impact for many years to come.
Policymakers looked to the lessons learned from the 1930s Great Depression and to John Maynard Keynes' models to analyze the causes and find solutions to the country's economic woes. The Keynesian perspective is the subject of this chapter.",other-supply-shocks,"What is the subject of this chapter?
The subject of this chapter is the Keynesian perspective.",What is the subject of this chapter? ,The subject of this chapter is the Keynesian perspective.,"['bLS', 'unemployed Americans', 'small businesses', 'job losses', 'declining home values', 'uncertainty']"
308,11-00-02-overview,11-00,2,The Keynesian Perspective,"We have learned that the level of economic activity such as output, employment, and spending tends to grow over time. In **The Keynesian Perspective** we will learn the reasons for this trend. **The Macroeconomic Perspective** pointed out that the economy tends to cycle around the long-run trend. In other words, the economy does not always grow at its average growth rate. Sometimes economic activity grows at the trend rate, sometimes it grows more than the trend, sometimes it grows less than the trend, and sometimes it actually declines. You can see this cyclical behavior in **Figure 11.1**.
**Figure 11.1** U.S. Gross Domestic Product, Percent Changes 1930-2014
The chart tracks the percent change in GDP since 1930. The magnitude of both recessions and peaks was quite large between 1930 and 1945. (Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, “National Economic Accounts”)
This empirical reality raises two important questions:
1. How can we explain the cycles?
2. To what extent can we moderate the cycles?
This chapter on **The Keynesian Perspective** and the following chapter on **The Neoclassical Perspective** explores these questions from two different points of view, building on what we learned in **The Aggregate Demand/Aggregate Supply Model**.
","We have learned that the level of economic activity such as output, employment, and spending tends to grow over time. In The Keynesian Perspective we will learn the reasons for this trend. The Macroeconomic Perspective pointed out that the economy tends to cycle around the long-run trend. In other words, the economy does not always grow at its average growth rate. Sometimes economic activity grows at the trend rate, sometimes it grows more than the trend, sometimes it grows less than the trend, and sometimes it actually declines. You can see this cyclical behavior in Figure 11.1.
- Explain real GDP, recessionary gaps, and inflationary gaps
- Recognize the Keynesian AD/AS model
- Identify the determining factors of both consumption expenditure and investment expenditure
- Analyze the factors that determine government spending and net exports
The Keynesian perspective focuses on aggregate demand and argues that firms produce output only if they expect it to sell. Thus, while the availability of the factors of production determines a nation's potential GDP, the amount of goods and services that actually sell, known as real GDP, depends on how much demand exists across the economy. **Figure 11.2** illustrates this point.
**Figure 11.2** The Keynesian AD/AS Model
The Keynesian View of the AD/AS Model uses an SRAS curve, which is horizontal at levels of output below potential and vertical at potential output. Thus, when beginning from potential output, any decrease in AD affects only output, but not prices. Any increase in AD affects only prices, not output.
Keynes argued that aggregate demand is not stable—that it can change unexpectedly. Suppose the economy starts where AD intersects SRAS at P0 and Yp. Because Yp is potential output, the economy is at full employment. Because AD is volatile, it can easily fall. Thus, even if we start at Yp, if AD falls, then we find ourselves in what Keynes termed a recessionary gap. The economy is in equilibrium but with less than full employment, as Y1 in **Figure 11.2** shows. Keynes believed that the economy would tend to stay in a recessionary gap, with its attendant unemployment, for a significant period of time.
In the same way, if AD increases, the economy could experience an inflationary gap, where demand is attempting to push the economy past potential output. Consequently, the economy experiences inflation. The key policy implication for either situation is that government needs to step in and close the gap, increasing spending during recessions and decreasing spending during booms to return aggregate demand to match potential output.","Explain real GDP, recessionary gaps, and inflationary gaps
Recognize the Keynesian AD/AS model
Identify the determining factors of both consumption expenditure and investment expenditure
Analyze the factors that determine government spending and net exports
The Keynesian perspective focuses on aggregate demand and argues that firms produce output only if they expect it to sell. Thus, while the availability of the factors of production determines a nation's potential GDP, the amount of goods and services that actually sell, known as real GDP, depends on how much demand exists across the economy. Figure 11.2 illustrates this point.
For most people, the single most powerful determinant of how much they
consume is how much income they have in their take-home pay, also known as
disposable income, which is income after taxes.
Consumer expectations about future income also are important in determining
consumption. If consumers feel optimistic about the future, they are more
likely to spend and increase overall aggregate demand. News of recession and
troubles in the economy will make them pull back on consumption.
When households experience a rise in wealth, they may be willing to consume
a higher share of their income and to save less. When the U.S. stock market
rose dramatically in the late 1990s, for example, U.S. savings rates
declined, probably in part because people felt that their wealth had
increased and there was less need to save. People spend beyond their income
by borrowing when they perceive their wealth increasing. On the other hand,
when the U.S. stock market declined about 40% from March 2008 to March 2009,
people felt far greater uncertainty about their economic future, so savings
rates increased while consumption declined.
Finally, Keynes noted that a variety of other factors combine to determine how much people save and spend. If household preferences about saving shift in a way that encourages consumption rather than saving, then AD will shift out to the right.
Visit this [website](https://dianerehm.org/shows/2010-10-21/recessions-cut-across-age-gender-income-groups) for more information about how the recession affected various groups of people.","Consumption expenditure is spending by households and individuals on durable goods, nondurable goods, and services. Durable goods are items that last and provide value over time, such as automobiles. Nondurable goods are things like groceries—once you consume them, they are gone. Recall from The Macroeconomic Perspective that services are intangible things consumers buy, like healthcare or entertainment.
Keynes identified three factors that affect consumption:
For most people, the single most powerful determinant of how much they
consume is how much income they have in their take-home pay, also known as
disposable income, which is income after taxes.
Consumer expectations about future income also are important in determining
consumption. If consumers feel optimistic about the future, they are more
likely to spend and increase overall aggregate demand. News of recession and
troubles in the economy will make them pull back on consumption.
When households experience a rise in wealth, they may be willing to consume
a higher share of their income and to save less. When the U.S. stock market
rose dramatically in the late 1990s, for example, U.S. savings rates
declined, probably in part because people felt that their wealth had
increased and there was less need to save. People spend beyond their income
by borrowing when they perceive their wealth increasing. On the other hand,
when the U.S. stock market declined about 40% from March 2008 to March 2009,
people felt far greater uncertainty about their economic future, so savings
rates increased while consumption declined.
Finally, Keynes noted that a variety of other factors combine to determine how much people save and spend. If household preferences about saving shift in a way that encourages consumption rather than saving, then AD will shift out to the right.
Visit this website for more information about how the recession affected various groups of people.",how-government-macroeconomic-policy-choices-can-shift-ad,"What are the three factors identified by Keynes that affect consumption?
Answer: The three factors identified by Keynes that affect consumption are disposable income, consumer expectations about future income, and changes in wealth.",What are the three factors identified by Keynes that affect consumption?,"The three factors identified by Keynes that affect consumption are disposable income, consumer expectations about future income, and changes in wealth.","['consumption expenditure', 'households', 'nondurable goods', 'services', 'takehome pay', 'disposable']"
312,11-01-03-do-economists-favor-tax-cuts-or-oppose-them,11-01,3,What Determines Government Spending?,"The third component of aggregate demand is federal, state, and local government spending. Although we usually view the United States as a market economy, government still plays a significant role in the economy. As we discuss in Environmental Protection and Negative Externalities and Positive Externalities and Public Goods, government provides important public services such as national defense, transportation infrastructure, and education.
Keynes recognized that the government budget offered a powerful tool for influencing aggregate demand. Not only could more government spending stimulate AD (or less government spending reduce it), but lowering or raising tax rates could influence consumption and investment spending.
Keynes concluded that during extreme times like deep recessions, only the
government had the power and resources to move aggregate demand.
","The third component of aggregate demand is federal, state, and local government spending. Although we usually view the United States as a market economy, government still plays a significant role in the economy. As we discuss in Environmental Protection and Negative Externalities and Positive Externalities and Public Goods, government provides important public services such as national defense, transportation infrastructure, and education.
Keynes recognized that the government budget offered a powerful tool for influencing aggregate demand. Not only could more government spending stimulate AD (or less government spending reduce it), but lowering or raising tax rates could influence consumption and investment spending.
Keynes concluded that during extreme times like deep recessions, only the
government had the power and resources to move aggregate demand.",do-economists-favor-tax-cuts-or-oppose-them,"Question: What did Keynes conclude about the government's role in influencing aggregate demand during extreme times like deep recessions?
Answer: Keynes concluded that during extreme times like deep recessions, only the government had the power and resources to move aggregate demand.",What did Keynes conclude about the government's role in influencing aggregate demand during extreme times like deep recessions?,"Keynes concluded that during extreme times like deep recessions, only the government had the power and resources to move aggregate demand.","['aggregate demand', 'federal', 'state', 'local government spending', 'united states', 'market economy']"
313,11-01-04-overview,11-01,4,What Determines Net Exports?,"Recall that exports are domestically produced products that sell abroad while imports are foreign produced products that consumers purchase domestically. Since we define aggregate demand as spending on domestic goods and services, export expenditures add to AD, while import expenditures subtract from AD.
Two sets of factors can cause shifts in export and import demand:
1. changes in relative growth rates between countries
2. changes in related prices between countries
What happens in the economies of the countries that would be purchasing those exports heavily affects the level of demand for a nation's exports. For example, if major importers of American-made products like Canada, Japan, and Germany have recessions, exports of U.S. products to those countries are likely to decline. Conversely, the level of income in the domestic economy directly affects the quantity of a nation's imports: More income will bring a higher level of imports.
Relative prices of goods in domestic and international markets can also affect exports and imports. If U.S. goods are relatively cheaper compared with goods made in other places, perhaps because a group of U.S. producers has mastered certain productivity breakthroughs, then U.S. exports are likely to rise. If U.S. goods become relatively more expensive, perhaps because a change in the exchange rate between the U.S. dollar and other currencies has pushed up the price of inputs to production in the United States, then exports from U.S. producers are likely to decline.
**Table 11.1** summarizes the reasons we have explained for changes in aggregate demand.
Reasons for a Decrease in Aggregate Demand |
Reasons for an Increase in Aggregate |
Consumption
- Rise in taxes
- Fall in income
- Rise in interest rates
- Desire to save more
- Decrease in wealth
- Fall in future expected income
|
Consumption
- Decrease in taxes
- Increase in income
- Fall in interest rates
- Desire to save less
- Rise in wealth
- Rise in future expected income
|
Investment
- Fall in expected rate of return
- Rise in interest rates
- Drop in business confidence
|
Investment
- Rise in expected rate of return
- Drop in interest rates
- Rise in business confidence
|
Government
- Reduction in government spending
- Increase in taxes
|
Government
- Increase in government spending
- Decrease in taxes
|
Net Exports
- Decrease in foreign demand
- Relative price increase of U.S. goods
|
Net Exports
- Increase in foreign demand
- Relative price drop of U.S. goods
|
**Table 11.1** Determinants of Aggregate Demand
","Recall that exports are domestically produced products that sell abroad while imports are foreign produced products that consumers purchase domestically. Since we define aggregate demand as spending on domestic goods and services, export expenditures add to AD, while import expenditures subtract from AD.
Two sets of factors can cause shifts in export and import demand:
changes in relative growth rates between countries
changes in related prices between countries
What happens in the economies of the countries that would be purchasing those exports heavily affects the level of demand for a nation's exports. For example, if major importers of American-made products like Canada, Japan, and Germany have recessions, exports of U.S. products to those countries are likely to decline. Conversely, the level of income in the domestic economy directly affects the quantity of a nation's imports: More income will bring a higher level of imports.
Relative prices of goods in domestic and international markets can also affect exports and imports. If U.S. goods are relatively cheaper compared with goods made in other places, perhaps because a group of U.S. producers has mastered certain productivity breakthroughs, then U.S. exports are likely to rise. If U.S. goods become relatively more expensive, perhaps because a change in the exchange rate between the U.S. dollar and other currencies has pushed up the price of inputs to production in the United States, then exports from U.S. producers are likely to decline.
Table 11.1 summarizes the reasons we have explained for changes in aggregate demand.
**Table 11.1** Determinants of Aggregate Demand",overview,"{""question"": ""What are two sets of factors that can cause shifts in export and import demand?"", ""answer"": ""changes in relative growth rates between countries and changes in related prices between countries""}",What are two sets of factors that can cause shifts in export and import demand?,changes in relative growth rates between countries and changes in related prices between countries,"['aggregate demand', 'domestic goods', 'foreign produced products', 'major importers', 'can']"
314,11-02-00-growth-and-recession-in-the-adas-diagram,11-02,0,Overview,"
- Evaluate the Keynesian view of recessions through an understanding of sticky wages and prices and the importance of aggregate demand
- Explain the coordination argument, menu costs, and macroeconomic externality - Analyze the impact of the expenditure multiplier
Now that we have a clear understanding of what constitutes aggregate demand, we return to the Keynesian argument using the model of aggregate demand/aggregate supply (AD/AS). (For a similar treatment using Keynes' income-expenditure model, see the appendix on **The Expenditure-Output Model**.)
Keynesian economics explains why recessions and depressions occur and offers a policy prescription for minimizing their effects. The Keynesian view of recession is based on two key building blocks:
1. Aggregate demand is not always automatically high enough to provide firms with an incentive to hire enough workers to reach full employment.
2. The macroeconomy may adjust only slowly to shifts in aggregate demand because of sticky wages and prices, which are wages and prices that do not respond quickly to decreases or increases in demand.
We will consider these two claims in turn, and then see how they are represented in the AD/AS model.","Evaluate the Keynesian view of recessions through an understanding of sticky wages and prices and the importance of aggregate demand
Explain the coordination argument, menu costs, and macroeconomic externality - Analyze the impact of the expenditure multiplier
Now that we have a clear understanding of what constitutes aggregate demand, we return to the Keynesian argument using the model of aggregate demand/aggregate supply (AD/AS). (For a similar treatment using Keynes' income-expenditure model, see the appendix on The Expenditure-Output Model.)
Keynesian economics explains why recessions and depressions occur and offers a policy prescription for minimizing their effects. The Keynesian view of recession is based on two key building blocks:
Aggregate demand is not always automatically high enough to provide firms with an incentive to hire enough workers to reach full employment.
The macroeconomy may adjust only slowly to shifts in aggregate demand because of sticky wages and prices, which are wages and prices that do not respond quickly to decreases or increases in demand.
We will consider these two claims in turn, and then see how they are represented in the AD/AS model.",growth-and-recession-in-the-adas-diagram,"Question: What are the two key building blocks of the Keynesian view of recessions?
Answer: The two key building blocks of the Keynesian view of recessions are the insufficient aggregate demand and the slow adjustment of the macroeconomy due to sticky wages and prices.",What are the two key building blocks of the Keynesian view of recessions?,The two key building blocks of the Keynesian view of recessions are the insufficient aggregate demand and the slow adjustment of the macroeconomy due to sticky wages and prices.,"['kennethian view', 'recessions', 'sticky wages', 'prices', 'coordination argument']"
315,11-02-02-inflationary-pressures-in-the-adas-diagram,11-02,2,Wage and Price Stickiness,"Keynes also pointed out that although AD fluctuated, prices and wages did not immediately respond as economists often expected. Instead, prices and wages are “**sticky**,” making it difficult to restore the economy to full employment and potential GDP.
Keynes emphasized one particular reason why wages were sticky: **the coordination argument**. This argument points out that, even if, hypothetically, most people would be willing to see a decline in their own wages in bad economic times as long as everyone else also experienced such a decline, a market-oriented economy has no obvious way to implement a plan of coordinated wage reductions. The chapter on **Unemployment** proposed a number of reasons why wages might be sticky downward, most of which center on the argument that businesses avoid wage cuts because they may in one way or another depress morale and hurt the productivity of the existing workers.
Some modern economists have argued in a Keynesian spirit that, along with wages, other prices may be sticky, too. Many firms do not change their prices every day or even every month. When a firm considers changing prices, it must consider two sets of costs:
1. **Changing prices uses company resources:** managers must analyze the competition and market demand, decide new prices, update sales materials, change billing records, and redo product and price labels.
2. **Frequent price changes may leave customers confused or angry**—especially if they discover that a product now costs more than they expected. These costs of changing prices are called menu costs—like the costs of printing a new set of menus with different prices in a restaurant.
Prices do respond to forces of supply and demand, but from a macroeconomic perspective, the process of changing all prices throughout the economy takes time.
To understand the effect of sticky wages and prices in the economy, consider **Figure 11.3 (a)**, which illustrates the overall labor market. **Figure 11.3 (b)**, on the other hand, illustrates a market for a specific good or service.
The original equilibrium (E0) in each market occurs at the intersection of the demand curve (D0) and supply curve (S0). When aggregate demand declines, the demand for labor shifts to the left (to D1) in **Figure 11.3 (a)** and the demand for goods shifts to the left (to D1) in **Figure 11.3 (b)**. However, because of sticky wages and prices, the wage remains at its original level (W0) for a period of time and the price remains at its original level (P0).
As a result, a situation of excess supply—where the quantity supplied exceeds the quantity demanded at the existing wage or price—exists in markets for both labor and goods, and Q1 is less than Q0 in both **Figure 11.3 (a)** and **Figure 11.3 (b)**. When many labor markets and many goods markets all across the economy find themselves in this position, the economy is in a recession; that is, firms cannot sell what they wish to produce at the existing market price and do not wish to hire all who are willing to work at the existing market wage.
The next section discusses this problem in more detail.
**Figure 11.3** Sticky Prices and Falling Demand in the Labor and Goods Market
In both (a) and (b), demand shifts left from $D_0$ to $D_1$. However, the wage in
(a) and the price in (b) do not immediately decline. In (a), the quantity
demanded of labor at the original wage ($W_0$) is $Q_0$, but with the new demand
curve for labor ($D_1$), it will be $Q_1$.
Similarly, in (b), the quantity demanded of goods at the original price ($P_0$)
is $Q_0$, but at the new demand curve ($D_1$) it will be $Q_1$. An excess supply of
labor will exist, which we call unemployment. An excess supply of goods will
also exist, where the quantity demanded is substantially less than the
quantity supplied. Thus, sticky wages and sticky prices, combined with a
drop in demand, bring about unemployment and recession.
","Keynes also pointed out that although AD fluctuated, prices and wages did not immediately respond as economists often expected. Instead, prices and wages are “sticky,” making it difficult to restore the economy to full employment and potential GDP.
Keynes emphasized one particular reason why wages were sticky: the coordination argument. This argument points out that, even if, hypothetically, most people would be willing to see a decline in their own wages in bad economic times as long as everyone else also experienced such a decline, a market-oriented economy has no obvious way to implement a plan of coordinated wage reductions. The chapter on Unemployment proposed a number of reasons why wages might be sticky downward, most of which center on the argument that businesses avoid wage cuts because they may in one way or another depress morale and hurt the productivity of the existing workers.
Some modern economists have argued in a Keynesian spirit that, along with wages, other prices may be sticky, too. Many firms do not change their prices every day or even every month. When a firm considers changing prices, it must consider two sets of costs:
Changing prices uses company resources: managers must analyze the competition and market demand, decide new prices, update sales materials, change billing records, and redo product and price labels.
Frequent price changes may leave customers confused or angry—especially if they discover that a product now costs more than they expected. These costs of changing prices are called menu costs—like the costs of printing a new set of menus with different prices in a restaurant.
Prices do respond to forces of supply and demand, but from a macroeconomic perspective, the process of changing all prices throughout the economy takes time.
To understand the effect of sticky wages and prices in the economy, consider Figure 11.3 (a), which illustrates the overall labor market. Figure 11.3 (b), on the other hand, illustrates a market for a specific good or service.
The original equilibrium (E0) in each market occurs at the intersection of the demand curve (D0) and supply curve (S0). When aggregate demand declines, the demand for labor shifts to the left (to D1) in Figure 11.3 (a) and the demand for goods shifts to the left (to D1) in Figure 11.3 (b). However, because of sticky wages and prices, the wage remains at its original level (W0) for a period of time and the price remains at its original level (P0).
As a result, a situation of excess supply—where the quantity supplied exceeds the quantity demanded at the existing wage or price—exists in markets for both labor and goods, and Q1 is less than Q0 in both Figure 11.3 (a) and Figure 11.3 (b). When many labor markets and many goods markets all across the economy find themselves in this position, the economy is in a recession; that is, firms cannot sell what they wish to produce at the existing market price and do not wish to hire all who are willing to work at the existing market wage.
The next section discusses this problem in more detail.
**Figure 11.4** Jobs Lost/Gained in the Recession/Recovery
Data in the aftermath of the Great Recession suggests that jobs lost were in mid-wage occupations, while jobs gained were in low-wage occupations.
The National Employment Law Project compiled data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and found that, during the Great Recession, 60% of job losses were in medium-wage occupations. Most of them were replaced during the recovery period with lower-wage jobs in the service, retail, and food industries. **Figure 11.4** illustrates this data.
Wages in the service, retail, and food industries are at or near minimum wage and tend to be both downwardly and upwardly “sticky.” Wages are downwardly sticky due to minimum wage laws. They may be upwardly sticky if insufficient competition in low-skilled labor markets enables employers to avoid raising wages that would reduce their profits. At the same time, however, the Consumer Price Index increased 11% between 2007 and 2012, pushing real wages down.
Imagine you're an employer during a recession, and you desperately need to cut
labor costs to keep your firm afloat. Are you more likely to cut wages across
...
","The recovery after the Great Recession in the United States has been slow, with wages stagnant, if not declining. In fact, many low-wage workers at McDonalds, Dominos, and Walmart have threatened to strike for higher wages. Their plight is part of a larger trend in job growth and pay in the post-recession recovery.
This figure illustrates the two key assumptions behind Keynesian economics. A recession begins when aggregate demand declines from $A_{D0}$ to $A_{D1}$. The recession persists because of the assumption of fixed wages and prices, which makes the SRAS flat below potential GDP. If that were not the case, the price level would fall also, raising GDP and limiting the recession. Instead the intersection E1 occurs in the flat portion of the SRAS curve where GDP is less than potential.
**Figure 11.5** A Keynesian Perspective of Recession
This outcome is an important example of a **macroeconomic externality**, where what happens at the macro level is different from and inferior to what happens at the micro level. For example, a firm should respond to a decrease in demand for its product by cutting its price to increase sales. However, if all firms experience a decrease in demand for their products, sticky prices in the aggregate prevent aggregate demand from rebounding, which we would show as a movement along the AD curve in response to a lower price level.
The original equilibrium of the economy in **Figure 11.5** occurs where the aggregate demand function (AD0) intersects with AS. Since this intersection occurs at potential GDP (Yp), the economy is operating at full employment. When aggregate demand shifts to the left, all the adjustment occurs through decreased real GDP. There is no decrease in the price level. Since the equilibrium occurs at Y1, the economy experiences substantial unemployment.","Figure 11.5 is the AD/AS diagram which illustrates the two building blocks of the Keynesian perspective: the importance of aggregate demand in causing a recession, and the stickiness of wages and prices.
Note that because of the stickiness of wages and prices, the aggregate supply curve is flatter than either labor or specific good supply. In fact, if wages and prices were so sticky that they did not fall at all, the aggregate supply curve would be completely flat below potential GDP, as Figure 11.5 shows.
This figure illustrates the two key assumptions behind Keynesian economics. A recession begins when aggregate demand declines from $A_{D0}$ to $A_{D1}$. The recession persists because of the assumption of fixed wages and prices, which makes the SRAS flat below potential GDP. If that were not the case, the price level would fall also, raising GDP and limiting the recession. Instead the intersection E1 occurs in the flat portion of the SRAS curve where GDP is less than potential.
Figure 11.5 A Keynesian Perspective of Recession
This outcome is an important example of a macroeconomic externality, where what happens at the macro level is different from and inferior to what happens at the micro level. For example, a firm should respond to a decrease in demand for its product by cutting its price to increase sales. However, if all firms experience a decrease in demand for their products, sticky prices in the aggregate prevent aggregate demand from rebounding, which we would show as a movement along the AD curve in response to a lower price level.
The original equilibrium of the economy in Figure 11.5 occurs where the aggregate demand function (AD0) intersects with AS. Since this intersection occurs at potential GDP (Yp), the economy is operating at full employment. When aggregate demand shifts to the left, all the adjustment occurs through decreased real GDP. There is no decrease in the price level. Since the equilibrium occurs at Y1, the economy experiences substantial unemployment.",from-housing-bubble-to-housing-bust,"{""question"": ""What are the two building blocks of the Keynesian perspective?"", ""answer"": ""The two building blocks of the Keynesian perspective are the importance of aggregate demand in causing a recession, and the stickiness of wages and prices.""}",What are the two building blocks of the Keynesian perspective?,"The two building blocks of the Keynesian perspective are the importance of aggregate demand in causing a recession, and the stickiness of wages and prices.","['gmm', 'adas diagram', 'aggregate demand', 'stickiness', 'wages', 'prices']"
318,11-02-05-chapter-objectives,11-02,5,The Expenditure Multiplier,"A key concept in Keynesian economics is the **expenditure multiplier**. The expenditure multiplier is the idea that not only does spending affect the equilibrium level of GDP, but that spending is powerful. More precisely, it means that a change in spending causes a more than proportionate change in GDP.
$$
\frac{\Delta \text{Y}}{\Delta \text{spending}} > 1
$$
The reason for the expenditure multiplier is that one person's spending becomes another person's income, which leads to additional spending and additional income so that the cumulative impact on GDP is larger than the initial increase in spending. The appendix on **The Expenditure-Output Model** provides the details of the multiplier process, but the concept is important enough for us to summarize here. While the multiplier is important for understanding the effectiveness of fiscal policy, it occurs whenever any autonomous increase in spending occurs. Additionally, the multiplier operates in a negative as well as a positive direction. Thus, when investment spending collapsed during the Great Depression, it caused a much larger decrease in real GDP. The size of the multiplier is critical and was a key element in discussions of the effectiveness of the Obama administration's fiscal stimulus package, officially titled the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009.
When the economy is going through a recession, what should be done to ease the pain? And why do recessions happen in the first place? We'll take a look at on...
","A key concept in Keynesian economics is the expenditure multiplier. The expenditure multiplier is the idea that not only does spending affect the equilibrium level of GDP, but that spending is powerful. More precisely, it means that a change in spending causes a more than proportionate change in GDP.
$$
\frac{\Delta \text{Y}}{\Delta \text{spending}} > 1
$$
The reason for the expenditure multiplier is that one person's spending becomes another person's income, which leads to additional spending and additional income so that the cumulative impact on GDP is larger than the initial increase in spending. The appendix on The Expenditure-Output Model provides the details of the multiplier process, but the concept is important enough for us to summarize here. While the multiplier is important for understanding the effectiveness of fiscal policy, it occurs whenever any autonomous increase in spending occurs. Additionally, the multiplier operates in a negative as well as a positive direction. Thus, when investment spending collapsed during the Great Depression, it caused a much larger decrease in real GDP. The size of the multiplier is critical and was a key element in discussions of the effectiveness of the Obama administration's fiscal stimulus package, officially titled the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009.
- Explain the Phillips curve, noting its impact on the theories of Keynesian economics
- Graph a Phillips curve
- Identify factors that cause the instability of the Phillips curve
- Analyze the Keynesian policy for reducing unemployment and inflation
The simplified AD/AS model that we have used so far is fully consistent with Keynes's original model. More recent research, though, has indicated that in the real world, an aggregate supply curve is more curved than the right angle that we used in this chapter. Rather, the real-world AS curve is very flat at levels of output far below potential (“the Keynesian zone”), very steep at levels of output above potential (“the neoclassical zone”) and curved in between (“the intermediate zone”). **Figure 11.6** illustrates this. The typical aggregate supply curve leads to the concept of the Phillips curve.
**Figure 11.6** Keynes, Neoclassical, and Intermediate Zones in the Aggregate
Supply Curve
Keynesian Zone
Neoclassical Zone
Intermediate Zone
Near the equilibrium Ek, in the **Keynesian zone** at the SRAS curve's far
left, small shifts in AD to the right or the left will affect the output
level Yk, but will not affect the price level by much. In the Keynesian
zone, AD largely determines the quantity of output.
Near the equilibrium En, in the **neoclassical zone**, at the SRAS curve's
far right, small shifts in AD to the right or the left will have
relatively little effect on the output level Yn, but instead will have a
greater effect on the price level. In the neoclassical zone, the
near-vertical SRAS curve close to the level of potential GDP (as
represented by the LRAS line) largely determines the quantity of output.
In the **intermediate zone** around equilibrium Ei, movement in AD to the
right will increase both the output level and the price level, while a
movement in AD to the left would decrease both the output level and the
price level.
","Explain the Phillips curve, noting its impact on the theories of Keynesian economics
Graph a Phillips curve
Identify factors that cause the instability of the Phillips curve
Analyze the Keynesian policy for reducing unemployment and inflation
The simplified AD/AS model that we have used so far is fully consistent with Keynes's original model. More recent research, though, has indicated that in the real world, an aggregate supply curve is more curved than the right angle that we used in this chapter. Rather, the real-world AS curve is very flat at levels of output far below potential (“the Keynesian zone”), very steep at levels of output above potential (“the neoclassical zone”) and curved in between (“the intermediate zone”). Figure 11.6 illustrates this. The typical aggregate supply curve leads to the concept of the Phillips curve.
**Figure 12.7** A Keynesian Phillips Curve Tradeoff between Unemployment and
Inflation
A Phillips curve illustrates a tradeoff between the unemployment rate and the inflation rate. If one is higher, the other must be lower. For example, point A illustrates a 5% inflation rate and a 4% unemployment. If the government attempts to reduce inflation to 2%, then it will experience a rise in unemployment to 7%, as point B shows.","In the 1950s, A.W. Phillips, an economist at the London School of Economics, was studying the Keynesian analytical framework. The Keynesian theory implied that during a recession, inflationary pressures are low, but when the level of output is at or even pushing beyond potential GDP, the economy is at greater risk for inflation. Phillips analyzed 60 years of British data and found a tradeoff between unemployment and inflation, which became known as the Phillips curve. Figure 11.7 shows a theoretical Phillips curve, and the following Work It Out feature shows how the pattern appears for the United States.
The Phillips Curve
","During the 1960s, economists viewed the Phillips curve as a policy menu. A nation could choose low inflation and high unemployment, high inflation and low unemployment, or anywhere in between. Economies could use fiscal and monetary policy to move up and down the Phillips curve up or down as desired.
Then a curious thing happened. When policymakers tried to exploit the tradeoff between inflation and unemployment, the result was an increase in both inflation and unemployment. The U.S. economy experienced this pattern in the deep recession from 1973 to 1975, and again in back-to-back recessions from 1980 to 1982. Many nations around the world saw similar increases in unemployment and inflation. What had happened? The Phillips curve had shifted.
This pattern became known as stagflation. Recall from The Aggregate Demand/Aggregate Supply Model that stagflation is an unhealthy combination of high unemployment and high inflation. Perhaps most importantly, stagflation was a phenomenon that traditional Keynesian economics could not explain.
Economists have concluded that two factors cause the Phillips curve to shift:
1. Supply shocks
Like the mid-1970s oil crisis, which first brought stagflation into our vocabulary.
2. Changes in inflationary expectations
In other words, there may be a tradeoff between inflation and unemployment when people expect no inflation, but when they realize inflation is occurring, the tradeoff disappears.
Both supply shocks and changes in inflationary expectations cause the aggregate supply curve, and thus the Phillips curve, to shift.
In short, we should interpret a downward-sloping Phillips curve as valid for short-run periods of several years, but over longer periods, when aggregate supply shifts, the downward-sloping Phillips curve can shift so that unemployment and inflation are both higher (as in the 1970s and early 1980s) or both lower (as in the early 1990s or first decade of the 2000s).
**Figure 11.8** Fighting Recession and Inflation with Keynesian Policy
If an economy is in recession, with an equilibrium at Er, then the Keynesian response would be to enact a policy to shift aggregate demand to the right from ADr toward ADf.
If an economy is experiencing inflationary pressures with an equilibrium at Ei, then the Keynesian response would be to enact a policy response to shift aggregate demand to the left, from ADi toward ADf.
Keynes noted that while it would be nice if the government could spend additional money on housing, roads, and other amenities, if the government could not agree on how to spend money in practical ways, then it might spend in impractical ways. For example, Keynes suggested building monuments, like a modern equivalent of the Egyptian pyramids. He proposed that the government could bury money underground and let mining companies start digging up the money again.
These suggestions were slightly tongue-in-cheek, but their purpose was to emphasize that a Great Depression is no time to quibble over the specifics of government spending programs and tax cuts when the goal should be to pump up aggregate demand by enough to lift the economy to potential GDP.
The other side of Keynesian policy occurs when the economy is operating above potential GDP. In this situation, unemployment is low, but inflationary rises in the price level are a concern. The Keynesian response would be **contractionary fiscal policy**, using tax increases or government spending cuts to shift AD to the left. The result would be downward pressure on the price level, but very little reduction in output or very little rise in unemployment.
If aggregate demand was originally at ADi in **Figure 11.8**, so that the economy was experiencing inflationary rises in the price level, the appropriate policy would be for the government to shift aggregate demand to the left, from ADi toward ADf, which reduces the pressure for a higher price level while the economy remains at full employment.
In the Keynesian economic model, too little aggregate demand brings
unemployment and too much brings inflation. Thus, you can think of Keynesian
economics as pursuing a “Goldilocks” level of aggregate demand: not too much,
not too little, but just right.
","Keynesian macroeconomics argues that the solution to a recession is expansionary fiscal policy, such as tax cuts to stimulate consumption and investment, or direct increases in government spending that would shift the aggregate demand curve to the right. For example, if aggregate demand was originally at ADr in Figure 11.8, so that the economy was in recession, the appropriate policy would be for government to shift aggregate demand to the right from ADr to ADf, where the economy would be at potential GDP and full employment.
- The Building Blocks of Neoclassical Analysis
- The Policy Implications of the Neoclassical Perspective
- Balancing Keynesian and Neoclassical Models
As the name “neoclassical” implies, this perspective of how the macroeconomy
works is a “new” view of the “old” classical model of the economy.
","The Building Blocks of Neoclassical Analysis
The Policy Implications of the Neoclassical Perspective
Balancing Keynesian and Neoclassical Models
As the name “neoclassical” implies, this perspective of how the macroeconomy
works is a “new” view of the “old” classical model of the economy.",what-determines-net-exports,"{
""question"": ""What does the term 'neoclassical' imply about the perspective of how the macroeconomy works?"",
""answer"": ""The term 'neoclassical' implies that the perspective is a new view of the old classical model of the economy.""
}",What does the term 'neoclassical' imply about the perspective of how the macroeconomy works?,The term 'neoclassical' implies that the perspective is a new view of the old classical model of the economy.,"['neoclassical analysis', 'policy implication', 'ny', 'balancing', 'ne']"
325,12-00-01-overview,12-00,1,Navigating Unchartered Waters,"The Great Recession ended in June 2009 after 18 months, according to the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER). The NBER examines a variety of measures of economic activity to gauge the economy's overall health. These measures include real income, wholesale and retail sales, employment, and industrial production.
In the years since the official end of the Great Recession, it has become clear that this economic downturn was two-pronged, hitting the U.S. economy with the collapse of the housing market and the failure of the financial system's credit institutions, further contaminating global economies. While the stock market rapidly lost trillions of dollars of value, consumer spending dried up, and companies began cutting jobs, economic policymakers were struggling with how to best combat and prevent a national, and even global, economic collapse.
In the end, policymakers used a number of controversial monetary and fiscal policies to support the housing market and domestic industries as well as to stabilize the financial sector. Some of these included the:
- **Federal Reserve Bank purchase of both traditional and nontraditional assets off banks' balance sheets.** By doing this, the Fed injected money into the banking system and increased the amounts of funds available to lend to the business sector and consumers. This also dropped short-term interest rates to as low as zero percent, which had the effect of devaluing U.S. dollars in the global market and boosting exports.
- **Congress and the President also passed several pieces of legislation that would stabilize the financial market**. The Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), passed in late 2008, allowed the government to inject cash into troubled banks and other financial institutions and help support General Motors and Chrysler as they faced bankruptcy and threatened job losses throughout their supply chain. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act in early 2009 provided tax rebates to low- and middle-income households to encourage consumer spending.
Four years after the end of the Great Recession, the economy has yet to return to its pre-recession levels of productivity and growth. Annual productivity increased only 1.9% between 2009 and 2012 compared to its 2.7% annual growth rate between 2000 and 2007, unemployment remains above the natural rate, and real GDP continues to lag behind potential growth rates. The actions the government has taken to stabilize the economy are still under scrutiny and debate about their effectiveness continues.
In this chapter, we will discuss the neoclassical perspective on economics and compare it to the Keynesian perspective. At the end of the chapter, we will use the neoclassical perspective to analyze the actions the government has taken in the Great Recession.","The Great Recession ended in June 2009 after 18 months, according to the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER). The NBER examines a variety of measures of economic activity to gauge the economy's overall health. These measures include real income, wholesale and retail sales, employment, and industrial production.
In the years since the official end of the Great Recession, it has become clear that this economic downturn was two-pronged, hitting the U.S. economy with the collapse of the housing market and the failure of the financial system's credit institutions, further contaminating global economies. While the stock market rapidly lost trillions of dollars of value, consumer spending dried up, and companies began cutting jobs, economic policymakers were struggling with how to best combat and prevent a national, and even global, economic collapse.
In the end, policymakers used a number of controversial monetary and fiscal policies to support the housing market and domestic industries as well as to stabilize the financial sector. Some of these included the:
Federal Reserve Bank purchase of both traditional and nontraditional assets off banks' balance sheets. By doing this, the Fed injected money into the banking system and increased the amounts of funds available to lend to the business sector and consumers. This also dropped short-term interest rates to as low as zero percent, which had the effect of devaluing U.S. dollars in the global market and boosting exports.
Congress and the President also passed several pieces of legislation that would stabilize the financial market. The Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), passed in late 2008, allowed the government to inject cash into troubled banks and other financial institutions and help support General Motors and Chrysler as they faced bankruptcy and threatened job losses throughout their supply chain. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act in early 2009 provided tax rebates to low- and middle-income households to encourage consumer spending.
Four years after the end of the Great Recession, the economy has yet to return to its pre-recession levels of productivity and growth. Annual productivity increased only 1.9% between 2009 and 2012 compared to its 2.7% annual growth rate between 2000 and 2007, unemployment remains above the natural rate, and real GDP continues to lag behind potential growth rates. The actions the government has taken to stabilize the economy are still under scrutiny and debate about their effectiveness continues.
In this chapter, we will discuss the neoclassical perspective on economics and compare it to the Keynesian perspective. At the end of the chapter, we will use the neoclassical perspective to analyze the actions the government has taken in the Great Recession.",overview,"Question: What were some of the controversial monetary and fiscal policies used by policymakers to combat and prevent a national economic collapse during the Great Recession?
Answer: Some of the policies included the Federal Reserve Bank's purchase of assets off banks' balance sheets and the passage of the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act.",What were some of the controversial monetary and fiscal policies used by policymakers to combat and prevent a national economic collapse during the Great Recession?,Some of the policies included the Federal Reserve Bank's purchase of assets off banks' balance sheets and the passage of the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act.,"['the great recession', 'nber', 'economic activity', 'real income', 'retail sales']"
326,12-00-02-the-keynesian-view-of-recessions,12-00,2,Introduction to the Neoclassical Perspective,"In Chicago, Illinois, the highest recorded temperature was 105° in July 1995, while the lowest recorded temperature was 27° below zero in January 1958. Understanding why these extreme weather patterns occurred is certainly interesting. However, if you wanted to understand the typical weather pattern in Chicago, instead of focusing on one- time extremes, you would need to look at the entire pattern of data over time. A similar lesson applies to the study of macroeconomics. It is interesting to study extreme situations, like the 1930s Great Depression or the 2008-2009 Great Recession. If you want to understand the whole picture, however, you need to look at the long term using **the neoclassical perspective**.
Consider the unemployment rate. The unemployment rate has fluctuated from as low as 3.5% in 1969 to as high as 9.7% in 1982 and 9.6% in 2009. Even as the U.S. unemployment rate rose during recessions and declined during expansions, it kept returning to the general neighborhood of 5.0-5.5%. When the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office carried out its long-range economic forecasts in 2010, it assumed that from 2015 to 2020, after the recession has passed, the unemployment rate would be 5.0%. From a long-run perspective, the economy seems to keep adjusting back to this rate of unemployment.
As the name “neoclassical” implies, this perspective of how the macroeconomy works is a “new” view of the “old” classical model of the economy. The classical view, the predominant economic philosophy until the Great Depression, was that short-term fluctuations in economic activity would adjust back to full employment rather quickly, with flexible prices. This view of the economy implied a vertical aggregate supply curve at full employment GDP, and prescribed a “hands off” policy approach.
For example, if the economy were to slip into recession (a leftward shift of the aggregate demand curve), it would temporarily exhibit a surplus of goods. Falling prices would eliminate this surplus, and the economy would return to full employment level of GDP. No active fiscal or monetary policy was needed. In fact, the classical view was that expansionary fiscal or monetary policy would only cause inflation, rather than increase GDP. The deep and lasting impact of the Great Depression changed this thinking and Keynesian economics, which prescribed active fiscal policy to alleviate weak aggregate demand, became the more mainstream perspective.
In this video I explain the three stages of the short run aggregate supply curve: Keynesian, Intermediate, and Classical. Thanks for watching. Please like an...
","In Chicago, Illinois, the highest recorded temperature was 105° in July 1995, while the lowest recorded temperature was 27° below zero in January 1958. Understanding why these extreme weather patterns occurred is certainly interesting. However, if you wanted to understand the typical weather pattern in Chicago, instead of focusing on one- time extremes, you would need to look at the entire pattern of data over time. A similar lesson applies to the study of macroeconomics. It is interesting to study extreme situations, like the 1930s Great Depression or the 2008-2009 Great Recession. If you want to understand the whole picture, however, you need to look at the long term using the neoclassical perspective.
Consider the unemployment rate. The unemployment rate has fluctuated from as low as 3.5% in 1969 to as high as 9.7% in 1982 and 9.6% in 2009. Even as the U.S. unemployment rate rose during recessions and declined during expansions, it kept returning to the general neighborhood of 5.0-5.5%. When the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office carried out its long-range economic forecasts in 2010, it assumed that from 2015 to 2020, after the recession has passed, the unemployment rate would be 5.0%. From a long-run perspective, the economy seems to keep adjusting back to this rate of unemployment.
As the name “neoclassical” implies, this perspective of how the macroeconomy works is a “new” view of the “old” classical model of the economy. The classical view, the predominant economic philosophy until the Great Depression, was that short-term fluctuations in economic activity would adjust back to full employment rather quickly, with flexible prices. This view of the economy implied a vertical aggregate supply curve at full employment GDP, and prescribed a “hands off” policy approach.
For example, if the economy were to slip into recession (a leftward shift of the aggregate demand curve), it would temporarily exhibit a surplus of goods. Falling prices would eliminate this surplus, and the economy would return to full employment level of GDP. No active fiscal or monetary policy was needed. In fact, the classical view was that expansionary fiscal or monetary policy would only cause inflation, rather than increase GDP. The deep and lasting impact of the Great Depression changed this thinking and Keynesian economics, which prescribed active fiscal policy to alleviate weak aggregate demand, became the more mainstream perspective.
**Figure 12.5** From a Long-Run AS Curve to a Long-Run Phillips Curve
(a) With a vertical LRAS curve, shifts in aggregate demand do not alter the
level of output but do lead to changes in the price level. Because output is
unchanged between the equilibria $E_0$, $E_1$, and $E_2$, all unemployment in this
economy will be due to the natural rate of unemployment.
(b) If the natural rate of unemployment is 5%, then the Phillips curve will
be vertical. That is, regardless of changes in the price level, the
unemployment rate remains at 5%.
","The Keynesian Perspective introduced the Phillips curve and explained how it is derived from the aggregate supply curve. The short-run upward-sloping AS curve implies a downward-sloping Phillips curve; thus, there is a tradeoff between inflation and unemployment in the short run.
By contrast, a neoclassical long-run aggregate supply curve will imply a vertical shape for the Phillips curve, indicating no long-run tradeoff between inflation and unemployment. Figure 12.5 (a) shows the vertical AS curve, with three different levels of aggregate demand, resulting in three different equilibria at three different price levels. At every point along the vertical AS curve, potential GDP and the rate of unemployment remains the same. Assume that for this economy, the natural rate of unemployment is 5%. As a result, the long-run Phillips curve in Figure 12.5 (b) is a vertical line, rising up from 5% unemployment at any level of inflation. Read the following section for additional information on how to interpret inflation and unemployment rates.
Figure 12.5 From a Long-Run AS Curve to a Long-Run Phillips Curve
(a) With a vertical LRAS curve, shifts in aggregate demand do not alter the
level of output but do lead to changes in the price level. Because output is
unchanged between the equilibria $E_0$, $E_1$, and $E_2$, all unemployment in this
economy will be due to the natural rate of unemployment.
(b) If the natural rate of unemployment is 5%, then the Phillips curve will
be vertical. That is, regardless of changes in the price level, the
unemployment rate remains at 5%.",the-two-keynesian-assumptions-in-the-adas-model,"Question: What is the relationship between the shape of the long-run aggregate supply curve and the shape of the Phillips curve?
Answer: A neoclassical long-run aggregate supply curve implies a vertical shape for the Phillips curve, indicating no long-run tradeoff between inflation and unemployment.",What is the relationship between the shape of the long-run aggregate supply curve and the shape of the Phillips curve?,"A neoclassical long-run aggregate supply curve implies a vertical shape for the Phillips curve, indicating no long-run tradeoff between inflation and unemployment.","['phd curve', 'aggregate supply curve', 'shortrun upwardsloping as curve']"
328,12-02-03-the-expenditure-multiplier,12-02,3,Tracking Inflation and Unemployment Rates,"Suppose that you have collected data for years on inflation and unemployment rates and recorded them in a table, such as **Table 12.1**. How do you interpret that information?
| Year | Inflation Rate | Unemployment Rate |
| ---- | -------------- | ----------------- |
| 1970 | 2% | 4% |
| 1975 | 3% | 3% |
| 1980 | 2% | 4% |
| 1985 | 1% | 6% |
| 1990 | 1% | 4% |
| 1995 | 4% | 2% |
| 2000 | 5% | 4% |
**Table 12.1** Inflation and Unemployment Rates (1970-2000)
**Figure 12.6** Inflation and Unemployment Rates
","Suppose that you have collected data for years on inflation and unemployment rates and recorded them in a table, such as Table 12.1. How do you interpret that information?
Table 12.1 Inflation and Unemployment Rates (1970-2000)
As aggregate demand shifts to the right, from $AD_0$ to $AD_1$ to $AD_2$, real GDP in this economy and the level of unemployment do not change. However, there is inflationary pressure for a higher price level as the equilibrium changes from $E_0$ to $E_1$ to $E_2$.
Figure 12.7 shows a vertical LRAS curve and three different levels of aggregate demand, rising from $AD_0$ to $AD_1$ to $AD_2$. As the macroeconomic equilibrium rises from E0 to E1 to E2, the price level rises, but real GDP does not budge, nor does the rate of unemployment, which adjusts to its natural rate. Conversely, reducing inflation has no long-term costs, either. Think about Figure 12.7 in reverse, as the aggregate demand curve shifts from $AD_2$ to $AD_1$ to $AD_0$, and the equilibrium moves from $E_2$ to $E_1$ to $E_0$. During this process, the price level falls, but, in the long run, neither real GDP nor the natural unemployment rate changes.
**Figure 12.7** How Aggregate Demand Determines the Price Level in the Long
Run
Visit this FRED blog post, [How to Measure Inflation Expectations](https://fredblog.stlouisfed.org/2018/12/how-to-measure-inflation-expectations/), to learn about how inflation and unemployment are related.","As we explained in Unemployment, economists divide unemployment into two categories, cyclical and natural, which, in turn, is the sum of frictional and structural unemployment.
Cyclical Unemployment
Structural Unemployment
Frictional Unemployment
Cyclical unemployment results from fluctuations in the business cycle and is created when the economy is producing below potential GDP, giving potential employers less incentive to hire. When the economy is producing at potential GDP, cyclical unemployment will be zero.
Because of labor market dynamics, in which people are always entering or exiting the labor force, the unemployment rate never falls to 0%, not even when the economy is producing at or even slightly above potential GDP. Probably the best we can hope for is for the number of job vacancies to equal the number of job seekers. We know that it takes time for job seekers and employers to find each other, and this time is the cause of frictional unemployment.
Most economists do not consider frictional unemployment to be a “bad” thing. After all, there will always be workers who are unemployed while looking for a job that is a better match for their skills. There will always be employers that have an open position, while looking for a worker that is a better match for the job. Ideally, these matches happen quickly, but even when the economy is very strong there will be some natural unemployment and this is what the natural rate of unemployment measures.
The neoclassical view of unemployment tends to focus attention away from the cyclical unemployment problem—that is, unemployment caused by recession—while putting more attention on the unemployment rate issue that prevails even when the economy is operating at potential GDP. To put it another way, the neoclassical view of unemployment tends to focus on how the government can adjust public policy to reduce the natural rate of unemployment.
Such policy changes might involve redesigning unemployment and welfare programs so that they support those in need, but also offer greater encouragement for job-hunting. It might involve redesigning business rules with an eye to whether they are unintentionally discouraging businesses from taking on new employees. It might involve building institutions to improve the flow of information about jobs and the mobility of workers, to help bring workers and employers together more quickly. For those workers who find that their skills are permanently no longer in demand (for example, the structurally unemployed), economists can design policy to provide opportunities for retraining so that these workers can reenter the labor force and seek employment.
Neoclassical economists will not tend to see aggregate demand as a useful tool for reducing unemployment; after all, with a vertical aggregate supply curve determining economic output, then aggregate demand has no long-run effect on unemployment. Instead, neoclassical economists believe that aggregate demand should be allowed to expand only to match the gradual shifts of aggregate supply to the right—keeping the price level much the same and inflationary pressures low.
If aggregate demand rises rapidly in the neoclassical model, in the long run it leads only to inflationary pressures.
As aggregate demand shifts to the right, from $AD_0$ to $AD_1$ to $AD_2$, real GDP in this economy and the level of unemployment do not change. However, there is inflationary pressure for a higher price level as the equilibrium changes from $E_0$ to $E_1$ to $E_2$.
Figure 12.7 shows a vertical LRAS curve and three different levels of aggregate demand, rising from $AD_0$ to $AD_1$ to $AD_2$. As the macroeconomic equilibrium rises from E0 to E1 to E2, the price level rises, but real GDP does not budge, nor does the rate of unemployment, which adjusts to its natural rate. Conversely, reducing inflation has no long-term costs, either. Think about Figure 12.7 in reverse, as the aggregate demand curve shifts from $AD_2$ to $AD_1$ to $AD_0$, and the equilibrium moves from $E_2$ to $E_1$ to $E_0$. During this process, the price level falls, but, in the long run, neither real GDP nor the natural unemployment rate changes.
The neoclassical economists believe the underpinnings of long-run productivity
growth to be an economy's investments in human capital, physical capital, and
technology, operating together in a market-oriented environment that rewards
innovation. Government policy should focus on promoting these factors.
","Neoclassical economists believe that the economy will rebound out of a recession or eventually contract during an expansion because prices and wage rates are flexible and will adjust either upward or downward to restore the economy to its potential GDP. Thus, the key policy question for neoclassicals is how to promote growth of potential GDP.
We know that economic growth ultimately depends on the growth rate of long-term productivity. Productivity measures how effective inputs are at producing outputs. We know that U.S. productivity has grown on average about 2% per year. That means that the same amount of inputs produce 2% more output than the year before. We also know that productivity growth varies a great deal in the short term due to cyclical factors. It also varies somewhat in the long term. From 1953-1972, U.S. labor productivity (as measured by output per hour in the business sector) grew at 3.2% per year. From 1973-1992, productivity growth declined significantly to 1.8% per year. Then, from 1993-2014, productivity growth increased slightly to 2% per year.
The neoclassical economists believe the underpinnings of long-run productivity
growth to be an economy's investments in human capital, physical capital, and
technology, operating together in a market-oriented environment that rewards
innovation. Government policy should focus on promoting these factors.",the-discovery-of-the-phillips-curve,"Question: What factors do neoclassical economists believe contribute to long-run productivity growth?
Answer: Neoclassical economists believe that long-run productivity growth is influenced by investments in human capital, physical capital, and technology in a market-oriented environment that rewards innovation.",What factors do neoclassical economists believe contribute to long-run productivity growth?,"Neoclassical economists believe that long-run productivity growth is influenced by investments in human capital, physical capital, and technology in a market-oriented environment that rewards innovation.","['neoclassical economists', 'economic growth', 'longterm productivity', 'human capital', 'physical']"
331,14-00-02-the-problem-of-the-zero-percent-interest-rate-lower-bound,14-00,2,The Problem of the Zero Percent Interest Rate Lower Bound,"Most economists believe that monetary policy (**the manipulation of interest rates and credit conditions by a nation's central bank**) has a powerful influence on a nation's economy. Monetary policy works when the central bank reduces interest rates and makes credit more available. As a result, business investment and other types of spending increase, causing GDP and employment to grow.
However, what if the interest rates banks pay are close to zero already? They cannot be made negative, can they? That would mean that lenders pay borrowers for the privilege of taking their money. Yet, this was the situation the U.S. Federal Reserve found itself in at the end of the 2008-2009 recession. The federal funds rate, which is the interest rate for banks that the Federal Reserve targets with its monetary policy, was slightly above 5% in 2007. By 2009, it had fallen to 0.16%.
The Federal Reserve's situation was further complicated because fiscal policy, the other major tool for managing the economy, was constrained by fears that the federal budget deficit and the public debt were already too high.
What were the Federal Reserve's options? How could the Federal Reserve use
monetary policy to stimulate the economy? The answer, as we will see in this
chapter, was to change the rules of the game.
","Most economists believe that monetary policy (the manipulation of interest rates and credit conditions by a nation's central bank) has a powerful influence on a nation's economy. Monetary policy works when the central bank reduces interest rates and makes credit more available. As a result, business investment and other types of spending increase, causing GDP and employment to grow.
However, what if the interest rates banks pay are close to zero already? They cannot be made negative, can they? That would mean that lenders pay borrowers for the privilege of taking their money. Yet, this was the situation the U.S. Federal Reserve found itself in at the end of the 2008-2009 recession. The federal funds rate, which is the interest rate for banks that the Federal Reserve targets with its monetary policy, was slightly above 5% in 2007. By 2009, it had fallen to 0.16%.
The Federal Reserve's situation was further complicated because fiscal policy, the other major tool for managing the economy, was constrained by fears that the federal budget deficit and the public debt were already too high.
What were the Federal Reserve's options? How could the Federal Reserve use
monetary policy to stimulate the economy? The answer, as we will see in this
chapter, was to change the rules of the game.",the-problem-of-the-zero-percent-interest-rate-lower-bound,"{""question"": ""What were the Federal Reserve's options to stimulate the economy?"", ""answer"": ""The Federal Reserve could change the rules of the game.""}",What were the Federal Reserve's options to stimulate the economy?,The Federal Reserve could change the rules of the game.,"['monetary policy', 'interest rates', 'credit conditions', 'central bank', 'spending increase']"
332,12-02-07-the-instability-of-the-phillips-curve,12-02,7,Neoclassical Economics versus Keynesian Economics,"Let's summarize what neoclassical economists recommend for macroeconomic policy. Neoclassical economists do not believe in “fine-tuning” the economy. They believe that a stable economic environment with a low rate of inflation fosters economic growth. Similarly, tax rates should be low and unchanging. In this environment, private economic agents can make the best possible investment decisions, which will lead to optimal investment in physical and human capital as well as research and development to promote improvements in technology.","Let's summarize what neoclassical economists recommend for macroeconomic policy. Neoclassical economists do not believe in “fine-tuning” the economy. They believe that a stable economic environment with a low rate of inflation fosters economic growth. Similarly, tax rates should be low and unchanging. In this environment, private economic agents can make the best possible investment decisions, which will lead to optimal investment in physical and human capital as well as research and development to promote improvements in technology.",the-instability-of-the-phillips-curve,"{""question"": ""What do neoclassical economists recommend for macroeconomic policy?"", ""answer"": ""Neoclassical economists recommend a stable economic environment with a low rate of inflation, low and unchanging tax rates, and allowing private economic agents to make optimal investment decisions.""}",What do neoclassical economists recommend for macroeconomic policy?,"Neoclassical economists recommend a stable economic environment with a low rate of inflation, low and unchanging tax rates, and allowing private economic agents to make optimal investment decisions.","['neoclassical economists', 'macroeconomic policy', 'stable economic environment', 'low rate']"
333,12-02-08-keynesian-policy-for-fighting-unemployment-and-inflation,12-02,8,Neoclassical Economics versus Keynesian Economics,"**Table 12.2** summarizes the key differences between the two schools of thought.
| | Neoclassical Economics | Keynesian Economics |
| ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ | --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------ |
| Focus: long-term or short term | Long-term | Short-term |
| Prices and wages: sticky or flexible? | Flexible | Sticky |
| Economic output: Primarily determined by aggregate demand or aggregate supply? | Aggregate supply | Aggregate demand |
| Aggregate supply: vertical or upward-sloping? | Vertical | Upward-sloping |
| Phillips curve vertical or downward-sloping | Vertical | Downward sloping |
| Is aggregate demand a useful tool for controlling inflation? | Yes | Yes |
| What should be the primary area of policy emphasis for reducing unemployment? | Reform labor market institutions to reduce natural rate of unemployment | Increase aggregate demand to eliminate cyclical unemployment |
| Is aggregate demand a useful tool for ending recession? | At best, only in the short-run temporary sense, but may just increase inflation instead | Yes |
**Table 12.2** Neoclassical versus Keynesian Economics
","Table 12.2 summarizes the key differences between the two schools of thought.
Table 12.2 Neoclassical versus Keynesian Economics",keynesian-policy-for-fighting-unemployment-and-inflation,"{""question"": ""What is summarized in Table 12.2?"", ""answer"": ""The key differences between neoclassical and Keynesian economics.""}",What is summarized in Table 12.2?,The key differences between neoclassical and Keynesian economics.,"['neoclassical', 'kennethian economics', 'economics of thought', 'neoc']"
334,12-03-00-the-great-recession,12-03,0,Navigating Unchartered Waters,"Were the policies that the government implemented to stabilize the economy and financial markets during the Great Recession effective? Many economists from both the Keynesian and neoclassical schools have found that they were, although to varying degrees.
Alan Blinder of Princeton University and Mark Zandi of Moody's Analytics found that, without fiscal policy, GDP decline would have been significantly more than 3.3% in 2008 followed by 0.1% in 2009. They also estimated that there would have been 8.5 million more job losses had the government not intervened in the market with the TARP to support the financial industry and key automakers General Motors and Chrysler.
Federal Reserve Bank economists Carlos Carvalho, Stefano Eusip, and Christian Grisse found in their study, Policy Initiatives in the Global Recession: What Did Forecasters Expect? that once the government implemented policies, forecasters adapted their expectations to these policies. They were more likely to anticipate increases in investment due to lower interest rates brought on by monetary policy and increased economic growth resulting from fiscal policy.
The difficulty with evaluating the effectiveness of the stabilization policies that the government took in response to the Great Recession is that we will never know what would have happened had the government not implemented those policies. Surely some of the programs were more effective at creating and saving jobs, while other programs were less so. The conclusion on the effectiveness of macroeconomic policies is still up for debate, and further study will no doubt consider the impact of these policies on the U.S. budget and deficit, as well as the U.S. dollar's value in the financial market.
We talk a lot about Keynesian economics on this show, pretty much because the real world currently runs on Keynesian principles. That said, there are some ot...
","Were the policies that the government implemented to stabilize the economy and financial markets during the Great Recession effective? Many economists from both the Keynesian and neoclassical schools have found that they were, although to varying degrees.
Alan Blinder of Princeton University and Mark Zandi of Moody's Analytics found that, without fiscal policy, GDP decline would have been significantly more than 3.3% in 2008 followed by 0.1% in 2009. They also estimated that there would have been 8.5 million more job losses had the government not intervened in the market with the TARP to support the financial industry and key automakers General Motors and Chrysler.
Federal Reserve Bank economists Carlos Carvalho, Stefano Eusip, and Christian Grisse found in their study, Policy Initiatives in the Global Recession: What Did Forecasters Expect? that once the government implemented policies, forecasters adapted their expectations to these policies. They were more likely to anticipate increases in investment due to lower interest rates brought on by monetary policy and increased economic growth resulting from fiscal policy.
The difficulty with evaluating the effectiveness of the stabilization policies that the government took in response to the Great Recession is that we will never know what would have happened had the government not implemented those policies. Surely some of the programs were more effective at creating and saving jobs, while other programs were less so. The conclusion on the effectiveness of macroeconomic policies is still up for debate, and further study will no doubt consider the impact of these policies on the U.S. budget and deficit, as well as the U.S. dollar's value in the financial market.
We talk a lot about Keynesian economics on this show, pretty much because the real world currently runs on Keynesian principles. That said, there are some ot...",the-great-recession,"{
""question"": ""Were the policies that the government implemented to stabilize the economy and financial markets during the Great Recession effective?"",
""answer"": ""Many economists from both the Keynesian and neoclassical schools have found that they were, although to varying degrees.""
}",Were the policies that the government implemented to stabilize the economy and financial markets during the Great Recession effective?,"Many economists from both the Keynesian and neoclassical schools have found that they were, although to varying degrees.","['government', 'financial markets', 'tarp', 'financial industry', 'key automakers', 'chrys']"
335,13-00-00-chapter-objectives,13-00,0,Chapter Objectives,"
- Defining Money by Its Functions
- Measuring Money: Currency, M1, and M2
- The Role of Banks
- How Banks Create Money
The discussion of money and banking is a central part of studying
macroeconomics.
","Defining Money by Its Functions
Measuring Money: Currency, M1, and M2
The Role of Banks
How Banks Create Money
The discussion of money and banking is a central part of studying
macroeconomics.",chapter-objectives,"{""question"": ""What is the central part of studying macroeconomics?"", ""answer"": ""The discussion of money and banking.""}",What is the central part of studying macroeconomics?,The discussion of money and banking.,"['banking', 'macroeconomics', 'm1', 'm2', 'bankers']"
336,14-01-00-overview,14-01,0,Overview,"
- Explain the structure and organization of the U.S. Federal Reserve
- Discuss how central banks impact monetary policy, promote financial stability, and provide banking services
In making decisions about the money supply, a central bank decides whether to raise or lower interest rates and, in this way, to influence macroeconomic policy, whose goal is low unemployment and low inflation. The central bank is also responsible for regulating all or part of the nation's banking system to protect bank depositors and insure the health of the bank's balance sheet.
We call the organization responsible for conducting monetary policy and ensuring that a nation's financial system operates smoothly the **central bank**. Most nations have central banks or currency boards. Some prominent central banks around the world include the European Central Bank, the Bank of Japan, and the Bank of England. In the United States, we call the central bank the **Federal Reserve**—often abbreviated as just “the Fed.”
This section explains the U.S. Federal Reserve's organization and identifies the major central bank's responsibilities.
A quick overview of the FED and monetary policy. Enjoy! For more econ videos and resources visit www.ACDCecon.com. Please comment and subscribe. More informa...
","- Explain the structure and organization of the U.S. Federal Reserve
- Discuss how central banks impact monetary policy, promote financial stability, and provide banking services
In making decisions about the money supply, a central bank decides whether to raise or lower interest rates and, in this way, to influence macroeconomic policy, whose goal is low unemployment and low inflation. The central bank is also responsible for regulating all or part of the nation's banking system to protect bank depositors and insure the health of the bank's balance sheet.
We call the organization responsible for conducting monetary policy and ensuring that a nation's financial system operates smoothly the central bank. Most nations have central banks or currency boards. Some prominent central banks around the world include the European Central Bank, the Bank of Japan, and the Bank of England. In the United States, we call the central bank the Federal Reserve—often abbreviated as just “the Fed.”
This section explains the U.S. Federal Reserve's organization and identifies the major central bank's responsibilities.
- Explain the various functions of money
- Contrast commodity money and fiat money
Money for the sake of money is not an end in itself. You cannot eat dollar bills or wear your bank account. Ultimately, the usefulness of money rests in exchanging it for goods or services. As the American writer and humorist Ambrose Bierce (1842-1914) wrote in 1911, money is a “blessing that is of no advantage to us excepting when we part with it.” Money is what people regularly use when purchasing or selling goods and services, and thus both buyers and sellers must widely accept money. This concept of money is intentionally flexible, because money has taken a wide variety of forms in different cultures.","- Explain the various functions of money
- Contrast commodity money and fiat money
Money for the sake of money is not an end in itself. You cannot eat dollar bills or wear your bank account. Ultimately, the usefulness of money rests in exchanging it for goods or services. As the American writer and humorist Ambrose Bierce (1842-1914) wrote in 1911, money is a “blessing that is of no advantage to us excepting when we part with it.” Money is what people regularly use when purchasing or selling goods and services, and thus both buyers and sellers must widely accept money. This concept of money is intentionally flexible, because money has taken a wide variety of forms in different cultures.",overview,"Question: What are the various functions of money?
Answer: The various functions of money include facilitating exchange, serving as a unit of account, and functioning as a store of value.",What are the various functions of money?,"The various functions of money include facilitating exchange, serving as a unit of account, and functioning as a store of value.","['comparative commodity money', 'fiat money', 'bank account', 'goods', 'services']"
339,13-01-01-barter-and-the-double-coincidence-of-wants,13-01,1,Barter and the Double Coincidence of Wants,"
To understand money's usefulness, we must consider what the world would be like
without money.
How would people exchange goods and services?
Economies without money typically engage in the barter system. **Barter**—literally trading one good or service for another—is highly inefficient for trying to coordinate the trades in a modern advanced economy.
In an economy without money, an exchange between two people would involve a **double coincidence of wants**, a situation in which two people each want some good or service that the other person can provide. For example, if an accountant wants a pair of shoes, this accountant must find someone who has a pair of shoes in the correct size and who is willing to exchange the shoes for some hours of accounting services. Such a trade is likely to be difficult to arrange. Think about the complexity of such trades in a modern economy, with its extensive division of labor that involves thousands upon thousands of different jobs and goods.
Another problem with the barter system is that it does not allow us to easily enter into future contracts for purchasing many goods and services. For example, if the goods are perishable it may be difficult to exchange them for other goods in the future. Imagine a farmer wanting to buy a tractor in six months using a fresh crop of strawberries. Additionally, while the barter system might work adequately in small economies, it will keep these economies from growing. The time that individuals would otherwise spend producing goods and services and enjoying leisure time they spend bartering.","To understand money's usefulness, we must consider what the world would be like
without money.
How would people exchange goods and services?
Economies without money typically engage in the barter system. Barter—literally trading one good or service for another—is highly inefficient for trying to coordinate the trades in a modern advanced economy.
In an economy without money, an exchange between two people would involve a double coincidence of wants, a situation in which two people each want some good or service that the other person can provide. For example, if an accountant wants a pair of shoes, this accountant must find someone who has a pair of shoes in the correct size and who is willing to exchange the shoes for some hours of accounting services. Such a trade is likely to be difficult to arrange. Think about the complexity of such trades in a modern economy, with its extensive division of labor that involves thousands upon thousands of different jobs and goods.
Another problem with the barter system is that it does not allow us to easily enter into future contracts for purchasing many goods and services. For example, if the goods are perishable it may be difficult to exchange them for other goods in the future. Imagine a farmer wanting to buy a tractor in six months using a fresh crop of strawberries. Additionally, while the barter system might work adequately in small economies, it will keep these economies from growing. The time that individuals would otherwise spend producing goods and services and enjoying leisure time they spend bartering.",barter-and-the-double-coincidence-of-wants,"Question: How would people exchange goods and services in an economy without money?
Answer: In an economy without money, people would typically engage in the barter system, trading goods or services directly with each other. However, this system is highly inefficient and requires a double coincidence of wants.",How would people exchange goods and services in an economy without money?,"In an economy without money, people would typically engage in the barter system, trading goods or services directly with each other. However, this system is highly inefficient and requires a double coincidence of wants.","['barter', 'advanced economy', 'wants', 'accounting services', 'job description', 'business model']"
340,13-01-02-functions-for-money,13-01,2,Functions for Money,"Money solves the problems that the barter system creates:
1. Money serves as a **medium of exchange**, which means that money acts as an intermediary between the buyer and the seller. Instead of exchanging accounting services for shoes, the accountant now exchanges accounting services for money. The accountant then uses this money to buy shoes. To serve as a medium of exchange, people must widely accept money as a method of payment in the markets for goods, labor, and financial capital.
2. Money serve as a **store of value**. In a barter system, we saw the example of the shoemaker trading shoes for accounting services. However, she risks having her shoes go out of style, especially if she keeps them in a warehouse for future use—their value will decrease with each season. Shoes are not a good store of value. Holding money is a much easier way of storing value. You know that you do not need to spend it immediately because it will still hold its value the next day, or the next year. This function of money does not require that money is a _perfect_ store of value. In an economy with inflation, money loses some buying power each year, but it remains money.
Money serves as a **unit of account**, which means that it is the ruler by which we measure values. For example, an accountant may charge $100 to file your tax return. That $100 can purchase two pair of shoes at $50 a pair. Money acts as a common denominator, an accounting method that simplifies thinking about trade-offs.
Money serves as a **standard of deferred payment**. This means that if money is usable today to make purchases, it must also be acceptable to make purchases today that the purchaser will pay in the future. Loans and future agreements are stated in monetary terms and the standard of deferred payment is what allows us to buy goods and services today and pay in the future.
Thus, money serves all of these functions— it is a medium of exchange, store
of value, unit of account, and standard of deferred payment.
","Money solves the problems that the barter system creates:
Money serves as a medium of exchange, which means that money acts as an intermediary between the buyer and the seller. Instead of exchanging accounting services for shoes, the accountant now exchanges accounting services for money. The accountant then uses this money to buy shoes. To serve as a medium of exchange, people must widely accept money as a method of payment in the markets for goods, labor, and financial capital.
Money serve as a store of value. In a barter system, we saw the example of the shoemaker trading shoes for accounting services. However, she risks having her shoes go out of style, especially if she keeps them in a warehouse for future use—their value will decrease with each season. Shoes are not a good store of value. Holding money is a much easier way of storing value. You know that you do not need to spend it immediately because it will still hold its value the next day, or the next year. This function of money does not require that money is a perfect store of value. In an economy with inflation, money loses some buying power each year, but it remains money.
Money serves as a unit of account, which means that it is the ruler by which we measure values. For example, an accountant may charge $100 to file your tax return. That $100 can purchase two pair of shoes at $50 a pair. Money acts as a common denominator, an accounting method that simplifies thinking about trade-offs.
Money serves as a standard of deferred payment. This means that if money is usable today to make purchases, it must also be acceptable to make purchases today that the purchaser will pay in the future. Loans and future agreements are stated in monetary terms and the standard of deferred payment is what allows us to buy goods and services today and pay in the future.
Thus, money serves all of these functions— it is a medium of exchange, store
of value, unit of account, and standard of deferred payment.",functions-for-money,"What are the four functions of money?
Money serves as a medium of exchange, store of value, unit of account, and standard of deferred payment.",What are the four functions of money?,"Money serves as a medium of exchange, store of value, unit of account, and standard of deferred payment.","['barter system', 'barter system', 'medium of exchange', 'accounting services']"
341,13-01-03-commodity-versus-fiat-money,13-01,3,Commodity versus Fiat Money,"Money has taken a wide variety of forms in different cultures. People have used gold, silver, cowrie shells, cigarettes, and even cocoa beans as money. Although we use these items as commodity money, they also have a value from use as something other than money.
For example, people have used gold throughout the ages as money although today we do not use it as money but rather value it for its other attributes. Gold is a good conductor of electricity and the electronics and aerospace industry use it. Other industries use gold too, such as to manufacture energy efficient reflective glass for skyscrapers and is used in the medical industry as well. Of course, gold also has value because of its beauty and malleability in creating jewelry. As commodity money, gold has historically served its purpose as a medium of exchange, a store of value, and as a unit of account.
**Commodity-backed currencies** are dollar bills or other currencies with values backed up by gold or other commodities held at a bank. During much of its history, gold and silver backed the money supply in the United States. Interestingly, antique dollars dated as late as 1957, have “Silver Certificate” printed over the portrait of George Washington, as **Figure 13.2** shows. This meant that the holder could take the bill to the appropriate bank and exchange it for a dollar's worth of silver.
Until 1958, silver certificates were commodity-backed money—backed by silver, as indicated by the words “Silver Certificate” printed on the bill. Today, The Federal Reserve backs U.S. bills, but as fiat money.
**Figure 13.2** A Silver Certificate and a Modern U.S. Bill (Credit: “The.Comedian”/Flickr Creative Commons)
As economies grew and became more global in nature, the use of commodity monies became more cumbersome. Countries moved towards the use of fiat money. Fiat money has no intrinsic value, but is declared by a government to be a country's legal tender. The United States' paper money, for example, carries the statement: “THIS NOTE IS LEGAL TENDER FOR ALL DEBTS, PUBLIC AND PRIVATE.” In other words, by government decree, if you owe a debt, then legally speaking, you can pay that debt with the U.S. currency, even though it is not backed by a commodity. The only backing of our money is universal faith and trust that the currency has value, and nothing more.
","Money has taken a wide variety of forms in different cultures. People have used gold, silver, cowrie shells, cigarettes, and even cocoa beans as money. Although we use these items as commodity money, they also have a value from use as something other than money.
For example, people have used gold throughout the ages as money although today we do not use it as money but rather value it for its other attributes. Gold is a good conductor of electricity and the electronics and aerospace industry use it. Other industries use gold too, such as to manufacture energy efficient reflective glass for skyscrapers and is used in the medical industry as well. Of course, gold also has value because of its beauty and malleability in creating jewelry. As commodity money, gold has historically served its purpose as a medium of exchange, a store of value, and as a unit of account.
Commodity-backed currencies are dollar bills or other currencies with values backed up by gold or other commodities held at a bank. During much of its history, gold and silver backed the money supply in the United States. Interestingly, antique dollars dated as late as 1957, have “Silver Certificate” printed over the portrait of George Washington, as Figure 13.2 shows. This meant that the holder could take the bill to the appropriate bank and exchange it for a dollar's worth of silver.
Until 1958, silver certificates were commodity-backed money—backed by silver, as indicated by the words “Silver Certificate” printed on the bill. Today, The Federal Reserve backs U.S. bills, but as fiat money.
Figure 13.2 A Silver Certificate and a Modern U.S. Bill (Credit: “The.Comedian”/Flickr Creative Commons)
As economies grew and became more global in nature, the use of commodity monies became more cumbersome. Countries moved towards the use of fiat money. Fiat money has no intrinsic value, but is declared by a government to be a country's legal tender. The United States' paper money, for example, carries the statement: “THIS NOTE IS LEGAL TENDER FOR ALL DEBTS, PUBLIC AND PRIVATE.” In other words, by government decree, if you owe a debt, then legally speaking, you can pay that debt with the U.S. currency, even though it is not backed by a commodity. The only backing of our money is universal faith and trust that the currency has value, and nothing more.",commodity-versus-fiat-money,"{""question"": ""What is fiat money?"", ""answer"": ""Fiat money is money that has no intrinsic value and is declared by a government to be a country's legal tender.""}",What is fiat money?,Fiat money is money that has no intrinsic value and is declared by a government to be a country's legal tender.,"['gold', 'silver', 'cowrie shells', 'cigarettes', 'cocoa beans', 'commodity money']"
342,13-02-00-overview,13-02,0,Overview,"
- Contrast M1 money supply and M2 money supply
- Classify monies as M1 money supply or M2 money supply
Cash in your pocket certainly serves as money; however, what about checks or
credit cards? Are they money, too?
Rather than trying to argue for a single way of measuring money, economists offer broader definitions based on liquidity. Liquidity refers to how quickly you can use a financial asset to buy a good or service. For example, cash is very liquid. You can use your \$10 bill easily to buy a hamburger at lunchtime. However, \$10 that you have in your savings account is not so easy to use. You must go to the bank or ATM machine and withdraw that cash to buy your lunch. Thus, \$10 in your savings account is less liquid.","- Contrast M1 money supply and M2 money supply
- Classify monies as M1 money supply or M2 money supply
Cash in your pocket certainly serves as money; however, what about checks or
credit cards? Are they money, too?
Rather than trying to argue for a single way of measuring money, economists offer broader definitions based on liquidity. Liquidity refers to how quickly you can use a financial asset to buy a good or service. For example, cash is very liquid. You can use your \$10 bill easily to buy a hamburger at lunchtime. However, \$10 that you have in your savings account is not so easy to use. You must go to the bank or ATM machine and withdraw that cash to buy your lunch. Thus, \$10 in your savings account is less liquid.",overview,"Question: Contrast M1 money supply and M2 money supply.
Answer: M1 money supply includes cash in circulation and demand deposits, while M2 money supply includes M1 plus savings deposits and other time deposits.",Contrast M1 money supply and M2 money supply.,"M1 money supply includes cash in circulation and demand deposits, while M2 money supply includes M1 plus savings deposits and other time deposits.","['m2 money supply', 'cash', 'credit cards', 'liquidity', 'financial asset', 'hamburger']"
343,13-03-00-overview,13-03,0,Overview,"
- Explain how banks act as intermediaries between savers and borrowers
- Evaluate the relationship between banks, savings and loans, and credit unions
- Analyze the causes of bankruptcy and recessions
Somebody once asked the late bank robber named Willie Sutton why he robbed banks. He answered: “That's where the money is.” While this may have been true at one time, from the perspective of modern economists, Sutton is both right and wrong. He is wrong because the overwhelming majority of money in the economy is not in the form of currency sitting in vaults or drawers at banks, waiting for a robber to appear. Most money is in the form of bank accounts, which exist only as electronic records on computers. From a broader perspective, however, the bank robber was more right than he may have known. Banking is intimately interconnected with money and consequently, with the broader economy.
Banks make it far easier for a complex economy to carry out the extraordinary range of transactions that occur in goods, labor, and financial capital markets. Imagine for a moment what the economy would be like if everybody had to make all payments in cash. When shopping for a large purchase or going on vacation you might need to carry hundreds of dollars in a pocket or purse. Even small businesses would need stockpiles of cash to pay workers and to purchase supplies. A bank allows people and businesses to store this money in either a checking account or savings account, for example, and then withdraw this money as needed through the use of a direct withdrawal, writing a check, or using a debit card.
Banks are a critical intermediary in what we call the **payment system**, which helps an economy exchange goods and services for money or other financial assets. Also, those with extra money that they would like to save can store their money in a bank rather than look for an individual who is willing to borrow it from them and then repay them at a later date. Those who want to borrow money can go directly to a bank rather than trying to find someone to lend them cash. **Transaction costs** are the costs associated with finding a lender or a borrower for this money. Thus, banks lower transactions costs and act as financial intermediaries—they bring savers and borrowers together. Along with making transactions much safer and easier, banks also play a key role in creating money.","- Explain how banks act as intermediaries between savers and borrowers
- Evaluate the relationship between banks, savings and loans, and credit unions
- Analyze the causes of bankruptcy and recessions
Somebody once asked the late bank robber named Willie Sutton why he robbed banks. He answered: “That's where the money is.” While this may have been true at one time, from the perspective of modern economists, Sutton is both right and wrong. He is wrong because the overwhelming majority of money in the economy is not in the form of currency sitting in vaults or drawers at banks, waiting for a robber to appear. Most money is in the form of bank accounts, which exist only as electronic records on computers. From a broader perspective, however, the bank robber was more right than he may have known. Banking is intimately interconnected with money and consequently, with the broader economy.
Banks make it far easier for a complex economy to carry out the extraordinary range of transactions that occur in goods, labor, and financial capital markets. Imagine for a moment what the economy would be like if everybody had to make all payments in cash. When shopping for a large purchase or going on vacation you might need to carry hundreds of dollars in a pocket or purse. Even small businesses would need stockpiles of cash to pay workers and to purchase supplies. A bank allows people and businesses to store this money in either a checking account or savings account, for example, and then withdraw this money as needed through the use of a direct withdrawal, writing a check, or using a debit card.
Banks are a critical intermediary in what we call the payment system, which helps an economy exchange goods and services for money or other financial assets. Also, those with extra money that they would like to save can store their money in a bank rather than look for an individual who is willing to borrow it from them and then repay them at a later date. Those who want to borrow money can go directly to a bank rather than trying to find someone to lend them cash. Transaction costs are the costs associated with finding a lender or a borrower for this money. Thus, banks lower transactions costs and act as financial intermediaries—they bring savers and borrowers together. Along with making transactions much safer and easier, banks also play a key role in creating money.",overview,"Question: How do banks act as intermediaries between savers and borrowers?
Answer: Banks act as intermediaries by bringing savers and borrowers together, reducing transaction costs and making it easier for people to save and borrow money.",How do banks act as intermediaries between savers and borrowers?,"Banks act as intermediaries by bringing savers and borrowers together, reducing transaction costs and making it easier for people to save and borrow money.","['bank robber', 'checking account', 'debit card', 'transaction costs', 'bankers']"
344,13-03-01-banks-as-financial-intermediaries,13-03,1,Banks as Financial Intermediaries,"
An “intermediary” is one who stands between two other parties.
Banks are a financial intermediary—that is, an institution that operates between a saver who deposits money in a bank and a borrower who receives a loan from that bank.
Financial intermediaries include other institutions in the financial market such as insurance companies and pension funds, but we will not include them in this discussion because they are not **depository institutions**, or institutions that accept money deposits and use these to make loans. All the deposited funds mingle in one big pool, which the financial institution then lends to borrowers. **Figure 13.4** illustrates the position of banks as financial intermediaries, with deposits flowing into a bank and loans flowing out. Of course, when banks make loans to firms, they will try to funnel financial capital to healthy businesses that have good prospects for repaying the loans, not to firms that are suffering losses and may be unable to repay.
**Figure 13.4** Banks as Financial Intermediaries
Banks act as financial intermediaries because they stand between savers and borrowers. Savers place deposits with banks, and then receive interest payments and withdraw money. Borrowers receive loans from banks and repay the loans with interest. In turn, banks return money to savers in the form of withdrawals, which also include interest payments from banks to savers.","An “intermediary” is one who stands between two other parties.
Banks are a financial intermediary—that is, an institution that operates between a saver who deposits money in a bank and a borrower who receives a loan from that bank.
Financial intermediaries include other institutions in the financial market such as insurance companies and pension funds, but we will not include them in this discussion because they are not depository institutions, or institutions that accept money deposits and use these to make loans. All the deposited funds mingle in one big pool, which the financial institution then lends to borrowers. Figure 13.4 illustrates the position of banks as financial intermediaries, with deposits flowing into a bank and loans flowing out. Of course, when banks make loans to firms, they will try to funnel financial capital to healthy businesses that have good prospects for repaying the loans, not to firms that are suffering losses and may be unable to repay.
**Figure 14.10** Velocity Calculated Using M1
Velocity is the nominal GDP divided by the money supply for a given year. We can calculate different measures of velocity by using different measures of the money supply. Velocity, as calculated by using M1, has lacked a steady trend since the 1980s, instead bouncing up and down. (credit: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis)
**Figure 14.10** illustrates the actual velocity of money in the U.S. economy as measured using M1, the most common definition of the money supply. From 1960 to about 1980, velocity appears fairly predictable; that is, it is increasing at a fairly constant rate. In the early 1980s, however, velocity, as calculated with M1, becomes more variable. The reasons for these sharp changes in velocity remain a puzzle. Economists suspect that the changes in velocity are related to innovations in banking and finance which have changed how we are using money in making economic transactions such as:
- the growth of electronic payments;
- a rise in personal borrowing and credit card usage; and
- accounts that make it easier for people to hold money in savings accounts,
where it is counted as M2 until they write a check and transfer the money to M1.
So far at least, it has proven difficult to draw clear links between these kinds of factors and the specific up-and-down fluctuations in M1. Given many changes in banking and the prevalence of electronic banking, economists now favor M2 as a measure of money rather than the narrower M1.
In the 1970s, when velocity as measured by M1 seemed predictable, a number of economists, led by Nobel laureate Milton Friedman (1912-2006), argued that the best monetary policy was for the central bank to increase the money supply at a constant growth rate. These economists argued that with the long and variable lags of monetary policy, and the political pressures on central bankers, central bank monetary policies were as likely to have undesirable effects as desirable effects. Thus, these economists believed that the monetary policy should seek steady growth in the money supply of 3% per year. They argued that a steady monetary growth rate would be correct over longer time periods, since it would roughly match the growth of the real economy.
In addition, they argued that giving the central bank less discretion to conduct monetary policy would prevent an overly activist central bank from becoming a source of economic instability and uncertainty. In this spirit, Friedman wrote in 1967: “The first and most important lesson that history teaches about what monetary policy can do—and it is a lesson of the most profound importance—is that monetary policy can prevent money itself from being a major source of economic disturbance.”
As the velocity of M1 began to fluctuate in the 1980s, having the money supply grow at a predetermined and unchanging rate seemed less desirable, because as the quantity theory of money shows, the combination of constant growth in the money supply and fluctuating velocity would cause nominal GDP to rise and fall in unpredictable ways. The instability of velocity in the 1980s caused many central banks to focus less on the rate at which the quantity of money in the economy was increasing, and instead to set monetary policy by reacting to whether the economy was experiencing or in danger of higher inflation or unemployment.","Deflation occurs when the rate of inflation is negative; that is, instead of money having less purchasing power over time, as occurs with inflation, money is worth more. Deflation can make it very difficult for monetary policy to address a recession.
Remember that the real interest rate is the nominal interest rate minus the rate of inflation. If the nominal interest rate is 7% and the rate of inflation is 3%, then the borrower is effectively paying a 4% real interest rate. If the nominal interest rate is 7% and there is deflation of 2%, then the real interest rate is 9%. In this way, an unexpected deflation raises the real interest payments for borrowers and can lead to a situation where borrowers do not repay an unexpectedly high number of loans. Banks will therefore find that their net worth is decreasing or negative and become less able and eager to make new loans. Aggregate demand declines, which can lead to recession.
After causing a recession, deflation can make it additionally difficult for monetary policy to work. Say that the central bank uses expansionary monetary policy to reduce the nominal interest rate all the way to zero—but the economy has 5% deflation. As a result, the real interest rate is 5%, and because a central bank cannot make the nominal interest rate negative, expansionary policy cannot reduce the real interest rate further.
In the U.S. economy during the early 1930s, deflation was 6.7% per year from 1930-1933, which caused many borrowers to default on their loans and many banks to go bankrupt, which in turn contributed substantially to the Great Depression. Not all episodes of deflation, however, end in economic depression. Japan, for example, experienced deflation of slightly less than 1% per year from 1999-2002, which hurt the Japanese economy, but it still grew by about 0.9% per year over this period.
There is at least one historical example of deflation coexisting with rapid growth. The U.S. economy experienced deflation of about 1.1% per year over the quarter-century from 1876-1900, but real GDP also expanded at a rapid clip rate of 4% per year over this time, despite some occasional severe recessions.
The central bank should be on guard against deflation and, if necessary, use expansionary monetary policy to prevent any long-lasting or extreme deflation from occurring. Except in severe cases like the Great Depression, deflation does not guarantee economic disaster.
Changes in velocity can cause problems for monetary policy. To understand why, rewrite the definition of velocity so that the money supply is on the left-hand side of the equation. That is:
$$
\text{Money supply} \times \text{velocity} = \text{nominal GDP}
$$
Recall from The Macroeconomic Perspective that
$$
\text{Nominal GDP} = \text{Price Level (or GDP Deflator)} \times \text{Real GDP}
$$
Therefore,
$$
\text{Money supply} \times \text{velocity} = \text{Nominal GDP} = \text{Price Level} \times \text{Real GDP}
$$
We sometimes call this equation the basic quantity equation of money but it is just the definition of velocity written in a different form, as you can see above. This equation must hold true, by definition.
If velocity is constant over time, then a certain percentage rise in the money supply on the left-hand side of the basic quantity equation of money will inevitably lead to the same percentage rise in nominal GDP—although this change could happen through an increase in inflation, or an increase in real GDP, or some combination of the two. If velocity is changing over time but in a constant and predictable way, then changes in the money supply will continue to have a predictable effect on nominal GDP. If velocity changes unpredictably over time, however, then the effect of changes in the money supply on nominal GDP becomes unpredictable.
Figure 14.10 Velocity Calculated Using M1
Velocity is the nominal GDP divided by the money supply for a given year. We can calculate different measures of velocity by using different measures of the money supply. Velocity, as calculated by using M1, has lacked a steady trend since the 1980s, instead bouncing up and down. (credit: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis)
Figure 14.10 illustrates the actual velocity of money in the U.S. economy as measured using M1, the most common definition of the money supply. From 1960 to about 1980, velocity appears fairly predictable; that is, it is increasing at a fairly constant rate. In the early 1980s, however, velocity, as calculated with M1, becomes more variable. The reasons for these sharp changes in velocity remain a puzzle. Economists suspect that the changes in velocity are related to innovations in banking and finance which have changed how we are using money in making economic transactions such as:
the growth of electronic payments;
a rise in personal borrowing and credit card usage; and
accounts that make it easier for people to hold money in savings accounts,
where it is counted as M2 until they write a check and transfer the money to M1.
So far at least, it has proven difficult to draw clear links between these kinds of factors and the specific up-and-down fluctuations in M1. Given many changes in banking and the prevalence of electronic banking, economists now favor M2 as a measure of money rather than the narrower M1.
In the 1970s, when velocity as measured by M1 seemed predictable, a number of economists, led by Nobel laureate Milton Friedman (1912-2006), argued that the best monetary policy was for the central bank to increase the money supply at a constant growth rate. These economists argued that with the long and variable lags of monetary policy, and the political pressures on central bankers, central bank monetary policies were as likely to have undesirable effects as desirable effects. Thus, these economists believed that the monetary policy should seek steady growth in the money supply of 3% per year. They argued that a steady monetary growth rate would be correct over longer time periods, since it would roughly match the growth of the real economy.
In addition, they argued that giving the central bank less discretion to conduct monetary policy would prevent an overly activist central bank from becoming a source of economic instability and uncertainty. In this spirit, Friedman wrote in 1967: “The first and most important lesson that history teaches about what monetary policy can do—and it is a lesson of the most profound importance—is that monetary policy can prevent money itself from being a major source of economic disturbance.”
As the velocity of M1 began to fluctuate in the 1980s, having the money supply grow at a predetermined and unchanging rate seemed less desirable, because as the quantity theory of money shows, the combination of constant growth in the money supply and fluctuating velocity would cause nominal GDP to rise and fall in unpredictable ways. The instability of velocity in the 1980s caused many central banks to focus less on the rate at which the quantity of money in the economy was increasing, and instead to set monetary policy by reacting to whether the economy was experiencing or in danger of higher inflation or unemployment.",what-happens-during-episodes-of-deflation,"Question: What is the relationship between deflation and the real interest rate?
Answer: Deflation raises the real interest rate, making it more difficult for borrowers to repay loans and for banks to make new loans.",What is the relationship between deflation and the real interest rate?,"Deflation raises the real interest rate, making it more difficult for borrowers to repay loans and for banks to make new loans.","['deflation', 'real interest rate', 'interest payments', 'banks', 'aggregate demand declines', 'short']"
346,13-03-04-how-banks-go-bankrupt,13-03,4,How Banks Go Bankrupt,"A bank that is bankrupt will have a negative net worth, meaning its assets will be worth less than its liabilities. The balance sheet can help us understand how this can happen.
A well-run bank will assume that a small percentage of borrowers will not repay their loans on time, or at all, and factor these missing payments into its planning. Remember, the calculations of the banks' expenses every year include a factor for loans that borrowers do not repay, and the value of a bank's loans on its balance sheet assumes a certain level of riskiness because some customers will not repay loans. Even if a bank expects a certain number of loan defaults, it will suffer if the number of loan defaults is much greater than expected, as can happen during a recession. For example, if the Safe and Secure Bank in **Figure 14.5** experienced a wave of unexpected defaults, so that its loans declined in value from $5 million to $3 million, then the assets of the Safe and Secure Bank would decline so that the bank had negative net worth.","A bank that is bankrupt will have a negative net worth, meaning its assets will be worth less than its liabilities. The balance sheet can help us understand how this can happen.
A well-run bank will assume that a small percentage of borrowers will not repay their loans on time, or at all, and factor these missing payments into its planning. Remember, the calculations of the banks' expenses every year include a factor for loans that borrowers do not repay, and the value of a bank's loans on its balance sheet assumes a certain level of riskiness because some customers will not repay loans. Even if a bank expects a certain number of loan defaults, it will suffer if the number of loan defaults is much greater than expected, as can happen during a recession. For example, if the Safe and Secure Bank in Figure 14.5 experienced a wave of unexpected defaults, so that its loans declined in value from $5 million to $3 million, then the assets of the Safe and Secure Bank would decline so that the bank had negative net worth.",how-banks-go-bankrupt,"Question: How can a bank become bankrupt?
Answer: A bank can become bankrupt if its assets are worth less than its liabilities, resulting in negative net worth.",How can a bank become bankrupt?,"A bank can become bankrupt if its assets are worth less than its liabilities, resulting in negative net worth.","['bank', 'negative net worth', 'assets', 'liabilities', 'loan defaults', 'planning', 'safe and']"
347,13-03-05-what-led-to-the-2008-2009-financial-crisis,13-03,5,What led to the 2008-2009 financial crisis?,"Many banks make mortgage loans so that people can buy a home, but then do not keep the loans on their books as an asset. Instead, the bank sells the loan. These loans are “securitized,” which means that they are bundled together into a financial security that a financial institution sells to investors. Investors in these mortgage-backed securities receive a rate of return based on the level of payments that people make on all the mortgages that stand behind the security.
Securitization offers certain advantages. If a bank makes most of its loans in a local area, then the bank may be financially vulnerable if the local economy declines, so that many people are unable to make their payments. However, if a bank sells its local loans, and then buys a mortgage-backed security based on home loans in many parts of the country, it can avoid exposure to local financial risks. In the example above, banks only own “bonds,” but in reality, they can own a number of financial instruments, as long as these financial investments are safe enough to satisfy the government bank regulators. From the standpoint of a local homebuyer, securitization offers the benefit that a local bank does not need to have significant extra funds to make a loan, because the bank is only planning to hold that loan for a short time before selling it to pool into a financial security.
Securitization also offers one potentially large disadvantage. If a bank plans to hold a mortgage loan as an asset, the bank has an incentive to scrutinize the borrower carefully to ensure that the customer is likely to repay the loan. However, a bank that plans to sell the loan may be less careful in making the loan in the first place. The bank will be more willing to make what we call “subprime loans,” which are loans that have characteristics like low or zero down-payment, little scrutiny of whether the borrower has a reliable income, and sometimes low payments for the first year or two that will be followed by much higher payments. In the mid-2000s, economists named these subprime loans NINJA loans: loans hat financial institutions made even though the borrower had demonstrated No Income, No Job, or Assets, or NINJA.
Financial institutions typically sold these subprime loans and turned them into financial securities, but with a twist. The idea was that if losses occurred on these mortgage-backed securities, certain investors would agree to take, for example, the first 5% of such losses. Other investors would agree to take the next 5% of losses. By this approach, still other investors would not need to take any losses unless these mortgage-backed financial securities lost 25%, 30%, or more of their total value. These complex securities, along with other economic factors, encouraged a large expansion of subprime loans in the mid-2000s.
The economic stage was now set for a banking crisis. Banks thought they were buying only ultra-safe securities, because even though the securities were ultimately backed by risky subprime mortgages, the banks only invested in the part of those securities where they were protected from small or moderate levels of losses. As housing prices fell after 2007 and the deepening recession made it harder for many people to make their mortgage payments, many banks found that their mortgage-backed financial assets could be worth much less than they had expected. The banks were faced with bankruptcy, and in fact between 2008 and 2011, 318 banks failed in the United States.
The risk of an unexpectedly high level of loan defaults can be especially difficult for banks because a bank's liabilities, namely it customers' deposits. Customers can withdraw funds quickly but many of the bank's assets like loans and bonds will only be repaid over years or even decades. This **asset-liability time mismatch**—the ability for customers to withdraw bank's liabilities in the short term while customers repay its assets in the long term—can cause severe problems for a bank.
For example, imagine a bank that has loaned a substantial amount of money at a certain interest rate, but then sees interest rates rise substantially. The bank can find itself in a precarious situation. If it does not raise the interest rate it pays to depositors, then deposits will flow to other institutions that offer the higher interest rates that are now prevailing. However, if the bank raises the interest rates that it pays to depositors, it may end up in a situation where it is paying a higher interest rate to depositors than it is collecting from those past loans that it at lower interest rates. Clearly, the bank cannot survive in the long term if it is paying out more in interest to depositors than it is receiving from borrowers.
How can banks protect themselves against an unexpectedly high rate of loan
defaults and against the risk of an asset-liability time mismatch?
One strategy is for a bank to diversify its loans, which means lending to a variety of customers. For example, suppose a bank specialized in lending to a niche market—for example, making a high proportion of its loans to construction companies that build offices in one downtown area. If that one area suffers an unexpected economic downturn, the bank will suffer large losses. However, if a bank loans both to consumers who are buying homes and cars and also to a wide range of firms in many industries and geographic areas, the bank is less exposed to risk. When a bank diversifies its loans, those categories of borrowers who have an unexpectedly large number of defaults will tend to be balanced out by other borrowers who have an unexpectedly low number of defaults. Thus, diversification of loans can help banks to keep a positive net worth. However, if a widespread recession occurs that touches many industries and geographic areas, diversification will not help.
Along with diversifying their loans, banks have several other strategies to reduce the risk of an unexpectedly large number of loan defaults. For example, banks can sell some of the loans they make in the secondary loan market, as we described earlier, and instead hold a greater share of assets in the form of government bonds or reserves. Nevertheless, in a lengthy recession, most banks will see their net worth decline because customers will not repay a higher share of loans in tough economic times.
This week: Dive deeper into one type of financial intermediary: Banks. Next
week: Sticking with macroeconomics, we'll take a look at the next
intermediary: S...
","Many banks make mortgage loans so that people can buy a home, but then do not keep the loans on their books as an asset. Instead, the bank sells the loan. These loans are “securitized,” which means that they are bundled together into a financial security that a financial institution sells to investors. Investors in these mortgage-backed securities receive a rate of return based on the level of payments that people make on all the mortgages that stand behind the security.
Securitization offers certain advantages. If a bank makes most of its loans in a local area, then the bank may be financially vulnerable if the local economy declines, so that many people are unable to make their payments. However, if a bank sells its local loans, and then buys a mortgage-backed security based on home loans in many parts of the country, it can avoid exposure to local financial risks. In the example above, banks only own “bonds,” but in reality, they can own a number of financial instruments, as long as these financial investments are safe enough to satisfy the government bank regulators. From the standpoint of a local homebuyer, securitization offers the benefit that a local bank does not need to have significant extra funds to make a loan, because the bank is only planning to hold that loan for a short time before selling it to pool into a financial security.
Securitization also offers one potentially large disadvantage. If a bank plans to hold a mortgage loan as an asset, the bank has an incentive to scrutinize the borrower carefully to ensure that the customer is likely to repay the loan. However, a bank that plans to sell the loan may be less careful in making the loan in the first place. The bank will be more willing to make what we call “subprime loans,” which are loans that have characteristics like low or zero down-payment, little scrutiny of whether the borrower has a reliable income, and sometimes low payments for the first year or two that will be followed by much higher payments. In the mid-2000s, economists named these subprime loans NINJA loans: loans hat financial institutions made even though the borrower had demonstrated No Income, No Job, or Assets, or NINJA.
Financial institutions typically sold these subprime loans and turned them into financial securities, but with a twist. The idea was that if losses occurred on these mortgage-backed securities, certain investors would agree to take, for example, the first 5% of such losses. Other investors would agree to take the next 5% of losses. By this approach, still other investors would not need to take any losses unless these mortgage-backed financial securities lost 25%, 30%, or more of their total value. These complex securities, along with other economic factors, encouraged a large expansion of subprime loans in the mid-2000s.
The economic stage was now set for a banking crisis. Banks thought they were buying only ultra-safe securities, because even though the securities were ultimately backed by risky subprime mortgages, the banks only invested in the part of those securities where they were protected from small or moderate levels of losses. As housing prices fell after 2007 and the deepening recession made it harder for many people to make their mortgage payments, many banks found that their mortgage-backed financial assets could be worth much less than they had expected. The banks were faced with bankruptcy, and in fact between 2008 and 2011, 318 banks failed in the United States.
The risk of an unexpectedly high level of loan defaults can be especially difficult for banks because a bank's liabilities, namely it customers' deposits. Customers can withdraw funds quickly but many of the bank's assets like loans and bonds will only be repaid over years or even decades. This asset-liability time mismatch—the ability for customers to withdraw bank's liabilities in the short term while customers repay its assets in the long term—can cause severe problems for a bank.
For example, imagine a bank that has loaned a substantial amount of money at a certain interest rate, but then sees interest rates rise substantially. The bank can find itself in a precarious situation. If it does not raise the interest rate it pays to depositors, then deposits will flow to other institutions that offer the higher interest rates that are now prevailing. However, if the bank raises the interest rates that it pays to depositors, it may end up in a situation where it is paying a higher interest rate to depositors than it is collecting from those past loans that it at lower interest rates. Clearly, the bank cannot survive in the long term if it is paying out more in interest to depositors than it is receiving from borrowers.
How can banks protect themselves against an unexpectedly high rate of loan
defaults and against the risk of an asset-liability time mismatch?
One strategy is for a bank to diversify its loans, which means lending to a variety of customers. For example, suppose a bank specialized in lending to a niche market—for example, making a high proportion of its loans to construction companies that build offices in one downtown area. If that one area suffers an unexpected economic downturn, the bank will suffer large losses. However, if a bank loans both to consumers who are buying homes and cars and also to a wide range of firms in many industries and geographic areas, the bank is less exposed to risk. When a bank diversifies its loans, those categories of borrowers who have an unexpectedly large number of defaults will tend to be balanced out by other borrowers who have an unexpectedly low number of defaults. Thus, diversification of loans can help banks to keep a positive net worth. However, if a widespread recession occurs that touches many industries and geographic areas, diversification will not help.
Along with diversifying their loans, banks have several other strategies to reduce the risk of an unexpectedly large number of loan defaults. For example, banks can sell some of the loans they make in the secondary loan market, as we described earlier, and instead hold a greater share of assets in the form of government bonds or reserves. Nevertheless, in a lengthy recession, most banks will see their net worth decline because customers will not repay a higher share of loans in tough economic times.
- Utilize the money multiplier formulate to determine how banks create money
- Analyze and create T-account balance sheets
- Evaluate the risks and benefits of money and banks
Banks and money are intertwined. While most money is in the form of bank accounts, the banking system can also create money through the process of making loans.","- Utilize the money multiplier formulate to determine how banks create money
- Analyze and create T-account balance sheets
- Evaluate the risks and benefits of money and banks
Banks and money are intertwined. While most money is in the form of bank accounts, the banking system can also create money through the process of making loans.",overview,"{
""question"": ""How do banks create money?"",
""answer"": ""Banks create money through the process of making loans.""
}",How do banks create money?,Banks create money through the process of making loans.,"['bank accounts', 'loans', 'money multiplier', 'taccount balance sheets']"
349,13-04-01-money-creation-by-a-single-bank,13-04,1,Money Creation by a Single Bank,"Start with a hypothetical bank called Singleton Bank. The bank has $10 million in deposits. The T-account balance sheet for Singleton Bank, when it holds all the deposits in its vaults, is in **Figure 13.6**. At this stage, Singleton Bank is simply storing money for depositors and is using these deposits to make loans. In this simplified example, Singleton Bank cannot earn any interest income from these loans and cannot pay its depositors an interest rate either.
| Assets | Liabilities + Net Worth |
| -------------------- | ----------------------- |
| Reserves $10 million | Deposits $10 million |
**Figure 13.6** Singleton Bank's Balance Sheet: Receives $10 million in
Deposits
The Federal Reserve requires Singleton Bank to keep \$1 million on reserve (10% of total deposits). It will loan out the remaining \$9 million. By loaning out the \$9 million and charging interest, it will be able to make interest payments to depositors and earn interest income for Singleton Bank (for now, we will keep it simple and not put interest income on the balance sheet). Instead of becoming just a storage place for deposits, Singleton Bank can become a financial intermediary between savers and borrowers.
This change in business plan alters Singleton Bank's balance sheet, as **Figure 13.7** shows. Singleton's assets have changed. It now has \$1 million in reserves and a loan to Hank's Auto Supply of \$9 million. The bank still has \$10 million in deposits.
| Assets | Liabilities + Net Worth |
| ------------------------------------- | ----------------------- |
| Reserves $1 million | Deposits $10 million |
| Loan to Hank's Auto Supply $9 million | |
**Figure 13.7** Singleton Bank's Balance Sheet: 10% Reserves, One Round of
Loans
Singleton Bank lends \$9 million to Hank's Auto Supply. The bank records this loan by making an entry on the balance sheet to indicate that it has made a loan. This loan is an asset, because it will generate interest income for the bank. Of course, the loan officer will not allow let Hank to walk out of the bank with \$9 million in cash. The bank issues Hank's Auto Supply a cashier's check for the \$9 million. Hank deposits the loan in his regular checking account with First National. The deposits at First National rise by \$9 million and its reserves also rise by \$9 million, as **Figure 13.8** shows. First National must hold 10% of additional deposits as required reserves but is free to loan out the rest
| Assets | Liabilities + Net Worth |
| --------------------- | ----------------------- |
| Reserves + $9 million | Deposits + $9 million |
**Figure 13.8** First National Balance Sheet
Making loans that are deposited into a demand deposit account increases the M1 money supply. Remember the definition of M1 includes checkable (demand) deposits, which one can easily use as a medium of exchange to buy goods and services. Notice that the money supply is now \$19 million: \$10 million in deposits in Singleton bank and \$9 million in deposits at First National. Obviously as Hank's Auto Supply writes checks to pay its bills the deposits will draw down. However, the bigger picture is that a bank must hold enough money in reserves to meet its liabilities. The rest the bank loans out. In this example so far, bank lending has expanded the money supply by \$9 million.
Now, First National must hold only 10% as required reserves (\$900,000) but can lend out the other 90% (\$8.1 million) in a loan to Jack's Chevy Dealership as **Figure 13.9** shows.
| Assets | Liabilities + Net Worth |
| ------------------ | ----------------------- |
| Reserves $900,000 | Deposits + $9 million |
| Loans $8.1 million | |
**Figure 13.9** First National Balance Sheet
If Jack's deposits the loan in its checking account at Second National, the money supply just increased by an additional $8.1 million, as **Figure 13.10** shows.
| Assets | Liabilities + Net Worth |
| ----------------------- | ----------------------- |
| Reserves + $8.1 million | Deposits + $8.1 million |
**Figure 13.10** Second National Bank's Balance Sheet
How is this money creation possible? It is possible because there are multiple banks in the financial system, they are required to hold only a fraction of their deposits, and loans end up deposited in other banks, which increases deposits and, in essence, the money supply.
08 UNDERSTANDING ECONOMICS: HOW BANKS CREATE MONEY
","Start with a hypothetical bank called Singleton Bank. The bank has $10 million in deposits. The T-account balance sheet for Singleton Bank, when it holds all the deposits in its vaults, is in Figure 13.6. At this stage, Singleton Bank is simply storing money for depositors and is using these deposits to make loans. In this simplified example, Singleton Bank cannot earn any interest income from these loans and cannot pay its depositors an interest rate either.
Figure 13.6 Singleton Bank's Balance Sheet: Receives $10 million in
Deposits
The Federal Reserve requires Singleton Bank to keep \$1 million on reserve (10% of total deposits). It will loan out the remaining \$9 million. By loaning out the \$9 million and charging interest, it will be able to make interest payments to depositors and earn interest income for Singleton Bank (for now, we will keep it simple and not put interest income on the balance sheet). Instead of becoming just a storage place for deposits, Singleton Bank can become a financial intermediary between savers and borrowers.
This change in business plan alters Singleton Bank's balance sheet, as Figure 13.7 shows. Singleton's assets have changed. It now has \$1 million in reserves and a loan to Hank's Auto Supply of \$9 million. The bank still has \$10 million in deposits.
Figure 13.7 Singleton Bank's Balance Sheet: 10% Reserves, One Round of
Loans
Singleton Bank lends \$9 million to Hank's Auto Supply. The bank records this loan by making an entry on the balance sheet to indicate that it has made a loan. This loan is an asset, because it will generate interest income for the bank. Of course, the loan officer will not allow let Hank to walk out of the bank with \$9 million in cash. The bank issues Hank's Auto Supply a cashier's check for the \$9 million. Hank deposits the loan in his regular checking account with First National. The deposits at First National rise by \$9 million and its reserves also rise by \$9 million, as Figure 13.8 shows. First National must hold 10% of additional deposits as required reserves but is free to loan out the rest
Figure 13.8 First National Balance Sheet
Making loans that are deposited into a demand deposit account increases the M1 money supply. Remember the definition of M1 includes checkable (demand) deposits, which one can easily use as a medium of exchange to buy goods and services. Notice that the money supply is now \$19 million: \$10 million in deposits in Singleton bank and \$9 million in deposits at First National. Obviously as Hank's Auto Supply writes checks to pay its bills the deposits will draw down. However, the bigger picture is that a bank must hold enough money in reserves to meet its liabilities. The rest the bank loans out. In this example so far, bank lending has expanded the money supply by \$9 million.
Now, First National must hold only 10% as required reserves (\$900,000) but can lend out the other 90% (\$8.1 million) in a loan to Jack's Chevy Dealership as Figure 13.9 shows.
Figure 13.9 First National Balance Sheet
If Jack's deposits the loan in its checking account at Second National, the money supply just increased by an additional $8.1 million, as Figure 13.10 shows.
Figure 13.10 Second National Bank's Balance Sheet
How is this money creation possible? It is possible because there are multiple banks in the financial system, they are required to hold only a fraction of their deposits, and loans end up deposited in other banks, which increases deposits and, in essence, the money supply.
","Using the money multiplier for the example above, calculate the total quantity of money generated in this economy after all rounds of lending are complete:",using-the-money-multiplier-formula,"{""question"": ""Using the money multiplier for the example above, what is the total quantity of money generated in this economy after all rounds of lending are complete?"", ""answer"": ""The total quantity of money generated in this economy after all rounds of lending are complete can be calculated using the money multiplier.""}","Using the money multiplier for the example above, what is the total quantity of money generated in this economy after all rounds of lending are complete?",The total quantity of money generated in this economy after all rounds of lending are complete can be calculated using the money multiplier.,"['money multiplier', 'total quantity of money', 'lending', 'interest rate', 'netledger']"
352,14-05-07-unemployment-and-inflation,14-05,7,Unemployment and Inflation,"If you were to survey central bankers around the world and ask them what they believe should be the primary task of monetary policy, the most popular answer by far would be fighting inflation. Most central bankers believe that the neoclassical model of economics accurately represents the economy over the medium to long term. Remember that in the neoclassical model of the economy, we draw the aggregate supply curve as a vertical line at the level of potential GDP, as **Figure 14.11** shows. In the neoclassical model, economists determine the level of potential GDP (and the natural rate of unemployment that exists when the economy is producing at potential GDP) by real economic factors. If the original level of aggregate demand is AD0, then an expansionary monetary policy that shifts aggregate demand to AD1 only creates an inflationary increase in the price level, but it does not alter GDP or unemployment.
From this perspective, all that monetary policy can do is to lead to low inflation or high inflation—and low inflation provides a better climate for a healthy and growing economy. After all, low inflation means that businesses making investments can focus on real economic issues, not on figuring out ways to protect themselves from the costs and risks of inflation. In this way, a consistent pattern of low inflation can contribute to long-term growth.
In a neoclassical view, monetary policy affects only the price level, not
the level of output in the economy. For example, an expansionary monetary
policy causes aggregate demand to shift from the original $AD_0$ to $AD_1$.
However, the adjustment of the economy from the original equilibrium ($E_0$)
to the new equilibrium ($E_1$) represents an inflationary increase in the
price level from $P_0$ to $P_1$, but has no effect in the long run on output
or the unemployment rate. In fact, no shift in AD will affect the
equilibrium quantity of output in this model.
**Figure 14.11** Monetary Policy in a Neoclassical Model
This vision of focusing monetary policy on a low rate of inflation is so attractive that many countries have rewritten their central banking laws since in the 1990s to have their bank practice **inflation targeting**, which means that the central bank is legally required to focus primarily on keeping inflation low. By 2014, central banks in 28 countries, including Austria, Brazil, Canada, Israel, Korea, Mexico, New Zealand, Spain, Sweden, Thailand, and the United Kingdom faced a legal requirement to target the inflation rate. A notable exception is the Federal Reserve in the United States, which does not practice inflation-targeting. Instead, the law governing the Federal Reserve requires it to take both unemployment and inflation into account.
Economists have no final consensus on whether a central bank should be required to focus only on inflation or should have greater discretion. For those who subscribe to the inflation targeting philosophy, the fear is that politicians who are worried about slow economic growth and unemployment will constantly pressure the central bank to conduct a loose monetary policy—even if the economy is already producing at potential GDP. In some countries, the central bank may lack the political power to resist such pressures, with the result of higher inflation, but no long-term reduction in unemployment. The U.S. Federal Reserve has a tradition of independence, but central banks in other countries may be under greater political pressure. For all of these reasons—long and variable lags, excess reserves, unstable velocity, and controversy over economic goals—monetary policy in the real world is often difficult. The basic message remains, however, that central banks can affect aggregate demand through the conduct of monetary policy and in that way influence macroeconomic outcomes.","If you were to survey central bankers around the world and ask them what they believe should be the primary task of monetary policy, the most popular answer by far would be fighting inflation. Most central bankers believe that the neoclassical model of economics accurately represents the economy over the medium to long term. Remember that in the neoclassical model of the economy, we draw the aggregate supply curve as a vertical line at the level of potential GDP, as Figure 14.11 shows. In the neoclassical model, economists determine the level of potential GDP (and the natural rate of unemployment that exists when the economy is producing at potential GDP) by real economic factors. If the original level of aggregate demand is AD0, then an expansionary monetary policy that shifts aggregate demand to AD1 only creates an inflationary increase in the price level, but it does not alter GDP or unemployment.
From this perspective, all that monetary policy can do is to lead to low inflation or high inflation—and low inflation provides a better climate for a healthy and growing economy. After all, low inflation means that businesses making investments can focus on real economic issues, not on figuring out ways to protect themselves from the costs and risks of inflation. In this way, a consistent pattern of low inflation can contribute to long-term growth.
In a neoclassical view, monetary policy affects only the price level, not
the level of output in the economy. For example, an expansionary monetary
policy causes aggregate demand to shift from the original $AD_0$ to $AD_1$.
However, the adjustment of the economy from the original equilibrium ($E_0$)
to the new equilibrium ($E_1$) represents an inflationary increase in the
price level from $P_0$ to $P_1$, but has no effect in the long run on output
or the unemployment rate. In fact, no shift in AD will affect the
equilibrium quantity of output in this model.
Figure 14.11 Monetary Policy in a Neoclassical Model
This vision of focusing monetary policy on a low rate of inflation is so attractive that many countries have rewritten their central banking laws since in the 1990s to have their bank practice inflation targeting, which means that the central bank is legally required to focus primarily on keeping inflation low. By 2014, central banks in 28 countries, including Austria, Brazil, Canada, Israel, Korea, Mexico, New Zealand, Spain, Sweden, Thailand, and the United Kingdom faced a legal requirement to target the inflation rate. A notable exception is the Federal Reserve in the United States, which does not practice inflation-targeting. Instead, the law governing the Federal Reserve requires it to take both unemployment and inflation into account.
Economists have no final consensus on whether a central bank should be required to focus only on inflation or should have greater discretion. For those who subscribe to the inflation targeting philosophy, the fear is that politicians who are worried about slow economic growth and unemployment will constantly pressure the central bank to conduct a loose monetary policy—even if the economy is already producing at potential GDP. In some countries, the central bank may lack the political power to resist such pressures, with the result of higher inflation, but no long-term reduction in unemployment. The U.S. Federal Reserve has a tradition of independence, but central banks in other countries may be under greater political pressure. For all of these reasons—long and variable lags, excess reserves, unstable velocity, and controversy over economic goals—monetary policy in the real world is often difficult. The basic message remains, however, that central banks can affect aggregate demand through the conduct of monetary policy and in that way influence macroeconomic outcomes.",unemployment-and-inflation,"Question: What is the primary task of monetary policy according to most central bankers?
Answer: The primary task of monetary policy, according to most central bankers, is fighting inflation.",What is the primary task of monetary policy according to most central bankers?,"The primary task of monetary policy, according to most central bankers, is fighting inflation.","['monetary policy', 'neoclassical model', 'economic factors', 'aggregate demand', 'ad']"
353,13-04-04-cautions-about-the-money-multiplier,13-04,4,Cautions about the Money Multiplier,"The money multiplier will depend on the proportion of reserves that the Federal Reserve Bank requires banks to hold. Additionally, a bank can also choose to hold extra reserves.
Banks may decide to vary how much they hold in reserves for two reasons:
macroeconomic conditions and government rules.
When an economy is in recession, banks are likely to hold a higher proportion of reserves because they fear that customers are less likely to repay loans when the economy is slow. The Federal Reserve may also raise or lower the required reserves held by banks as a policy move to affect the quantity of money in an economy, as **Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation** will discuss.
The process of how banks create money shows how the quantity of money in an economy is closely linked to the quantity of lending or credit in the economy. All the money in the economy, except for the original reserves, is a result of bank loans that institutions repeatedly re-deposit and loan.
Finally, the money multiplier depends on people re-depositing the money that they receive in the banking system. If people instead store their cash in safe-deposit boxes or in shoeboxes hidden in their closets, then banks cannot recirculate the money in the form of loans. Central banks have an incentive to assure that bank deposits are safe: If people worry that they may lose their bank deposits, they may start holding more money in cash, instead of depositing it in banks, and the quantity of loans in an economy will decline. Low-income countries have what economists sometimes refer to as “mattress savings,” or money that people are hiding in their homes because they do not trust banks. When mattress savings in an economy are substantial, banks cannot lend out those funds and the money multiplier cannot operate as effectively. The overall quantity of money and loans in such an economy will decline.
Jem Bendell is a professor and the owner-director of Lifeworth Consulting, providing solutions for systemic change towards sustainable development. For 16 ye...
","The money multiplier will depend on the proportion of reserves that the Federal Reserve Bank requires banks to hold. Additionally, a bank can also choose to hold extra reserves.
Banks may decide to vary how much they hold in reserves for two reasons:
macroeconomic conditions and government rules.
When an economy is in recession, banks are likely to hold a higher proportion of reserves because they fear that customers are less likely to repay loans when the economy is slow. The Federal Reserve may also raise or lower the required reserves held by banks as a policy move to affect the quantity of money in an economy, as Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation will discuss.
The process of how banks create money shows how the quantity of money in an economy is closely linked to the quantity of lending or credit in the economy. All the money in the economy, except for the original reserves, is a result of bank loans that institutions repeatedly re-deposit and loan.
Finally, the money multiplier depends on people re-depositing the money that they receive in the banking system. If people instead store their cash in safe-deposit boxes or in shoeboxes hidden in their closets, then banks cannot recirculate the money in the form of loans. Central banks have an incentive to assure that bank deposits are safe: If people worry that they may lose their bank deposits, they may start holding more money in cash, instead of depositing it in banks, and the quantity of loans in an economy will decline. Low-income countries have what economists sometimes refer to as “mattress savings,” or money that people are hiding in their homes because they do not trust banks. When mattress savings in an economy are substantial, banks cannot lend out those funds and the money multiplier cannot operate as effectively. The overall quantity of money and loans in such an economy will decline.
- The Federal Reserve Banking System and Central Banks
- Bank Regulation
- How a Central Bank Executes Monetary Policy
- Monetary Policy and Economic Outcomes
- Pitfalls for Monetary Policy
Money, loans, and banks are all interconnected. Money is deposited in bank
accounts, which is then loaned to businesses, individuals, and other banks.
","The Federal Reserve Banking System and Central Banks
Bank Regulation
How a Central Bank Executes Monetary Policy
Monetary Policy and Economic Outcomes
Pitfalls for Monetary Policy
Money, loans, and banks are all interconnected. Money is deposited in bank
accounts, which is then loaned to businesses, individuals, and other banks.",chapter-objectives,"{""question"": ""What is the interconnection between money, loans, and banks?"", ""answer"": ""Money is deposited in bank accounts, which is then loaned to businesses, individuals, and other banks.""}","What is the interconnection between money, loans, and banks?","Money is deposited in bank accounts, which is then loaned to businesses, individuals, and other banks.","['federal reserve banking system', 'central banks', 'monetary policy', 'economic outcomes']"
356,14-00-01-introduction,14-00,1,Introduction,"When the interlocking system of money, loans, and banks works well, economic transactions in goods and labor markets occur smoothly and savers are connected with borrowers. If the money and banking system does not operate smoothly, the economy can either fall into recession or suffer prolonged inflation.
Every country's government has public policies that support the system of money, loans, and banking. However, these policies do not always work perfectly. This chapter discusses how monetary policy works and what may prevent it from working perfectly.","When the interlocking system of money, loans, and banks works well, economic transactions in goods and labor markets occur smoothly and savers are connected with borrowers. If the money and banking system does not operate smoothly, the economy can either fall into recession or suffer prolonged inflation.
Every country's government has public policies that support the system of money, loans, and banking. However, these policies do not always work perfectly. This chapter discusses how monetary policy works and what may prevent it from working perfectly.",introduction,"{""question"": ""What can happen to the economy if the money and banking system does not operate smoothly?"", ""answer"": ""The economy can either fall into recession or suffer prolonged inflation.""}",What can happen to the economy if the money and banking system does not operate smoothly?,The economy can either fall into recession or suffer prolonged inflation.,"['monetary policy', 'interlocking system', 'money', 'loans', 'banks', 'economic']"
357,14-05-08-asset-bubbles-and-leverage-cycles,14-05,8,Asset Bubbles and Leverage Cycles,"One long-standing concern about having the central bank focus on inflation and unemployment is that it may be overlooking certain other economic problems that are coming in the future. For example, from 1994 to 2000 during what was known as the “dot-com” boom, the U.S. stock market, which the Dow Jones Industrial Index measures (which includes 30 very large companies from across the U.S. economy), nearly tripled in value. The Nasdaq index, which includes many smaller technology companies, increased in value by a multiple of five from 1994 to 2000. These rates of increase were clearly not sustainable. Stock values as measured by the Dow Jones were almost 20% lower in 2009 than they had been in 2000. Stock values in the Nasdaq index were 50% lower in 2009 than they had been in 2000. The drop-off in stock market values contributed to the 2001 recession and the higher unemployment that followed.
We can tell a similar story about housing prices in the mid-2000s. During the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, housing prices increased at about 6% per year on average. During what came to be known as the “housing bubble” from 2003 to 2005, housing prices increased at almost double this annual rate. These rates of increase were clearly not sustainable. When housing prices fell in 2007 and 2008, many banks and households found that their assets were worth less than they expected, which contributed to the recession that started in 2007.
At a broader level, some economists worry about a leverage cycle, where “leverage” is a term financial economists use to mean “borrowing.” When economic times are good, banks and the financial sector are eager to lend, and people and firms are eager to borrow. Remember that a money multiplier determines the amount of money and credit in an economy —a process of loans made, money deposited, and more loans made. In good economic times, this surge of lending exaggerates the episode of economic growth. It can even be part of what lead prices of certain assets—like stock prices or housing prices—to rise at unsustainably high annual rates. At some point, when economic times turn bad, banks and the financial sector become much less willing to lend, and credit becomes expensive or unavailable to many potential borrowers. The sharp reduction in credit, perhaps combined with the deflating prices of a dot-com stock price bubble or a housing bubble, makes the economic downturn worse than it would otherwise be.
Thus, some economists have suggested that the central bank should not just look at economic growth, inflation, and unemployment rates, but should also keep an eye on asset prices and leverage cycles. Such proposals are quite controversial. If a central bank had announced in 1997 that stock prices were rising “too fast” or in 2004 that housing prices were rising “too fast,” and then taken action to hold down price increases, many people and their elected political representatives would have been outraged. Neither the Federal Reserve nor any other central banks want to take the responsibility of deciding when stock prices and housing prices are too high, too low, or just right. As further research explores how asset price bubbles and leverage cycles can affect an economy, central banks may need to think about whether they should conduct monetary policy in a way that would seek to moderate these effects.
Let's end this chapter with a Work it Out exercise in how the Fed—or any central bank—would stir up the economy by increasing the money supply.
In the 2000s, the Fed kept interest rates low to stimulate aggregate demand. But the cheap credit also helped fuel the housing market bubbles. We'll look at ...
","One long-standing concern about having the central bank focus on inflation and unemployment is that it may be overlooking certain other economic problems that are coming in the future. For example, from 1994 to 2000 during what was known as the “dot-com” boom, the U.S. stock market, which the Dow Jones Industrial Index measures (which includes 30 very large companies from across the U.S. economy), nearly tripled in value. The Nasdaq index, which includes many smaller technology companies, increased in value by a multiple of five from 1994 to 2000. These rates of increase were clearly not sustainable. Stock values as measured by the Dow Jones were almost 20% lower in 2009 than they had been in 2000. Stock values in the Nasdaq index were 50% lower in 2009 than they had been in 2000. The drop-off in stock market values contributed to the 2001 recession and the higher unemployment that followed.
We can tell a similar story about housing prices in the mid-2000s. During the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, housing prices increased at about 6% per year on average. During what came to be known as the “housing bubble” from 2003 to 2005, housing prices increased at almost double this annual rate. These rates of increase were clearly not sustainable. When housing prices fell in 2007 and 2008, many banks and households found that their assets were worth less than they expected, which contributed to the recession that started in 2007.
At a broader level, some economists worry about a leverage cycle, where “leverage” is a term financial economists use to mean “borrowing.” When economic times are good, banks and the financial sector are eager to lend, and people and firms are eager to borrow. Remember that a money multiplier determines the amount of money and credit in an economy —a process of loans made, money deposited, and more loans made. In good economic times, this surge of lending exaggerates the episode of economic growth. It can even be part of what lead prices of certain assets—like stock prices or housing prices—to rise at unsustainably high annual rates. At some point, when economic times turn bad, banks and the financial sector become much less willing to lend, and credit becomes expensive or unavailable to many potential borrowers. The sharp reduction in credit, perhaps combined with the deflating prices of a dot-com stock price bubble or a housing bubble, makes the economic downturn worse than it would otherwise be.
Thus, some economists have suggested that the central bank should not just look at economic growth, inflation, and unemployment rates, but should also keep an eye on asset prices and leverage cycles. Such proposals are quite controversial. If a central bank had announced in 1997 that stock prices were rising “too fast” or in 2004 that housing prices were rising “too fast,” and then taken action to hold down price increases, many people and their elected political representatives would have been outraged. Neither the Federal Reserve nor any other central banks want to take the responsibility of deciding when stock prices and housing prices are too high, too low, or just right. As further research explores how asset price bubbles and leverage cycles can affect an economy, central banks may need to think about whether they should conduct monetary policy in a way that would seek to moderate these effects.
Let's end this chapter with a Work it Out exercise in how the Fed—or any central bank—would stir up the economy by increasing the money supply.
- Define absolute advantage, comparative advantage, and opportunity costs
- Explain the gains of trade created when a country specializes
No nation was ever ruined by trade
Many economists would express their attitudes toward international trade in an even more positive manner. The evidence that international trade confers overall benefits on economies is pretty strong. Trade has accompanied economic growth in the United States and around the world. Many national economies that have shown the most rapid growth in the last several decades—for example, Japan, South Korea, China, and India—have done so by dramatically orienting their economies toward international trade. There is no modern example of a country that has shut itself off from world trade and yet prospered. To understand the benefits of trade, or why we trade in the first place, we need to understand the concepts of comparative and absolute advantage.
In 1817, David Ricardo, a businessman, economist, and member of the British Parliament, wrote a treatise called _On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation_. In this treatise, Ricardo argued that specialization and free trade benefit all trading partners, even those that may be relatively inefficient. To see what he meant, we must be able to distinguish between absolute and comparative advantage.
A country has an absolute advantage over another country in producing a good if it uses fewer resources to produce that good. Absolute advantage can be the result of a country's natural endowment. For example, extracting oil in Saudi Arabia is pretty much just a matter of drilling a hole. Producing oil in other countries can require considerable exploration and costly technologies for drilling and extraction, if they have any oil at all. The United States has some of the richest farmland in the world, making it easier to grow corn and wheat than in many other countries. Guatemala and Colombia have climates especially suited for growing coffee. Chile and Zambia have some of the world's richest copper mines.
As some have argued, geography is destiny. Chile will provide copper and Guatemala will produce coffee, and they will trade. When each country has a product others need and it can produce it with fewer resources, then it is easy to imagine all parties benefitting from trade. However, thinking about trade just in terms of geography and absolute advantage is incomplete. Trade really occurs because of comparative advantage
Specialization according to absolute advantage and comparative advantage, and
the resulting trade patterns.""Episode 34: Comparative Advantage & Trade"" by
Dr. Ma...
Visit this [website](https://www.wto.org/english/forums_e/debates_e/debates_e.htm) for a list of articles and podcasts pertaining to international trade topics.","- Define absolute advantage, comparative advantage, and opportunity costs
- Explain the gains of trade created when a country specializes
No nation was ever ruined by trade
Many economists would express their attitudes toward international trade in an even more positive manner. The evidence that international trade confers overall benefits on economies is pretty strong. Trade has accompanied economic growth in the United States and around the world. Many national economies that have shown the most rapid growth in the last several decades—for example, Japan, South Korea, China, and India—have done so by dramatically orienting their economies toward international trade. There is no modern example of a country that has shut itself off from world trade and yet prospered. To understand the benefits of trade, or why we trade in the first place, we need to understand the concepts of comparative and absolute advantage.
In 1817, David Ricardo, a businessman, economist, and member of the British Parliament, wrote a treatise called On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation. In this treatise, Ricardo argued that specialization and free trade benefit all trading partners, even those that may be relatively inefficient. To see what he meant, we must be able to distinguish between absolute and comparative advantage.
A country has an absolute advantage over another country in producing a good if it uses fewer resources to produce that good. Absolute advantage can be the result of a country's natural endowment. For example, extracting oil in Saudi Arabia is pretty much just a matter of drilling a hole. Producing oil in other countries can require considerable exploration and costly technologies for drilling and extraction, if they have any oil at all. The United States has some of the richest farmland in the world, making it easier to grow corn and wheat than in many other countries. Guatemala and Colombia have climates especially suited for growing coffee. Chile and Zambia have some of the world's richest copper mines.
As some have argued, geography is destiny. Chile will provide copper and Guatemala will produce coffee, and they will trade. When each country has a product others need and it can produce it with fewer resources, then it is easy to imagine all parties benefitting from trade. However, thinking about trade just in terms of geography and absolute advantage is incomplete. Trade really occurs because of comparative advantage
EconMovies explain economic concepts through movies. In this episode, I use Despicable Me to explain monetary policy, interest rates, and the role of banks i...
","The Federal Reserve, like most central banks, is designed to perform three important functions:
To conduct monetary policy
To promote stability of the financial system
To provide banking services to commercial banks and other depository institutions, as well as to the federal government.
The first two functions are important enough that we will discuss them in their own modules. The third function we will discuss here.
The Federal Reserve provides many of the same services to banks as banks provide to their customers. For example, all commercial banks have an account at the Fed where they deposit reserves. Similarly, banks can obtain loans from the Fed through the “discount window” facility, which we will discuss in more detail later. The Fed is also responsible for check processing. When you write a check to buy groceries, for example, the grocery store deposits the check in its bank account. Then, the grocery store's bank returns the physical check (or an image of that actual check) to your bank, after which it transfers funds from your bank account to the grocery store's account. The Fed is responsible for each of these actions.
On a more mundane level, the Federal Reserve ensures that enough currency and coins are circulating through the financial system to meet public demands. For example, each year the Fed increases the amount of currency available in banks around the Christmas shopping season and reduces it again in January.
Finally, the Fed is responsible for assuring that banks are in compliance with a wide variety of consumer protection laws. For example, banks are forbidden from discriminating on the basis of age, race, sex, or marital status. Banks are also required to publicly disclose information about the loans they make for buying houses and how they distribute the loans geographically, as well as by sex and race of the loan applicants.
- Discuss the relationship between bank regulation and monetary policy
- Explain bank supervision
- Explain how deposit insurance and lender of last resort are two strategies to protect against bank runs
A safe and stable national financial system is a critical concern of the Federal Reserve. The goal is not only to protect individuals' savings, but to protect the integrity of the financial system itself. This esoteric task is usually behind the scenes, but came into view during the 2008-2009 financial crisis, when for a brief period of time, critical parts of the financial system failed and firms became unable to obtain financing for ordinary parts of their business. Imagine if suddenly you were unable to access the money in your bank accounts because your checks were not accepted for payment and your debit cards were declined. This gives an idea of a failure of the payments/financial system.
Bank regulation is intended to maintain banks' solvency by avoiding excessive risk. Regulation falls into several categories, including **reserve requirements, capital requirements, and restrictions on the types of investments banks may make**.
- Banks are required to hold a minimum percentage of their deposits on hand as reserves, as we learned in Money and Banking. “On hand” is a bit of a misnomer because, while a portion of bank reserves are held as cash in the bank, the majority are held in the bank's account at the Federal Reserve, and their purpose is to cover desired withdrawals by depositors.
- Bank capital is the difference between a bank's assets and its liabilities. In other words, it is a bank's net worth. A bank must have positive net worth; otherwise it is insolvent or bankrupt, meaning it would not have enough assets to pay back its liabilities. Regulation requires that banks maintain a minimum net worth, usually expressed as a percent of their assets, to protect their depositors and other creditors.
- Banks are restricted in the types of investments they can make. Banks are permitted to make loans to businesses, individuals, and other banks. They can purchase U.S. Treasury securities, but to protect depositors, they are not permitted to invest in the stock market or other assets that are perceived as too risky.
Visit this [website](https://slate.com/business/2013/07/financial-instability-and-monetary-policy-a-terrible-mix.html) to read the brief article, _Stop Confusing Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation_.","Discuss the relationship between bank regulation and monetary policy
Explain bank supervision
Explain how deposit insurance and lender of last resort are two strategies to protect against bank runs
A safe and stable national financial system is a critical concern of the Federal Reserve. The goal is not only to protect individuals' savings, but to protect the integrity of the financial system itself. This esoteric task is usually behind the scenes, but came into view during the 2008-2009 financial crisis, when for a brief period of time, critical parts of the financial system failed and firms became unable to obtain financing for ordinary parts of their business. Imagine if suddenly you were unable to access the money in your bank accounts because your checks were not accepted for payment and your debit cards were declined. This gives an idea of a failure of the payments/financial system.
Bank regulation is intended to maintain banks' solvency by avoiding excessive risk. Regulation falls into several categories, including reserve requirements, capital requirements, and restrictions on the types of investments banks may make.
Banks are required to hold a minimum percentage of their deposits on hand as reserves, as we learned in Money and Banking. “On hand” is a bit of a misnomer because, while a portion of bank reserves are held as cash in the bank, the majority are held in the bank's account at the Federal Reserve, and their purpose is to cover desired withdrawals by depositors.
Bank capital is the difference between a bank's assets and its liabilities. In other words, it is a bank's net worth. A bank must have positive net worth; otherwise it is insolvent or bankrupt, meaning it would not have enough assets to pay back its liabilities. Regulation requires that banks maintain a minimum net worth, usually expressed as a percent of their assets, to protect their depositors and other creditors.
Banks are restricted in the types of investments they can make. Banks are permitted to make loans to businesses, individuals, and other banks. They can purchase U.S. Treasury securities, but to protect depositors, they are not permitted to invest in the stock market or other assets that are perceived as too risky.
Visit this website to read the brief article, Stop Confusing Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation.",overview,"{""question"": ""Discuss the relationship between bank regulation and monetary policy"", ""answer"": ""Bank regulation and monetary policy are related in that bank regulation helps maintain the stability of the financial system, while monetary policy influences the overall money supply and interest rates.""}",Discuss the relationship between bank regulation and monetary policy,"Bank regulation and monetary policy are related in that bank regulation helps maintain the stability of the financial system, while monetary policy influences the overall money supply and interest rates.","['bank regulation', 'monetary policy', 'deposit insurance', 'lender of last resort', 'national financial system']"
362,14-02-01-bank-supervision,14-02,1,Bank Supervision,"Several government agencies monitor banks' balance sheets to make sure they have positive net worth and are not taking too high a level of risk.
Within the U.S. Department of the Treasury, the **Office of the Comptroller
of the Currency** has a national staff of bank examiners who conduct on-site
reviews of the 1,500 or so largest national banks. The bank examiners also
review any foreign banks that have branches in the United States. The Office
of the Comptroller of the Currency also monitors and regulates about 800
savings and loan institutions.
The ** National Credit Union Administration (NCUA)** supervises credit
unions, which are nonprofit banks that their members run and own. There are
over 6,000 credit unions in the U.S. economy, although the typical credit
union is small compared to most banks.
The **Federal Reserve** also has some responsibility for supervising financial institutions. For example, we call conglomerate firms that own banks and other businesses “bank holding companies.” While other regulators like the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency supervises the banks, the Federal Reserve supervises the holding companies.
When bank supervision (and bank-like institutions such as savings and loans and credit unions) works well, most banks will remain financially healthy most of the time. If the bank supervisors find that a bank has low or negative net worth, or is making too high a proportion of risky loans, they can require that the bank change its behavior—or, in extreme cases, even force the bank to close or be sold to a financially healthy bank.
Bank supervision can run into both practical and political questions:
- The **practical question** is that measuring the value of a bank's assets is not always straightforward. As we discussed in **Money and Banking**, a bank's assets are its loans, and the value of these assets depends on estimates about the risk that customers will not repay these loans. These issues can become even more complex when a bank makes loans to banks or firms in other countries, or arranges financial deals that are much more complex than a basic loan.
- The **political question** arises because a bank supervisor's decision to require a bank to close or to change its financial investments is often controversial, and the bank supervisor often comes under political pressure from the bank's owners and the local politicians to keep quiet and back off.
For example, many observers have pointed out that Japan's banks were in deep financial trouble through most of the 1990s; however, nothing substantial had been done about it by the early 2000s. A similar unwillingness to confront problems with struggling banks is visible across the rest of the world, in East Asia, Latin America, Eastern Europe, Russia, and elsewhere.
In the United States, the government passed laws in the 1990s requiring that bank supervisors make their findings open and public, and that they act as soon as they identify a problem. However, as many U.S. banks were staggered by the 2008-2009 recession, critics of the bank regulators asked pointed questions about why the regulators had not foreseen the banks' financial shakiness earlier, before such large losses had a chance to accumulate.","Several government agencies monitor banks' balance sheets to make sure they have positive net worth and are not taking too high a level of risk.
Within the U.S. Department of the Treasury, the Office of the Comptroller
of the Currency has a national staff of bank examiners who conduct on-site
reviews of the 1,500 or so largest national banks. The bank examiners also
review any foreign banks that have branches in the United States. The Office
of the Comptroller of the Currency also monitors and regulates about 800
savings and loan institutions.
The National Credit Union Administration (NCUA) supervises credit
unions, which are nonprofit banks that their members run and own. There are
over 6,000 credit unions in the U.S. economy, although the typical credit
union is small compared to most banks.
The Federal Reserve also has some responsibility for supervising financial institutions. For example, we call conglomerate firms that own banks and other businesses “bank holding companies.” While other regulators like the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency supervises the banks, the Federal Reserve supervises the holding companies.
When bank supervision (and bank-like institutions such as savings and loans and credit unions) works well, most banks will remain financially healthy most of the time. If the bank supervisors find that a bank has low or negative net worth, or is making too high a proportion of risky loans, they can require that the bank change its behavior—or, in extreme cases, even force the bank to close or be sold to a financially healthy bank.
Bank supervision can run into both practical and political questions:
The practical question is that measuring the value of a bank's assets is not always straightforward. As we discussed in Money and Banking, a bank's assets are its loans, and the value of these assets depends on estimates about the risk that customers will not repay these loans. These issues can become even more complex when a bank makes loans to banks or firms in other countries, or arranges financial deals that are much more complex than a basic loan.
The political question arises because a bank supervisor's decision to require a bank to close or to change its financial investments is often controversial, and the bank supervisor often comes under political pressure from the bank's owners and the local politicians to keep quiet and back off.
For example, many observers have pointed out that Japan's banks were in deep financial trouble through most of the 1990s; however, nothing substantial had been done about it by the early 2000s. A similar unwillingness to confront problems with struggling banks is visible across the rest of the world, in East Asia, Latin America, Eastern Europe, Russia, and elsewhere.
In the United States, the government passed laws in the 1990s requiring that bank supervisors make their findings open and public, and that they act as soon as they identify a problem. However, as many U.S. banks were staggered by the 2008-2009 recession, critics of the bank regulators asked pointed questions about why the regulators had not foreseen the banks' financial shakiness earlier, before such large losses had a chance to accumulate.",bank-supervision,"What are some practical and political challenges that can arise in bank supervision?
The practical challenge is that measuring the value of a bank's assets is not always straightforward, and the political challenge is the controversial nature of a bank supervisor's decision to require a bank to close or change its financial investments.",What are some practical and political challenges that can arise in bank supervision? ,"The practical challenge is that measuring the value of a bank's assets is not always straightforward, and the political challenge is the controversial nature of a bank supervisor's decision to require a bank to close or change its financial investments.","['bank supervision', 'balance sheets', 'positive net worth', 'risk', 'foreign banks']"
363,14-02-02-bank-runs,14-02,2,Bank Runs,"In the nineteenth century and during the first few decades of the twentieth century, putting your money in a bank could be nerve-wracking. Imagine that the net worth of your bank became negative, so that the bank's assets were not enough to cover its liabilities. In this situation, whoever withdrew their deposits first received all of their money, and those who did not rush to the bank quickly enough, lost their money.
\
We call depositors racing to the bank to withdraw their deposits a **bank
run**, as **Figure 14.3** shows. In the movie ""It's a Wonderful Life"", the
bank manager, played by Jimmy Stewart, faces a mob of worried bank
depositors who want to withdraw their money, but manages to allay their
fears by allowing some of them to withdraw a portion of their deposits—using
the money from his own pocket that was supposed to pay for his honeymoon.
**Figure 14.3** A Run on the Bank (Credit: National Archives and Records
Administration)
The risk of bank runs created instability in the banking system. Even a rumor that a bank might experience negative net worth could trigger a bank run and, in a bank run, even healthy banks could be destroyed. Because a bank loans out most of the money it receives, and because it keeps only limited reserves on hand, a bank run of any size would quickly drain any of the bank's available cash. When the bank had no cash remaining, it only intensified the fears of remaining depositors that they could lose their money. Moreover, a bank run at one bank often triggered a chain reaction of runs on other banks. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, bank runs were typically not the original cause of a recession—but they could make a recession much worse.","In the nineteenth century and during the first few decades of the twentieth century, putting your money in a bank could be nerve-wracking. Imagine that the net worth of your bank became negative, so that the bank's assets were not enough to cover its liabilities. In this situation, whoever withdrew their deposits first received all of their money, and those who did not rush to the bank quickly enough, lost their money.
\
We call depositors racing to the bank to withdraw their deposits a bank
run, as Figure 14.3 shows. In the movie ""It's a Wonderful Life"", the
bank manager, played by Jimmy Stewart, faces a mob of worried bank
depositors who want to withdraw their money, but manages to allay their
fears by allowing some of them to withdraw a portion of their deposits—using
the money from his own pocket that was supposed to pay for his honeymoon.
Figure 14.3 A Run on the Bank (Credit: National Archives and Records
Administration)
The risk of bank runs created instability in the banking system. Even a rumor that a bank might experience negative net worth could trigger a bank run and, in a bank run, even healthy banks could be destroyed. Because a bank loans out most of the money it receives, and because it keeps only limited reserves on hand, a bank run of any size would quickly drain any of the bank's available cash. When the bank had no cash remaining, it only intensified the fears of remaining depositors that they could lose their money. Moreover, a bank run at one bank often triggered a chain reaction of runs on other banks. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, bank runs were typically not the original cause of a recession—but they could make a recession much worse.",bank-runs,"Question: What is a bank run and why could it be destructive for banks?
Answer: A bank run refers to depositors rushing to withdraw their money from a bank. It could be destructive for banks because if the bank's assets are not enough to cover its liabilities, those who withdraw their deposits first receive all of their money, leaving remaining depositors at risk of losing their money.",What is a bank run and why could it be destructive for banks?,"A bank run refers to depositors rushing to withdraw their money from a bank. It could be destructive for banks because if the bank's assets are not enough to cover its liabilities, those who withdraw their deposits first receive all of their money, leaving remaining depositors at risk of losing their money.","['bank runs', 'negative net worth', 'money', 'its a Wonderful life', 'worried bank']"
364,14-02-03-deposit-insurance-and-lender-of-last-resort,14-02,3,Deposit Insurance and Lender of Last Resort,"To protect against bank runs, Congress has put two strategies into place:
1. Deposit Insurance
2. Lender of Last Resort.","To protect against bank runs, Congress has put two strategies into place:
Deposit Insurance
Lender of Last Resort.",deposit-insurance-and-lender-of-last-resort,"{
""question"": ""What are the two strategies Congress has put into place to protect against bank runs?"",
""answer"": ""Deposit Insurance and Lender of Last Resort.""
}",What are the two strategies Congress has put into place to protect against bank runs?,Deposit Insurance and Lender of Last Resort.,"['bank runs', 'strategies', 'deposit insurance', 'lender of last resort']"
365,14-02-04-deposit-insurance,14-02,4,Deposit Insurance,"**Deposit insurance** is an insurance system that makes sure depositors in a bank do not lose their money, even if the bank goes bankrupt. About 70 countries around the world, including all of the major economies, have deposit insurance programs. In the United States, the **Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC)** is responsible for deposit insurance. Banks pay an insurance premium to the FDIC based on the bank's level of deposits, and then adjusted according to the riskiness of a bank's financial situation. In 2009, for example, a fairly safe bank with a high net worth might have paid 10-20 cents in insurance premiums for every $100 in bank deposits, while a risky bank with very low net worth might have paid 50-60 cents for every $100 in bank deposits.
Bank examiners from the FDIC evaluate the banks' balance sheets, looking at the asset and liability values to determine the risk level. The FDIC provides deposit insurance for about 5,898 banks (as of the end of February 2017). Even if a bank fails, the government guarantees that depositors will receive up to $250,000 of their money in each account, which is enough for almost all individuals, although not sufficient for many businesses. Since the United States enacted deposit insurance in the 1930s, no one has lost any of their insured deposits. Bank runs no longer happen at insured banks.","Deposit insurance is an insurance system that makes sure depositors in a bank do not lose their money, even if the bank goes bankrupt. About 70 countries around the world, including all of the major economies, have deposit insurance programs. In the United States, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) is responsible for deposit insurance. Banks pay an insurance premium to the FDIC based on the bank's level of deposits, and then adjusted according to the riskiness of a bank's financial situation. In 2009, for example, a fairly safe bank with a high net worth might have paid 10-20 cents in insurance premiums for every $100 in bank deposits, while a risky bank with very low net worth might have paid 50-60 cents for every $100 in bank deposits.
Bank examiners from the FDIC evaluate the banks' balance sheets, looking at the asset and liability values to determine the risk level. The FDIC provides deposit insurance for about 5,898 banks (as of the end of February 2017). Even if a bank fails, the government guarantees that depositors will receive up to $250,000 of their money in each account, which is enough for almost all individuals, although not sufficient for many businesses. Since the United States enacted deposit insurance in the 1930s, no one has lost any of their insured deposits. Bank runs no longer happen at insured banks.",deposit-insurance,"{
""question"": ""What is the purpose of deposit insurance?"",
""answer"": ""The purpose of deposit insurance is to ensure that depositors in a bank do not lose their money, even if the bank goes bankrupt.""
}",What is the purpose of deposit insurance?,"The purpose of deposit insurance is to ensure that depositors in a bank do not lose their money, even if the bank goes bankrupt.","['bank', 'deposit insurance', 'usa', 'federal deposit insurance corporation', 'riskiness']"
366,14-02-05-lender-of-last-resort,14-02,5,Lender of Last Resort,"The problem with bank runs is not that insolvent banks will fail; they are, after all, bankrupt and need to be shut down. The problem is that bank runs can cause solvent banks to fail and spread to the rest of the financial system. To prevent this, the Fed stands ready to lend to banks and other financial institutions when they cannot obtain funds from anywhere else. This is known as the lender of last resort role. For banks, the central bank acting as a lender of last resort helps to reinforce the effect of deposit insurance and to reassure bank customers that they will not lose their money.
The lender of last resort task can arise in other financial crises, as well. During the 1987 stock market crash panic, when U.S. stock values fell by 25% in a single day, the Federal Reserve made a number of short-term emergency loans so that the financial system could keep functioning. During the 2008-2009 recession, we can interpret the Fed's “quantitative easing” policies as a willingness to make short-term credit available as needed in a time when the banking and financial system was under stress.
If you heard a rumor that your bank was insolvent (in other words, it had more liabilities than assets), what would you do? A typical reaction is to panic. W...
","The problem with bank runs is not that insolvent banks will fail; they are, after all, bankrupt and need to be shut down. The problem is that bank runs can cause solvent banks to fail and spread to the rest of the financial system. To prevent this, the Fed stands ready to lend to banks and other financial institutions when they cannot obtain funds from anywhere else. This is known as the lender of last resort role. For banks, the central bank acting as a lender of last resort helps to reinforce the effect of deposit insurance and to reassure bank customers that they will not lose their money.
The lender of last resort task can arise in other financial crises, as well. During the 1987 stock market crash panic, when U.S. stock values fell by 25% in a single day, the Federal Reserve made a number of short-term emergency loans so that the financial system could keep functioning. During the 2008-2009 recession, we can interpret the Fed's “quantitative easing” policies as a willingness to make short-term credit available as needed in a time when the banking and financial system was under stress.
- Explain the reason for open market operations
- Evaluate reserve requirements and discount rates
- Interpret and show bank activity through balance sheets
The Federal Reserve's most important function is to conduct the nation's monetary policy. **Article I, Section 8** of the U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power “to coin money” and “to regulate the value thereof.” As part of the 1913 legislation that created the Federal Reserve, Congress delegated these powers to the Fed. Monetary policy involves managing interest rates and credit conditions, which influence the level of economic activity, as we describe in more detail below.
A central bank has three traditional tools to implement monetary policy in the economy:
- Open market operations
- Changing reserve requirements
- Changing the discount rate
In discussing how these three tools work, it is useful to think of the central bank as a “bank for banks”—that is, each private-sector bank has its own account at the central bank. We will discuss each of these monetary policy tools in the sections below.","- Explain the reason for open market operations
- Evaluate reserve requirements and discount rates
- Interpret and show bank activity through balance sheets
The Federal Reserve's most important function is to conduct the nation's monetary policy. Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power “to coin money” and “to regulate the value thereof.” As part of the 1913 legislation that created the Federal Reserve, Congress delegated these powers to the Fed. Monetary policy involves managing interest rates and credit conditions, which influence the level of economic activity, as we describe in more detail below.
A central bank has three traditional tools to implement monetary policy in the economy:
Open market operations
Changing reserve requirements
Changing the discount rate
In discussing how these three tools work, it is useful to think of the central bank as a “bank for banks”—that is, each private-sector bank has its own account at the central bank. We will discuss each of these monetary policy tools in the sections below.",overview,"{
""question"": ""What are the three traditional tools that a central bank has to implement monetary policy?"",
""answer"": ""Open market operations, changing reserve requirements, and changing the discount rate.""
}",What are the three traditional tools that a central bank has to implement monetary policy?,"Open market operations, changing reserve requirements, and changing the discount rate.","['open market operations', 'reserve requirements', 'discount rates', 'central bank', 'interest rates']"
368,14-03-02-does-selling-or-buying-bonds-increase-the-money-supply,14-03,2,Does selling or buying bonds increase the money supply?,"Is it a sale of bonds by the central bank which increases bank reserves and lowers interest rates or is it a purchase of bonds by the central bank? The easy way to keep track of this is to treat the central bank as being _outside_ the banking system. When a central bank buys bonds, money is flowing from the central bank to individual banks in the economy, increasing the money supply in circulation. When a central bank sells bonds, then money from individual banks in the economy is flowing into the central bank—reducing the quantity of money in the economy.
Visit this [website](https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/default.htm) for the Federal Reserve to learn more about current monetary policy.","Is it a sale of bonds by the central bank which increases bank reserves and lowers interest rates or is it a purchase of bonds by the central bank? The easy way to keep track of this is to treat the central bank as being outside the banking system. When a central bank buys bonds, money is flowing from the central bank to individual banks in the economy, increasing the money supply in circulation. When a central bank sells bonds, then money from individual banks in the economy is flowing into the central bank—reducing the quantity of money in the economy.
Visit this website for the Federal Reserve to learn more about current monetary policy.",does-selling-or-buying-bonds-increase-the-money-supply,"{""question"": ""What happens to the money supply when the central bank sells bonds?"", ""answer"": ""The quantity of money in the economy is reduced.""}",What happens to the money supply when the central bank sells bonds?,The quantity of money in the economy is reduced.,"['bonds', 'central bank', 'bank reserves', 'interest rates', 'money supply', 'individual banks']"
369,14-03-03-changing-reserve-requirements,14-03,3,Changing Reserve Requirements,"
The second method of conducting monetary policy is for the central bank to
raise or lower the reserve requirement.
The reserve requirement, as we noted earlier, is the percentage of each bank's deposits that it is legally required to hold either as cash in their vault or on deposit with the central bank. If banks are required to hold a greater amount in reserves, they have less money available to lend out. If banks are allowed to hold a smaller amount in reserves, they will have a greater amount of money available to lend out.
In early 2015, the Federal Reserve required banks to hold reserves equal to 0% of the first \$14.5 million in deposits, then 3% up to \$103.6 million,and 10% of any amount above \$103.6 million. The Fed makes small changes in the reserve requirements almost every year. For example, the \$103.6 million dividing line is sometimes raised or lowered by a few million dollars.
In practice, the Fed rarely uses large changes in reserve requirements to execute monetary policy. A sudden demand that all banks increase their reserves would be extremely disruptive and difficult for them to comply, while loosening requirements too much would create a danger of banks inability to meet withdrawal demands.","The second method of conducting monetary policy is for the central bank to
raise or lower the reserve requirement.
The reserve requirement, as we noted earlier, is the percentage of each bank's deposits that it is legally required to hold either as cash in their vault or on deposit with the central bank. If banks are required to hold a greater amount in reserves, they have less money available to lend out. If banks are allowed to hold a smaller amount in reserves, they will have a greater amount of money available to lend out.
In early 2015, the Federal Reserve required banks to hold reserves equal to 0% of the first \$14.5 million in deposits, then 3% up to \$103.6 million,and 10% of any amount above \$103.6 million. The Fed makes small changes in the reserve requirements almost every year. For example, the \$103.6 million dividing line is sometimes raised or lowered by a few million dollars.
In practice, the Fed rarely uses large changes in reserve requirements to execute monetary policy. A sudden demand that all banks increase their reserves would be extremely disruptive and difficult for them to comply, while loosening requirements too much would create a danger of banks inability to meet withdrawal demands.",changing-reserve-requirements,"Question: What is the second method of conducting monetary policy mentioned in the passage?
Answer: The second method is for the central bank to raise or lower the reserve requirement.",What is the second method of conducting monetary policy mentioned in the passage?,The second method is for the central bank to raise or lower the reserve requirement.,"['monetary policy', 'central bank', 'reserve requirement', 'cash', 'deposit', 'federal reserve']"
370,14-03-04-changing-the-discount-rate,14-03,4,Changing the Discount Rate,"
The third traditional method for conducting monetary policy is to raise or
lower the discount rate.
The Federal Reserve was founded in the aftermath of the 1907 Financial Panic when many banks failed as a result of bank runs. As mentioned earlier, since banks make profits by lending out their deposits, no bank, even those that are not bankrupt, can withstand a bank run. As a result of the Panic, the Federal Reserve was founded to be the lender of last resort. In the event of a bank run, sound banks (banks that were not bankrupt) could borrow as much cash as they needed from the Fed's discount “window” to quell the bank run. We call the interest rate banks pay for such loans the **discount rate**. It is so named because the bank makes loans against its outstanding loans “at a discount” of their face value.
Once depositors became convinced that the bank would be able to honor their withdrawals, they no longer had a reason to make a run on the bank. In short, the Federal Reserve was originally intended to provide credit passively, but in the years since its founding, the Fed has taken on a more active role with monetary policy.
If the central bank raises the discount rate, then commercial banks will reduce their borrowing of reserves from the Fed, and instead call in loans to replace those reserves. Since fewer loans are available, the money supply falls and market interest rates rise. If the central bank lowers the discount rate it charges to banks, the process works in reverse.
In recent decades, the Federal Reserve has made relatively few discount loans. Before a bank borrows from the Federal Reserve to fill out its required reserves, the bank is expected to first borrow from other available sources, like other banks. This is encouraged by the Fed charging a higher discount rate than the federal funds rate. Given that most banks borrow little at the discount rate, changing the discount rate up or down has little impact on their behavior. More importantly, the Fed has found from experience that open market operations are a more precise and powerful means of executing any desired monetary policy.
The phrase ""**to afford means of rediscounting commercial paper**"" is contained in the long title of the Federal Reserve Act. Adjusting the discount rate was the main tool for monetary policy when the Fed was initially created, yet it has been barely used in the last few decades. This illustrates how monetary policy has evolved and how it continues to do so.
","The third traditional method for conducting monetary policy is to raise or
lower the discount rate.
The Federal Reserve was founded in the aftermath of the 1907 Financial Panic when many banks failed as a result of bank runs. As mentioned earlier, since banks make profits by lending out their deposits, no bank, even those that are not bankrupt, can withstand a bank run. As a result of the Panic, the Federal Reserve was founded to be the lender of last resort. In the event of a bank run, sound banks (banks that were not bankrupt) could borrow as much cash as they needed from the Fed's discount “window” to quell the bank run. We call the interest rate banks pay for such loans the discount rate. It is so named because the bank makes loans against its outstanding loans “at a discount” of their face value.
Once depositors became convinced that the bank would be able to honor their withdrawals, they no longer had a reason to make a run on the bank. In short, the Federal Reserve was originally intended to provide credit passively, but in the years since its founding, the Fed has taken on a more active role with monetary policy.
If the central bank raises the discount rate, then commercial banks will reduce their borrowing of reserves from the Fed, and instead call in loans to replace those reserves. Since fewer loans are available, the money supply falls and market interest rates rise. If the central bank lowers the discount rate it charges to banks, the process works in reverse.
In recent decades, the Federal Reserve has made relatively few discount loans. Before a bank borrows from the Federal Reserve to fill out its required reserves, the bank is expected to first borrow from other available sources, like other banks. This is encouraged by the Fed charging a higher discount rate than the federal funds rate. Given that most banks borrow little at the discount rate, changing the discount rate up or down has little impact on their behavior. More importantly, the Fed has found from experience that open market operations are a more precise and powerful means of executing any desired monetary policy.
The phrase ""to afford means of rediscounting commercial paper"" is contained in the long title of the Federal Reserve Act. Adjusting the discount rate was the main tool for monetary policy when the Fed was initially created, yet it has been barely used in the last few decades. This illustrates how monetary policy has evolved and how it continues to do so.",changing-the-discount-rate,"Question: What is the purpose of the discount rate in monetary policy?
Answer: The discount rate is used as a tool to control the money supply and influence market interest rates by determining the cost of borrowing for commercial banks from the Federal Reserve.",What is the purpose of the discount rate in monetary policy?,The discount rate is used as a tool to control the money supply and influence market interest rates by determining the cost of borrowing for commercial banks from the Federal Reserve.,"['monetary policy', 'discount rate', 'federal reserve', 'financial panic', 'banks', 'interest']"
371,15-04-00-overview,15-04,0,Overview,"
- Explain how expansionary fiscal policy can shift aggregate demand and influence the economy
- Explain how contractionary fiscal policy can shift aggregate demand and influence the economy
Fiscal policy is the use of government spending and tax policy to influence the path of the economy over time. Graphically, we see that fiscal policy, whether through changes in spending or taxes, shifts the aggregate demand outward in the case of expansionary fiscal policy and inward in the case of contractionary fiscal policy. We know from the chapter on economic growth that over time the quantity and quality of our resources grow as the population and thus the labor force grows, as businesses invest in new capital, and as technology improves. The result of this is regular shifts to the right of the aggregate supply curves, as **Figure 15.8** illustrates.
The original equilibrium occurs at $E_0$, the intersection of aggregate demand curve AD0 and aggregate supply curve $\text{SRAS}_0$, at an output level of 200 and a price level of 90.
One year later, aggregate supply has shifted to the right to $\text{SRAS}_1$ in the process of long-term economic growth, and aggregate demand has also shifted to the right to AD1, keeping the economy operating at the new level of potential GDP. The new equilibrium ($E_1$) is an output level of 206 and a price level of 92.
One more year later, aggregate supply has again shifted to the right, now to $\text{SRAS}_2$, and aggregate demand shifts right as well to $AD_2$. Now the equilibrium is $E_2$, with an output level of 212 and a price level of 94.
**Figure 15.8** A Healthy, Growing Economy
In short, the figure shows an economy that is growing steadily year to year, producing at its potential GDP each year, with only small inflationary increases in the price level.
Aggregate demand and aggregate supply do not always move neatly together. Consider an economy, in which real income increases over time. Increases in real income may increase consumer and investment spending, shifting the aggregate demand curve to the right, but in any given period it may not shift the same amount as aggregate supply.
What happens to government spending and taxes during these shifts?
Government spends to pay for the ordinary business of government items such as national defense, social security, and healthcare. Tax revenues, in part, pay for these expenditures. The result may be an increase in aggregate demand more than or less than the increase in aggregate supply. Aggregate demand may fail to increase along with aggregate supply, or aggregate demand may even shift left, for a number of possible reasons: households become hesitant about consuming; firms decide against investing as much, or perhaps the demand from other countries for exports diminishes.
For example, investment by private firms in physical capital in the U.S. economy boomed during the late 1990s, rising from 14.1% of GDP in 1993 to 17.2% in 2000, before falling back to 15.2% by 2002. Conversely, if shifts in aggregate demand run ahead of increases in aggregate supply, inflationary increases in the price level will result. Business cycles of recession and recovery are the consequence of shifts in aggregate supply and aggregate demand. As these occur, the government may choose to use fiscal policy to address the difference.
","Explain how expansionary fiscal policy can shift aggregate demand and influence the economy
Explain how contractionary fiscal policy can shift aggregate demand and influence the economy
Fiscal policy is the use of government spending and tax policy to influence the path of the economy over time. Graphically, we see that fiscal policy, whether through changes in spending or taxes, shifts the aggregate demand outward in the case of expansionary fiscal policy and inward in the case of contractionary fiscal policy. We know from the chapter on economic growth that over time the quantity and quality of our resources grow as the population and thus the labor force grows, as businesses invest in new capital, and as technology improves. The result of this is regular shifts to the right of the aggregate supply curves, as Figure 15.8 illustrates.
The original equilibrium occurs at $E_0$, the intersection of aggregate demand curve AD0 and aggregate supply curve $\text{SRAS}_0$, at an output level of 200 and a price level of 90.
One year later, aggregate supply has shifted to the right to $\text{SRAS}_1$ in the process of long-term economic growth, and aggregate demand has also shifted to the right to AD1, keeping the economy operating at the new level of potential GDP. The new equilibrium ($E_1$) is an output level of 206 and a price level of 92.
One more year later, aggregate supply has again shifted to the right, now to $\text{SRAS}_2$, and aggregate demand shifts right as well to $AD_2$. Now the equilibrium is $E_2$, with an output level of 212 and a price level of 94.
- Contrast expansionary monetary policy and contractionary monetary policy
- Explain how monetary policy impacts interest rates and aggregate demand
- Evaluate Federal Reserve decisions over the last forty years
- Explain the significance of quantitative easing (QE)
A monetary policy that lowers interest rates and stimulates borrowing is an **expansionary monetary policy** or **loose monetary policy**. Conversely, a monetary policy that raises interest rates and reduces borrowing in the economy is a **contractionary monetary policy** or **tight monetary policy**. This module will discuss how expansionary and contractionary monetary policies affect interest rates and aggregate demand, and how such policies will affect macroeconomic goals like unemployment and inflation. We will conclude with a look at the Fed's monetary policy practice in recent decades.","- Contrast expansionary monetary policy and contractionary monetary policy
- Explain how monetary policy impacts interest rates and aggregate demand
- Evaluate Federal Reserve decisions over the last forty years
- Explain the significance of quantitative easing (QE)
A monetary policy that lowers interest rates and stimulates borrowing is an expansionary monetary policy or loose monetary policy. Conversely, a monetary policy that raises interest rates and reduces borrowing in the economy is a contractionary monetary policy or tight monetary policy. This module will discuss how expansionary and contractionary monetary policies affect interest rates and aggregate demand, and how such policies will affect macroeconomic goals like unemployment and inflation. We will conclude with a look at the Fed's monetary policy practice in recent decades.",overview,"{
""question"": ""Explain the significance of quantitative easing (QE)."",
""answer"": ""Quantitative easing (QE) is a monetary policy tool used by central banks to stimulate the economy by buying government bonds and other financial assets, which increases the money supply and lowers long-term interest rates.""
}",Explain the significance of quantitative easing (QE).,"Quantitative easing (QE) is a monetary policy tool used by central banks to stimulate the economy by buying government bonds and other financial assets, which increases the money supply and lowers long-term interest rates.","['sublationary monetary policy', 'interest rates', 'aggregate demand', 'federal reserve decisions']"
373,14-04-01-the-effect-of-monetary-policy-on-interest-rates,14-04,1,The Effect of Monetary Policy on Interest Rates,"Consider the market for loanable bank funds in **Figure 14.6**.
The original equilibrium ($E_0$) occurs at an 8% interest rate and a
quantity of \$10 billion in funds loaned and borrowed. An expansionary
monetary policy will shift the supply of loanable funds to the right from
the original supply curve ($S_0$) to $S_1$, leading to an equilibrium
($E_1$) with a lower 6% interest rate and a quantity of \$14 billion in
loaned funds. Conversely, a contractionary monetary policy will shift the
supply of loanable funds to the left from the original supply curve ($S_0$)
to $S_2$, leading to an equilibrium ($E_2$) with a higher 10% interest rate
and a quantity of \$8 billion in loaned funds.
**Figure 14.6** Monetary Policy and Interest Rates
How does a central bank “raise” interest rates? When describing the central bank's monetary policy actions, it is common to hear that the central bank “raised interest rates” or “lowered interest rates.” More precisely, though, the central bank changes bank reserves through open market operations in a way that affects the supply curve of loanable funds. As a result, **Figure 14.6** shows that interest rates change. If they do not meet the Fed's target, the Fed can supply more or less reserves until interest rates do.
Recall that the specific interest rate the Fed targets is the **federal funds rate**. The Federal Reserve has, since 1995, established its target federal funds rate in advance of any open market operations.
Of course, financial markets display a wide range of interest rates, representing borrowers with different risk premiums and loans that they must repay over different periods of time. In general, when the federal funds rate drops substantially, other interest rates drop, too, and when the federal funds rate rises, other interest rates rise. However, a fall or rise of one percentage point in the federal funds rate, which is for borrowing overnight, will typically have an effect of less than one percentage point on a 30-year loan to purchase a house or a three-year loan to purchase a car. Monetary policy can push the entire spectrum of interest rates higher or lower, but the forces of supply and demand in those specific markets for lending and borrowing set the specific interest rates.","Consider the market for loanable bank funds in Figure 14.6.
The original equilibrium ($E_0$) occurs at an 8% interest rate and a
quantity of \$10 billion in funds loaned and borrowed. An expansionary
monetary policy will shift the supply of loanable funds to the right from
the original supply curve ($S_0$) to $S_1$, leading to an equilibrium
($E_1$) with a lower 6% interest rate and a quantity of \$14 billion in
loaned funds. Conversely, a contractionary monetary policy will shift the
supply of loanable funds to the left from the original supply curve ($S_0$)
to $S_2$, leading to an equilibrium ($E_2$) with a higher 10% interest rate
and a quantity of \$8 billion in loaned funds.
Figure 14.6 Monetary Policy and Interest Rates
How does a central bank “raise” interest rates? When describing the central bank's monetary policy actions, it is common to hear that the central bank “raised interest rates” or “lowered interest rates.” More precisely, though, the central bank changes bank reserves through open market operations in a way that affects the supply curve of loanable funds. As a result, Figure 14.6 shows that interest rates change. If they do not meet the Fed's target, the Fed can supply more or less reserves until interest rates do.
Recall that the specific interest rate the Fed targets is the federal funds rate. The Federal Reserve has, since 1995, established its target federal funds rate in advance of any open market operations.
Of course, financial markets display a wide range of interest rates, representing borrowers with different risk premiums and loans that they must repay over different periods of time. In general, when the federal funds rate drops substantially, other interest rates drop, too, and when the federal funds rate rises, other interest rates rise. However, a fall or rise of one percentage point in the federal funds rate, which is for borrowing overnight, will typically have an effect of less than one percentage point on a 30-year loan to purchase a house or a three-year loan to purchase a car. Monetary policy can push the entire spectrum of interest rates higher or lower, but the forces of supply and demand in those specific markets for lending and borrowing set the specific interest rates.",the-effect-of-monetary-policy-on-interest-rates,"Question: How does a central bank ""raise"" interest rates?
Answer: The central bank changes bank reserves through open market operations, which affects the supply curve of loanable funds and in turn raises interest rates.","How does a central bank ""raise"" interest rates?","The central bank changes bank reserves through open market operations, which affects the supply curve of loanable funds and in turn raises interest rates.","['monetary policy', 'loanable bank funds', '8 interest rate', 'federal funds']"
374,14-04-02-the-effect-of-monetary-policy-on-aggregate-demand,14-04,2,The Effect of Monetary Policy on Aggregate Demand,"
Monetary policy affects interest rates and the available quantity of loanable
funds, which in turn affects several components of aggregate demand.
**Tight or contractionary monetary policy** that leads to higher interest rates and a reduced quantity of loanable funds will reduce the aggregate demand. Business investment will decline because it is less attractive for firms to borrow money, and even firms that have money will notice that, with higher interest rates, it is relatively more attractive to put those funds in a financial investment than to make an investment in physical capital. In addition, higher interest rates will discourage consumer borrowing for big-ticket items like houses and cars.
Conversely, **loose or expansionary monetary policy** that leads to lower interest rates and a higher quantity of loanable funds will tend to increase business investment and consumer borrowing for big-ticket items. If the economy is suffering a recession and high unemployment, with output below potential GDP, expansionary monetary policy can help the economy return to potential GDP.
Figure 14.7 (a) illustrates this situation. This example uses a short-run upward-sloping Keynesian aggregate supply curve (SRAS). The original equilibrium during a recession of E0 occurs at an output level of 600. An expansionary monetary policy will reduce interest rates and stimulate investment and consumption spending, causing the original aggregate demand curve (AD0) to shift right to AD1, so that the new equilibrium (E1) occurs at the potential GDP level of 700.
**Figure 14.7** Expansionary or Contractionary Monetary Policy
(a) The economy is originally in a recession with the equilibrium output and price shown at E0. Expansionary monetary policy will reduce interest rates and shift aggregate demand to the right from AD0 to AD1, leading to the new equilibrium (E1) at the potential GDP level of output with a relatively small rise in the price level.
(b) The economy is originally producing above the potential GDP level of output at the equilibrium E0 and is experiencing pressures for an inflationary rise in the price level. Contractionary monetary policy will shift aggregate demand to the left from AD0 to AD1, thus leading to a new equilibrium (E1) at the potential GDP level of output.
Conversely, if an economy is producing at a quantity of output above its potential GDP, a contractionary monetary policy can reduce the inflationary pressures for a rising price level. In **Figure 14.7** (b), the original equilibrium (E0) occurs at an output of 750, which is above potential GDP. A contractionary monetary policy will raise interest rates, discourage borrowing for investment and consumption spending, and cause the original demand curve (AD0) to shift left to AD1, so that the new equilibrium (E1) occurs at the potential GDP level of 700.
These examples suggest that monetary policy should be countercyclical; that
is, it should act to counterbalance the business cycles of economic downturns
and upswings.
The Fed should loosen monetary policy when a recession has caused unemployment to increase and tighten it when inflation rises. Of course, countercyclical policy does pose a danger of overreaction. If loose monetary policy seeking to end a recession goes too far, it may push aggregate demand so far to the right that it triggers inflation. If tight monetary policy seeking to reduce inflation goes too far, it may push aggregate demand so far to the left that a recession begins. **Figure 14.8** (a) summarizes the chain of effects that connect loose and tight monetary policy to changes in output and the price level.
**Figure 14.8** The Pathways of Monetary Policy
(a) In expansionary monetary policy the central bank causes the supply of money and loanable funds to increase, which lowers the interest rate, stimulating additional borrowing for investment and consumption, and shifting aggregate demand right. The result is a higher price level and, at least in the short run, higher real GDP.
(b) In contractionary monetary policy, the central bank causes the supply of money and credit in the economy to decrease, which raises the interest rate, discouraging borrowing for investment and consumption, and shifting aggregate demand left. The result is a lower price level and, at least in the short run, lower real GDP.","Monetary policy affects interest rates and the available quantity of loanable
funds, which in turn affects several components of aggregate demand.
Tight or contractionary monetary policy that leads to higher interest rates and a reduced quantity of loanable funds will reduce the aggregate demand. Business investment will decline because it is less attractive for firms to borrow money, and even firms that have money will notice that, with higher interest rates, it is relatively more attractive to put those funds in a financial investment than to make an investment in physical capital. In addition, higher interest rates will discourage consumer borrowing for big-ticket items like houses and cars.
Conversely, loose or expansionary monetary policy that leads to lower interest rates and a higher quantity of loanable funds will tend to increase business investment and consumer borrowing for big-ticket items. If the economy is suffering a recession and high unemployment, with output below potential GDP, expansionary monetary policy can help the economy return to potential GDP.
Figure 14.7 (a) illustrates this situation. This example uses a short-run upward-sloping Keynesian aggregate supply curve (SRAS). The original equilibrium during a recession of E0 occurs at an output level of 600. An expansionary monetary policy will reduce interest rates and stimulate investment and consumption spending, causing the original aggregate demand curve (AD0) to shift right to AD1, so that the new equilibrium (E1) occurs at the potential GDP level of 700.
Figure 14.7 Expansionary or Contractionary Monetary Policy
(a) The economy is originally in a recession with the equilibrium output and price shown at E0. Expansionary monetary policy will reduce interest rates and shift aggregate demand to the right from AD0 to AD1, leading to the new equilibrium (E1) at the potential GDP level of output with a relatively small rise in the price level.
(b) The economy is originally producing above the potential GDP level of output at the equilibrium E0 and is experiencing pressures for an inflationary rise in the price level. Contractionary monetary policy will shift aggregate demand to the left from AD0 to AD1, thus leading to a new equilibrium (E1) at the potential GDP level of output.
Conversely, if an economy is producing at a quantity of output above its potential GDP, a contractionary monetary policy can reduce the inflationary pressures for a rising price level. In Figure 14.7 (b), the original equilibrium (E0) occurs at an output of 750, which is above potential GDP. A contractionary monetary policy will raise interest rates, discourage borrowing for investment and consumption spending, and cause the original demand curve (AD0) to shift left to AD1, so that the new equilibrium (E1) occurs at the potential GDP level of 700.
These examples suggest that monetary policy should be countercyclical; that
is, it should act to counterbalance the business cycles of economic downturns
and upswings.
The Fed should loosen monetary policy when a recession has caused unemployment to increase and tighten it when inflation rises. Of course, countercyclical policy does pose a danger of overreaction. If loose monetary policy seeking to end a recession goes too far, it may push aggregate demand so far to the right that it triggers inflation. If tight monetary policy seeking to reduce inflation goes too far, it may push aggregate demand so far to the left that a recession begins. Figure 14.8 (a) summarizes the chain of effects that connect loose and tight monetary policy to changes in output and the price level.
Figure 14.8 The Pathways of Monetary Policy
(a) In expansionary monetary policy the central bank causes the supply of money and loanable funds to increase, which lowers the interest rate, stimulating additional borrowing for investment and consumption, and shifting aggregate demand right. The result is a higher price level and, at least in the short run, higher real GDP.
(b) In contractionary monetary policy, the central bank causes the supply of money and credit in the economy to decrease, which raises the interest rate, discouraging borrowing for investment and consumption, and shifting aggregate demand left. The result is a lower price level and, at least in the short run, lower real GDP.",the-effect-of-monetary-policy-on-aggregate-demand,"{""question"": ""What is the effect of tight or contractionary monetary policy on aggregate demand?"", ""answer"": ""Tight or contractionary monetary policy reduces aggregate demand.""}",What is the effect of tight or contractionary monetary policy on aggregate demand?,Tight or contractionary monetary policy reduces aggregate demand.,"['monetary policy', 'interest rates', 'loanable funds', 'business investment', 'consumer borrowing', 'big']"
375,14-04-03-federal-reserve-actions-over-last-four-decades,14-04,3,Federal Reserve Actions Over Last Four Decades,"For the period from the mid-1970s up through the end of 2007, we can summarize Federal Reserve monetary policy by looking at how it targeted the federal funds interest rate using open market operations.
Of course, telling the story of the U.S. economy since 1975 in terms of Federal Reserve actions leaves out many other macroeconomic factors that were influencing unemployment, recession, economic growth, and inflation over this time. The nine episodes of Federal Reserve action outlined in the sections below also demonstrate that we should consider the central bank as one of the leading actors influencing the macroeconomy. As we noted earlier, the person with the greatest power to influence the U.S. economy is probably the Federal Reserve chairperson.
**Figure 14.9** below shows how the Federal Reserve has carried out monetary policy by targeting the federal funds interest rate in the last few decades. The graph shows the federal funds interest rate, the unemployment rate, and the inflation rate since 1975. Different episodes of monetary policy during this period are indicated in the figure.
**Figure 14.9** Monetary Policy, Unemployment, and Inflation
Through the episodes here, the Federal Reserve typically reacted to higher inflation with a contractionary monetary policy and a higher interest rate, and reacted to higher unemployment with an expansionary monetary policy and a lower interest rate.
During the late 1970s, the rate of inflation was very high, exceeding 10% in
1979 and 1980. The Federal Reserve used tight monetary policy to raise
interest rates, with the federal funds rate rising from 5.5% in 1977 to
16.4% in 1981. By 1983, inflation was down to 3.2%, but aggregate demand
contracted sharply enough that back-to-back recessions occurred in 1980 and
in 1981–1982. As a result, the unemployment rate rose from 5.8% in 1979 to
9.7% in 1982.
In the early 1980s, economists persuaded the Federal Reserve that inflation
was declining, so the Fed began slashing interest rates to reduce
unemployment. The federal funds interest rate fell from 16.4% in 1981 to
6.8% in 1986. By 1986 or so, inflation had fallen to about 2% and the
unemployment rate had come down to 7%, and was still falling.
However, in the late 1980s, inflation appeared to be creeping up again,
rising from 2% in 1986 up toward 5% by 1989. In response, the Federal
Reserve used contractionary monetary policy to raise the federal funds rates
from 6.6% in 1987 to 9.2% in 1989. The tighter monetary policy stopped
inflation, which fell from above 5% in 1990 to under 3% in 1992, but it also
helped to cause the 1990-1991 recession. As a result, the unemployment rate
rose from 5.3% in 1989 to 7.5% by 1992.
In the early 1990s, the Federal Reserve was confident that inflation was
back under control, so it reduced interest rates, with the federal funds
interest rate falling from 8.1% in 1990 to 3.5% in 1992. As the economy
expanded, the unemployment rate declined from 7.5% in 1992 to less than 5%
by 1997.
From 1993 to 1995, the Federal Reserve perceived a risk of inflation and
raised the federal funds rate from 3% to 5.8%. Inflation did not rise, and
the period of economic growth during the 1990s continued. Then in 1999 and
2000, the Fed was concerned that inflation seemed to be creeping up so it
raised the federal funds interest rate from 4.6% in December 1998 to 6.5% in
June 2000. By early 2001, inflation was declining again, but a recession
occurred in 2001. Between 2000 and 2002, the unemployment rate rose from
4.0% to 5.8%.
Out of fear of Japan-style deflation in the early 2000s, the Federal Reserve
conducted a loose monetary policy and slashed the federal funds rate from
6.2% in 2000 to just 1.7% in 2002, and then again to 1% in 2003. Anxiety
over such deflation led the Fed to lower their funds further than they
otherwise would have. The recession ended, but unemployment rates were slow
to decline in the early 2000s. Finally, in 2004, the unemployment rate
declined and the Federal Reserve began to raise the federal funds rate until
it reached 5% by 2007.
The Great Recession took hold in 2008, and the Federal Reserve was quick to
slash interest rates, taking them down to 2% in 2008 and to nearly 0% in
2009. When the Fed had taken interest rates down to near-zero by December
2008, the economy was still deep in recession. Open market operations could
not make the interest rate turn negative. The Federal Reserve had to think
“outside the box,” which we will discuss in the next section.
The Federal Reserve has massive influence over the United States and global economy. But how the Fed uses its tools to stimulate or shrink aggregate demand h...
In response to the Great Recession, the Federal Reserve has implemented some new instruments and policies - including quantitative easing, paying interest on...
","For the period from the mid-1970s up through the end of 2007, we can summarize Federal Reserve monetary policy by looking at how it targeted the federal funds interest rate using open market operations.
Of course, telling the story of the U.S. economy since 1975 in terms of Federal Reserve actions leaves out many other macroeconomic factors that were influencing unemployment, recession, economic growth, and inflation over this time. The nine episodes of Federal Reserve action outlined in the sections below also demonstrate that we should consider the central bank as one of the leading actors influencing the macroeconomy. As we noted earlier, the person with the greatest power to influence the U.S. economy is probably the Federal Reserve chairperson.
Figure 14.9 below shows how the Federal Reserve has carried out monetary policy by targeting the federal funds interest rate in the last few decades. The graph shows the federal funds interest rate, the unemployment rate, and the inflation rate since 1975. Different episodes of monetary policy during this period are indicated in the figure.
Figure 14.9 Monetary Policy, Unemployment, and Inflation
Through the episodes here, the Federal Reserve typically reacted to higher inflation with a contractionary monetary policy and a higher interest rate, and reacted to higher unemployment with an expansionary monetary policy and a lower interest rate.
During the late 1970s, the rate of inflation was very high, exceeding 10% in
1979 and 1980. The Federal Reserve used tight monetary policy to raise
interest rates, with the federal funds rate rising from 5.5% in 1977 to
16.4% in 1981. By 1983, inflation was down to 3.2%, but aggregate demand
contracted sharply enough that back-to-back recessions occurred in 1980 and
in 1981–1982. As a result, the unemployment rate rose from 5.8% in 1979 to
9.7% in 1982.
In the early 1980s, economists persuaded the Federal Reserve that inflation
was declining, so the Fed began slashing interest rates to reduce
unemployment. The federal funds interest rate fell from 16.4% in 1981 to
6.8% in 1986. By 1986 or so, inflation had fallen to about 2% and the
unemployment rate had come down to 7%, and was still falling.
However, in the late 1980s, inflation appeared to be creeping up again,
rising from 2% in 1986 up toward 5% by 1989. In response, the Federal
Reserve used contractionary monetary policy to raise the federal funds rates
from 6.6% in 1987 to 9.2% in 1989. The tighter monetary policy stopped
inflation, which fell from above 5% in 1990 to under 3% in 1992, but it also
helped to cause the 1990-1991 recession. As a result, the unemployment rate
rose from 5.3% in 1989 to 7.5% by 1992.
In the early 1990s, the Federal Reserve was confident that inflation was
back under control, so it reduced interest rates, with the federal funds
interest rate falling from 8.1% in 1990 to 3.5% in 1992. As the economy
expanded, the unemployment rate declined from 7.5% in 1992 to less than 5%
by 1997.
From 1993 to 1995, the Federal Reserve perceived a risk of inflation and
raised the federal funds rate from 3% to 5.8%. Inflation did not rise, and
the period of economic growth during the 1990s continued. Then in 1999 and
2000, the Fed was concerned that inflation seemed to be creeping up so it
raised the federal funds interest rate from 4.6% in December 1998 to 6.5% in
June 2000. By early 2001, inflation was declining again, but a recession
occurred in 2001. Between 2000 and 2002, the unemployment rate rose from
4.0% to 5.8%.
Out of fear of Japan-style deflation in the early 2000s, the Federal Reserve
conducted a loose monetary policy and slashed the federal funds rate from
6.2% in 2000 to just 1.7% in 2002, and then again to 1% in 2003. Anxiety
over such deflation led the Fed to lower their funds further than they
otherwise would have. The recession ended, but unemployment rates were slow
to decline in the early 2000s. Finally, in 2004, the unemployment rate
declined and the Federal Reserve began to raise the federal funds rate until
it reached 5% by 2007.
The Great Recession took hold in 2008, and the Federal Reserve was quick to
slash interest rates, taking them down to 2% in 2008 and to nearly 0% in
2009. When the Fed had taken interest rates down to near-zero by December
2008, the economy was still deep in recession. Open market operations could
not make the interest rate turn negative. The Federal Reserve had to think
“outside the box,” which we will discuss in the next section.
- Analyze whether monetary policy decisions should be made mor democratically
- Calculate the velocity of money - Evaluate the central bank's influence on inflation, unemployment, asset bubbles, and leverage cycles
- Calculate the effects of monetary stimulus
In the real world, effective monetary policy faces a number of significant hurdles. Monetary policy affects the economy only after a time lag that is typically long and of variable length. Remember, monetary policy involves a chain of events:
1. The central bank must perceive a situation in the economy, hold a meeting, and make a decision to react by tightening or loosening monetary policy.
2. The change in monetary policy must percolate through the banking system, changing the quantity of loans and affecting interest rates.
3. When interest rates change, businesses must change their investment levels and consumers must change their borrowing patterns when purchasing homes or cars.
4. Finally, it will take time for these changes to filter through the rest of the economy.
As a result of this chain of events, monetary policy has little effect in the immediate future. Instead, its primary effects are felt perhaps one to three years in the future. The reality of long and variable time lags does not mean that a central bank should refuse to make decisions. It does mean that central banks should be humble about taking action, because of the risk that their actions can create as much or more economic instability as they resolve.","- Analyze whether monetary policy decisions should be made mor democratically
- Calculate the velocity of money - Evaluate the central bank's influence on inflation, unemployment, asset bubbles, and leverage cycles
- Calculate the effects of monetary stimulus
In the real world, effective monetary policy faces a number of significant hurdles. Monetary policy affects the economy only after a time lag that is typically long and of variable length. Remember, monetary policy involves a chain of events:
The central bank must perceive a situation in the economy, hold a meeting, and make a decision to react by tightening or loosening monetary policy.
The change in monetary policy must percolate through the banking system, changing the quantity of loans and affecting interest rates.
When interest rates change, businesses must change their investment levels and consumers must change their borrowing patterns when purchasing homes or cars.
Finally, it will take time for these changes to filter through the rest of the economy.
As a result of this chain of events, monetary policy has little effect in the immediate future. Instead, its primary effects are felt perhaps one to three years in the future. The reality of long and variable time lags does not mean that a central bank should refuse to make decisions. It does mean that central banks should be humble about taking action, because of the risk that their actions can create as much or more economic instability as they resolve.",overview,"{""question"": ""What are some significant hurdles that effective monetary policy faces?"", ""answer"": ""Monetary policy faces significant hurdles such as time lags and potential economic instability.""}",What are some significant hurdles that effective monetary policy faces?,Monetary policy faces significant hurdles such as time lags and potential economic instability.,"['monetary policy decisions', 'central bank', 'inflation', 'unemployment', 'asset bubbles', 'leverage']"
378,14-05-01-excess-reserves,14-05,1,Excess Reserves,"Banks are legally required to hold a minimum level of reserves, but no rule prohibits them from holding additional excess reserves above the legally mandated limit. For example, during a recession banks may be hesitant to lend, because they fear that when the economy is contracting, a high proportion of loan applicants become less likely to repay their loans.
When many banks are choosing to hold excess reserves, expansionary monetary policy may not work well. This may occur because the banks are concerned about a deteriorating economy, while the central bank is trying to expand the money supply. If the banks prefer to hold excess reserves above the legally required level, the central bank cannot force individual banks to make loans. Similarly, sensible businesses and consumers may be reluctant to borrow substantial amounts of money in a recession, because they recognize that firms' sales and employees' jobs are more insecure in a recession, and they do not want to face the need to make interest payments. The result is that during an especially deep recession, an expansionary monetary policy may have little effect on either the price level or the real GDP.
Japan experienced this situation in the 1990s and early 2000s. Japan's economy entered a period of very slow growth, dipping in and out of recession, in the early 1990s. By February 1999, the Bank of Japan had lowered the equivalent of its federal funds rate to 0%. It kept it there most of the time through 2003. Moreover, in the two years from March 2001 to March 2003, the Bank of Japan also expanded the country's money supply by about 50%—an enormous increase. Even this highly expansionary monetary policy, however, had no substantial effect on stimulating aggregate demand. Japan's economy continued to experience extremely slow growth into the mid-2000s.","Banks are legally required to hold a minimum level of reserves, but no rule prohibits them from holding additional excess reserves above the legally mandated limit. For example, during a recession banks may be hesitant to lend, because they fear that when the economy is contracting, a high proportion of loan applicants become less likely to repay their loans.
When many banks are choosing to hold excess reserves, expansionary monetary policy may not work well. This may occur because the banks are concerned about a deteriorating economy, while the central bank is trying to expand the money supply. If the banks prefer to hold excess reserves above the legally required level, the central bank cannot force individual banks to make loans. Similarly, sensible businesses and consumers may be reluctant to borrow substantial amounts of money in a recession, because they recognize that firms' sales and employees' jobs are more insecure in a recession, and they do not want to face the need to make interest payments. The result is that during an especially deep recession, an expansionary monetary policy may have little effect on either the price level or the real GDP.
Japan experienced this situation in the 1990s and early 2000s. Japan's economy entered a period of very slow growth, dipping in and out of recession, in the early 1990s. By February 1999, the Bank of Japan had lowered the equivalent of its federal funds rate to 0%. It kept it there most of the time through 2003. Moreover, in the two years from March 2001 to March 2003, the Bank of Japan also expanded the country's money supply by about 50%—an enormous increase. Even this highly expansionary monetary policy, however, had no substantial effect on stimulating aggregate demand. Japan's economy continued to experience extremely slow growth into the mid-2000s.",excess-reserves,"{
""question"": ""What may happen when many banks are choosing to hold excess reserves?"",
""answer"": ""Expansionary monetary policy may not work well.""
}",What may happen when many banks are choosing to hold excess reserves?,Expansionary monetary policy may not work well.,"['banks', 'excess reserves', 'central bank', 'money supply', 'interest payments', 'price']"
379,14-05-02-should-monetary-policy-decisions-be-made-more-democratically,14-05,2,Should monetary policy decisions be made more democratically?,Should a nation's Congress or legislature comprised of elected representatives conduct monetary policy or should a politically appointed central bank that is more independent of voters take charge? Here are some of the arguments.,Should a nation's Congress or legislature comprised of elected representatives conduct monetary policy or should a politically appointed central bank that is more independent of voters take charge? Here are some of the arguments.,should-monetary-policy-decisions-be-made-more-democratically,"{
""question"": ""Who should conduct monetary policy: the nation's Congress or a politically appointed central bank?"",
""answer"": ""There are arguments for both options.""
}",Who should conduct monetary policy: the nation's Congress or a politically appointed central bank?,There are arguments for both options.,"['monetary policy', 'politically appointed central bank', 'voters', 'congress', 'legislature']"
380,14-05-03-the-case-for-greater-democratic-control-of-monetary-policy,14-05,3,_The Case for Greater Democratic Control of Monetary Policy_,"Elected representatives pass taxes and spending bills to conduct fiscal policy by passing tax and spending bills. They could handle monetary policy in the same way. They will sometimes make mistakes, but in a democracy, it is better to have elected officials who are accountable to voters make mistakes instead of political appointees. After all, the people appointed to the top governing positions at the Federal Reserve—and to most central banks around the world—are typically bankers and economists. They are not representatives of borrowers like small businesses or farmers nor are they representatives of labor unions. Central banks might not be so quick to raise interest rates if they had to pay more attention to firms and people in the real economy.","Elected representatives pass taxes and spending bills to conduct fiscal policy by passing tax and spending bills. They could handle monetary policy in the same way. They will sometimes make mistakes, but in a democracy, it is better to have elected officials who are accountable to voters make mistakes instead of political appointees. After all, the people appointed to the top governing positions at the Federal Reserve—and to most central banks around the world—are typically bankers and economists. They are not representatives of borrowers like small businesses or farmers nor are they representatives of labor unions. Central banks might not be so quick to raise interest rates if they had to pay more attention to firms and people in the real economy.",the-case-for-greater-democratic-control-of-monetary-policy,"Question: Why is it better to have elected officials handle fiscal policy rather than political appointees?
Answer: It is better to have elected officials handle fiscal policy because they are accountable to voters, unlike political appointees.",Why is it better to have elected officials handle fiscal policy rather than political appointees?,"It is better to have elected officials handle fiscal policy because they are accountable to voters, unlike political appointees.","['election', 'spending bills', 'fiscal policy', 'central banks', 'interest rates', 'firms']"
381,14-05-04-the-case-for-an-independent-central-bank,14-05,4,_The Case for an Independent Central Bank_,"Because the central bank has some insulation from day-to-day politics, its members can take a nonpartisan look at specific economic situations and make tough, immediate decisions when necessary. The idea of giving a legislature the ability to create money and hand out loans is likely to end up badly, sooner or later. It is simply too tempting for lawmakers to expand the money supply to fund their projects. The long term result will be rampant inflation. Also, a central bank, acting according to the laws passed by elected officials, can respond far more quickly than a legislature. For example, the U.S. budget takes months to debate, pass, and sign into law, but monetary policy decisions happen much more rapidly. Day-to-day democratic control of monetary policy is impractical and seems likely to lead to an overly expansionary monetary policy and higher inflation.
The problem of excess reserves does not affect contractionary policy. Central bankers have an old saying that monetary policy can be like pulling and pushing on a string: when the central bank pulls on the string and uses contractionary monetary policy, it can definitely raise interest rates and reduce aggregate demand. However, when the central bank tries to push on the string of expansionary monetary policy, the string may sometimes just fold up limp and have little effect, because banks decide not to loan out their excess reserves. Do not take this analogy too literally—expansionary monetary policy usually does have real effects, after that inconveniently long and variable lag. There are also times, like Japan's economy in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when expansionary monetary policy has been insufficient to lift a recession-prone economy.","Because the central bank has some insulation from day-to-day politics, its members can take a nonpartisan look at specific economic situations and make tough, immediate decisions when necessary. The idea of giving a legislature the ability to create money and hand out loans is likely to end up badly, sooner or later. It is simply too tempting for lawmakers to expand the money supply to fund their projects. The long term result will be rampant inflation. Also, a central bank, acting according to the laws passed by elected officials, can respond far more quickly than a legislature. For example, the U.S. budget takes months to debate, pass, and sign into law, but monetary policy decisions happen much more rapidly. Day-to-day democratic control of monetary policy is impractical and seems likely to lead to an overly expansionary monetary policy and higher inflation.
The problem of excess reserves does not affect contractionary policy. Central bankers have an old saying that monetary policy can be like pulling and pushing on a string: when the central bank pulls on the string and uses contractionary monetary policy, it can definitely raise interest rates and reduce aggregate demand. However, when the central bank tries to push on the string of expansionary monetary policy, the string may sometimes just fold up limp and have little effect, because banks decide not to loan out their excess reserves. Do not take this analogy too literally—expansionary monetary policy usually does have real effects, after that inconveniently long and variable lag. There are also times, like Japan's economy in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when expansionary monetary policy has been insufficient to lift a recession-prone economy.",the-case-for-an-independent-central-bank,"What is one advantage of having a central bank that is insulated from day-to-day politics?
The central bank can make tough, immediate decisions when necessary.",What is one advantage of having a central bank that is insulated from day-to-day politics?,"The central bank can make tough, immediate decisions when necessary.","['central bank', 'economic situations', 'money supply', 'excess reserves', 'interest rates', 'aggregate']"
382,14-05-05-unpredictable-movements-of-velocity,14-05,5,Unpredictable Movements of Velocity,"Velocity is a term that economists use to describe how quickly money
circulates through the economy. We define the velocity of money in a year as:
$$
\text{Velocity} = \frac{\text{nominal GDP}}{\text{money supply}}
$$
Specific measurements of velocity depend on the definition of the money supply used. Consider the velocity of M1, the total amount of currency in circulation and checking account balances. In 2009, for example, M1 was \$1.7 trillion and nominal GDP was \$14.3 trillion, so the velocity of M1 was 8.4 (which is \$14.3 trillion/\$1.7 trillion). A higher velocity of money means that the average dollar circulates more times in a year. A lower velocity means that the average dollar circulates fewer times in a year.
See the following Clear It Up feature for a discussion of how deflation could affect monetary policy.","Velocity is a term that economists use to describe how quickly money
circulates through the economy. We define the velocity of money in a year as:
$$
\text{Velocity} = \frac{\text{nominal GDP}}{\text{money supply}}
$$
Specific measurements of velocity depend on the definition of the money supply used. Consider the velocity of M1, the total amount of currency in circulation and checking account balances. In 2009, for example, M1 was \$1.7 trillion and nominal GDP was \$14.3 trillion, so the velocity of M1 was 8.4 (which is \$14.3 trillion/\$1.7 trillion). A higher velocity of money means that the average dollar circulates more times in a year. A lower velocity means that the average dollar circulates fewer times in a year.
See the following Clear It Up feature for a discussion of how deflation could affect monetary policy.",unpredictable-movements-of-velocity,"Question: How is the velocity of money defined?
Answer: The velocity of money is defined as the ratio of nominal GDP to the money supply.",How is the velocity of money defined?,The velocity of money is defined as the ratio of nominal GDP to the money supply.,"['velocity', 'm1', 'checking account balances', 'nominal gb', 'average dollar']"
383,14-05-09-calculating-the-effects-of-monetary-stimulus,14-05,9,Calculating the Effects of Monetary Stimulus,"Suppose that the central bank wants to stimulate the economy by increasing the money supply. The bankers estimate that the velocity of money is 3, and that the price level will increase from 100 to 110 due to the stimulus. Using the quantity equation of money, what will be the impact of an \$800 billion dollar increase in the money supply on the quantity of goods and services in the economy given an initial money supply of \$4 trillion?
1. We begin by writing the quantity equation of money: MV = PQ. We know that initially V = 3, M = 4,000 (billion) and P = 100. Substituting these numbers in, we can solve for Q:
$$
\begin{aligned}
MV &= PQ \\
4,000 x 3 &= 100 x Q \\
Q &= 120
\end{aligned}
$$
2. Now we want to find the effect of the addition $800 billion in the money supply, together with the increase in the price level. The new equation is:
$$
\begin{aligned}
MV &= PQ \\
(4,000 + 800) x 3 &= 110 x Q \\
Q &= 130.9
\end{aligned}
$$
3. If we take the difference between the two quantities, we find that the monetary stimulus increased the quantity of goods and services in the economy by 10.9 billion.
","Suppose that the central bank wants to stimulate the economy by increasing the money supply. The bankers estimate that the velocity of money is 3, and that the price level will increase from 100 to 110 due to the stimulus. Using the quantity equation of money, what will be the impact of an \$800 billion dollar increase in the money supply on the quantity of goods and services in the economy given an initial money supply of \$4 trillion?
We begin by writing the quantity equation of money: MV = PQ. We know that initially V = 3, M = 4,000 (billion) and P = 100. Substituting these numbers in, we can solve for Q:
$$
\begin{aligned}
MV &= PQ \
4,000 x 3 &= 100 x Q \
Q &= 120
\end{aligned}
$$
Now we want to find the effect of the addition $800 billion in the money supply, together with the increase in the price level. The new equation is:
$$
\begin{aligned}
MV &= PQ \
(4,000 + 800) x 3 &= 110 x Q \
Q &= 130.9
\end{aligned}
$$
If we take the difference between the two quantities, we find that the monetary stimulus increased the quantity of goods and services in the economy by 10.9 billion.",calculating-the-effects-of-monetary-stimulus,"{""question"": ""Using the quantity equation of money, what will be the impact of an $800 billion dollar increase in the money supply on the quantity of goods and services in the economy given an initial money supply of $4 trillion?"", ""answer"": ""The monetary stimulus increased the quantity of goods and services in the economy by 10.9 billion.""}","Using the quantity equation of money, what will be the impact of an $800 billion dollar increase in the money supply on the quantity of goods and services in the economy given an initial money supply of $4 trillion?",The monetary stimulus increased the quantity of goods and services in the economy by 10.9 billion.,"['monetary stimulus', 'money supply', 'bankers', 'price level', 'quantity equation', 'goods']"
384,15-00-00-no-yellowstone-park,15-00,0,No Yellowstone Park?,"For two weeks in October 2013, the U.S. federal government shut down. Many federal services, like the national parks, closed and 800,000 federal employees were furloughed. Tourists were shocked and so was the rest of the world: Congress and the President could not agree on a budget.
Inside the Capitol, Republicans and Democrats argued about spending priorities and whether to increase the national debt limit. Each year's budget, which is over $3 trillion of spending, must be approved by Congress and signed by the President. Two-thirds of the budget is entitlements and another mandatory spending that occur without congressional or presidential action once the programs are established.
Tied to the budget debate was the issue of increasing the debt ceiling, meaning how high the U.S. government's national debt can be. The House of Representatives refused to sign on to the bills to fund the government unless they included provisions to stop or change the Affordable Health Care Act (more colloquially known as Obamacare). As the days progressed, the United States came very close to defaulting on its debt.
Why does the federal budget create such intense debates? What would happen if the United States actually defaulted on its debt? In this chapter, we will examine the federal budget, taxation, and fiscal policy. We will also look at the annual federal budget deficits and the national debt.","For two weeks in October 2013, the U.S. federal government shut down. Many federal services, like the national parks, closed and 800,000 federal employees were furloughed. Tourists were shocked and so was the rest of the world: Congress and the President could not agree on a budget.
Inside the Capitol, Republicans and Democrats argued about spending priorities and whether to increase the national debt limit. Each year's budget, which is over $3 trillion of spending, must be approved by Congress and signed by the President. Two-thirds of the budget is entitlements and another mandatory spending that occur without congressional or presidential action once the programs are established.
Tied to the budget debate was the issue of increasing the debt ceiling, meaning how high the U.S. government's national debt can be. The House of Representatives refused to sign on to the bills to fund the government unless they included provisions to stop or change the Affordable Health Care Act (more colloquially known as Obamacare). As the days progressed, the United States came very close to defaulting on its debt.
Why does the federal budget create such intense debates? What would happen if the United States actually defaulted on its debt? In this chapter, we will examine the federal budget, taxation, and fiscal policy. We will also look at the annual federal budget deficits and the national debt.",no-yellowstone-park,"{""question"": ""Why does the federal budget create such intense debates?"", ""answer"": ""The federal budget creates intense debates because it involves spending priorities and decisions on whether to increase the national debt limit.""}",Why does the federal budget create such intense debates?,The federal budget creates intense debates because it involves spending priorities and decisions on whether to increase the national debt limit.,"['fiscal policy', 'federal budget deficits', 'national debt limit', 'spending priorities']"
385,15-00-01-introduction,15-00,1,Introduction,"All levels of government—federal, state, and local—have budgets that show how much revenue the government expects to receive in taxes and other income and how the government plans to spend that revenue. Budgets, however, can shift dramatically within a few years, as policy decisions and unexpected events disrupt earlier tax and spending plans.
In this chapter, we revisit fiscal policy, which we first covered in **Welcome to Economics!** Alongside monetary policy, fiscal policy is one of two policy tools for fine tuning the economy. While policymakers at the Federal Reserve make monetary policy, Congress and the President make fiscal policy.
The discussion of fiscal policy focuses on how federal government taxing and spending affect aggregate demand. All government spending and taxes affect the economy, but fiscal policy focuses strictly on federal government policies. We begin with an overview of U.S. government spending and taxes. We then discuss fiscal policy in the short-run, which includes how government uses tax and spending policies to address recession, unemployment, and inflation; how periods of recession and growth affect government budgets; and the merits of balanced budget proposals.
","All levels of government—federal, state, and local—have budgets that show how much revenue the government expects to receive in taxes and other income and how the government plans to spend that revenue. Budgets, however, can shift dramatically within a few years, as policy decisions and unexpected events disrupt earlier tax and spending plans.
In this chapter, we revisit fiscal policy, which we first covered in Welcome to Economics! Alongside monetary policy, fiscal policy is one of two policy tools for fine tuning the economy. While policymakers at the Federal Reserve make monetary policy, Congress and the President make fiscal policy.
The discussion of fiscal policy focuses on how federal government taxing and spending affect aggregate demand. All government spending and taxes affect the economy, but fiscal policy focuses strictly on federal government policies. We begin with an overview of U.S. government spending and taxes. We then discuss fiscal policy in the short-run, which includes how government uses tax and spending policies to address recession, unemployment, and inflation; how periods of recession and growth affect government budgets; and the merits of balanced budget proposals.",introduction,"{""question"": ""What is the focus of fiscal policy?"", ""answer"": ""The focus of fiscal policy is how federal government taxing and spending affect aggregate demand.""}",What is the focus of fiscal policy?,The focus of fiscal policy is how federal government taxing and spending affect aggregate demand.,"['fiscal policy', 'revenue', 'other income', 'federal government taxing', 'aggregate demand']"
386,15-01-00-overview,15-01,0,Overview,"
- Identify U.S. budget deficit and surplus trends over the past five decades
- Explain the differences between the U.S. federal budget, and state and local budgets
Government spending covers a range of services that the federal, state, and local governments provide. When the federal government spends more money than it receives in taxes in a given year, it runs a **budget deficit**. Conversely, when the government receives more money in taxes than it spends in a year, it runs a **budget surplus**. If government spending and taxes are equal, it has a **balanced budget**. For example, in 2009, the U.S. government experienced its largest budget deficit ever, as the federal government spent $1.4 trillion more than it collected in taxes. This deficit was about 10% of the size of the U.S. GDP in 2009, making it by far the largest budget deficit relative to GDP since the mammoth borrowing the government used to finance World War II.
This section presents an overview of government spending in the United States.","- Identify U.S. budget deficit and surplus trends over the past five decades
- Explain the differences between the U.S. federal budget, and state and local budgets
Government spending covers a range of services that the federal, state, and local governments provide. When the federal government spends more money than it receives in taxes in a given year, it runs a budget deficit. Conversely, when the government receives more money in taxes than it spends in a year, it runs a budget surplus. If government spending and taxes are equal, it has a balanced budget. For example, in 2009, the U.S. government experienced its largest budget deficit ever, as the federal government spent $1.4 trillion more than it collected in taxes. This deficit was about 10% of the size of the U.S. GDP in 2009, making it by far the largest budget deficit relative to GDP since the mammoth borrowing the government used to finance World War II.
This section presents an overview of government spending in the United States.",overview,"Question: What is a budget deficit and surplus in the context of government spending?
Answer: A budget deficit occurs when the government spends more money than it receives in taxes, while a budget surplus occurs when the government receives more money in taxes than it spends.",What is a budget deficit and surplus in the context of government spending?,"A budget deficit occurs when the government spends more money than it receives in taxes, while a budget surplus occurs when the government receives more money in taxes than it spends.","['government spending', 'us federal budget', 'state and local budgets', 'balanced budget']"
387,15-01-01-total-us-government-spending,15-01,1,Total U.S. Government Spending,"Federal spending in nominal dollars (that is, dollars not adjusted for inflation) has grown by a multiple of more than 38 over the last four decades, from $93.4 billion in 1960 to $3.9 trillion in 2014. Comparing spending over time in nominal dollars is misleading because it does not take into account inflation or growth in population and the real economy. A more useful method of comparison is to examine government spending as a percent of GDP over time.
The top line in **Figure 15.1** shows the federal spending level since 1960, expressed as a share of GDP. Despite a widespread sense among many Americans that the federal government has been growing steadily larger, the graph shows that federal spending has hovered in a range from 18% to 22% of GDP most of the time since 1960. The other lines in **Figure 15.1** show the major federal spending categories: national defense, Social Security, health programs, and interest payments. From the graph, we see that national defense spending as a share of GDP has generally declined since the 1960s, although there were some upward bumps in the 1980s buildup under President Ronald Reagan and in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. In contrast, Social Security and healthcare have grown steadily as a percent of GDP. Healthcare expenditures include both payments for senior citizens (Medicare), and payments for low-income Americans (Medicaid). State governments also partially fund Medicaid. Interest payments are the final main category of government spending in **Figure 15.1**.
**Figure 15.1** Federal Spending, 1960-2014
Since 1960, total federal spending has ranged from about 18% to 22% of GDP, although it climbed above that level in 2009, but quickly dropped back down to that level by 2013. The share that the government has spent on national defense has generally declined, while the share it has spent on Social Security and on healthcare expenses (mainly Medicare and Medicaid) has increased. (Source: _Economic Report of the President,_ Tables B-2 and B-22, http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/ERP-2014/content-detail.html)
Each year, the government borrows funds from U.S. citizens and foreigners to cover its budget deficits. It does this by selling securities (Treasury bonds, notes, and bills)—in essence borrowing from the public and promising to repay with interest in the future. From 1961 to 1997, the U.S. government has run budget deficits, and thus borrowed funds, in almost every year. It had budget surpluses from 1998 to 2001, and then returned to deficits.
The interest payments on past federal government borrowing were typically 1-2% of GDP in the 1960s and 1970s but then climbed above 3% of GDP in the 1980s and stayed there until the late 1990s. The government was able to repay some of its past borrowing by running surpluses from 1998 to 2001 and, with help from low interest rates, the interest payments on past federal government borrowing had fallen back to 1.4% of GDP by 2012.
We investigate the government borrowing and debt patterns in more detail later in this chapter, but first, we need to clarify the difference between the deficit and the debt. The deficit is not the debt. The difference between the deficit and the debt lies in the time frame. The government deficit(or surplus) refers to what happens with the federal government budget each year. The government debt is accumulated over time. It is the sum of all past deficits and surpluses. If you borrow \$10,000 per year for each of the four years of college, you might say that your annual deficit was \$10,000, but your accumulated debt over the four years is \$40,000 plus interest.
These four categories—national defense, Social Security, healthcare, and interest payments—account for roughly 73% of all federal spending, as **Figure 15.2** shows. The remaining 27% wedge of the pie chart covers all other categories of federal government spending: international affairs; science and technology; natural resources and the environment; transportation; housing; education; income support for the poor; community and regional development; law enforcement and the judicial system; and the administrative costs of running the government.
![](figure/ebcc9ddf1a6ca8583033499590464ccb8eb3433d.png)
**Figure 15.2** Slices of Federal Spending, 2014 (Source:
https://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/ Historicals/)
As **Figure 15.2** shows, about 71% of government spending goes to four major areas: national defense, Social Security, healthcare, and interest payments on past borrowing. The remaining 29% covers all other categories of federal government spending: international affairs; science and technology; natural resources and the environment; transportation; housing; education; income support for the poor; community and regional development; law enforcement and the judicial system; and the administrative costs of running the government.","Federal spending in nominal dollars (that is, dollars not adjusted for inflation) has grown by a multiple of more than 38 over the last four decades, from $93.4 billion in 1960 to $3.9 trillion in 2014. Comparing spending over time in nominal dollars is misleading because it does not take into account inflation or growth in population and the real economy. A more useful method of comparison is to examine government spending as a percent of GDP over time.
The top line in Figure 15.1 shows the federal spending level since 1960, expressed as a share of GDP. Despite a widespread sense among many Americans that the federal government has been growing steadily larger, the graph shows that federal spending has hovered in a range from 18% to 22% of GDP most of the time since 1960. The other lines in Figure 15.1 show the major federal spending categories: national defense, Social Security, health programs, and interest payments. From the graph, we see that national defense spending as a share of GDP has generally declined since the 1960s, although there were some upward bumps in the 1980s buildup under President Ronald Reagan and in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. In contrast, Social Security and healthcare have grown steadily as a percent of GDP. Healthcare expenditures include both payments for senior citizens (Medicare), and payments for low-income Americans (Medicaid). State governments also partially fund Medicaid. Interest payments are the final main category of government spending in Figure 15.1.
**Figure 15.3 State and Local Spending, 1960-2013**
Spending by state and local government increased from about 10% of GDP in the early 1960s to 14-16% by the mid-1970s. It has remained at roughly that level since. The single biggest spending item is education, including both K-12 spending and support for public colleges and universities, which has been about 4-5% of GDP in recent decades. Source: (Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis.)
U.S. presidential candidates often run for office pledging to improve the public schools or to get tough on crime. However, in the U.S. government system, these tasks are primarily state and local government responsibilities. In fiscal year 2014 state and local governments spent about $840 billion per year on education (including K-12 and college and university education), compared to only $100 billion by the federal government, according to usgovernmentspending.com. In other words, about 90 cents of every dollar spent on education happens at the state and local level. A politician who really wants hands-on responsibility for reforming education or reducing crime might do better to run for mayor of a large city or for state governor rather than for president of the United States.
","Although federal government spending often gets most of the media attention, state and local government spending is also substantial—at about $3.1 trillion in 2014. Figure 15.3 shows that state and local government spending has increased during the last four decades from around 10% to around 14% today. The single biggest item is education, which accounts for about one-third of the total. The rest covers programs like highways, libraries, hospitals and healthcare, parks, and police and fire protection. Unlike the federal government, all states (except Vermont) have balanced budget laws, which means any gaps between revenues and spending must be closed by higher taxes, lower spending, drawing down their previous savings, or some combination of all of these.
- Differentiate among a regressive tax, a proportional tax, and progressive tax
- Identify major revenue sources for the U.S. federal budget
There are two main categories of taxes: those that the federal government collects and those that the state and local governments collect. What percentage the government collects and for what it uses that revenue varies greatly. The following sections will briefly explain the taxation system in the United States.","- Differentiate among a regressive tax, a proportional tax, and progressive tax
- Identify major revenue sources for the U.S. federal budget
There are two main categories of taxes: those that the federal government collects and those that the state and local governments collect. What percentage the government collects and for what it uses that revenue varies greatly. The following sections will briefly explain the taxation system in the United States.",overview,"{""question"": ""What are the two main categories of taxes in the United States?"", ""answer"": ""The two main categories of taxes in the United States are those collected by the federal government and those collected by state and local governments.""}",What are the two main categories of taxes in the United States?,The two main categories of taxes in the United States are those collected by the federal government and those collected by state and local governments.,"['progressive tax', 'proportional tax', 'revenue sources', 'usa federal budget', 'local']"
390,15-02-01-federal-taxes,15-02,1,Federal Taxes,"Just as many Americans erroneously think that federal spending has grown considerably, many also believe that taxes have increased substantially.
**Figure 15.4** Federal Taxes, 1960-2014
Federal tax revenues have been about 17-20% of GDP during most periods in recent decades. The primary sources of federal taxes are individual income taxes and the payroll taxes that finance Social Security and Medicare. Corporate income taxes and social insurance taxes provide smaller shares of revenue. (Source: _Economic Report of the President, 2015. Table B-21,https://www.whitehouse.gov/administration/eop/cea/ economic-report-of-the-President/2015_)
The top line of **Figure 15.4** shows total federal taxes as a share of GDP since 1960. Although the line rises and falls, it typically remains within the range of 17% to 20% of GDP, except for 2009, when taxes fell substantially below this level, due to the recession.
**Figure 15.4** also shows the taxation patterns for the main categories that the federal government taxes: individual income taxes, corporate income taxes, and social insurance and retirement receipts. When most people think of federal government taxes, the first tax that comes to mind is the individual income tax that is due every year on April 15 (or the first business day after). The personal income tax is the largest single source of federal government revenue, but it still represents less than half of federal tax revenue.
The second largest source of federal revenue is the **payroll tax** (captured in social insurance and retirement receipts), which provides funds for Social Security and Medicare. Payroll taxes have increased steadily over time. Together, the personal income tax and the payroll tax accounted for about 80% of federal tax revenues in 2014. Although personal income tax revenues account for more total revenue than the payroll tax, nearly three-quarters of households pay more in payroll taxes than in income taxes.
The income tax is a **progressive tax**, which means that the tax rates increase as a household's income increases. Taxes also vary with marital status, family size, and other factors. The **marginal tax rates** (the tax due on all yearly income) for a single taxpayer range from 10% to 35%, depending on income, as the following Clear It Up feature explains.","Just as many Americans erroneously think that federal spending has grown considerably, many also believe that taxes have increased substantially.
**Figure 15.5** State and Local Tax Revenue as a Share of GDP, 1960–2014
State and local tax revenues have increased to match the rise in state and local spending. (Source: _Economic Report of the President, 2015._ Table B-21, https://www.whitehouse.gov/administration/eop/cea/economic-report-of-the-President/2015)
","At the state and local level, taxes have been rising as a share of GDP over the last few decades to match the gradual rise in spending, as Figure 15.5 illustrates. The main revenue sources for state and local governments are sales taxes, property taxes, and revenue passed along from the federal government, but many state and local governments also levy personal and corporate income taxes, as well as impose a wide variety of fees and charges. The specific sources of tax revenue vary widely across state and local governments. Some states rely more on property taxes, some on sales taxes, some on income taxes, and some more on revenues from the federal government.
Figure 15.5 State and Local Tax Revenue as a Share of GDP, 1960–2014
State and local tax revenues have increased to match the rise in state and local spending. (Source: Economic Report of the President, 2015. Table B-21, https://www.whitehouse.gov/administration/eop/cea/economic-report-of-the-President/2015)
- Explain the U.S. federal budget in terms of annual debt and accumulated debt
- Understand how economic growth or decline can influence a budget surplus or budget deficit
Having discussed the revenue (taxes) and expense (spending) side of the budget, we now turn to the annual budget deficit or surplus, which is the difference between the tax revenue collected and spending over a fiscal year, which starts October 1 and ends September 30 of the next year.
**Figure 15.6** Pattern of Federal Budget Deficits and Surpluses, 1929-2014
(Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (FRED).
http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/FYFSGDA188S)
**Figure 15.6** shows the pattern of annual federal budget deficits and surpluses, back to 1930, as a share of GDP.
When the line is above the horizontal axis, the budget is in surplus. When the line is below the horizontal axis, a budget deficit occurred.
Clearly, the biggest deficits as a share of GDP during this time were incurred to finance World War II. Deficits were also large during the 1930s, the 1980s, the early 1990s, and most recently during the 2008-2009 recession.","- Explain the U.S. federal budget in terms of annual debt and accumulated debt
- Understand how economic growth or decline can influence a budget surplus or budget deficit
Having discussed the revenue (taxes) and expense (spending) side of the budget, we now turn to the annual budget deficit or surplus, which is the difference between the tax revenue collected and spending over a fiscal year, which starts October 1 and ends September 30 of the next year.
**Figure 15.7** Federal Debt as a Percentage of GDP, 1942–2014 (Source:
Economic Report of the President, Table B-20,
http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/ERP-2015/content-detail.html)
**Figure 15.7** shows the ratio of debt/GDP since 1940. Until the 1970s, the debt/GDP ratio revealed a fairly clear pattern of federal borrowing. The government ran up large deficits and raised the debt/GDP ratio in World War II, but from the 1950s to the 1970s ran either surpluses or relatively small deficits. During these years, the debt/GDP ratio drifted down.
Large deficits in the 1980s and early 1990s caused the ratio to rise sharply, but when budget surpluses arrived from 1998 to 2001, the debt/ GDP ratio declined substantially.
The budget deficits starting in 2002 then tugged the debt/GDP ratio higher, with a big jump when the recession took hold in 2008-2009.
What is debt? What is a deficit? And do these things have different outcomes for individuals and nations? Adriene and Jacob answer all these questions and mo...
","Another useful way to view the budget deficit is through the prism of accumulated debt rather than annual deficits. The national debt refers to the total amount that the government has borrowed over time. In contrast, the budget deficit refers to how much the government has borrowed in one particular year.
As **Figure 15.10** shows, a very large budget deficit pushes up aggregate demand, so that the intersection of aggregate demand ($AD_0$) and aggregate supply ($\text{SRAS}_0$) occurs at equilibrium $E_0$, which is an output level above potential GDP.
Economists sometimes call this an “overheating economy” where demand is so high that there is upward pressure on wages and prices, causing inflation. In this situation, contractionary fiscal policy involving federal spending cuts or tax increases can help to reduce the upward pressure on the price level by shifting aggregate demand to the left, to $AD_1$, and causing the new equilibrium $E_1$ to be at potential GDP, where aggregate demand intersects the LRAS curve.
**Figure 15.10** A Contractionary Fiscal Policy
Again, the AD/AS model does not dictate how the government should carry out this contractionary fiscal policy. Some may prefer spending cuts; others may prefer tax increases; still others may say that it depends on the specific situation. The model only argues that, in this situation, the government needs to reduce aggregate demand.
Imagine it's 2008 all over again. The economy's in the dumps, and life is
bleak-people are spending less and saving more. As consumer spending falls,
compani...
","Fiscal policy can also contribute to pushing aggregate demand beyond potential GDP in a way that leads to inflation.
As Figure 15.10 shows, a very large budget deficit pushes up aggregate demand, so that the intersection of aggregate demand ($AD_0$) and aggregate supply ($\text{SRAS}_0$) occurs at equilibrium $E_0$, which is an output level above potential GDP.
Economists sometimes call this an “overheating economy” where demand is so high that there is upward pressure on wages and prices, causing inflation. In this situation, contractionary fiscal policy involving federal spending cuts or tax increases can help to reduce the upward pressure on the price level by shifting aggregate demand to the left, to $AD_1$, and causing the new equilibrium $E_1$ to be at potential GDP, where aggregate demand intersects the LRAS curve.
Figure 15.10 A Contractionary Fiscal Policy
Again, the AD/AS model does not dictate how the government should carry out this contractionary fiscal policy. Some may prefer spending cuts; others may prefer tax increases; still others may say that it depends on the specific situation. The model only argues that, in this situation, the government needs to reduce aggregate demand.
- Describe how the federal government can use discretionary fiscal policy to stabilize the economy
- Identify examples of automatic stabilizers
- Understand how a government can use standardized employment budget to identify automatic stabilizers
The millions of unemployed in 2008-2009 could collect unemployment insurance benefits to replace some of their salaries. Federal fiscal policies include **discretionary fiscal policy**, when the government passes a new law that explicitly changes tax or spending levels. The 2009 stimulus package is an example. Changes in tax and spending levels can also occur automatically, due to **automatic stabilizers**, such as unemployment insurance and food stamps, which are programs that are already laws that stimulate aggregate demand in a recession and hold down aggregate demand in a potentially inflationary boom.","- Describe how the federal government can use discretionary fiscal policy to stabilize the economy
- Identify examples of automatic stabilizers
- Understand how a government can use standardized employment budget to identify automatic stabilizers
The millions of unemployed in 2008-2009 could collect unemployment insurance benefits to replace some of their salaries. Federal fiscal policies include discretionary fiscal policy, when the government passes a new law that explicitly changes tax or spending levels. The 2009 stimulus package is an example. Changes in tax and spending levels can also occur automatically, due to automatic stabilizers, such as unemployment insurance and food stamps, which are programs that are already laws that stimulate aggregate demand in a recession and hold down aggregate demand in a potentially inflationary boom.",overview,"{
""question"": ""What are examples of automatic stabilizers?"",
""answer"": ""Unemployment insurance and food stamps""
}",What are examples of automatic stabilizers?,Unemployment insurance and food stamps,"['federal government', 'discretionary fiscal policy', 'automatic stabilizers', 'standardized employment budget']"
398,15-05-01-counterbalancing-recession-and-boom,15-05,1,Counterbalancing Recession and Boom,"Consider first the situation where aggregate demand has risen sharply, causing the equilibrium to occur at a level of output above potential GDP. This situation will increase inflationary pressure in the economy. The policy prescription in this setting would be a dose of contractionary fiscal policy, implemented through some combination of higher taxes and lower spending. To some extent, _both_ changes happen automatically. On the tax side, a rise in aggregate demand means that workers and firms throughout the economy earn more. Because taxes are based on personal income and corporate profits, a rise in aggregate demand automatically increases tax payments. On the spending side, stronger aggregate demand typically means lower unemployment and fewer layoffs, and so there is less need for government spending on unemployment benefits, welfare, Medicaid, and other programs in the social safety net.
The process works in reverse, too. If aggregate demand were to fall sharply so that a recession occurs, then the prescription would be for expansionary fiscal policy—some mix of tax cuts and spending increases. The lower level of aggregate demand and higher unemployment will tend to pull down personal incomes and corporate profits, an effect that will reduce the amount of taxes owed automatically. Higher unemployment and a weaker economy should lead to increased government spending on unemployment benefits, welfare, and other similar domestic programs. In 2009, the stimulus package included an extension in the time allowed to collect unemployment insurance. In addition, the automatic stabilizers react to a weakening of aggregate demand with expansionary fiscal policy and react to a strengthening of aggregate demand with contractionary fiscal policy, just as the AD/AS analysis suggests.
A combination of automatic stabilizers and discretionary fiscal policy produced the very large budget deficit in 2009. The Great Recession, starting in late 2007, meant less tax-generating economic activity, which triggered the automatic stabilizers that reduce taxes. Most economists, even those who are concerned about a possible pattern of persistently large budget deficits, are much less concerned or even quite supportive of larger budget deficits in the short run of a few years during and immediately after a severe recession.
A glance back at economic history provides a second illustration of the power of automatic stabilizers. Remember that the length of economic upswings between recessions has become longer in the U.S. economy in recent decades (as we discussed in **Unemployment**). The three longest economic booms of the twentieth century happened in the 1960s, the 1980s, and the 1991-2001 time period. One reason why the economy has tipped into recession less frequently in recent decades is that the size of government spending and taxes has increased in the second half of the twentieth century. Thus, the automatic stabilizing effects from spending and taxes are now larger than they were in the first half of the twentieth century. Around 1900, for example, federal spending was only about 2% of GDP. In 1929, just before the Great Depression hit, government spending was still just 4% of GDP. In those earlier times, the smaller size of government made automatic stabilizers far less powerful than in the last few decades, when government spending often hovers at 20% of GDP or more.","Consider first the situation where aggregate demand has risen sharply, causing the equilibrium to occur at a level of output above potential GDP. This situation will increase inflationary pressure in the economy. The policy prescription in this setting would be a dose of contractionary fiscal policy, implemented through some combination of higher taxes and lower spending. To some extent, both changes happen automatically. On the tax side, a rise in aggregate demand means that workers and firms throughout the economy earn more. Because taxes are based on personal income and corporate profits, a rise in aggregate demand automatically increases tax payments. On the spending side, stronger aggregate demand typically means lower unemployment and fewer layoffs, and so there is less need for government spending on unemployment benefits, welfare, Medicaid, and other programs in the social safety net.
The process works in reverse, too. If aggregate demand were to fall sharply so that a recession occurs, then the prescription would be for expansionary fiscal policy—some mix of tax cuts and spending increases. The lower level of aggregate demand and higher unemployment will tend to pull down personal incomes and corporate profits, an effect that will reduce the amount of taxes owed automatically. Higher unemployment and a weaker economy should lead to increased government spending on unemployment benefits, welfare, and other similar domestic programs. In 2009, the stimulus package included an extension in the time allowed to collect unemployment insurance. In addition, the automatic stabilizers react to a weakening of aggregate demand with expansionary fiscal policy and react to a strengthening of aggregate demand with contractionary fiscal policy, just as the AD/AS analysis suggests.
A combination of automatic stabilizers and discretionary fiscal policy produced the very large budget deficit in 2009. The Great Recession, starting in late 2007, meant less tax-generating economic activity, which triggered the automatic stabilizers that reduce taxes. Most economists, even those who are concerned about a possible pattern of persistently large budget deficits, are much less concerned or even quite supportive of larger budget deficits in the short run of a few years during and immediately after a severe recession.
A glance back at economic history provides a second illustration of the power of automatic stabilizers. Remember that the length of economic upswings between recessions has become longer in the U.S. economy in recent decades (as we discussed in Unemployment). The three longest economic booms of the twentieth century happened in the 1960s, the 1980s, and the 1991-2001 time period. One reason why the economy has tipped into recession less frequently in recent decades is that the size of government spending and taxes has increased in the second half of the twentieth century. Thus, the automatic stabilizing effects from spending and taxes are now larger than they were in the first half of the twentieth century. Around 1900, for example, federal spending was only about 2% of GDP. In 1929, just before the Great Depression hit, government spending was still just 4% of GDP. In those earlier times, the smaller size of government made automatic stabilizers far less powerful than in the last few decades, when government spending often hovers at 20% of GDP or more.",counterbalancing-recession-and-boom,"{""question"": ""What is the prescription for a situation where aggregate demand has risen sharply?"", ""answer"": ""The prescription would be a dose of contractionary fiscal policy, implemented through some combination of higher taxes and lower spending.""}",What is the prescription for a situation where aggregate demand has risen sharply?,"The prescription would be a dose of contractionary fiscal policy, implemented through some combination of higher taxes and lower spending.","['aggregate demand', 'contractionary fiscal policy', 'higher taxes', 'lower spending', 'personal income']"
399,15-05-02-the-standardized-employment-deficit-or-surplus,15-05,2,The Standardized Employment Deficit or Surplus,"Each year, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office (CBO) calculates the **standardized employment budget**—that is, what the budget deficit or surplus would be if the economy were producing at potential GDP, where people who look for work were finding jobs in a reasonable period of time and businesses were making normal profits, with the result that both workers and businesses would be earning more and paying more taxes. In effect, the standardized employment deficit eliminates the impact of the automatic stabilizers.
**Figure 15.11** compares the actual budget deficits of recent decades with the CBO's standardized deficit.
**Figure 15.11** Comparison of Actual Budget Deficits with the Standardized
Employment Deficit (Sources: Actual and Cyclically Adjusted Budget
Surpluses/Deficits, http://www.cbo.gov/publication/43977; and Economic Report
of the President, Table B-1,
http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/ERP-2013/content-detail.html)
Notice that in recession years, like the early 1990s, 2001, or 2009, the standardized employment deficit is smaller than the actual deficit. During recessions, the automatic stabilizers tend to increase the budget deficit, so if the economy was instead at full employment, the deficit would be reduced.
However, in the late 1990s the standardized employment budget surplus was lower than the actual budget surplus. The gap between the standardized budget deficit or surplus and the actual budget deficit or surplus shows the impact of the automatic stabilizers. More generally, the standardized budget figures allow you to see what the budget deficit would look like with the economy held constant—at its potential GDP level of output.
Automatic stabilizers occur quickly. Lower wages means that a lower amount of taxes is withheld from paychecks right away. Higher unemployment or poverty means that government spending in those areas rises as quickly as people apply for benefits. However, while the automatic stabilizers offset part of the shifts in aggregate demand, they do not offset all or even most of it. Historically, automatic stabilizers on the tax and spending side offset about 10% of any initial movement in the level of output. This offset may not seem enormous, but it is still useful. Automatic stabilizers, like shock absorbers in a car, can be useful if they reduce the impact of the worst bumps, even if they do not eliminate the bumps altogether.
Visit this [website](https://www.cbo.gov/) to learn more from the Congressional Budget Office.
","Each year, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office (CBO) calculates the standardized employment budget—that is, what the budget deficit or surplus would be if the economy were producing at potential GDP, where people who look for work were finding jobs in a reasonable period of time and businesses were making normal profits, with the result that both workers and businesses would be earning more and paying more taxes. In effect, the standardized employment deficit eliminates the impact of the automatic stabilizers.
Figure 15.11 compares the actual budget deficits of recent decades with the CBO's standardized deficit.
- Understand how fiscal policy and monetary policy are interconnected
- Explain the three lag times that often occur when solving economic problems
- Identify the legal and political challenges of responding to an economic problem
In the early 1960s, many leading economists believed that the problem of the business cycle, and the swings between cyclical unemployment and inflation, were a thing of the past. On the cover of its December 31, 1965, issue, Time magazine, then the premier news magazine in the United States, ran a picture of John Maynard Keynes, and the story inside identified Keynesian theories as “the prime influence on the world's economies.” The article reported that policymakers have “used Keynesian principles not only to avoid the violent [business] cycles of prewar days but to produce phenomenal economic growth and to achieve remarkably stable prices.”
This happy consensus, however, did not last. The U.S. economy suffered one recession from December 1969 to November 1970, a deeper recession from November 1973 to March 1975, and then double-dip recessions from January to June 1980 and from July 1981 to November 1982. At various times, inflation and unemployment both soared. Clearly, the problems of macroeconomic policy had not been completely solved. As economists began to consider what had gone wrong, they identified several issues that make discretionary fiscal policy more difficult than it had seemed in the rosy optimism of the mid-1960s.","- Understand how fiscal policy and monetary policy are interconnected
- Explain the three lag times that often occur when solving economic problems
- Identify the legal and political challenges of responding to an economic problem
In the early 1960s, many leading economists believed that the problem of the business cycle, and the swings between cyclical unemployment and inflation, were a thing of the past. On the cover of its December 31, 1965, issue, Time magazine, then the premier news magazine in the United States, ran a picture of John Maynard Keynes, and the story inside identified Keynesian theories as “the prime influence on the world's economies.” The article reported that policymakers have “used Keynesian principles not only to avoid the violent [business] cycles of prewar days but to produce phenomenal economic growth and to achieve remarkably stable prices.”
This happy consensus, however, did not last. The U.S. economy suffered one recession from December 1969 to November 1970, a deeper recession from November 1973 to March 1975, and then double-dip recessions from January to June 1980 and from July 1981 to November 1982. At various times, inflation and unemployment both soared. Clearly, the problems of macroeconomic policy had not been completely solved. As economists began to consider what had gone wrong, they identified several issues that make discretionary fiscal policy more difficult than it had seemed in the rosy optimism of the mid-1960s.",overview,"Question: What challenges were identified in making discretionary fiscal policy more difficult than it had seemed in the mid-1960s?
Answer: Economists identified several issues that make discretionary fiscal policy more difficult than it had seemed in the mid-1960s.",What challenges were identified in making discretionary fiscal policy more difficult than it had seemed in the mid-1960s?,Economists identified several issues that make discretionary fiscal policy more difficult than it had seemed in the mid-1960s.,"['fiscal policy', 'monetary policy', 'lag times', 'economic problems', 'political challenges']"
401,15-06-01-long-and-variable-time-lags,15-06,1,Long and Variable Time Lags,"The government can change monetary policy several times each year, but it takes much longer to enact fiscal policy. Imagine that the economy starts to slow down. It often takes some months before the economic statistics signal clearly that a downturn has started, and a few months more to confirm that it is truly a recession and not just a one- or two-month blip.
Economists often call the time it takes to determine that a recession has occurred the **recognition lag**. After this lag, policymakers become aware of the problem and propose fiscal policy bills. The bills go into various congressional committees for hearings, negotiations, votes, and then, if passed, eventually for the president's signature. Many fiscal policy bills about spending or taxes propose changes that would start in the next budget year or would be phased in gradually over time. Economists often refer to the time it takes to pass a bill as the **legislative lag**. Finally, once the government passes the bill it takes some time to disperse the funds to the appropriate agencies to implement the programs. Economists call the time it takes to start the projects the **implementation lag**.
the time it takes to determine that a recession has occurred
the time it takes to pass a bill
the time it takes to start the project
Moreover, the exact level of fiscal policy that the government should implement is never completely clear. Should it increase the budget deficit by 0.5% of GDP? By 1% of GDP? By 2% of GDP? In an AD/AS diagram, it is straightforward to sketch an aggregate demand curve shifting to the potential GDP level of output. In the real world, we only know roughly, not precisely, the actual level of potential output, and exactly how a spending cut or tax increase will affect aggregate demand is always somewhat controversial. Also unknown is the state of the economy at any point in time. During the early days of the Obama administration, for example, no one knew the true extent of the economy's deficit. During the 2008-2009 financial crisis, the rapid collapse of the banking system and automotive sector made it difficult to assess how quickly the economy was collapsing.
Thus, it can take many months or even more than a year to begin an expansionary fiscal policy after a recession has started—and even then, uncertainty will remain over exactly how much to expand or contract taxes and spending. When politicians attempt to use countercyclical fiscal policy to fight recession or inflation, they run the risk of responding to the macroeconomic situation of two or three years ago, in a way that may be exactly wrong for the economy at that time.
While the economist is accustomed to the concept of lags, the politician likes
instant results. The tension comes because, as I have seen on many occasions,
the economist's lag is the politician's nightmare.
","The government can change monetary policy several times each year, but it takes much longer to enact fiscal policy. Imagine that the economy starts to slow down. It often takes some months before the economic statistics signal clearly that a downturn has started, and a few months more to confirm that it is truly a recession and not just a one- or two-month blip.
Economists often call the time it takes to determine that a recession has occurred the recognition lag. After this lag, policymakers become aware of the problem and propose fiscal policy bills. The bills go into various congressional committees for hearings, negotiations, votes, and then, if passed, eventually for the president's signature. Many fiscal policy bills about spending or taxes propose changes that would start in the next budget year or would be phased in gradually over time. Economists often refer to the time it takes to pass a bill as the legislative lag. Finally, once the government passes the bill it takes some time to disperse the funds to the appropriate agencies to implement the programs. Economists call the time it takes to start the projects the implementation lag.
the time it takes to determine that a recession has occurred
the time it takes to pass a bill
the time it takes to start the project
Moreover, the exact level of fiscal policy that the government should implement is never completely clear. Should it increase the budget deficit by 0.5% of GDP? By 1% of GDP? By 2% of GDP? In an AD/AS diagram, it is straightforward to sketch an aggregate demand curve shifting to the potential GDP level of output. In the real world, we only know roughly, not precisely, the actual level of potential output, and exactly how a spending cut or tax increase will affect aggregate demand is always somewhat controversial. Also unknown is the state of the economy at any point in time. During the early days of the Obama administration, for example, no one knew the true extent of the economy's deficit. During the 2008-2009 financial crisis, the rapid collapse of the banking system and automotive sector made it difficult to assess how quickly the economy was collapsing.
Thus, it can take many months or even more than a year to begin an expansionary fiscal policy after a recession has started—and even then, uncertainty will remain over exactly how much to expand or contract taxes and spending. When politicians attempt to use countercyclical fiscal policy to fight recession or inflation, they run the risk of responding to the macroeconomic situation of two or three years ago, in a way that may be exactly wrong for the economy at that time.
While the economist is accustomed to the concept of lags, the politician likes
instant results. The tension comes because, as I have seen on many occasions,
the economist's lag is the politician's nightmare.",long-and-variable-time-lags,"Question: What is the recognition lag?
Answer: The recognition lag is the time it takes to determine that a recession has occurred.",What is the recognition lag?,The recognition lag is the time it takes to determine that a recession has occurred.,"['fiscal policy', 'economic statistics', 'recognition lag', 'fiscal policy bills', 'congressional']"
402,15-06-02-temporary-and-permanent-fiscal-policy,15-06,2,Temporary and Permanent Fiscal Policy,"A temporary tax cut or spending increase will explicitly last only for a year or two, and then revert to its original level. A permanent tax cut or spending increase is expected to stay in place for the foreseeable future. The effect of temporary and permanent fiscal policies on aggregate demand can be very different. Consider how you would react if the government announced a tax cut that would last one year and then be repealed, in comparison with how you would react if the government announced a permanent tax cut. Most people and firms will react more strongly to a permanent policy change than a temporary one.
This fact creates an unavoidable difficulty for countercyclical fiscal policy. The appropriate policy may be to have an expansionary fiscal policy with large budget deficits during a recession, and then a contractionary fiscal policy with budget surpluses when the economy is growing well. **However, if both policies are explicitly temporary ones, they will have a less powerful effect than a permanent policy.**","A temporary tax cut or spending increase will explicitly last only for a year or two, and then revert to its original level. A permanent tax cut or spending increase is expected to stay in place for the foreseeable future. The effect of temporary and permanent fiscal policies on aggregate demand can be very different. Consider how you would react if the government announced a tax cut that would last one year and then be repealed, in comparison with how you would react if the government announced a permanent tax cut. Most people and firms will react more strongly to a permanent policy change than a temporary one.
This fact creates an unavoidable difficulty for countercyclical fiscal policy. The appropriate policy may be to have an expansionary fiscal policy with large budget deficits during a recession, and then a contractionary fiscal policy with budget surpluses when the economy is growing well. However, if both policies are explicitly temporary ones, they will have a less powerful effect than a permanent policy.",temporary-and-permanent-fiscal-policy,"{""question"": ""What is the difference between a temporary tax cut or spending increase and a permanent one?"", ""answer"": ""A temporary policy only lasts for a year or two and then reverts to its original level, while a permanent policy is expected to stay in place for the foreseeable future.""}",What is the difference between a temporary tax cut or spending increase and a permanent one?,"A temporary policy only lasts for a year or two and then reverts to its original level, while a permanent policy is expected to stay in place for the foreseeable future.","['permanent tax cut', 'spending increase', 'aggregate demand', 'government', 'permanent policy']"
403,15-06-03-structural-economic-change-takes-time,15-06,3,Structural Economic Change Takes Time,"When an economy recovers from a recession, it does not usually revert to its exact earlier shape. Instead, the economy's internal structure evolves and changes and this process can take time. For example, much of the economic growth of the mid-2000s was in the construction sector (especially of housing) and finance. However, when housing prices started falling in 2007 and the resulting financial crunch led into recession (as we discussed in **Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation**), both sectors contracted. The manufacturing sector of the U.S. economy has been losing jobs in recent years as well, under pressure from technological change and foreign competition. Many of the people who lost work from these sectors in the 2008-2009 Great Recession will never return to the same jobs in the same sectors of the economy. Instead, the economy will need to grow in new and different directions, as the following Clear It Up feature shows. Fiscal policy can increase overall demand, but the process of structural economic change—the expansion of a new set of industries and the movement of workers to those industries—inevitably takes time.","When an economy recovers from a recession, it does not usually revert to its exact earlier shape. Instead, the economy's internal structure evolves and changes and this process can take time. For example, much of the economic growth of the mid-2000s was in the construction sector (especially of housing) and finance. However, when housing prices started falling in 2007 and the resulting financial crunch led into recession (as we discussed in Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation), both sectors contracted. The manufacturing sector of the U.S. economy has been losing jobs in recent years as well, under pressure from technological change and foreign competition. Many of the people who lost work from these sectors in the 2008-2009 Great Recession will never return to the same jobs in the same sectors of the economy. Instead, the economy will need to grow in new and different directions, as the following Clear It Up feature shows. Fiscal policy can increase overall demand, but the process of structural economic change—the expansion of a new set of industries and the movement of workers to those industries—inevitably takes time.",structural-economic-change-takes-time,"{
""question"": ""What happens to the internal structure of an economy when it recovers from a recession?"",
""answer"": ""The economy's internal structure evolves and changes over time.""
}",What happens to the internal structure of an economy when it recovers from a recession?,The economy's internal structure evolves and changes over time.,"['recession', 'internal structure', 'economic growth', 'construction sector', 'finance', 'housing prices']"
404,15-06-04-why-do-jobs-vanish,15-06,4,Why do jobs vanish?,"People can lose jobs for a variety of reasons: because of a recession, but also because of longer-run changes in the economy, such as new technology. Productivity improvements in auto manufacturing, for example, can reduce the number of workers needed, and eliminate these jobs in the long run. The internet has created jobs but also caused job loss, from travel agents to book store clerks. Many of these jobs may never come back. Short-run fiscal policy to reduce unemployment can create jobs, but it cannot replace jobs that will never return.","People can lose jobs for a variety of reasons: because of a recession, but also because of longer-run changes in the economy, such as new technology. Productivity improvements in auto manufacturing, for example, can reduce the number of workers needed, and eliminate these jobs in the long run. The internet has created jobs but also caused job loss, from travel agents to book store clerks. Many of these jobs may never come back. Short-run fiscal policy to reduce unemployment can create jobs, but it cannot replace jobs that will never return.",why-do-jobs-vanish,"{""question"": ""What are some reasons people can lose their jobs?"", ""answer"": ""People can lose jobs for reasons such as a recession or longer-run changes in the economy, like new technology.""}",What are some reasons people can lose their jobs?,"People can lose jobs for reasons such as a recession or longer-run changes in the economy, like new technology.","['recession', 'auto manufacturing', 'internet', 'travel agents', 'book store clerks', 'short']"
405,15-06-05-the-limitations-of-fiscal-policy,15-06,5,The Limitations of Fiscal Policy,"Fiscal policy can help an economy that is producing below its potential GDP to expand aggregate demand so that it produces closer to potential GDP, thus lowering unemployment. However, fiscal policy cannot help an economy produce at an output level above potential GDP without causing inflation At this point, unemployment becomes so low that workers become scarce and wages rise rapidly.
Expansionary fiscal policy can ease the pain of a recession. But, the stimulus has to be timely, targeted, and temporary. It's really hard to get it all righ...
Visit this [website](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/bernanke-fiscal-policy-is-stunting-the-recovery/) to read about how fiscal policies are affecting the recovery.","Fiscal policy can help an economy that is producing below its potential GDP to expand aggregate demand so that it produces closer to potential GDP, thus lowering unemployment. However, fiscal policy cannot help an economy produce at an output level above potential GDP without causing inflation At this point, unemployment becomes so low that workers become scarce and wages rise rapidly.
A final problem for discretionary fiscal policy arises out of the difficulties
of explaining to politicians how countercyclical fiscal policy that run
against the tide of the business cycle should work.
Some politicians have a gut-level belief that when the economy and tax revenues slow down, it is time to hunker down, pinch pennies, and trim expenses. Countercyclical policy, however, says that when the economy has slowed, it is time for the government to stimulate the economy, raising spending, and cutting taxes. This offsets the drop in the economy in the other sectors. Conversely, when economic times are good and tax revenues are rolling in, politicians often feel that it is time for tax cuts and new spending. However, countercyclical policy says that this economic boom should be an appropriate time for keeping taxes high and restraining spending.
Politicians tend to prefer expansionary fiscal policy over contractionary policy. There is rarely a shortage of proposals for tax cuts and spending increases, especially during recessions. However, politicians are less willing to hear the message that in good economic times, they should propose tax increases and spending limits. In the economic upswing of the late 1990s and early 2000s, for example, the U.S. GDP grew rapidly. Estimates from respected government economic forecasters like the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office and the Office of Management and Budget stated that the GDP was above potential GDP, and that unemployment rates were unsustainably low.
However, no mainstream politician took the lead in saying that the booming economic times might be an appropriate time for spending cuts or tax increases. As of February 2017, President Trump has expressed plans to increase spending on national defense by 10% or $54 billion, increase infrastructure investment by $1 trillion, cut corporate and personal income taxes, all while maintaining the existing spending on Social Security and Medicare. The only way this math adds up is with a sizeable increase in the Federal budget deficit.","A final problem for discretionary fiscal policy arises out of the difficulties
of explaining to politicians how countercyclical fiscal policy that run
against the tide of the business cycle should work.
Some politicians have a gut-level belief that when the economy and tax revenues slow down, it is time to hunker down, pinch pennies, and trim expenses. Countercyclical policy, however, says that when the economy has slowed, it is time for the government to stimulate the economy, raising spending, and cutting taxes. This offsets the drop in the economy in the other sectors. Conversely, when economic times are good and tax revenues are rolling in, politicians often feel that it is time for tax cuts and new spending. However, countercyclical policy says that this economic boom should be an appropriate time for keeping taxes high and restraining spending.
Politicians tend to prefer expansionary fiscal policy over contractionary policy. There is rarely a shortage of proposals for tax cuts and spending increases, especially during recessions. However, politicians are less willing to hear the message that in good economic times, they should propose tax increases and spending limits. In the economic upswing of the late 1990s and early 2000s, for example, the U.S. GDP grew rapidly. Estimates from respected government economic forecasters like the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office and the Office of Management and Budget stated that the GDP was above potential GDP, and that unemployment rates were unsustainably low.
However, no mainstream politician took the lead in saying that the booming economic times might be an appropriate time for spending cuts or tax increases. As of February 2017, President Trump has expressed plans to increase spending on national defense by 10% or $54 billion, increase infrastructure investment by $1 trillion, cut corporate and personal income taxes, all while maintaining the existing spending on Social Security and Medicare. The only way this math adds up is with a sizeable increase in the Federal budget deficit.",political-realties-and-discretionary-fiscal-policy,"Question: What is countercyclical fiscal policy and how does it contradict politicians' beliefs about managing the economy?
Answer: Countercyclical fiscal policy is the concept of stimulating the economy during a slowdown and restraining the economy during an upswing. This contradicts politicians' beliefs of cutting spending during economic downturns and increasing spending during economic booms.",What is countercyclical fiscal policy and how does it contradict politicians' beliefs about managing the economy?,Countercyclical fiscal policy is the concept of stimulating the economy during a slowdown and restraining the economy during an upswing. This contradicts politicians' beliefs of cutting spending during economic downturns and increasing spending during economic booms.,"['countercyclical fiscal policy', 'tax revenues', 'government economic forecasters', 'national']"
407,15-06-07-discretionary-fiscal-policy-summing-up,15-06,7,Discretionary Fiscal Policy: Summing Up,"Expansionary fiscal policy can help to end recessions and contractionary fiscal policy can help to reduce inflation. Given the uncertainties over interest rate effects, time lags, temporary and permanent policies, and unpredictable political behavior, many economists and knowledgeable policymakers had concluded by the mid-1990s that discretionary fiscal policy was a blunt instrument, more like a club than a scalpel. It might still make sense to use it in extreme economic situations, like an especially deep or long recession. For less extreme situations, it was often preferable to let fiscal policy work through the automatic stabilizers and focus on monetary policy to steer short-term countercyclical efforts.
is used to end recession
is used to reduce inflation
","Expansionary fiscal policy can help to end recessions and contractionary fiscal policy can help to reduce inflation. Given the uncertainties over interest rate effects, time lags, temporary and permanent policies, and unpredictable political behavior, many economists and knowledgeable policymakers had concluded by the mid-1990s that discretionary fiscal policy was a blunt instrument, more like a club than a scalpel. It might still make sense to use it in extreme economic situations, like an especially deep or long recession. For less extreme situations, it was often preferable to let fiscal policy work through the automatic stabilizers and focus on monetary policy to steer short-term countercyclical efforts.
is used to end recession
is used to reduce inflation",discretionary-fiscal-policy-summing-up,"{
""question"": ""What can expansionary fiscal policy help to end?"",
""answer"": ""Recessions""
}",What can expansionary fiscal policy help to end?,Recessions,"['contractual fiscal policy', 'interest rate effects', 'time lags', 'permanent policies']"
408,15-07-00-the-question-of-a-balanced-budget,15-07,0,The Question of A Balanced Budget,"
- Understand the arguments for and against requiring the U.S. federal budget to be balanced
- Consider the long-run and short-run effects of a federal budget deficit
For many decades, going back to the 1930s, various legislators have put forward proposals to require that the U.S. government balance its budget every year. In 1995, a proposed constitutional amendment that would require a balanced budget passed the U.S. House of Representatives by a wide margin, and failed in the U.S. Senate by only a single vote. (For the balanced budget to have become an amendment to the Constitution would have required a two-thirds vote by Congress and passage by three-quarters of the state legislatures.)
Most economists view the proposals for a perpetually balanced budget with bemusement. After all, in the short term, economists would expect the budget deficits and surpluses to fluctuate up and down with the economy and the automatic stabilizers. Economic recessions should automatically lead to larger budget deficits or smaller budget surpluses, while economic booms lead to smaller deficits or larger surpluses. A requirement that the budget be balanced each and every year would prevent these automatic stabilizers from working and would worsen the severity of economic fluctuations.
Some supporters of the balanced budget amendment like to argue that, since
households must balance their own budgets, the government should too.
However, this analogy between household and government behavior is severely flawed. Most households do not balance their budgets every year. Some years households borrow to buy houses or cars or to pay for medical expenses or college tuition. Other years they repay loans and save funds in retirement accounts. After retirement, they withdraw and spend those savings. Also, the government is not a household for many reasons, one of which is that the government has macroeconomic responsibilities.
The argument of Keynesian macroeconomic policy is that the government needs to
lean against the wind, spending when times are hard and saving when times
aregood, for the sake of the overall economy.
There is also no particular reason to expect a government budget to be balanced in the medium term of a few years. For example, a government may decide that by running large budget deficits, it can make crucial long-term investments in human capital and physical infrastructure that will build the country's long-term productivity. These decisions may work out well or poorly, but they are not always irrational. Such policies of ongoing government budget deficits may persist for decades. As the U.S. experience from the end of World War II up to about 1980 shows, it is perfectly possible to run budget deficits almost every year for decades, but as long as the percentage increases in debt are smaller than the percentage growth of GDP, the debt/GDP ratio will decline at the same time.
Nothing in this argument is a claim that budget deficits are always a wise policy. In the short run, a government that runs a very large budget deficit can shift aggregate demand to the right and trigger severe inflation. Additionally, governments may borrow for foolish or impractical reasons. The Impacts of Government Borrowing will discuss how large budget deficits, by reducing national savings, can in certain cases reduce economic growth and even contribute to international financial crises.
A requirement that the budget be balanced in each calendar year, however, is a
misguided overreaction to the fear that in some cases, budget deficits can
become too large.
","- Understand the arguments for and against requiring the U.S. federal budget to be balanced
- Consider the long-run and short-run effects of a federal budget deficit
For many decades, going back to the 1930s, various legislators have put forward proposals to require that the U.S. government balance its budget every year. In 1995, a proposed constitutional amendment that would require a balanced budget passed the U.S. House of Representatives by a wide margin, and failed in the U.S. Senate by only a single vote. (For the balanced budget to have become an amendment to the Constitution would have required a two-thirds vote by Congress and passage by three-quarters of the state legislatures.)
Most economists view the proposals for a perpetually balanced budget with bemusement. After all, in the short term, economists would expect the budget deficits and surpluses to fluctuate up and down with the economy and the automatic stabilizers. Economic recessions should automatically lead to larger budget deficits or smaller budget surpluses, while economic booms lead to smaller deficits or larger surpluses. A requirement that the budget be balanced each and every year would prevent these automatic stabilizers from working and would worsen the severity of economic fluctuations.
Some supporters of the balanced budget amendment like to argue that, since
households must balance their own budgets, the government should too.
However, this analogy between household and government behavior is severely flawed. Most households do not balance their budgets every year. Some years households borrow to buy houses or cars or to pay for medical expenses or college tuition. Other years they repay loans and save funds in retirement accounts. After retirement, they withdraw and spend those savings. Also, the government is not a household for many reasons, one of which is that the government has macroeconomic responsibilities.
The argument of Keynesian macroeconomic policy is that the government needs to
lean against the wind, spending when times are hard and saving when times
aregood, for the sake of the overall economy.
There is also no particular reason to expect a government budget to be balanced in the medium term of a few years. For example, a government may decide that by running large budget deficits, it can make crucial long-term investments in human capital and physical infrastructure that will build the country's long-term productivity. These decisions may work out well or poorly, but they are not always irrational. Such policies of ongoing government budget deficits may persist for decades. As the U.S. experience from the end of World War II up to about 1980 shows, it is perfectly possible to run budget deficits almost every year for decades, but as long as the percentage increases in debt are smaller than the percentage growth of GDP, the debt/GDP ratio will decline at the same time.
Nothing in this argument is a claim that budget deficits are always a wise policy. In the short run, a government that runs a very large budget deficit can shift aggregate demand to the right and trigger severe inflation. Additionally, governments may borrow for foolish or impractical reasons. The Impacts of Government Borrowing will discuss how large budget deficits, by reducing national savings, can in certain cases reduce economic growth and even contribute to international financial crises.
A requirement that the budget be balanced in each calendar year, however, is a
misguided overreaction to the fear that in some cases, budget deficits can
become too large.",the-question-of-a-balanced-budget,"{""question"": ""What is the argument against requiring the U.S. federal budget to be balanced?"", ""answer"": ""A requirement for a balanced budget would prevent automatic stabilizers from working and worsen economic fluctuations.""}",What is the argument against requiring the U.S. federal budget to be balanced?,A requirement for a balanced budget would prevent automatic stabilizers from working and worsen economic fluctuations.,"['balanced budget', 'federal budget deficit', 'shortrun effects', 'constitutional amendment', 'macro']"
409,15-07-01-no-yellowstone-park,15-07,1,No Yellowstone Park?,"The 2013 federal budget shutdown illustrated the many sides to fiscal policy and the federal budget. In 2013, Republicans and Democrats could not agree on which spending policies to fund and how large the government debt should be. Due to the severity of the 2008-2009 recession, the fiscal stimulus, and previous policies, the federal budget deficit and debt was historically high. One way to try to cut federal spending and borrowing was to refuse to raise the legal federal debt limit, or tie on conditions to appropriation bills to stop the Affordable Health Care Act. This disagreement led to a two-week federal government shutdown and got close to the deadline where the federal government would default on its Treasury bonds. Finally, however, a compromise emerged and the government avoided default. This shows clearly how closely fiscal policies are tied to politics.
","The 2013 federal budget shutdown illustrated the many sides to fiscal policy and the federal budget. In 2013, Republicans and Democrats could not agree on which spending policies to fund and how large the government debt should be. Due to the severity of the 2008-2009 recession, the fiscal stimulus, and previous policies, the federal budget deficit and debt was historically high. One way to try to cut federal spending and borrowing was to refuse to raise the legal federal debt limit, or tie on conditions to appropriation bills to stop the Affordable Health Care Act. This disagreement led to a two-week federal government shutdown and got close to the deadline where the federal government would default on its Treasury bonds. Finally, however, a compromise emerged and the government avoided default. This shows clearly how closely fiscal policies are tied to politics.",no-yellowstone-park,"Question: What was one way that Republicans and Democrats attempted to cut federal spending and borrowing during the 2013 federal budget shutdown?
Answer: One way was to refuse to raise the legal federal debt limit or tie conditions to appropriation bills to stop the Affordable Health Care Act.",What was one way that Republicans and Democrats attempted to cut federal spending and borrowing during the 2013 federal budget shutdown?,One way was to refuse to raise the legal federal debt limit or tie conditions to appropriation bills to stop the Affordable Health Care Act.,"['fiscal budget shutdown', 'fiscal policy', 'federal budget', 'government debt', 'fiscal stimulus']"
410,16-00-00-introduction-to-the-impacts-of-government-borrowing,16-00,0,Introduction to The Impacts of Government Borrowing,"
Here the seeds were planted from which grew my firm conviction that for the
individual, education is the path to achievement and fulfillment; for the
Nation, it is a path to a society that is not only free but civilized; and for
the world, it is the path to peace—for it is education that places reason over
force.
","Here the seeds were planted from which grew my firm conviction that for the
individual, education is the path to achievement and fulfillment; for the
Nation, it is a path to a society that is not only free but civilized; and for
the world, it is the path to peace—for it is education that places reason over
force.",introduction-to-the-impacts-of-government-borrowing,"{""question"": ""What is the path to achievement and fulfillment for the individual?"", ""answer"": ""Education.""}",What is the path to achievement and fulfillment for the individual?,Education.,"['individual', 'education', 'achievement', 'fulfillment', 'society', 'peace', 'economic development']"
411,16-00-01-financing-higher-education,16-00,1,Financing Higher Education,"
On November 8, 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed The Higher Education
Act of 1965 into law. With a stroke of the pen, he implemented what we know
as the financial aid, work study, and student loan programs to help
Americans pay for a college education. This Act, he said, ""is responsible
for funding higher education for millions of Americans. It is the embodiment
of the United States' investment in 'human capital'.""
**Figure 16.1** President Lyndon B. Johnson President Lyndon Johnson
played a pivotal role in financing higher education. (Credit: modification
of image by LBJ Museum & Library)
The purpose of The Higher Education Act of 1965 was to build the country's human capital by creating educational opportunities for millions of Americans. The three criteria that the government uses to judge eligibility are income, full-time or part-time attendance, and the cost of the institution. According to the 2011-2012 National Postsecondary Student Aid Study (NPSAS:12), in the 2011-2012 school year, over 70% of all full-time college students received some form of federal financial aid; 47% received grants, and another 55% received federal government student loans. The budget to support financial aid has increased not only because of more enrollment, but also because of increased tuition and fees for higher education.
The current Trump administration is currently questioning these increases and the entire notion of how the government should deal with higher education. The President and Congress are charged with balancing fiscal responsibility and important government-financed expenditures like investing in human capital.","On November 8, 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed The Higher Education
Act of 1965 into law. With a stroke of the pen, he implemented what we know
as the financial aid, work study, and student loan programs to help
Americans pay for a college education. This Act, he said, ""is responsible
for funding higher education for millions of Americans. It is the embodiment
of the United States' investment in 'human capital'.""
Figure 16.1 President Lyndon B. Johnson President Lyndon Johnson
played a pivotal role in financing higher education. (Credit: modification
of image by LBJ Museum & Library)
The purpose of The Higher Education Act of 1965 was to build the country's human capital by creating educational opportunities for millions of Americans. The three criteria that the government uses to judge eligibility are income, full-time or part-time attendance, and the cost of the institution. According to the 2011-2012 National Postsecondary Student Aid Study (NPSAS:12), in the 2011-2012 school year, over 70% of all full-time college students received some form of federal financial aid; 47% received grants, and another 55% received federal government student loans. The budget to support financial aid has increased not only because of more enrollment, but also because of increased tuition and fees for higher education.
The current Trump administration is currently questioning these increases and the entire notion of how the government should deal with higher education. The President and Congress are charged with balancing fiscal responsibility and important government-financed expenditures like investing in human capital.",financing-higher-education,"{""question"": ""What were the three criteria the government used to judge eligibility for The Higher Education Act of 1965?"", ""answer"": ""The three criteria were income, full-time or part-time attendance, and the cost of the institution.""}",What were the three criteria the government used to judge eligibility for The Higher Education Act of 1965?,"The three criteria were income, full-time or part-time attendance, and the cost of the institution.","['the higher education act', 'financial aid', 'work study', 'student loan programs', 'college education']"
412,16-00-02-introduction,16-00,2,Introduction,"Governments have many competing demands for financial support. Any spending should be tempered by fiscal responsibility and by looking carefully at the spending's impact. When a government spends more than it collects in taxes, it runs a budget deficit and will need to borrow. When government borrowing becomes especially large and sustained, it can substantially reduce the financial capital available to private sector firms, as well as lead to trade imbalances and even financial crises.
The **Government Budgets and Fiscal Policy** chapter introduced the concepts of deficits and debt, as well as how a government could use fiscal policy to address recession or inflation. This chapter begins by building on the national savings and investment identity to show how government borrowing affects firms' physical capital investment levels and trade balances. A prolonged period of budget deficits may lead to lower economic growth, in part because the funds that the government borrows to fund its budget deficits are typically no longer available for private investment. Moreover, a sustained pattern of large budget deficits can lead to disruptive economic patterns of high inflation, substantial inflows of financial capital from abroad, plummeting exchange rates, and heavy strains on a country's banking and financial system.
","Governments have many competing demands for financial support. Any spending should be tempered by fiscal responsibility and by looking carefully at the spending's impact. When a government spends more than it collects in taxes, it runs a budget deficit and will need to borrow. When government borrowing becomes especially large and sustained, it can substantially reduce the financial capital available to private sector firms, as well as lead to trade imbalances and even financial crises.
The Government Budgets and Fiscal Policy chapter introduced the concepts of deficits and debt, as well as how a government could use fiscal policy to address recession or inflation. This chapter begins by building on the national savings and investment identity to show how government borrowing affects firms' physical capital investment levels and trade balances. A prolonged period of budget deficits may lead to lower economic growth, in part because the funds that the government borrows to fund its budget deficits are typically no longer available for private investment. Moreover, a sustained pattern of large budget deficits can lead to disruptive economic patterns of high inflation, substantial inflows of financial capital from abroad, plummeting exchange rates, and heavy strains on a country's banking and financial system.",introduction,"Question: How can a prolonged period of budget deficits affect economic growth?
Answer: A prolonged period of budget deficits can lead to lower economic growth because funds that the government borrows to fund its deficits are typically no longer available for private investment.",How can a prolonged period of budget deficits affect economic growth?,A prolonged period of budget deficits can lead to lower economic growth because funds that the government borrows to fund its deficits are typically no longer available for private investment.,"['government Budgets and fiscal policy', 'fiscal responsibility', 'government borrowing', 'financial capital', 'private']"
413,16-01-00-overview,16-01,0,Overview,"
- Explain the national saving and investment identity in terms of demand and supply
- Evaluate the role of budget surpluses and trade surpluses in national saving and investment identity
When governments are borrowers in financial markets, there are three possible sources for the funds from a macroeconomic point of view:
1. Households might save more;
2. Private firms might borrow less; and
3. The additional funds for government borrowing might come from outside the country, from foreign financial investors.
Let's begin with a review of why one of these three options must occur, and then explore how interest rates and exchange rates adjust to these connections.","- Explain the national saving and investment identity in terms of demand and supply
- Evaluate the role of budget surpluses and trade surpluses in national saving and investment identity
When governments are borrowers in financial markets, there are three possible sources for the funds from a macroeconomic point of view:
Households might save more;
Private firms might borrow less; and
The additional funds for government borrowing might come from outside the country, from foreign financial investors.
Let's begin with a review of why one of these three options must occur, and then explore how interest rates and exchange rates adjust to these connections.",overview,"{""question"": ""Explain the national saving and investment identity in terms of demand and supply"", ""answer"": ""There are three possible sources for funds from a macroeconomic point of view when governments are borrowers in financial markets: households might save more, private firms might borrow less, and the additional funds might come from foreign financial investors.""}",Explain the national saving and investment identity in terms of demand and supply,"There are three possible sources for funds from a macroeconomic point of view when governments are borrowers in financial markets: households might save more, private firms might borrow less, and the additional funds might come from foreign financial investors.","['national saving', 'investment identity', 'budget surpluses', 'trade surplus']"
414,16-02-00-overview,16-02,0,Overview,"
- Discuss twin deficits as they related to budget and trade deficit
- Explain the relationship between budget deficits and exchange rates
- Explain the relationship between budget deficits and inflation
- Identify causes of recessions
Government budget balances can affect the trade balance. As the previous section discusses, a net inflow of foreign financial investment always accompanies a trade deficit, while a net outflow of financial investment always accompanies a trade surplus. One way to understand the connection from budget deficits to trade deficits is that when government creates a budget deficit with some combination of tax cuts or spending increases, it will increase aggregate demand in the economy, and some of that increase in aggregate demand will result in a higher level of imports. A higher level of imports, with exports remaining fixed, will cause a larger trade deficit. That means foreigners' holdings of dollars increase as Americans purchase more imported goods. Foreigners use those dollars to invest in the United States, which leads to an inflow of foreign investment. One possible source of funding our budget deficit is foreigners buying Treasury securities that the U.S. government sells, thus a trade deficit often accompanies a budget deficit.","- Discuss twin deficits as they related to budget and trade deficit
- Explain the relationship between budget deficits and exchange rates
- Explain the relationship between budget deficits and inflation
- Identify causes of recessions
Government budget balances can affect the trade balance. As the previous section discusses, a net inflow of foreign financial investment always accompanies a trade deficit, while a net outflow of financial investment always accompanies a trade surplus. One way to understand the connection from budget deficits to trade deficits is that when government creates a budget deficit with some combination of tax cuts or spending increases, it will increase aggregate demand in the economy, and some of that increase in aggregate demand will result in a higher level of imports. A higher level of imports, with exports remaining fixed, will cause a larger trade deficit. That means foreigners' holdings of dollars increase as Americans purchase more imported goods. Foreigners use those dollars to invest in the United States, which leads to an inflow of foreign investment. One possible source of funding our budget deficit is foreigners buying Treasury securities that the U.S. government sells, thus a trade deficit often accompanies a budget deficit.",overview,"{
""question"": ""Explain the relationship between budget deficits and trade deficits."",
""answer"": ""When a government creates a budget deficit, it increases aggregate demand, leading to a higher level of imports and a larger trade deficit.""
}",Explain the relationship between budget deficits and trade deficits.,"When a government creates a budget deficit, it increases aggregate demand, leading to a higher level of imports and a larger trade deficit.","['government budget balances', 'foreign financial investment', 'net outflow', 'tax cuts', 'spending increases']"
415,16-02-01-twin-deficits,16-02,1,Twin Deficits?,"In the mid-1980s, it was common to hear economists and even newspaper articles refer to the twin deficits, as the budget deficit and trade deficit both grew substantially. **Figure 16.4** shows the pattern. The federal budget deficit went from 2.6% of GDP in 1981 to 5.1% of GDP in 1985—a drop of 2.5% of GDP. Over that time, the trade deficit moved from 0.5% in 1981 to 2.9% in 1985—a drop of 2.4% of GDP. In the mid-1980s an inflow of foreign investment capital matched, the considerable increase in government borrowing, so the government budget deficit and the trade deficit moved together.
**Figure 16.4** U.S. Budget Deficits and Trade Deficits
Of course, no one should expect the budget deficit and trade deficit to move in lockstep, because the other parts of the national saving and investment identity—investment and private savings—will often change as well. In the late 1990s, for example, the government budget balance turned from deficit to surplus, but the trade deficit remained large and growing. During this time, the inflow of foreign financial investment was supporting a surge of physical capital investment by U.S. firms. In the first half of the 2000s, the budget and trade deficits again increased together, but in 2009, the budget deficit increased while the trade deficit declined. The budget deficit and the trade deficits are related to each other, but they are more like cousins than twins.
","In the mid-1980s, it was common to hear economists and even newspaper articles refer to the twin deficits, as the budget deficit and trade deficit both grew substantially. Figure 16.4 shows the pattern. The federal budget deficit went from 2.6% of GDP in 1981 to 5.1% of GDP in 1985—a drop of 2.5% of GDP. Over that time, the trade deficit moved from 0.5% in 1981 to 2.9% in 1985—a drop of 2.4% of GDP. In the mid-1980s an inflow of foreign investment capital matched, the considerable increase in government borrowing, so the government budget deficit and the trade deficit moved together.
**Figure 16.5** shows a situation using the exchange rate for the U.S. dollar, measured in euros. At the original equilibrium ($E_0$), where the demand for U.S. dollars ($D_0$) intersects with the supply of U.S. dollars ($S_0$) on the foreign exchange market, the exchange rate is 0.9 euros per U.S. dollar and the equilibrium quantity traded in the market is \$100 billion per day. This was roughly the quantity of dollar-euro trading in exchange rate markets in the mid-2000s. Then the U.S. budget deficit rises and foreign financial investment provides the source of funds for that budget deficit.
**Figure 16.5** Budget Deficits and Exchange Rates
International financial investors, as a group, will demand more U.S. dollars on foreign exchange markets to purchase the U.S. government bonds, and they will supply fewer of the U.S. dollars that they already hold in these markets. Demand for U.S. dollars on the foreign exchange market shifts from D0 to D1 and the supply of U.S. dollars falls from S0 to S1. At the new equilibrium (E1), the exchange rate has appreciated to 1.05 euros per dollar while, in this example, the quantity of dollars traded remains the same.
A stronger exchange rate, of course, makes it more difficult for exporters to sell their goods abroad while making imports cheaper, so a trade deficit (or a reduced trade surplus) results. Thus, a budget deficit can easily result in an inflow of foreign financial capital, a stronger exchange rate, and a trade deficit.
You can also imagine how interest rates drive the exchange rate appreciation. As we explained earlier, a budget deficit increases demand in markets for domestic financial capital, raising the domestic interest rate. A higher interest rate will attract an inflow of foreign financial capital and appreciate the exchange rate in response to the increase in demand for U.S. dollars by foreign investors and a decrease in supply of U. S. dollars. Because of higher interest rates in the United States, Americans find U.S. bonds more attractive than foreign bonds. When Americans are buying fewer foreign bonds, they are supplying fewer U.S. dollars. U.S. dollar appreciation leads to a larger trade deficit(or reduced surplus).
The connections between inflows of foreign investment capital, interest rates,
and exchange rates are all just different ways of drawing the same economic
connections: a larger budget deficit can result in a larger trade deficit,
although do not expect the connection to be one-to-one.
","Exchange rates can also help to explain why budget deficits are linked to trade deficits.
Figure 16.5 shows a situation using the exchange rate for the U.S. dollar, measured in euros. At the original equilibrium ($E_0$), where the demand for U.S. dollars ($D_0$) intersects with the supply of U.S. dollars ($S_0$) on the foreign exchange market, the exchange rate is 0.9 euros per U.S. dollar and the equilibrium quantity traded in the market is \$100 billion per day. This was roughly the quantity of dollar-euro trading in exchange rate markets in the mid-2000s. Then the U.S. budget deficit rises and foreign financial investment provides the source of funds for that budget deficit.
- Explain crowding out and its effect on physical capital investment
- Explain the relationship between budget deficits and interest rates
- Identify why economic growth is tied to investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology
A change in government budgets may impact private saving. Imagine that people watch government budgets and adjust their savings accordingly. For example, whenever the government runs a budget deficit, people might reason that they will owe more taxes in the future to pay off all that government borrowing. As a result, they start saving now. If the government runs budget surpluses, people might reason that interest rates are falling the country will likely be able to afford a tax cut sometime in the future. As a result, they save less.
The theory that rational private households might shift their saving to offset government saving or borrowing is known as **Ricardian equivalence** because the idea has intellectual roots in the writings of the early nineteenth-century economist David Ricardo (1772-1823). If Ricardian equivalence holds completely true, then in the national saving and investment identity, any change in budget deficits or budget surpluses would be completely offset by a corresponding change in private saving. As a result, changes in government borrowing would have no effect at all on either physical capital investment or trade balances.
In practice, the private sector only sometimes and partially adjusts its savings behavior to offset government budget deficits and surpluses. **Figure 16.6** shows the patterns of U.S. government budget deficits and surpluses and the rate of private saving—which includes saving by both households and firms—since 1980. The connection between the two is not at all obvious. In the mid-1980s, for example, government budget deficits were quite large, but there is no corresponding surge of private saving. However, when budget deficits turn to surpluses in the late 1990s, there is a simultaneous decline in private saving. When budget deficits get very large in 2008 and 2009, there is some sign of a rise in saving.
A variety of statistical studies based on the U.S. experience suggests that when government borrowing increases by $1, private saving rises by about 30 cents. A World Bank study from the late 1990s, looking at government budgets and private saving behavior in countries around the world, found a similar result.
**Figure 16.6** U.S. Budget Deficits and Private Savings
(Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis and Federal Reserve Economic Data)
Private saving does increase to some extent when governments run large budget deficits, and private saving falls when governments reduce deficits or run large budget surpluses. However, the offsetting effects of private saving compared to government borrowing are much less than one-to-one. In addition, this effect can vary a great deal from country to country, from time to time, and over the short and the long run.
Even timely, targeted, and temporary fiscal policy might not work as planned. With so many variables in an economy, a central bank's monetary policy and savv...
","- Explain crowding out and its effect on physical capital investment
- Explain the relationship between budget deficits and interest rates
- Identify why economic growth is tied to investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology
A change in government budgets may impact private saving. Imagine that people watch government budgets and adjust their savings accordingly. For example, whenever the government runs a budget deficit, people might reason that they will owe more taxes in the future to pay off all that government borrowing. As a result, they start saving now. If the government runs budget surpluses, people might reason that interest rates are falling the country will likely be able to afford a tax cut sometime in the future. As a result, they save less.
The theory that rational private households might shift their saving to offset government saving or borrowing is known as Ricardian equivalence because the idea has intellectual roots in the writings of the early nineteenth-century economist David Ricardo (1772-1823). If Ricardian equivalence holds completely true, then in the national saving and investment identity, any change in budget deficits or budget surpluses would be completely offset by a corresponding change in private saving. As a result, changes in government borrowing would have no effect at all on either physical capital investment or trade balances.
In practice, the private sector only sometimes and partially adjusts its savings behavior to offset government budget deficits and surpluses. Figure 16.6 shows the patterns of U.S. government budget deficits and surpluses and the rate of private saving—which includes saving by both households and firms—since 1980. The connection between the two is not at all obvious. In the mid-1980s, for example, government budget deficits were quite large, but there is no corresponding surge of private saving. However, when budget deficits turn to surpluses in the late 1990s, there is a simultaneous decline in private saving. When budget deficits get very large in 2008 and 2009, there is some sign of a rise in saving.
A variety of statistical studies based on the U.S. experience suggests that when government borrowing increases by $1, private saving rises by about 30 cents. A World Bank study from the late 1990s, looking at government budgets and private saving behavior in countries around the world, found a similar result.
Figure 16.6 U.S. Budget Deficits and Private Savings
(Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis and Federal Reserve Economic Data)
Private saving does increase to some extent when governments run large budget deficits, and private saving falls when governments reduce deficits or run large budget surpluses. However, the offsetting effects of private saving compared to government borrowing are much less than one-to-one. In addition, this effect can vary a great deal from country to country, from time to time, and over the short and the long run.
- Explain crowding out and its effect on physical capital investment
- Explain the relationship between budget deficits and interest rates
- Identify why economic growth is tied to investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology
The underpinnings of economic growth are investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology, all set in an economic environment where firms and individuals can react to the incentives provided by well-functioning markets and flexible prices. Government borrowing can reduce the financial capital available for private firms to invest in physical capital. However, government spending can also encourage certain elements of long-term growth, such as spending on roads or water systems, on education, or on research and development that creates new technology.","- Explain crowding out and its effect on physical capital investment
- Explain the relationship between budget deficits and interest rates
- Identify why economic growth is tied to investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology
The underpinnings of economic growth are investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology, all set in an economic environment where firms and individuals can react to the incentives provided by well-functioning markets and flexible prices. Government borrowing can reduce the financial capital available for private firms to invest in physical capital. However, government spending can also encourage certain elements of long-term growth, such as spending on roads or water systems, on education, or on research and development that creates new technology.",overview,"{""question"": ""Identify why economic growth is tied to investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology"", ""answer"": ""Economic growth is tied to investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology because these investments enhance productivity and innovation, leading to increased output and economic development.""}","Identify why economic growth is tied to investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology","Economic growth is tied to investments in physical capital, human capital, and technology because these investments enhance productivity and innovation, leading to increased output and economic development.","['physical capital investment', 'budget deficits', 'interest rates', 'economic growth', 'human capital']"
422,16-04-01-crowding-out-physical-capital-investment,16-04,1,Crowding Out Physical Capital Investment,"A larger budget deficit will increase demand for financial capital. If private saving and the trade balance remain the same, then less financial capital will be available for private investment in physical capital. When government borrowing soaks up available financial capital and leaves less for private investment in physical capital, economists call the result **crowding out**.
To understand the potential impact of crowding out, consider the U.S. economy's situation before the exceptional circumstances of the recession that started in late 2007. In 2005, for example, the budget deficit was roughly 4% of GDP. Private investment by firms in the U.S. economy has hovered in the range of 14% to 18% of GDP in recent decades. However, in any given year, roughly half of U.S. investment in physical capital just replaces machinery and equipment that has worn out or become technologically obsolete. Only about half represents an increase in the total quantity of physical capital in the economy. Investment in new physical capital in any year is about 7% to 9% of GDP. In this situation, even U.S. budget deficits in the range of 4% of GDP can potentially crowd out a substantial share of new investment spending. Conversely, a smaller budget deficit (or an increased budget surplus) increases the pool of financial capital available for private investment.
**Figure 16.7** shows the patterns of U.S. budget deficits and private investment since 1980. If greater government deficits lead to less private investment in physical capital, and reduced government deficits or budget surpluses lead to more investment in physical capital, these two lines should move up and down simultaneously.
**Figure 16.7** U.S. Budget Deficits/Surpluses and Private Investment
This pattern occurred in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The U.S. federal budget went from a deficit of 2.2% of GDP in 1995 to a budget surplus of 2.4% of GDP in 2000—a swing of 4.6% of GDP. From 1995 to 2000, private investment in physical capital rose from 15% to 18% of GDP—a rise of 3% of GDP. Then, when the U.S. government again started running budget deficits in the early 2000s, less financial capital became available for private investment, and the rate of private investment fell back to about 15% of GDP by 2003.
This argument does not claim that a government's budget deficits will exactly shadow its national rate of private investment; after all, we must account for private saving and inflows of foreign financial investment. In the mid-1980s, for example, government budget deficits increased substantially without a corresponding drop off in private investment. In 2009, nonresidential private fixed investment dropped by $300 billion from its previous level of $1,941 billion in 2008, primarily because, during a recession, firms lack both the funds and the incentive to invest. Investment growth between 2009 and 2014 averaged approximately 5.9% reaching $2,210.5 billion—only slightly above its 2008 level, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. During that same period, interest rates dropped from 3.94% to less than a quarter percent as the Federal Reserve took dramatic action to prevent a depression by increasing the money supply through lowering short-term interest rates. The ""crowding out"" of private investment due to government borrowing to finance expenditures appears to have been suspended during the Great Recession. However, as the economy improves and interest rates rise, government borrowing may potentially create pressure on interest rates.
Visit this [website](https://www.usdebtclock.org/) to view the “U.S. Debt Clock.”","A larger budget deficit will increase demand for financial capital. If private saving and the trade balance remain the same, then less financial capital will be available for private investment in physical capital. When government borrowing soaks up available financial capital and leaves less for private investment in physical capital, economists call the result crowding out.
To understand the potential impact of crowding out, consider the U.S. economy's situation before the exceptional circumstances of the recession that started in late 2007. In 2005, for example, the budget deficit was roughly 4% of GDP. Private investment by firms in the U.S. economy has hovered in the range of 14% to 18% of GDP in recent decades. However, in any given year, roughly half of U.S. investment in physical capital just replaces machinery and equipment that has worn out or become technologically obsolete. Only about half represents an increase in the total quantity of physical capital in the economy. Investment in new physical capital in any year is about 7% to 9% of GDP. In this situation, even U.S. budget deficits in the range of 4% of GDP can potentially crowd out a substantial share of new investment spending. Conversely, a smaller budget deficit (or an increased budget surplus) increases the pool of financial capital available for private investment.
Figure 16.7 shows the patterns of U.S. budget deficits and private investment since 1980. If greater government deficits lead to less private investment in physical capital, and reduced government deficits or budget surpluses lead to more investment in physical capital, these two lines should move up and down simultaneously.
Figure 16.7 U.S. Budget Deficits/Surpluses and Private Investment
This pattern occurred in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The U.S. federal budget went from a deficit of 2.2% of GDP in 1995 to a budget surplus of 2.4% of GDP in 2000—a swing of 4.6% of GDP. From 1995 to 2000, private investment in physical capital rose from 15% to 18% of GDP—a rise of 3% of GDP. Then, when the U.S. government again started running budget deficits in the early 2000s, less financial capital became available for private investment, and the rate of private investment fell back to about 15% of GDP by 2003.
This argument does not claim that a government's budget deficits will exactly shadow its national rate of private investment; after all, we must account for private saving and inflows of foreign financial investment. In the mid-1980s, for example, government budget deficits increased substantially without a corresponding drop off in private investment. In 2009, nonresidential private fixed investment dropped by $300 billion from its previous level of $1,941 billion in 2008, primarily because, during a recession, firms lack both the funds and the incentive to invest. Investment growth between 2009 and 2014 averaged approximately 5.9% reaching $2,210.5 billion—only slightly above its 2008 level, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. During that same period, interest rates dropped from 3.94% to less than a quarter percent as the Federal Reserve took dramatic action to prevent a depression by increasing the money supply through lowering short-term interest rates. The ""crowding out"" of private investment due to government borrowing to finance expenditures appears to have been suspended during the Great Recession. However, as the economy improves and interest rates rise, government borrowing may potentially create pressure on interest rates.
Visit this website to view the “U.S. Debt Clock.”",crowding-out-physical-capital-investment,"Question: What is the potential impact of crowding out on private investment in physical capital?
Answer: Crowding out can potentially reduce private investment in physical capital when government borrowing soaks up available financial capital.",What is the potential impact of crowding out on private investment in physical capital?,Crowding out can potentially reduce private investment in physical capital when government borrowing soaks up available financial capital.,"['budget deficit', 'private saving', 'trade balance', 'government borrowing', 'private investment', 'physical']"
423,16-04-02-the-interest-rate-connection,16-04,2,The Interest Rate Connection,"
Assume that substantial amounts of government borrowing will influence the
quantity of private investment.
How will this affect interest rates in financial markets?
In **Figure 16.8**, the original equilibrium ($E_0$) where the demand curve
($D_0$) for financial capital intersects with the supply curve ($S_0$)
occurs at an interest rate of 5% and an equilibrium quantity equal to 20% of
GDP. However, as the government budget deficit increases, the demand curve
for financial capital shifts from $D_0$ to $D_1$. The new equilibrium
($E_1$) occurs at an interest rate of 6% and an equilibrium quantity of 21%
of GDP.
**Figure 16.8** Budget Deficits and Interest Rates
A survey of economic studies on the connection between government borrowing and interest rates in the U.S. economy suggests that an increase of 1% in the budget deficit will lead to a rise in interest rates of between 0.5 and 1.0%, other factors held equal. In turn, a higher interest rate tends to discourage firms from making physical capital investments. **One reason government budget deficits crowd out private investment, therefore, is the increase in interest rates**. There are, however, economic studies that show a limited connection between the two (at least in the United States), but as the budget deficit grows, the dangers of rising interest rates become more real.
At this point, you may wonder about the Federal Reserve. After all, can the
Federal Reserve not use expansionary monetary policy to reduce interest rates,
or in this case, to prevent interest rates from rising?
This useful question emphasizes the importance of considering how fiscal and monetary policies work in relation to each other. Imagine a central bank faced with a government that is running large budget deficits, causing a rise in interest rates and crowding out private investment. If the budget deficits are increasing aggregate demand when the economy is already producing near potential GDP, threatening an inflationary increase in price levels, the central bank may react with a contractionary monetary policy. In this situation, the higher interest rates from the government borrowing would be made even higher by contractionary monetary policy, and the government borrowing might crowd out a great deal of private investment.
Alternatively, if the budget deficits are increasing aggregate demand when the economy is producing substantially less than potential GDP, an inflationary increase in the price level is not much of a danger and the central bank might react with expansionary monetary policy. In this situation, higher interest rates from government borrowing would be largely offset by lower interest rates from expansionary monetary policy, and there would be little crowding out of the private investment.
However, even a central bank cannot supersede the national savings and investment identity. If government borrowing rises, then private investment must fall, or private saving must rise, or the trade deficit must fall. By reacting with contractionary or expansionary monetary policy, the central bank can only help to determine which of these outcomes is likely.","Assume that substantial amounts of government borrowing will influence the
quantity of private investment.
How will this affect interest rates in financial markets?
In Figure 16.8, the original equilibrium ($E_0$) where the demand curve
($D_0$) for financial capital intersects with the supply curve ($S_0$)
occurs at an interest rate of 5% and an equilibrium quantity equal to 20% of
GDP. However, as the government budget deficit increases, the demand curve
for financial capital shifts from $D_0$ to $D_1$. The new equilibrium
($E_1$) occurs at an interest rate of 6% and an equilibrium quantity of 21%
of GDP.
Figure 16.8 Budget Deficits and Interest Rates
A survey of economic studies on the connection between government borrowing and interest rates in the U.S. economy suggests that an increase of 1% in the budget deficit will lead to a rise in interest rates of between 0.5 and 1.0%, other factors held equal. In turn, a higher interest rate tends to discourage firms from making physical capital investments. One reason government budget deficits crowd out private investment, therefore, is the increase in interest rates. There are, however, economic studies that show a limited connection between the two (at least in the United States), but as the budget deficit grows, the dangers of rising interest rates become more real.
At this point, you may wonder about the Federal Reserve. After all, can the
Federal Reserve not use expansionary monetary policy to reduce interest rates,
or in this case, to prevent interest rates from rising?
This useful question emphasizes the importance of considering how fiscal and monetary policies work in relation to each other. Imagine a central bank faced with a government that is running large budget deficits, causing a rise in interest rates and crowding out private investment. If the budget deficits are increasing aggregate demand when the economy is already producing near potential GDP, threatening an inflationary increase in price levels, the central bank may react with a contractionary monetary policy. In this situation, the higher interest rates from the government borrowing would be made even higher by contractionary monetary policy, and the government borrowing might crowd out a great deal of private investment.
Alternatively, if the budget deficits are increasing aggregate demand when the economy is producing substantially less than potential GDP, an inflationary increase in the price level is not much of a danger and the central bank might react with expansionary monetary policy. In this situation, higher interest rates from government borrowing would be largely offset by lower interest rates from expansionary monetary policy, and there would be little crowding out of the private investment.
However, even a central bank cannot supersede the national savings and investment identity. If government borrowing rises, then private investment must fall, or private saving must rise, or the trade deficit must fall. By reacting with contractionary or expansionary monetary policy, the central bank can only help to determine which of these outcomes is likely.",the-interest-rate-connection,"How does an increase in government borrowing influence interest rates in financial markets?
Answer: An increase in government borrowing tends to lead to a rise in interest rates in financial markets.",How does an increase in government borrowing influence interest rates in financial markets? ,An increase in government borrowing tends to lead to a rise in interest rates in financial markets.,"['government borrowing', 'private investment', 'interest rates', 'financial markets', 'demand curve', 'supply']"
424,16-04-03-public-investment-in-physical-capital,16-04,3,Public Investment in Physical Capital,"
Government can invest in physical capital directly: roads and bridges; water
supply and sewers; seaports and airports; schools and hospitals; plants that
generate electricity, like hydroelectric dams or windmills; telecommunications
facilities; and military weapons.
In 2014, the U.S. federal government budget for Fiscal Year 2014 shows that the United States spent about $92 billion on transportation, including highways, mass transit, and airports. **Table 16.1** shows the federal government's total outlay for 2014 for major public physical capital investment in the United States. We have omitted physical capital related to the military or to residences where people live from this table, because the focus here is on public investments that have a direct effect on raising output in the private sector.
| Type of Public Physical Capital | Federal Outlays 2014 ($ millions) |
| ---------------------------------------------------- | --------------------------------- |
| Transportation | $91,915 |
| Community and regional development | $20,670 |
| Natural resources and the environment | $36,171 |
| Education, training, employment, and social services | $90,615 |
| Other | $37,282 |
| Total | $276,653 |
**Table 16.1** Grants for Major Physical Capital Investment, 2014
Public physical capital investment of this sort can increase the economy's output
and productivity. An economy with reliable roads and electricity will be able to
produce more. However, it is hard to quantify how much government investment in physical
capital will benefit the economy, because government responds to political as well
as economic incentives. When a firm makes an investment in physical capital, it is
subject to the discipline of the market: If it does not receive a positive return
on investment, the firm may lose money or even go out of business.
In some cases, lawmakers make investments in physical capital as a way of spending money in key politicians' districts. The result may be unnecessary roads or office buildings. Even if a project is useful and necessary, it might be done in a way that is excessively costly, because local contractors who make campaign contributions to politicians appreciate the extra business. Alternatively, governments sometimes do not make the investments they should because a decision to spend on infrastructure does not need to just make economic sense. It must be politically popular as well. Managing public investment cost-effectively can be difficult.
If a government decides to finance an investment in public physical capital with higher taxes or lower government spending in other areas, it need not worry that it is directly crowding out private investment. Indirectly however, higher household taxes could cut down on the level of private savings available and have a similar effect.
If a government decides to finance an investment in public physical capital by borrowing, it may end up increasing the quantity of public physical capital at the cost of crowding out investment in private physical capital, which could be more beneficial to the economy.","Government can invest in physical capital directly: roads and bridges; water
supply and sewers; seaports and airports; schools and hospitals; plants that
generate electricity, like hydroelectric dams or windmills; telecommunications
facilities; and military weapons.
In 2014, the U.S. federal government budget for Fiscal Year 2014 shows that the United States spent about $92 billion on transportation, including highways, mass transit, and airports. Table 16.1 shows the federal government's total outlay for 2014 for major public physical capital investment in the United States. We have omitted physical capital related to the military or to residences where people live from this table, because the focus here is on public investments that have a direct effect on raising output in the private sector.
Table 16.1 Grants for Major Physical Capital Investment, 2014
Public physical capital investment of this sort can increase the economy's output
and productivity. An economy with reliable roads and electricity will be able to
produce more. However, it is hard to quantify how much government investment in physical
capital will benefit the economy, because government responds to political as well
as economic incentives. When a firm makes an investment in physical capital, it is
subject to the discipline of the market: If it does not receive a positive return
on investment, the firm may lose money or even go out of business.
In some cases, lawmakers make investments in physical capital as a way of spending money in key politicians' districts. The result may be unnecessary roads or office buildings. Even if a project is useful and necessary, it might be done in a way that is excessively costly, because local contractors who make campaign contributions to politicians appreciate the extra business. Alternatively, governments sometimes do not make the investments they should because a decision to spend on infrastructure does not need to just make economic sense. It must be politically popular as well. Managing public investment cost-effectively can be difficult.
If a government decides to finance an investment in public physical capital with higher taxes or lower government spending in other areas, it need not worry that it is directly crowding out private investment. Indirectly however, higher household taxes could cut down on the level of private savings available and have a similar effect.
If a government decides to finance an investment in public physical capital by borrowing, it may end up increasing the quantity of public physical capital at the cost of crowding out investment in private physical capital, which could be more beneficial to the economy.",public-investment-in-physical-capital,"Question: How can government invest in physical capital directly?
Answer: Government can invest in physical capital directly through infrastructure projects such as roads and bridges, water supply and sewers, seaports and airports, schools and hospitals, power plants, telecommunications facilities, and military weapons.",How can government invest in physical capital directly?,"Government can invest in physical capital directly through infrastructure projects such as roads and bridges, water supply and sewers, seaports and airports, schools and hospitals, power plants, telecommunications facilities, and military weapons.","['government', 'physical capital', 'roads', 'bridges', 'water', 'seaports']"
425,16-04-04-public-investment-in-human-capital,16-04,4,Public Investment in Human Capital,"
In most countries, the government plays a large role in society's investment
in human capital through the education system. A highly educated and skilled
workforce contributes to a higher rate of economic growth.
For the low-income nations of the world, additional investment in human capital seems likely to increase productivity and growth. For the United States, critics have raised tough questions about how much increases in government spending on education will improve the actual level of education.
Among economists, discussions of education reform often begin with some uncomfortable facts. As **Figure 16.9** shows, spending per student for kindergarten through grade 12 (K-12) increased substantially in real dollars through 2010. The U.S. Census Bureau reports that current spending per pupil for elementary and secondary education rose from $5,001 in 1998 to $10,608 in 2012. However, as measured by standardized tests like the SAT, the level of student academic achievement has barely budged in recent decades. On international tests, U.S. students lag behind students from many other countries. Of course, test scores are an imperfect measure of education for a variety of reasons. It would be difficult, however, to argue that there are no real problems in the U.S. education system and that the tests are just inaccurate. The fact that increased financial resources have not brought greater measurable gains in student performance has led some education experts to question whether the problems may be due to structure, not just to the resources spent.
**Figure 16.9** Total Spending for Elementary, Secondary, and Vocational
Education (1998-2014) in the United States (Source: Office of Management and
Budget)
Other government programs seek to increase human capital either before or after the K-12 education system. Programs for early childhood education, like the federal Head Start program, are directed at families where parents may have limited educational and financial resources. Government also offers substantial support for universities and colleges. For example, in the United States about 60% of students take at least a few college or university classes beyond the high school level. In Germany and Japan, about half of all students take classes beyond the comparable high school level. In countries in Latin America, only about one student in four takes classes beyond the high school level, and in nations in sub-Saharan Africa, only about one student in 20.
Not all spending on educational human capital needs to happen through the government: many college students in the United States pay a substantial share of the cost of their education. If low-income countries of the world are going to experience a widespread increase in their education levels for grade-school children, government spending seems likely to play a substantial role. For the U.S. economy, and for other high-income countries, the primary focus at this time is more on how to get a bigger return from existing spending on education and how to improve the performance of the average high school graduate, rather than dramatic increases in education spending.","In most countries, the government plays a large role in society's investment
in human capital through the education system. A highly educated and skilled
workforce contributes to a higher rate of economic growth.
For the low-income nations of the world, additional investment in human capital seems likely to increase productivity and growth. For the United States, critics have raised tough questions about how much increases in government spending on education will improve the actual level of education.
Among economists, discussions of education reform often begin with some uncomfortable facts. As Figure 16.9 shows, spending per student for kindergarten through grade 12 (K-12) increased substantially in real dollars through 2010. The U.S. Census Bureau reports that current spending per pupil for elementary and secondary education rose from $5,001 in 1998 to $10,608 in 2012. However, as measured by standardized tests like the SAT, the level of student academic achievement has barely budged in recent decades. On international tests, U.S. students lag behind students from many other countries. Of course, test scores are an imperfect measure of education for a variety of reasons. It would be difficult, however, to argue that there are no real problems in the U.S. education system and that the tests are just inaccurate. The fact that increased financial resources have not brought greater measurable gains in student performance has led some education experts to question whether the problems may be due to structure, not just to the resources spent.
**Table 16.2** Investment Role of Public and Private Sector in a Market
Economy
","Investment in physical capital, human capital, and new technology is essential for long-term economic growth, as Table 16.2 summarizes. In a market-oriented economy, private firms will undertake most of the investment in physical capital, and fiscal policy should seek to avoid a long series of outsized budget deficits that might crowd out such investment. The impact of long-term investment strategies is obvious only after significant period of time, as work forces becomes better educated, there is more physical capital investments, and scientists and entrepreneurs invent and implement new technologies.
Table 16.2 Investment Role of Public and Private Sector in a Market
Economy",summary-of-fiscal-policy-investment-and-economic-growth,"Question: In a market-oriented economy, who typically undertakes most of the investment in physical capital?
Answer: Private firms typically undertake most of the investment in physical capital in a market-oriented economy.","In a market-oriented economy, who typically undertakes most of the investment in physical capital?",Private firms typically undertake most of the investment in physical capital in a market-oriented economy.,"['investment', 'physical capital', 'human capital', 'longterm economic growth']"
428,17-00-00-chapter-objectives,17-00,0,Chapter Objectives,"
- How the Foreign Exchange Market Works
- Demand and Supply Shifts in Foreign Exchange Markets
- Macroeconomic Effects of Exchange Rates
- Exchange Rate Policies
Many people feel that a weaker dollar is bad for America, that it's an indication of a weak economy, but is it? This chapter will help answer that question.","- How the Foreign Exchange Market Works
- Demand and Supply Shifts in Foreign Exchange Markets
- Macroeconomic Effects of Exchange Rates
- Exchange Rate Policies
Many people feel that a weaker dollar is bad for America, that it's an indication of a weak economy, but is it? This chapter will help answer that question.",chapter-objectives,"{""question"": ""Is a weaker dollar bad for America?"", ""answer"": ""This chapter will help answer that question.""}",Is a weaker dollar bad for America?,This chapter will help answer that question.,"['supply shifts', 'foreign exchange markets', 'macroeconomic effects', 'exchange rate policies', 'weaker']"
429,17-00-01-is-a-stronger-dollar-good-for-the-us-economy,17-00,1,Is a Stronger Dollar Good for the U.S. Economy?,"From 2002 to 2008, the U.S. dollar lost more than a quarter of its value in foreign currency markets. On January 1, 2002, one dollar was worth 1.11 euros. On April 24, 2008 it hit its lowest point with a dollar being worth 0.64 euros. During this period, the trade deficit between the United States and the European Union grew from a yearly total of approximately -85.7 billion dollars in 2002 to 95.8 billion dollars in 2008. Was this a good thing or a bad thing for the U.S. economy?
We live in a global world. U.S. consumers buy trillions of dollars worth of imported goods and services each year, not just from the European Union, but from all over the world. U.S. businesses sell trillions of dollars' worth of exports. U.S. citizens, businesses, and governments invest trillions of dollars abroad every year. Foreign investors, businesses, and governments invest trillions of dollars in the United States each year. Indeed, foreigners are a major buyer of U.S. federal debt.","From 2002 to 2008, the U.S. dollar lost more than a quarter of its value in foreign currency markets. On January 1, 2002, one dollar was worth 1.11 euros. On April 24, 2008 it hit its lowest point with a dollar being worth 0.64 euros. During this period, the trade deficit between the United States and the European Union grew from a yearly total of approximately -85.7 billion dollars in 2002 to 95.8 billion dollars in 2008. Was this a good thing or a bad thing for the U.S. economy?
We live in a global world. U.S. consumers buy trillions of dollars worth of imported goods and services each year, not just from the European Union, but from all over the world. U.S. businesses sell trillions of dollars' worth of exports. U.S. citizens, businesses, and governments invest trillions of dollars abroad every year. Foreign investors, businesses, and governments invest trillions of dollars in the United States each year. Indeed, foreigners are a major buyer of U.S. federal debt.",is-a-stronger-dollar-good-for-the-us-economy,"{""question"": ""Was the depreciation of the U.S. dollar against the euro from 2002 to 2008 a good thing or a bad thing for the U.S. economy?"", ""answer"": ""The depreciation of the U.S. dollar was generally seen as a bad thing for the U.S. economy.""}",Was the depreciation of the U.S. dollar against the euro from 2002 to 2008 a good thing or a bad thing for the U.S. economy?,The depreciation of the U.S. dollar was generally seen as a bad thing for the U.S. economy.,"['upi', 'foreign currency markets', 'europe', 'us federal debt', 'foreign']"
430,17-01-00-overview,17-01,0,Overview,"
- Define ""foreign exchange market""
- Describe different types of investments like foreign direct investments (FDI), portfolio investments, and hedging
- Explain how appreciating or depreciating currency affects exchange rates
- Identify who benefits from a stronger currency and benefits from a weaker currency
Most countries have different currencies, but not all. Sometimes small economies use an economically larger neighbor's currency. For example, Ecuador, El Salvador, and Panama have decided to **dollarize**—that is, to use the U.S. dollar as their currency. Sometimes nations share a common currency. A large-scale example of a common currency is the decision by 17 European nations—including some very large economies such as France, Germany, and Italy—to replace their former currencies with the euro.
With these exceptions, most of the international economy takes place in a situation of multiple national currencies in which both people and firms need to convert from one currency to another when selling, buying, hiring, borrowing, traveling, or investing across national borders. We call the market in which people or firms use one currency to purchase another currency the **foreign exchange market**.
Visit this [website](https://www.x-rates.com/calculator/?from=EUR&to=USD&amount=1.00) for an exchange rate calculator.","- Define ""foreign exchange market""
- Describe different types of investments like foreign direct investments (FDI), portfolio investments, and hedging
- Explain how appreciating or depreciating currency affects exchange rates
- Identify who benefits from a stronger currency and benefits from a weaker currency
Most countries have different currencies, but not all. Sometimes small economies use an economically larger neighbor's currency. For example, Ecuador, El Salvador, and Panama have decided to dollarize—that is, to use the U.S. dollar as their currency. Sometimes nations share a common currency. A large-scale example of a common currency is the decision by 17 European nations—including some very large economies such as France, Germany, and Italy—to replace their former currencies with the euro.
With these exceptions, most of the international economy takes place in a situation of multiple national currencies in which both people and firms need to convert from one currency to another when selling, buying, hiring, borrowing, traveling, or investing across national borders. We call the market in which people or firms use one currency to purchase another currency the foreign exchange market.
Visit this website for an exchange rate calculator.",overview,"{
""question"": ""Define 'foreign exchange market'"",
""answer"": ""The foreign exchange market is the market in which people or firms use one currency to purchase another currency.""
}",Define 'foreign exchange market',The foreign exchange market is the market in which people or firms use one currency to purchase another currency.,"['foreign exchange market', 'foreign direct investments', 'portfolio investments', 'europe', 'national borders']"
431,17-01-01-the-extraordinary-size-of-the-foreign-exchange-markets,17-01,1,The Extraordinary Size of the Foreign Exchange Markets,"The quantities traded in foreign exchange markets are breathtaking. A 2013 Bank of International Settlements survey found that \$5.3 trillion _per day_ was traded on foreign exchange markets, which makes the foreign exchange market the largest market in the world economy. In contrast, 2013 U.S. real GDP was \$15.8 trillion _per year_.
**Table 17.1** shows the currencies most commonly traded on foreign exchange markets. The U.S. dollar dominates the foreign exchange market, followed by the euro, the British pound, the Australian dollar, and the Japanese yen.
| Currency | % Daily Share |
| ----------------- | ------------- |
| U.S. dollar | 87.6% |
| Euro | 31.3% |
| Japanese yen | 21.6% |
| British pound | 12.8% |
| Australian dollar | 6.9% |
| Canadian dollar | 5.1% |
| Swiss franc | 4.8% |
| Chinese yuan | 2.6% |
**Table 17.1** Currencies Traded Most on Foreign Exchange Markets as of April,
2016 (Source: http://www.bis.org/publ/rpfx16fx.pdf)
","The quantities traded in foreign exchange markets are breathtaking. A 2013 Bank of International Settlements survey found that \$5.3 trillion per day was traded on foreign exchange markets, which makes the foreign exchange market the largest market in the world economy. In contrast, 2013 U.S. real GDP was \$15.8 trillion per year.
Table 17.1 shows the currencies most commonly traded on foreign exchange markets. The U.S. dollar dominates the foreign exchange market, followed by the euro, the British pound, the Australian dollar, and the Japanese yen.
Table 17.1 Currencies Traded Most on Foreign Exchange Markets as of April,
2016 (Source: http://www.bis.org/publ/rpfx16fx.pdf)",the-extraordinary-size-of-the-foreign-exchange-markets,"{""question"": ""What was the daily trading volume in foreign exchange markets according to a 2013 Bank of International Settlements survey?"", ""answer"": ""5.3 trillion dollars per day.""}",What was the daily trading volume in foreign exchange markets according to a 2013 Bank of International Settlements survey?,5.3 trillion dollars per day.,"['foreign exchange markets', 'bank of international Settlements', 'foreign exchange market', 'u']"
432,17-01-02-demanders-and-suppliers-of-currency-in-foreign-exchange-markets,17-01,2,Demanders and Suppliers of Currency in Foreign Exchange Markets,"In foreign exchange markets, demand and supply become closely interrelated, because a person or firm who demands one currency must at the same time supply another currency—and vice versa. To get a sense of this, it is useful to consider four groups of people or firms who participate in the market:
- (1) Firms that are involved in international trade of goods and services
- (2) Tourists visiting other countries
- (3) International investors buying ownership (or part- ownership) of a foreign firm (Foreign Direct Investment)
- (4) International investors making financial investments that do not involve ownership (Portfolio Investment)
Let's consider these categories in turn.
Firms that buy and sell on international markets find that their costs for workers, suppliers, and investors are measured in the currency of the nation where their production occurs, but their revenues from sales are measured in the currency of the different nation where their sales happened. Thus, a Chinese firm exporting abroad will earn some other currency—say, U.S. dollars—but will need Chinese yuan to pay the workers, suppliers, and investors who are based in China. In the foreign exchange markets, this firm will be a supplier of U.S. dollars and a demander of Chinese yuan.
International tourists will supply their home currency to receive the currency of the country they are visiting. For example, an American tourist who is visiting China will supply U.S. dollars into the foreign exchange market and demand Chinese yuan.
We often divide financial investments that cross international boundaries, and require exchanging currency into two categories.
**Foreign direct investment (FDI)** refers to purchasing a firm (at least ten percent) in another country or starting up a new enterprise in a foreign country For example, in 2008 the Belgian beer-brewing company InBev bought the U.S. beer-maker Anheuser-Busch for $52 billion. To make this purchase, InBev would have to supply euros (the currency of Belgium) to the foreign exchange market and demand U.S. dollars.
**Portfolio investment**, the other kind of international financial investment, involves a purely financial investment that does not entail any management responsibility. An example would be a U.S. financial investor who purchased U.K. government bonds, or deposited money in a British bank. To make such investments, the American investor would supply U.S. dollars in the foreign exchange market and demand British pounds.
Business people often link portfolio investment to expectations about how exchange rates will shift. Look at a U.S. financial investor who is considering purchasing U.K. issued bonds. For simplicity, ignore any bond interest payment (which will be small in the short run anyway) and focus on exchange rates. Say that a British pound is currently worth \$1.50 in U.S. currency. However, the investor believes that in a month, the British pound will be worth \$1.60 in U.S. currency.
**Figure 17.1** Figure 17.1 A Portfolio Investor Trying to Benefit from Exchange Rate Movements
Thus, as **Figure 17.1 (a)** shows, this investor would change \$24,000 for 16,000 British pounds. In a month, if the pound is worth \$1.60, then the portfolio investor can trade back to U.S. dollars at the new exchange rate, and have \$25,600—a nice profit. A portfolio investor who believes that the foreign exchange rate for the pound will work in the opposite direction can also invest accordingly. Say that an investor expects that the pound, now worth \$1.50 in U.S. currency, will decline to \$1.40. Then, as **Figure 17.1 (b)** shows, that investor could start off with £20,000 in British currency (borrowing the money if necessary), convert it to \$30,000 in U.S. currency, wait a month, and then convert back to approximately £21,429 in British currency—again making a nice profit. Of course, this kind of investing comes without guarantees, and an investor will suffer losses if the exchange rates do not move as predicted.
Many portfolio investment decisions are not as simple as betting that the currency's value will change in one direction or the other. Instead, they involve firms trying to protect themselves from movements in exchange rates. Imagine you are running a U.S. firm that is exporting to France. You have signed a contract to deliver certain products and will receive 1 million euros a year from now.
However, you do not know how much this contract will be worth in U.S. dollars, because the dollar/euro exchange rate can fluctuate in the next year. Let's say you want to know for sure what the contract will be worth, and not take a risk that the euro will be worth less in U.S. dollars than it currently is. You can hedge, which means using a financial transaction to protect yourself against a risk from one of your investments (in this case, currency risk from the contract). Specifically, you can sign a financial contract and pay a fee that guarantees you a certain exchange rate one year from now—regardless of what the market exchange rate is at that time.
Now, it is possible that the euro will be worth more in dollars a year from now, so your hedging contract will be unnecessary, and you will have paid a fee for nothing. However, if the value of the euro in dollars declines, then you are protected by the hedge. When parties wish to enter financial contracts like hedging, they normally rely on a financial institution or brokerage company to handle the hedging. These companies either take a fee or create a spread in the exchange rate in order to earn money through the service they provide.
Both foreign direct investment and portfolio investment involve an investor who supplies domestic currency and demands a foreign currency. With portfolio investment, the client purchases less than ten percent of a company. As such, business players often get involved with portfolio investment with a short term focus. With foreign direct investment the investor purchases more than ten percent of a company and the investor typically assumes some managerial responsibility. Thus, foreign direct investment tends to have a more long-run focus.
As a practical matter, an investor can withdraw portfolio investments from a country much more quickly than foreign direct investments. A U.S. portfolio investor who wants to buy or sell U.K. government bonds can do so with a phone call or a few computer keyboard clicks. However, a U.S. firm that wants to buy or sell a company, such as one that manufactures automobile parts in the United Kingdom, will find that planning and carrying out the transaction takes a few weeks, even months. **Table 17.2** summarizes the main categories of currency demanders and suppliers.
| Demand for the U.S. Dollar Comes from… | Supply of the U.S. Dollar Comes from… |
| ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
| A U.S. exporting firm that earned foreign currency and is trying to pay U.S.-based expenses | A foreign firm that has sold imported goods in the United States, earned U.S. dollars, and is trying to pay expenses incurred in its home country |
| Foreign tourists visiting the United States | U.S. tourists leaving to visit other countries |
| Foreign investors who wish to make direct investments in the U.S. economy | U.S. investors who want to make foreign direct investments in other countries |
| Foreign investors who wish to make portfolio investments in the U.S. economy | U.S. investors who want to make portfolio investments in other countries |
**Table 17.2** The Demand and Supply Line-ups in Foreign Exchange Markets
What is a trade deficit? Well, it all has to do with imports and exports and,
well, trade. This week Jacob and Adriene walk you through the basics of
imports...
","In foreign exchange markets, demand and supply become closely interrelated, because a person or firm who demands one currency must at the same time supply another currency—and vice versa. To get a sense of this, it is useful to consider four groups of people or firms who participate in the market:
(1) Firms that are involved in international trade of goods and services
(2) Tourists visiting other countries
(3) International investors buying ownership (or part- ownership) of a foreign firm (Foreign Direct Investment)
(4) International investors making financial investments that do not involve ownership (Portfolio Investment)
Let's consider these categories in turn.
Firms that buy and sell on international markets find that their costs for workers, suppliers, and investors are measured in the currency of the nation where their production occurs, but their revenues from sales are measured in the currency of the different nation where their sales happened. Thus, a Chinese firm exporting abroad will earn some other currency—say, U.S. dollars—but will need Chinese yuan to pay the workers, suppliers, and investors who are based in China. In the foreign exchange markets, this firm will be a supplier of U.S. dollars and a demander of Chinese yuan.
International tourists will supply their home currency to receive the currency of the country they are visiting. For example, an American tourist who is visiting China will supply U.S. dollars into the foreign exchange market and demand Chinese yuan.
We often divide financial investments that cross international boundaries, and require exchanging currency into two categories.
Foreign direct investment (FDI) refers to purchasing a firm (at least ten percent) in another country or starting up a new enterprise in a foreign country For example, in 2008 the Belgian beer-brewing company InBev bought the U.S. beer-maker Anheuser-Busch for $52 billion. To make this purchase, InBev would have to supply euros (the currency of Belgium) to the foreign exchange market and demand U.S. dollars.
Portfolio investment, the other kind of international financial investment, involves a purely financial investment that does not entail any management responsibility. An example would be a U.S. financial investor who purchased U.K. government bonds, or deposited money in a British bank. To make such investments, the American investor would supply U.S. dollars in the foreign exchange market and demand British pounds.
Business people often link portfolio investment to expectations about how exchange rates will shift. Look at a U.S. financial investor who is considering purchasing U.K. issued bonds. For simplicity, ignore any bond interest payment (which will be small in the short run anyway) and focus on exchange rates. Say that a British pound is currently worth \$1.50 in U.S. currency. However, the investor believes that in a month, the British pound will be worth \$1.60 in U.S. currency.
Figure 17.1 Figure 17.1 A Portfolio Investor Trying to Benefit from Exchange Rate Movements
Thus, as Figure 17.1 (a) shows, this investor would change \$24,000 for 16,000 British pounds. In a month, if the pound is worth \$1.60, then the portfolio investor can trade back to U.S. dollars at the new exchange rate, and have \$25,600—a nice profit. A portfolio investor who believes that the foreign exchange rate for the pound will work in the opposite direction can also invest accordingly. Say that an investor expects that the pound, now worth \$1.50 in U.S. currency, will decline to \$1.40. Then, as Figure 17.1 (b) shows, that investor could start off with £20,000 in British currency (borrowing the money if necessary), convert it to \$30,000 in U.S. currency, wait a month, and then convert back to approximately £21,429 in British currency—again making a nice profit. Of course, this kind of investing comes without guarantees, and an investor will suffer losses if the exchange rates do not move as predicted.
Many portfolio investment decisions are not as simple as betting that the currency's value will change in one direction or the other. Instead, they involve firms trying to protect themselves from movements in exchange rates. Imagine you are running a U.S. firm that is exporting to France. You have signed a contract to deliver certain products and will receive 1 million euros a year from now.
However, you do not know how much this contract will be worth in U.S. dollars, because the dollar/euro exchange rate can fluctuate in the next year. Let's say you want to know for sure what the contract will be worth, and not take a risk that the euro will be worth less in U.S. dollars than it currently is. You can hedge, which means using a financial transaction to protect yourself against a risk from one of your investments (in this case, currency risk from the contract). Specifically, you can sign a financial contract and pay a fee that guarantees you a certain exchange rate one year from now—regardless of what the market exchange rate is at that time.
Now, it is possible that the euro will be worth more in dollars a year from now, so your hedging contract will be unnecessary, and you will have paid a fee for nothing. However, if the value of the euro in dollars declines, then you are protected by the hedge. When parties wish to enter financial contracts like hedging, they normally rely on a financial institution or brokerage company to handle the hedging. These companies either take a fee or create a spread in the exchange rate in order to earn money through the service they provide.
Both foreign direct investment and portfolio investment involve an investor who supplies domestic currency and demands a foreign currency. With portfolio investment, the client purchases less than ten percent of a company. As such, business players often get involved with portfolio investment with a short term focus. With foreign direct investment the investor purchases more than ten percent of a company and the investor typically assumes some managerial responsibility. Thus, foreign direct investment tends to have a more long-run focus.
As a practical matter, an investor can withdraw portfolio investments from a country much more quickly than foreign direct investments. A U.S. portfolio investor who wants to buy or sell U.K. government bonds can do so with a phone call or a few computer keyboard clicks. However, a U.S. firm that wants to buy or sell a company, such as one that manufactures automobile parts in the United Kingdom, will find that planning and carrying out the transaction takes a few weeks, even months. Table 17.2 summarizes the main categories of currency demanders and suppliers.
Table 17.2 The Demand and Supply Line-ups in Foreign Exchange Markets
- Measuring Trade Balances
- Trade Balances in Historical and International Context
- Trade Balances and Flows of Financial Capital
- The National Saving and Investment Identity
- The Pros and Cons of Trade Deficits and Surpluses
- The Difference between Level of Trade and the Trade Balance
How much do you interact with the global financial system? If your answer was “not much,” think again.","- Measuring Trade Balances
Trade Balances in Historical and International Context
Trade Balances and Flows of Financial Capital
The National Saving and Investment Identity
The Pros and Cons of Trade Deficits and Surpluses
The Difference between Level of Trade and the Trade Balance
How much do you interact with the global financial system? If your answer was “not much,” think again.",chapter-objectives,"{""question"": ""How much do you interact with the global financial system?"", ""answer"": ""If your answer was 'not much,' think again.""}",How much do you interact with the global financial system?,"If your answer was 'not much,' think again.","['trade Balances', 'national saving and investment identity', 'level of trade', 'trade balance']"
434,17-01-03-participants-in-the-exchange-rate-market,17-01,3,Participants in the Exchange Rate Market,"The foreign exchange market does not involve the ultimate suppliers and demanders of foreign exchange literally seeking each other. If Martina decides to leave her home in Venezuela and take a trip in the United States, she does not need to find a U.S. citizen who is planning to take a vacation in Venezuela and arrange a person-to-person currency trade. Instead, the foreign exchange market works through financial institutions, and it operates on several levels.
Most people and firms who are exchanging a substantial quantity of currency go to a bank, and most banks provide foreign exchange as a service to customers. These banks (and a few other firms), known as dealers, then trade the foreign exchange. This is called the **interbank market**.
In the world economy, roughly 2,000 firms are foreign exchange dealers. The U.S. economy has less than 100 foreign exchange dealers, but the largest 12 or so dealers carry out more than half the total transactions. The foreign exchange market has no central location, but the major dealers keep a close watch on each other at all times.
The foreign exchange market is huge not because of the demands of tourists, firms, or even foreign direct investment, but instead because of portfolio investment and the actions of interlocking foreign exchange dealers. International tourism is a very large industry, involving about $1 trillion per year. Global exports are about 23% of global GDP; which is about \$18 trillion per year. Foreign direct investment totaled about \$1.5 trillion at the end of 2013. These quantities are dwarfed, however, by the \$5.3 trillion per day traded in foreign exchange markets.
Most transactions in the foreign exchange market are for portfolio
investment—relatively short-term movements of financial capital between
currencies. This is due in large part to large foreign exchange dealers'
actions as they constantly buy and sell with each other.
","The foreign exchange market does not involve the ultimate suppliers and demanders of foreign exchange literally seeking each other. If Martina decides to leave her home in Venezuela and take a trip in the United States, she does not need to find a U.S. citizen who is planning to take a vacation in Venezuela and arrange a person-to-person currency trade. Instead, the foreign exchange market works through financial institutions, and it operates on several levels.
Most people and firms who are exchanging a substantial quantity of currency go to a bank, and most banks provide foreign exchange as a service to customers. These banks (and a few other firms), known as dealers, then trade the foreign exchange. This is called the interbank market.
In the world economy, roughly 2,000 firms are foreign exchange dealers. The U.S. economy has less than 100 foreign exchange dealers, but the largest 12 or so dealers carry out more than half the total transactions. The foreign exchange market has no central location, but the major dealers keep a close watch on each other at all times.
The foreign exchange market is huge not because of the demands of tourists, firms, or even foreign direct investment, but instead because of portfolio investment and the actions of interlocking foreign exchange dealers. International tourism is a very large industry, involving about $1 trillion per year. Global exports are about 23% of global GDP; which is about \$18 trillion per year. Foreign direct investment totaled about \$1.5 trillion at the end of 2013. These quantities are dwarfed, however, by the \$5.3 trillion per day traded in foreign exchange markets.
Most transactions in the foreign exchange market are for portfolio
investment—relatively short-term movements of financial capital between
currencies. This is due in large part to large foreign exchange dealers'
actions as they constantly buy and sell with each other.",participants-in-the-exchange-rate-market,"Question: What is the main reason for the huge size of the foreign exchange market?
Answer: The main reason for the huge size of the foreign exchange market is portfolio investment and the actions of interlocking foreign exchange dealers.",What is the main reason for the huge size of the foreign exchange market?,The main reason for the huge size of the foreign exchange market is portfolio investment and the actions of interlocking foreign exchange dealers.,"['foreign exchange market', 'foreign exchange dealers', 'financial institutions', 'banks', 'interbank']"
435,17-01-05-effects-of-a-weaker-dollar,17-01,5,Effects of a Weaker Dollar,"Let's work through the effects of a weaker dollar on a U.S. exporter, a foreign exporter into the United States, a U.S. tourist going abroad, a foreign tourist coming to the United States, a U.S. investor abroad, and a foreign investor in the United States.
","Let's work through the effects of a weaker dollar on a U.S. exporter, a foreign exporter into the United States, a U.S. tourist going abroad, a foreign tourist coming to the United States, a U.S. investor abroad, and a foreign investor in the United States.",effects-of-a-weaker-dollar,"{""question"": ""What are the effects of a weaker dollar on a U.S. exporter, a foreign exporter into the United States, a U.S. tourist going abroad, a foreign tourist coming to the United States, a U.S. investor abroad, and a foreign investor in the United States?"", ""answer"": ""The effects of a weaker dollar include the U.S. exporter benefiting, foreign exporter into the United States facing challenges, U.S. tourist going abroad spending more, foreign tourist coming to the United States spending less, U.S. investor abroad facing challenges, and foreign investor in the United States benefiting.""}","What are the effects of a weaker dollar on a U.S. exporter, a foreign exporter into the United States, a U.S. tourist going abroad, a foreign tourist coming to the United States, a U.S. investor abroad, and a foreign investor in the United States?","The effects of a weaker dollar include the U.S. exporter benefiting, foreign exporter into the United States facing challenges, U.S. tourist going abroad spending more, foreign tourist coming to the United States spending less, U.S. investor abroad facing challenges, and foreign investor in the United States benefiting.","['upi', 'foreign exporter', 'united states', 'foreign investor', 'us']"
436,17-01-06-why-is-a-stronger-currency-not-necessarily-better,17-01,6,Why is a stronger currency not necessarily better?,"One common misunderstanding about exchange rates is that a “stronger” or “appreciating” currency must be better than a “weaker” or “depreciating” currency. After all, is it not obvious that “strong” is better than “weak”? Do not let the terminology confuse you. When a currency becomes stronger, so that it purchases more of other currencies, it benefits some in the economy and injures others. Stronger currency is not necessarily better, it is just different.
","One common misunderstanding about exchange rates is that a “stronger” or “appreciating” currency must be better than a “weaker” or “depreciating” currency. After all, is it not obvious that “strong” is better than “weak”? Do not let the terminology confuse you. When a currency becomes stronger, so that it purchases more of other currencies, it benefits some in the economy and injures others. Stronger currency is not necessarily better, it is just different.",why-is-a-stronger-currency-not-necessarily-better,"{""question"": ""What is one common misunderstanding about exchange rates?"", ""answer"": ""One common misunderstanding about exchange rates is that a “stronger” or “appreciating” currency must be better than a “weaker” or “depreciating” currency.""}",What is one common misunderstanding about exchange rates?,One common misunderstanding about exchange rates is that a “stronger” or “appreciating” currency must be better than a “weaker” or “depreciating” currency.,"['exchange rates', 'weak currency', 'economy', 'stronger currency', 'foreign investment']"
437,17-02-00-overview,17-02,0,Overview,"
- Explain supply and demand for exchange rates
- Define arbitrage
- Explain purchasing power parity's importance when comparing countries.
The foreign exchange market involves firms, households, and investors who demand and supply currencies coming together through their banks and the key foreign exchange dealers.
**Figure 17.4** Demand and Supply for the U.S. Dollar and Mexican Peso
Exchange Rate
**Figure 17.4 (a)** offers an example for the exchange rate between the U.S. dollar and the Mexican peso. The vertical axis shows the exchange rate for U.S. dollars, which in this case is measured in pesos. The horizontal axis shows the quantity of U.S. dollars traded in the foreign exchange market each day. The demand curve (D) for U.S. dollars intersects with the supply curve (S) of U.S. dollars at the equilibrium point (E), which is an exchange rate of 10 pesos per dollar and a total volume of $8.5 billion.
**Figure 17.4 (b)** presents the same demand and supply information from the perspective of the Mexican peso. The vertical axis shows the exchange rate for Mexican pesos measured in U.S. dollars. The horizontal axis shows the quantity of Mexican pesos traded in the foreign exchange market. The demand curve (D) for Mexican pesos intersects with the supply curve (S) of Mexican pesos at the equilibrium point (E), which is an exchange rate of 10 cents in U.S. currency for each Mexican peso and a total volume of 85 billion pesos. Note that the two exchange are inverses: 10 pesos per dollar is the same as 10 cents per peso (or $0.10 per peso).
In the actual foreign exchange market, almost all of the trading for Mexican pesos is for U.S. dollars. What factors would cause the demand or supply to shift, thus leading to a change in the equilibrium exchange rate? We discuss the answer to this question in the following section.","- Explain supply and demand for exchange rates
- Define arbitrage
- Explain purchasing power parity's importance when comparing countries.
The foreign exchange market involves firms, households, and investors who demand and supply currencies coming together through their banks and the key foreign exchange dealers.
For example, imagine that interest rates rise in the United States as compared with Mexico. Thus, financial investments in the United States promise a higher return than previously. As a result, more investors will demand U.S. dollars so that they can buy interest-bearing assets and fewer investors will be willing to supply U.S. dollars to foreign exchange markets. Demand for the U.S. dollar will shift to the right, from D0 to D1, and supply will shift to the left, from $S_0$ to $S_1$, as **Figure 17.6** shows. The new equilibrium ($E_1$), will occur at an exchange rate of nine pesos/dollar and the same quantity of $8.5 billion.
Thus, a higher interest rate or rate of return relative to other countries leads a nation's currency to appreciate or strengthen, and a lower interest rate relative to other countries leads a nation's currency to depreciate or weaken. Since a nation's central bank can use monetary policy to affect its interest rates, a central bank can also cause changes in exchange rates—a connection that we will discuss in more detail later in this chapter.
**Figure 17.6** Exchange Rate Market for U.S. Dollars Reacts to Higher
Interest Rates
Thanks to our awesome community of subtitle contributors, individual videos in this course might have additional languages. More info below on how to see which languages are available (and how to contribute more!).
","The motivation for investment, whether domestic or foreign, is to earn a return. If rates of return in a country look relatively high, then that country will tend to attract funds from abroad. Conversely, if rates of return in a country look relatively low, then funds will tend to flee to other economies. Changes in the expected rate of return will shift demand and supply for a currency.
For example, imagine that interest rates rise in the United States as compared with Mexico. Thus, financial investments in the United States promise a higher return than previously. As a result, more investors will demand U.S. dollars so that they can buy interest-bearing assets and fewer investors will be willing to supply U.S. dollars to foreign exchange markets. Demand for the U.S. dollar will shift to the right, from D0 to D1, and supply will shift to the left, from $S_0$ to $S_1$, as Figure 17.6 shows. The new equilibrium ($E_1$), will occur at an exchange rate of nine pesos/dollar and the same quantity of $8.5 billion.
Thus, a higher interest rate or rate of return relative to other countries leads a nation's currency to appreciate or strengthen, and a lower interest rate relative to other countries leads a nation's currency to depreciate or weaken. Since a nation's central bank can use monetary policy to affect its interest rates, a central bank can also cause changes in exchange rates—a connection that we will discuss in more detail later in this chapter.
**Figure 17.7** shows that the demand for the peso on foreign exchange markets
decreased from D0 to $D_1$, while the peso's supply increased from $S_0$ to
$S_1$. The equilibrium exchange rate fell from \$2.50 per peso at the original
equilibrium ($E_0$) to \$0.50 per peso at the new equilibrium ($E_1$). In this
example, the quantity of pesos traded on foreign exchange markets remained the
same, even as the exchange rate shifted.
Visit this [website](https://www.economist.com/big-mac-index) to learn about the Big Mac index.
**Figure 17.7** Exchange Rate Markets React to Higher Inflation
","If a country experiences a relatively high inflation rate compared with other economies, then the buying power of its currency is eroding, which will tend to discourage anyone from wanting to acquire or to hold the currency. Figure 17.7 shows an example based on an actual situation concerning the Mexican peso. In 1986-87, Mexico experienced an inflation rate of over 200%. Not surprisingly, inflation dramatically decreased the peso's purchasing power in Mexico, and its exchange rate value declined as well.
Figure 17.7 shows that the demand for the peso on foreign exchange markets
decreased from D0 to $D_1$, while the peso's supply increased from $S_0$ to
$S_1$. The equilibrium exchange rate fell from \$2.50 per peso at the original
equilibrium ($E_0$) to \$0.50 per peso at the new equilibrium ($E_1$). In this
example, the quantity of pesos traded on foreign exchange markets remained the
same, even as the exchange rate shifted.
Visit this website to learn about the Big Mac index.
The purchasing power parity exchange rate has two functions.
First, economists often use PPP exchange rates for international comparison of GDP and other economic statistics. Imagine that you are preparing a table showing the size of GDP in many countries in several recent years, and for ease of comparison, you are converting all the values into U.S. dollars. When you insert the value for Japan, you need to use a yen/dollar exchange rate. However, should you use the market exchange rate or the PPP exchange rate? Market exchange rates bounce around. In 2014, the exchange rate was 105 yen/dollar, but in late 2015 the U.S. dollar exchange rate versus the yen was 121 yen/dollar. For simplicity, say that Japan's GDP was ¥500 trillion in both 2014 and 2015. If you use the market exchange rates, then Japan's GDP will be \$4.8 trillion in 2014 (that is, ¥500 trillion /(¥105/dollar)) and \$4.1 trillion in 2015 (that is, ¥500 trillion/ (¥121/dollar)). The misleading appearance of a changing Japanese economy occurs only because we used the market exchange rate, which often has short-run rises and falls. However, PPP exchange rates stay fairly constant and change only modestly, if at all, from year to year.
The second function of PPP is that exchange rates will often get closer to it as time passes. It is true that in the short and medium run, as exchange rates adjust to relative inflation rates, rates of return, and to expectations about how interest rates and inflation will shift, the market exchange rates will often move away from the PPP exchange rate for a time. However, knowing the PPP will allow you to track and predict exchange rate relationships in the long run.
How far does your money go in other countries? Before you hop on that next overseas flight, watch this video on the fundamental concept of purchasing power p...
","Over the long term, exchange rates must bear some relationship to the currency's buying power in terms of internationally traded goods. If at a certain exchange rate it was much cheaper to buy internationally traded goods—such as oil, steel, computers, and cars—in one country than in another country, businesses would start buying in the cheap country, selling in other countries, and pocketing the profits.
For example, if a U.S. dollar is worth \$1.30 in Canadian currency, then a car that sells for \$20,000 in the United States should sell for \$26,000 in Canada. If the price of cars in Canada were much lower than \$26,000, then at least some U.S. car-buyers would convert their U.S. dollars to Canadian dollars and buy their cars in Canada. If the price of cars were much higher than \$26,000 in this example, then at least some Canadian buyers would convert their Canadian dollars to U.S. dollars and go to the United States to purchase their cars. This is known as arbitrage, the process of buying and selling goods or currencies across international borders at a profit. It may occur slowly, but over time, it will force prices and exchange rates to align so that the price of internationally traded goods is similar in all countries.
We call the exchange rate that equalizes the prices of internationally traded goods across countries the purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rate. A group of economists at the International Comparison Program, run by the World Bank, have calculated the PPP exchange rate for all countries, based on detailed studies of the prices and quantities of internationally tradable goods.
The purchasing power parity exchange rate has two functions.
First, economists often use PPP exchange rates for international comparison of GDP and other economic statistics. Imagine that you are preparing a table showing the size of GDP in many countries in several recent years, and for ease of comparison, you are converting all the values into U.S. dollars. When you insert the value for Japan, you need to use a yen/dollar exchange rate. However, should you use the market exchange rate or the PPP exchange rate? Market exchange rates bounce around. In 2014, the exchange rate was 105 yen/dollar, but in late 2015 the U.S. dollar exchange rate versus the yen was 121 yen/dollar. For simplicity, say that Japan's GDP was ¥500 trillion in both 2014 and 2015. If you use the market exchange rates, then Japan's GDP will be \$4.8 trillion in 2014 (that is, ¥500 trillion /(¥105/dollar)) and \$4.1 trillion in 2015 (that is, ¥500 trillion/ (¥121/dollar)). The misleading appearance of a changing Japanese economy occurs only because we used the market exchange rate, which often has short-run rises and falls. However, PPP exchange rates stay fairly constant and change only modestly, if at all, from year to year.
The second function of PPP is that exchange rates will often get closer to it as time passes. It is true that in the short and medium run, as exchange rates adjust to relative inflation rates, rates of return, and to expectations about how interest rates and inflation will shift, the market exchange rates will often move away from the PPP exchange rate for a time. However, knowing the PPP will allow you to track and predict exchange rate relationships in the long run.
How far does your money go in other countries? Before you hop on that next overseas flight, watch this video on the fundamental concept of purchasing power p...",purchasing-power-parity,"Question: What is the function of the purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rate?
Answer: The function of the PPP exchange rate is to equalize the prices of internationally traded goods across countries and to use it for international comparison of GDP and other economic statistics.",What is the function of the purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rate?,The function of the PPP exchange rate is to equalize the prices of internationally traded goods across countries and to use it for international comparison of GDP and other economic statistics.,"['exchange rates', 'internationally traded goods', 'canadian currency', 'us dollars']"
441,17-03-00-overview,17-03,0,Overview,"
- Explain how exchange rate shifting influences aggregate demand and supply
- Explain how shifting exchange rates also can influence loans and banks
A central bank will be concerned about the exchange rate for multiple reasons:
1. Movements in the exchange rate will affect the quantity of aggregate demand in an economy;
2. frequent substantial fluctuations in the exchange rate can disrupt international trade and cause problems in a nation's banking system
This may contribute to an unsustainable balance of trade and large inflows of international financial capital, which can set up the economy for a deep recession if international investors decide to move their money to another country. Let's discuss these scenarios in turn.","- Explain how exchange rate shifting influences aggregate demand and supply
- Explain how shifting exchange rates also can influence loans and banks
A central bank will be concerned about the exchange rate for multiple reasons:
Movements in the exchange rate will affect the quantity of aggregate demand in an economy;
frequent substantial fluctuations in the exchange rate can disrupt international trade and cause problems in a nation's banking system
This may contribute to an unsustainable balance of trade and large inflows of international financial capital, which can set up the economy for a deep recession if international investors decide to move their money to another country. Let's discuss these scenarios in turn.",overview,"{""question"": ""How does exchange rate shifting influence aggregate demand and supply?"",
""answer"": ""Movements in the exchange rate will affect the quantity of aggregate demand in an economy.""}",How does exchange rate shifting influence aggregate demand and supply?,Movements in the exchange rate will affect the quantity of aggregate demand in an economy.,"['exchange rate shifting', 'aggregate demand', 'central bank', 'international trade', 'international financial']"
442,18-00-01-more-than-meets-the-eye-in-the-congo,18-00,1,More than Meets the Eye in the Congo,"Suppose you take out a student loan or deposit money into your bank account. You just affected domestic savings and borrowing. Now say you are at the mall and buy two T-shirts “made in China,” and later contribute to a charity that helps refugees. What is the impact? You affected how much money flows into and out of the United States. If you open an IRA savings account and put money in an international mutual fund, you are involved in the flow of money overseas. While your involvement may not seem as influential as that of someone like the President, who can increase or decrease foreign aid and thus have a huge impact on money flows in and out of the country, you do interact with the global financial system on a daily basis.
The balance of payments seems like a huge topic, but once you learn the specific components of trade and money, it all makes sense. Along the way, you may have to give up some common misunderstandings about trade and answer some questions: If a country is running a trade deficit, is that bad? Is a trade surplus good? For example, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (often referred to as “Congo”), a large country in Central Africa, ran a trade surplus of \$1 billion in 2013. It must be doing well, right? In contrast, the trade deficit in the United States was \$508 billion in 2013. Do these figures suggest that the United States economy is performing worse than the Congolese economy? Not necessarily. The U.S. trade deficit tends to worsen as the economy strengthens. In contrast, high poverty rates in the Congo persist, and these rates are not going down even with the positive trade balance. Clearly, it is more complicated than simply asserting that running a trade deficit is bad for the economy. You will learn more about these issues and others in this chapter.","Suppose you take out a student loan or deposit money into your bank account. You just affected domestic savings and borrowing. Now say you are at the mall and buy two T-shirts “made in China,” and later contribute to a charity that helps refugees. What is the impact? You affected how much money flows into and out of the United States. If you open an IRA savings account and put money in an international mutual fund, you are involved in the flow of money overseas. While your involvement may not seem as influential as that of someone like the President, who can increase or decrease foreign aid and thus have a huge impact on money flows in and out of the country, you do interact with the global financial system on a daily basis.
The balance of payments seems like a huge topic, but once you learn the specific components of trade and money, it all makes sense. Along the way, you may have to give up some common misunderstandings about trade and answer some questions: If a country is running a trade deficit, is that bad? Is a trade surplus good? For example, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (often referred to as “Congo”), a large country in Central Africa, ran a trade surplus of \$1 billion in 2013. It must be doing well, right? In contrast, the trade deficit in the United States was \$508 billion in 2013. Do these figures suggest that the United States economy is performing worse than the Congolese economy? Not necessarily. The U.S. trade deficit tends to worsen as the economy strengthens. In contrast, high poverty rates in the Congo persist, and these rates are not going down even with the positive trade balance. Clearly, it is more complicated than simply asserting that running a trade deficit is bad for the economy. You will learn more about these issues and others in this chapter.",more-than-meets-the-eye-in-the-congo,"{
""question"": ""What is the impact of buying ""made in China"" products and contributing to a charity?"",
""answer"": ""You affect how much money flows into and out of the United States.""
}",{," ""question"": ""What is the impact of buying ""made in China"" products and contributing to a charity?"",","['students', 'bank account', 'us trade deficit', 'china', 'international mutual']"
443,17-03-01-exchange-rates-aggregate-demand-and-aggregate-supply,17-03,1,"Exchange Rates, Aggregate Demand, and Aggregate Supply","Foreign trade in goods and services typically involves incurring the costs of production in one currency while receiving revenues from sales in another currency. As a result, movements in exchange rates can have a powerful effect on incentives to export and import, and thus on aggregate demand in the economy as a whole.
For example, in 1999, when the euro first became a currency, its value measured in U.S. currency was \$1.06/euro. By the end of 2013, the euro had risen (and the U.S. dollar had correspondingly weakened) to \$1.37/euro. However, by the end of February, 2017, the exchange rate was once again \$1.06/euro.
Consider the situation of a French firm that each year incurs €10 million in costs, and sells its products in the United States for \$10 million. In 1999, when this firm converted \$10 million back to euros at the exchange rate of \$1.06/euro (that is, \$10 million x [€1/\$1.06]), it received €9.4 million, and suffered a loss. In 2013, when this same firm converted \$10 million back to euros at the exchange rate of \$1.37/euro (that is, \$10 million x [€1 euro/\$1.37]), it received approximately €7.3 million and an even larger loss. In the beginning of 2017, with the exchange rate back at \$1.06/euro the firm would suffer a loss once again. This example shows how a stronger euro discourages exports by the French firm, because it makes the costs of production in the domestic currency higher relative to the sales revenues earned in another country. From the point of view of the U.S. economy, the example also shows how a weaker U.S. dollar encourages exports.
Since an increase in exports results in more dollars flowing into the economy, and an increase in imports means more dollars are flowing out, it is easy to conclude that exports are “good” for the economy and imports are “bad,” but this overlooks the role of exchange rates. If an American consumer buys a Japanese car for $20,000 instead of an American car for $30,000, it may be tempting to argue that the American economy has lost out. However, the Japanese company will have to convert those dollars to yen to pay its workers and operate its factories. Whoever buys those dollars will have to use them to purchase American goods and services, so the money comes right back into the American economy. At the same time, the consumer saves money by buying a less expensive import, and can use the extra money for other purposes.","Foreign trade in goods and services typically involves incurring the costs of production in one currency while receiving revenues from sales in another currency. As a result, movements in exchange rates can have a powerful effect on incentives to export and import, and thus on aggregate demand in the economy as a whole.
For example, in 1999, when the euro first became a currency, its value measured in U.S. currency was \$1.06/euro. By the end of 2013, the euro had risen (and the U.S. dollar had correspondingly weakened) to \$1.37/euro. However, by the end of February, 2017, the exchange rate was once again \$1.06/euro.
Consider the situation of a French firm that each year incurs €10 million in costs, and sells its products in the United States for \$10 million. In 1999, when this firm converted \$10 million back to euros at the exchange rate of \$1.06/euro (that is, \$10 million x [€1/\$1.06]), it received €9.4 million, and suffered a loss. In 2013, when this same firm converted \$10 million back to euros at the exchange rate of \$1.37/euro (that is, \$10 million x [€1 euro/\$1.37]), it received approximately €7.3 million and an even larger loss. In the beginning of 2017, with the exchange rate back at \$1.06/euro the firm would suffer a loss once again. This example shows how a stronger euro discourages exports by the French firm, because it makes the costs of production in the domestic currency higher relative to the sales revenues earned in another country. From the point of view of the U.S. economy, the example also shows how a weaker U.S. dollar encourages exports.
Since an increase in exports results in more dollars flowing into the economy, and an increase in imports means more dollars are flowing out, it is easy to conclude that exports are “good” for the economy and imports are “bad,” but this overlooks the role of exchange rates. If an American consumer buys a Japanese car for $20,000 instead of an American car for $30,000, it may be tempting to argue that the American economy has lost out. However, the Japanese company will have to convert those dollars to yen to pay its workers and operate its factories. Whoever buys those dollars will have to use them to purchase American goods and services, so the money comes right back into the American economy. At the same time, the consumer saves money by buying a less expensive import, and can use the extra money for other purposes.",exchange-rates-aggregate-demand-and-aggregate-supply,"What effect do movements in exchange rates have on incentives to export and import?
Answer: Movements in exchange rates can have a powerful effect on incentives to export and import.",What effect do movements in exchange rates have on incentives to export and import?,Movements in exchange rates can have a powerful effect on incentives to export and import.,"['foreign trade', 'goods', 'services', 'costs of production', 'euro', 'aggregate demand']"
444,17-04-00-overview,17-04,0,Overview,"
- Differentiate among a floating exchange rate, a soft peg, a hard peg, and a merged currency
- Identify the tradeoffs that come with a floating exchange rate, a soft peg, a hard peg, and a merged currency
Exchange rate policies come in a range of different forms listed in **Figure 17.9**:
**Figure 17.9** A Spectrum of Exchange Rate Policies
1. **Floating exchange rate**: Let the foreign exchange market determine the exchange rate;
2. **Soft peg**: Let the market set the value of the exchange rate most of the time, but have the central bank sometimes intervene to prevent fluctuations that seem too large;
3. **Hard peg**: Have the central bank guarantee a specific exchange rate; or
4. **Merged currency**: Share a currency with other countries.","- Differentiate among a floating exchange rate, a soft peg, a hard peg, and a merged currency
- Identify the tradeoffs that come with a floating exchange rate, a soft peg, a hard peg, and a merged currency
Exchange rate policies come in a range of different forms listed in Figure 17.9:
**Figure 17.10** U.S. Dollar Exchange Rate in Japanese Yen
(Source: Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED) https://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/DEXJPUS)
As investor sentiment swings back and forth, driving exchange rates up and down, exporters, importers, and banks involved in international lending are all affected. At worst, large movements in exchange rates can drive companies into bankruptcy or trigger a nationwide banking collapse. However, even in the moderate case of the yen/dollar exchange rate, these movements of roughly 30 percent back and forth impose stress on both economies as firms must alter their export and import plans to take the new exchange rates into account. Especially in smaller countries where international trade is a relatively large share of GDP, exchange rate movements can rattle their economies.
However, movements of floating exchange rates have advantages, too. After all, prices of goods and services rise and fall throughout a market economy, as demand and supply shift. If an economy experiences strong inflows or outflows of international financial capital, or has relatively high inflation, or if it experiences strong productivity growth so that purchasing power changes relative to other economies, then it makes economic sense for the exchange rate to shift as well.
Floating exchange rate advocates often argue that if government policies were more predictable and stable, then inflation rates and interest rates would be more predictable and stable. Exchange rates would bounce around less, too. The economist Milton Friedman (1912-2006), for example, wrote a defense of floating exchange rates in 1962 in his book _Capitalism and Freedom_:
Being in favor of floating exchange rates does not mean being in favor of
unstable exchange rates. When we support a free price system [for goods and
services] at home, this does not imply that we favor a system in which prices
fluctuate wildly up and down. What we want is a system in which prices are
free to fluctuate but in which the forces determining them are sufficiently
stable so that in fact prices move within moderate ranges. This is equally
true in a system of floating exchange rates. The ultimate objective is a world
in which exchange rates, while free to vary, are, in fact, highly stable
because basic economic policies and conditions are stable.
Advocates of floating exchange rates admit that, yes, exchange rates may sometimes fluctuate. They point out, however, that if a central bank focuses on preventing either high inflation or deep recession, with low and reasonably steady interest rates, then exchange rates will have less reason to vary.","We refer to a policy which allows the foreign exchange market to set exchange rates as a floating exchange rate. The U.S. dollar is a floating exchange rate, as are the currencies of about 40% of the countries in the world economy. The major concern with this policy is that exchange rates can move a great deal in a short time.
Consider the U.S. exchange rate expressed in terms of another fairly stable currency, the Japanese yen, as Figure 17.10 shows. On January 1, 2002, the exchange rate was 133 yen/dollar. On January 1, 2005, it was 103 yen/dollar. On June 1, 2007, it was 122 yen/dollar, on January 1, 2012, it was 77 yen per dollar, and on March 1, 2015, it was 120 yen per dollar.
Figure 17.10 U.S. Dollar Exchange Rate in Japanese Yen
(Source: Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED) https://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/DEXJPUS)
As investor sentiment swings back and forth, driving exchange rates up and down, exporters, importers, and banks involved in international lending are all affected. At worst, large movements in exchange rates can drive companies into bankruptcy or trigger a nationwide banking collapse. However, even in the moderate case of the yen/dollar exchange rate, these movements of roughly 30 percent back and forth impose stress on both economies as firms must alter their export and import plans to take the new exchange rates into account. Especially in smaller countries where international trade is a relatively large share of GDP, exchange rate movements can rattle their economies.
However, movements of floating exchange rates have advantages, too. After all, prices of goods and services rise and fall throughout a market economy, as demand and supply shift. If an economy experiences strong inflows or outflows of international financial capital, or has relatively high inflation, or if it experiences strong productivity growth so that purchasing power changes relative to other economies, then it makes economic sense for the exchange rate to shift as well.
Floating exchange rate advocates often argue that if government policies were more predictable and stable, then inflation rates and interest rates would be more predictable and stable. Exchange rates would bounce around less, too. The economist Milton Friedman (1912-2006), for example, wrote a defense of floating exchange rates in 1962 in his book Capitalism and Freedom:
Being in favor of floating exchange rates does not mean being in favor of
unstable exchange rates. When we support a free price system [for goods and
services] at home, this does not imply that we favor a system in which prices
fluctuate wildly up and down. What we want is a system in which prices are
free to fluctuate but in which the forces determining them are sufficiently
stable so that in fact prices move within moderate ranges. This is equally
true in a system of floating exchange rates. The ultimate objective is a world
in which exchange rates, while free to vary, are, in fact, highly stable
because basic economic policies and conditions are stable.
Advocates of floating exchange rates admit that, yes, exchange rates may sometimes fluctuate. They point out, however, that if a central bank focuses on preventing either high inflation or deep recession, with low and reasonably steady interest rates, then exchange rates will have less reason to vary.",floating-exchange-rates,"Question: What is the major concern with a floating exchange rate policy?
Answer: The major concern with a floating exchange rate policy is that exchange rates can move a great deal in a short time.",What is the major concern with a floating exchange rate policy?,The major concern with a floating exchange rate policy is that exchange rates can move a great deal in a short time.,"['floating exchange rate', 'foreign exchange market', 'yendollar', 'japan']"
446,17-04-02-using-soft-pegs-and-hard-pegs,17-04,2,Using Soft Pegs and Hard Pegs,"When a government intervenes in the foreign exchange market so that the currency's exchange rate is different from what the market would have produced, it establishes a “peg” for its currency. A central bank can implement soft peg and hard peg policies.
A **soft peg** is the name for an exchange rate policy where the government
usually allows the market to set exchange rate, but in some cases,
especially if the exchange rate seems to be moving rapidly in one direction,
the central bank will intervene in the market.
With a **hard peg** exchange rate policy, the central bank sets a fixed and
unchanging value for the exchange rate.
Suppose the market exchange rate for the Brazilian currency, the real, would be 35 cents/real with a daily quantity of 15 billion real traded in the market, as the equilibrium E0 in **Figure 17.11** shows.
**Figure 17.11** Pegging an Exchange Rate
(a) If an exchange rate is pegged below what would otherwise be the
equilibrium, then the currency's quantity demanded will exceed the quantity
supplied.
(b) If an exchange rate is pegged above what would otherwise be the
equilibrium, then the currency's quantity supplied exceeds the quantity
demanded.
However, Brazil's government decides that the exchange rate should be 30 cents/real, as **Figure 17.11 (a)** shows. Perhaps Brazil sets this lower exchange rate to benefit its export industries. It could also be an attempt to stimulate aggregate demand by stimulating exports. Brazil might alternatively believe that the current market exchange rate is higher than the long-term purchasing power parity value of the real, so it minimizes fluctuations in the real by keeping it at this lower rate. The government might have set the target exchange rate sometime in the past, and it is now maintaining it for the sake of stability.
The Brazilian central bank could weaken its exchange rate in two ways. One approach is to use an expansionary monetary policy that leads to lower interest rates. In foreign exchange markets, the lower interest rates will reduce demand and increase the supply of the real and lead to depreciation. Central banks do not use this technique often because lowering interest rates to weaken the currency may be in conflict with the country's monetary policy goals. Alternatively, Brazil's central bank could trade directly in the foreign exchange market. The central bank can expand the money supply by creating reals, use the reals to purchase foreign currencies, and avoid selling any of its own currency. In this way, it can fill the gap between quantity demanded and quantity supplied of its currency.
**Figure 17.11 (b)** shows the opposite situation. Here, the Brazilian government desires a stronger exchange rate of 40 cents/real than the market rate of 35 cents/real. Perhaps Brazil desires a stronger currency to reduce aggregate demand and to fight inflation, or maybe they believe that the current market exchange rate is temporarily lower than the long-term rate. Whatever the reason, at the higher desired exchange rate, the quantity supplied of 16 billion reals exceeds the quantity demanded of 14 billion reals.
Brazil's central bank can use a contractionary monetary policy to raise interest rates, which will increase demand and reduce currency supply on foreign exchange markets, and lead to an appreciation. Alternatively, Brazil's central bank can trade directly in the foreign exchange market. In this case, with an excess supply of its own currency in foreign exchange markets, the central bank must use reserves of foreign currency, like U.S. dollars, to demand its own currency and thus cause an appreciation of its exchange rate.
Both a soft peg and a hard peg policy require that the central bank intervene
in the foreign exchange market. However, a hard peg policy attempts to
preserve a fixed exchange rate at all times. A soft peg policy typically
allows the exchange rate to move up and down by relatively small amounts in
the short run of several months or a year, and to move by larger amounts over
time, but seeks to avoid extreme short-term fluctuations.
Thanks to our awesome community of subtitle contributors, individual videos in this course might have additional languages. More info below on how to see which languages are available (and how to contribute more!).
","When a government intervenes in the foreign exchange market so that the currency's exchange rate is different from what the market would have produced, it establishes a “peg” for its currency. A central bank can implement soft peg and hard peg policies.
A **soft peg** is the name for an exchange rate policy where the government
usually allows the market to set exchange rate, but in some cases,
especially if the exchange rate seems to be moving rapidly in one direction,
the central bank will intervene in the market.
With a **hard peg** exchange rate policy, the central bank sets a fixed and
unchanging value for the exchange rate.
Suppose the market exchange rate for the Brazilian currency, the real, would be 35 cents/real with a daily quantity of 15 billion real traded in the market, as the equilibrium E0 in Figure 17.11 shows.
One concern with pegged exchange rate policies is that they imply a country's
monetary policy is no longer focused on controlling inflation or shortening
recessions, but now must also take the exchange rate into account.
For example, when a country pegs its exchange rate, it would like to have an expansionary monetary policy to fight recession, but it cannot do so because that policy would depreciate its exchange rate and break its hard peg.
With a soft peg exchange rate policy, the central bank can sometimes ignore the exchange rate and focus on domestic inflation or recession, but in other cases the central bank may ignore inflation or recession and instead focus on its soft peg exchange rate. With a hard peg policy, domestic monetary policy is effectively no longer determined by domestic inflation or unemployment, but only by what monetary policy is needed to keep the exchange rate at the hard peg.
Another issue arises when a central bank intervenes directly in the exchange rate market. If a central bank ends up in a situation where it is perpetually creating and selling its own currency on foreign exchange markets, it will be buying the currency of other countries, like U.S. dollars or euros, to hold as reserves. Holding large reserves of other currencies has an opportunity cost, and central banks will not wish to boost such reserves without limit.
In addition, a central bank that causes a large increase in the supply of money is also risking an inflationary surge in aggregate demand. Conversely, when a central bank wishes to buy its own currency, it can do so by using its reserves of international currency like the U.S. dollar or the euro. However, if the central bank runs out of such reserves, it can no longer use this method to strengthen its currency. Thus, buying foreign currencies in exchange rate markets can be expensive and inflationary, while selling foreign currencies can work only until a central bank runs out of reserves.
Yet another issue is that when a government pegs its exchange rate, it may unintentionally create another reason for additional fluctuation. With a soft peg policy, foreign exchange dealers and international investors react to every rumor about how or when the central bank is likely to intervene to influence the exchange rate, and as they react to rumors the exchange rate will shift up and down. Thus, even though the goal of a soft peg policy is to reduce short-term fluctuations of the exchange rate, the existence of the policy—when anticipated in the foreign exchange market—may sometimes increase short-term fluctuations as international investors try to anticipate how and when the central bank will act.
The following section discusses the effects of **international capital flows**—capital that flows across national boundaries as either portfolio investment or direct investment.","When a country decides to alter the market exchange rate, it faces a number of tradeoffs.
If it uses monetary policy to alter the exchange rate, it then cannot at the same time use monetary policy to address issues of inflation or recession.
If it uses direct purchases and sales of foreign currencies in exchange rates, then it must face the issue of how it will handle its reserves of foreign currency.
Finally, a pegged exchange rate can even create additional movements of the exchange rate.
One concern with pegged exchange rate policies is that they imply a country's
monetary policy is no longer focused on controlling inflation or shortening
recessions, but now must also take the exchange rate into account.
For example, when a country pegs its exchange rate, it would like to have an expansionary monetary policy to fight recession, but it cannot do so because that policy would depreciate its exchange rate and break its hard peg.
With a soft peg exchange rate policy, the central bank can sometimes ignore the exchange rate and focus on domestic inflation or recession, but in other cases the central bank may ignore inflation or recession and instead focus on its soft peg exchange rate. With a hard peg policy, domestic monetary policy is effectively no longer determined by domestic inflation or unemployment, but only by what monetary policy is needed to keep the exchange rate at the hard peg.
Another issue arises when a central bank intervenes directly in the exchange rate market. If a central bank ends up in a situation where it is perpetually creating and selling its own currency on foreign exchange markets, it will be buying the currency of other countries, like U.S. dollars or euros, to hold as reserves. Holding large reserves of other currencies has an opportunity cost, and central banks will not wish to boost such reserves without limit.
In addition, a central bank that causes a large increase in the supply of money is also risking an inflationary surge in aggregate demand. Conversely, when a central bank wishes to buy its own currency, it can do so by using its reserves of international currency like the U.S. dollar or the euro. However, if the central bank runs out of such reserves, it can no longer use this method to strengthen its currency. Thus, buying foreign currencies in exchange rate markets can be expensive and inflationary, while selling foreign currencies can work only until a central bank runs out of reserves.
Yet another issue is that when a government pegs its exchange rate, it may unintentionally create another reason for additional fluctuation. With a soft peg policy, foreign exchange dealers and international investors react to every rumor about how or when the central bank is likely to intervene to influence the exchange rate, and as they react to rumors the exchange rate will shift up and down. Thus, even though the goal of a soft peg policy is to reduce short-term fluctuations of the exchange rate, the existence of the policy—when anticipated in the foreign exchange market—may sometimes increase short-term fluctuations as international investors try to anticipate how and when the central bank will act.
The following section discusses the effects of international capital flows—capital that flows across national boundaries as either portfolio investment or direct investment.",tradeoffs-of-soft-pegs-and-hard-pegs,"{""question"": ""What are some tradeoffs a country faces when altering the market exchange rate?"", ""answer"": ""A country faces tradeoffs such as not being able to use monetary policy to address inflation or recession while altering the exchange rate and the issue of handling its reserves of foreign currency when using direct purchases and sales of foreign currencies.""}",What are some tradeoffs a country faces when altering the market exchange rate?,A country faces tradeoffs such as not being able to use monetary policy to address inflation or recession while altering the exchange rate and the issue of handling its reserves of foreign currency when using direct purchases and sales of foreign currencies.,"['market exchange rate', 'central bank', 'foreign exchange markets', 'us dollars']"
448,17-04-04-how-do-tobin-taxes-control-the-flow-of-capital,17-04,4,How do Tobin taxes control the flow of capital?,"Some countries like Chile and Malaysia have sought to reduce movements in exchange rates by limiting international financial capital inflows and outflows. The government can enact this policy either through targeted taxes or by regulations.
Taxes on international capital flows are sometimes known as **Tobin taxes**, named after James Tobin, the 1981 Nobel laureate in economics who proposed such a tax in a 1972 lecture. For example, a government might tax all foreign exchange transactions, or attempt to tax short-term portfolio investment while exempting long-term foreign direct investment. Countries can also use regulation to forbid certain kinds of foreign investment in the first place or to make it difficult for international financial investors to withdraw their funds from a country.
The goal of such policies is to reduce international capital flows, especially short-term portfolio flows, in the hope that doing so will reduce the chance of large movements in exchange rates that can bring macroeconomic disaster.
However, proposals to limit international financial flows have severe practical difficulties. Governments impose taxes on a national level, not an international one. If one government imposes a Tobin tax on exchange rate transactions carried out within its territory, a firm based someplace like the Grand Caymans, an island nation in the Caribbean well-known for allowing some financial wheeling and dealing might easily operate the exchange market.
In an interconnected global economy, if goods and services are allowed to flow across national borders, then payments need to flow across borders, too. It is very difficult—in fact, close to impossible—for a nation to allow only the flows of payments that relate to goods and services, while clamping down or taxing other flows of financial capital. If a nation participates in international trade, it must also participate in international capital movements.
Finally, countries all over the world, especially low-income countries, are crying out for foreign investment to help develop their economies. Policies that discourage international financial investment may prevent some possible harm, but they rule out potentially substantial economic benefits as well.
A hard peg exchange rate policy will not allow short-term fluctuations in the exchange rate. If the government first announces a hard peg and then later changes its mind—perhaps the government becomes unwilling to keep interest rates high or to hold high levels of foreign exchange reserves—then the result of abandoning a hard peg could be a dramatic shift in the exchange rate.
In the mid-2000s, about one-third of the countries in the world used a soft peg approach and about one-quarter used a hard peg approach. The general trend in the 1990s was to shift away from a soft peg approach in favor of either floating rates or a hard peg. The concern was that a successful soft peg policy may, for a time, lead to very little variation in exchange rates, so that firms and banks in the economy begin to act as if a hard peg exists. When the exchange rate does move, however, the effects are especially painful because firms and banks have not planned and hedged against a possible change. Thus, it was seen as better to either be clear that the exchange rate is always flexible or fixed. Choosing an in-between soft peg option may end up doing more harm than good.","Some countries like Chile and Malaysia have sought to reduce movements in exchange rates by limiting international financial capital inflows and outflows. The government can enact this policy either through targeted taxes or by regulations.
Taxes on international capital flows are sometimes known as Tobin taxes, named after James Tobin, the 1981 Nobel laureate in economics who proposed such a tax in a 1972 lecture. For example, a government might tax all foreign exchange transactions, or attempt to tax short-term portfolio investment while exempting long-term foreign direct investment. Countries can also use regulation to forbid certain kinds of foreign investment in the first place or to make it difficult for international financial investors to withdraw their funds from a country.
The goal of such policies is to reduce international capital flows, especially short-term portfolio flows, in the hope that doing so will reduce the chance of large movements in exchange rates that can bring macroeconomic disaster.
However, proposals to limit international financial flows have severe practical difficulties. Governments impose taxes on a national level, not an international one. If one government imposes a Tobin tax on exchange rate transactions carried out within its territory, a firm based someplace like the Grand Caymans, an island nation in the Caribbean well-known for allowing some financial wheeling and dealing might easily operate the exchange market.
In an interconnected global economy, if goods and services are allowed to flow across national borders, then payments need to flow across borders, too. It is very difficult—in fact, close to impossible—for a nation to allow only the flows of payments that relate to goods and services, while clamping down or taxing other flows of financial capital. If a nation participates in international trade, it must also participate in international capital movements.
Finally, countries all over the world, especially low-income countries, are crying out for foreign investment to help develop their economies. Policies that discourage international financial investment may prevent some possible harm, but they rule out potentially substantial economic benefits as well.
A hard peg exchange rate policy will not allow short-term fluctuations in the exchange rate. If the government first announces a hard peg and then later changes its mind—perhaps the government becomes unwilling to keep interest rates high or to hold high levels of foreign exchange reserves—then the result of abandoning a hard peg could be a dramatic shift in the exchange rate.
In the mid-2000s, about one-third of the countries in the world used a soft peg approach and about one-quarter used a hard peg approach. The general trend in the 1990s was to shift away from a soft peg approach in favor of either floating rates or a hard peg. The concern was that a successful soft peg policy may, for a time, lead to very little variation in exchange rates, so that firms and banks in the economy begin to act as if a hard peg exists. When the exchange rate does move, however, the effects are especially painful because firms and banks have not planned and hedged against a possible change. Thus, it was seen as better to either be clear that the exchange rate is always flexible or fixed. Choosing an in-between soft peg option may end up doing more harm than good.",how-do-tobin-taxes-control-the-flow-of-capital,"{""question"": ""What is the goal of policies that seek to reduce international capital flows?"", ""answer"": ""The goal is to reduce the chance of large movements in exchange rates.""}",What is the goal of policies that seek to reduce international capital flows?,The goal is to reduce the chance of large movements in exchange rates.,"['china', 'malaysia', 'international financial capital inflows', 'outflows', 'tobin']"
449,17-04-05-a-merged-currency,17-04,5,A Merged Currency,"A final approach to exchange rate policy is for a nation to choose a common currency shared with one or more nations is also called a **merged currency**. A merged currency approach eliminates foreign exchange risk altogether. Just as no one worries about exchange rate movements when buying and selling between New York and California, Europeans know that the value of the euro will be the same in Germany and France and other European nations that have adopted the euro.
However, a merged currency also poses problems. Like a hard peg, a merged currency means that a nation has given up altogether on domestic monetary policy, and instead has put its interest rate policies in other hands. When Ecuador uses the U.S. dollar as its currency, it has no voice in whether the Federal Reserve raises or lowers interest rates. The European Central Bank that determines monetary policy for the euro has representatives from all the euro nations. However, from the standpoint of, say, Portugal, there will be times when the decisions of the European Central Bank about monetary policy do not match the decisions that a Portuguese central bank would have made.
These four different exchange rate policies can often blend together. For example, a soft peg exchange rate policy in which the government almost never acts to intervene in the exchange rate market will look a great deal like a floating exchange rate. Conversely, a soft peg policy in which the government intervenes often to keep the exchange rate near a specific level will look a lot like a hard peg. A decision to merge currencies with another country is, in effect, a decision to have a permanently fixed exchange rate with those countries, which is like a very hard exchange rate peg. Table 17.2 summarizes the range of exchange rates policy choices, with their advantages and disadvantages.
| Situation | Floating Exchange Rates | Soft Peg | Hard Peg | Merged Currency |
| ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ----------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------- |
| Large short-run fluctuations in exchange rates? | Often considerable in the short term | Maybe less in the short run, but still large changes over time | None, unless a change in the fixed rate | None |
| Large long-term fluctuations in exchange rates? | Can often happen | Can often happen | Cannot happen unless hard peg changes, in which case substantial volatility can occur | Cannot happen |
| Power of central bank to conduct countercyclical monetary policy? | Flexible exchange rates make monetary policy stronger | Some power, although conflicts may arise between exchange rate policy and countercyclical policy | Very little; central bank must keep exchange rate fixed | None; nation does not have its own currency |
| Costs of holding foreign exchange reserves? | Do not need to hold reserves | Hold moderate reserves that rise and fall over time | Hold large reserves | No need to hold reserves |
| Risk of ending up with an exchange rate that causes a large trade imbalance and very high inflows or outflows of financial capital? | Adjusts often | Adjusts over the medium term, if not the short term | May end up over time either far above or below the market level | Cannot adjust |
**Table 17.2** Tradeoffs of Exchange Rate Policies
Global macroeconomics would be easier if the whole world had one currency and one central bank. The exchange rates between different currencies complicate the picture. If financial markets solely set exchange rates, they fluctuate substantially as short-term portfolio investors try to anticipate tomorrow's news. If the government attempts to intervene in exchange rate markets through soft pegs or hard pegs, it gives up at least some of the power to use monetary policy to focus on domestic inflations and recessions, and it risks causing even greater fluctuations in foreign exchange markets.
There is no consensus among economists about which exchange rate policies are
best: floating, soft peg, hard peg, or merged currencies. The choice depends
both on how well a nation's central bank can implement a specific exchange
rate policy and on how well a nation's firms and banks can adapt to different
exchange rate policies.
A national economy that does a fairly good job at achieving the four main economic goals of growth, low inflation, low unemployment, and a sustainable balance of trade will probably do just fine most of the time with any exchange rate policy. Conversely, no exchange rate policy is likely to save an economy that consistently fails at achieving these goals. Finally, a merged currency applied across wide geographic and cultural areas carries its own set of problems, such as the ability for countries to conduct their own independent monetary policies.
Thanks to our awesome community of subtitle contributors, individual videos in this course might have additional languages. More info below on how to see which languages are available (and how to contribute more!).
","A final approach to exchange rate policy is for a nation to choose a common currency shared with one or more nations is also called a merged currency. A merged currency approach eliminates foreign exchange risk altogether. Just as no one worries about exchange rate movements when buying and selling between New York and California, Europeans know that the value of the euro will be the same in Germany and France and other European nations that have adopted the euro.
However, a merged currency also poses problems. Like a hard peg, a merged currency means that a nation has given up altogether on domestic monetary policy, and instead has put its interest rate policies in other hands. When Ecuador uses the U.S. dollar as its currency, it has no voice in whether the Federal Reserve raises or lowers interest rates. The European Central Bank that determines monetary policy for the euro has representatives from all the euro nations. However, from the standpoint of, say, Portugal, there will be times when the decisions of the European Central Bank about monetary policy do not match the decisions that a Portuguese central bank would have made.
These four different exchange rate policies can often blend together. For example, a soft peg exchange rate policy in which the government almost never acts to intervene in the exchange rate market will look a great deal like a floating exchange rate. Conversely, a soft peg policy in which the government intervenes often to keep the exchange rate near a specific level will look a lot like a hard peg. A decision to merge currencies with another country is, in effect, a decision to have a permanently fixed exchange rate with those countries, which is like a very hard exchange rate peg. Table 17.2 summarizes the range of exchange rates policy choices, with their advantages and disadvantages.
Table 17.2 Tradeoffs of Exchange Rate Policies
Global macroeconomics would be easier if the whole world had one currency and one central bank. The exchange rates between different currencies complicate the picture. If financial markets solely set exchange rates, they fluctuate substantially as short-term portfolio investors try to anticipate tomorrow's news. If the government attempts to intervene in exchange rate markets through soft pegs or hard pegs, it gives up at least some of the power to use monetary policy to focus on domestic inflations and recessions, and it risks causing even greater fluctuations in foreign exchange markets.
There is no consensus among economists about which exchange rate policies are
best: floating, soft peg, hard peg, or merged currencies. The choice depends
both on how well a nation's central bank can implement a specific exchange
rate policy and on how well a nation's firms and banks can adapt to different
exchange rate policies.
A national economy that does a fairly good job at achieving the four main economic goals of growth, low inflation, low unemployment, and a sustainable balance of trade will probably do just fine most of the time with any exchange rate policy. Conversely, no exchange rate policy is likely to save an economy that consistently fails at achieving these goals. Finally, a merged currency applied across wide geographic and cultural areas carries its own set of problems, such as the ability for countries to conduct their own independent monetary policies.
Thanks to our awesome community of subtitle contributors, individual videos in this course might have additional languages. More info below on how to see which languages are available (and how to contribute more!).",a-merged-currency,"Question: What are some advantages and disadvantages of a merged currency approach to exchange rate policy?
Answer: Some advantages of a merged currency approach include the elimination of foreign exchange risk and consistent value across nations. However, it also means giving up on domestic monetary policy and may not align with the decisions a nation's central bank would have made.",What are some advantages and disadvantages of a merged currency approach to exchange rate policy?,"Some advantages of a merged currency approach include the elimination of foreign exchange risk and consistent value across nations. However, it also means giving up on domestic monetary policy and may not align with the decisions a nation's central bank would have made.","['exchange rate policy', 'merged currency', 'foreign exchange risk', 'euro', 'german']"
450,18-01-00-overview,18-01,0,Overview,"
- Explain merchandise trade balance, current account balance, and unilateral transfers
- Identify components of the U.S. current account balance
- Calculate the merchandise trade balance and current account balance using import and export data for a country
A few decades ago, it was common to track the solid or physical items that planes, trains, and trucks transported between countries as a way of measuring the balance of trade. Economists call this measurement the **merchandise trade balance**. In most high-income economies, including the United States, goods comprise less than half of a country's total production, while services comprise more than half. The last two decades have seen a surge in international trade in services, powered by technological advances in telecommunications and computers that have made it possible to export or import customer services, finance, law, advertising, management consulting, software, construction engineering, and product design. Most global trade still takes the form of goods rather than services, and the government announces and the media prominently report the merchandise trade balance. Old habits are hard to break. Economists, however, typically rely on broader measures such as the balance of trade or the **current account balance** which includes other international flows of income and foreign aid.","- Explain merchandise trade balance, current account balance, and unilateral transfers
- Identify components of the U.S. current account balance
- Calculate the merchandise trade balance and current account balance using import and export data for a country
A few decades ago, it was common to track the solid or physical items that planes, trains, and trucks transported between countries as a way of measuring the balance of trade. Economists call this measurement the merchandise trade balance. In most high-income economies, including the United States, goods comprise less than half of a country's total production, while services comprise more than half. The last two decades have seen a surge in international trade in services, powered by technological advances in telecommunications and computers that have made it possible to export or import customer services, finance, law, advertising, management consulting, software, construction engineering, and product design. Most global trade still takes the form of goods rather than services, and the government announces and the media prominently report the merchandise trade balance. Old habits are hard to break. Economists, however, typically rely on broader measures such as the balance of trade or the current account balance which includes other international flows of income and foreign aid.",overview,"Question: What are the components of the U.S. current account balance?
Answer: The components of the U.S. current account balance include the balance of trade, income from foreign investments, and unilateral transfers.",What are the components of the U.S. current account balance?,"The components of the U.S. current account balance include the balance of trade, income from foreign investments, and unilateral transfers.","['merchandise trade balance', 'current account balance', 'united states', 'international trade', 'services']"
451,18-01-01-components-of-the-us-current-account-balance,18-01,1,Components of the U.S. Current Account Balance,"**Table 18.1** breaks down the four main components of the U.S. current account balance for the last quarter of 2015 (seasonally adjusted). The first line shows the merchandise trade balance; that is, exports and imports of goods. Because imports exceed exports, the trade balance in the final column is negative, showing a merchandise trade deficit. We can explain how the government collects this trade information in the following Clear It Up feature.
| | Value of Exports (money flowing into the United States) | Value of Imports (money flowing out of the United States) | Balance |
| ---------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------- | --------------------------------------------------------- | ------- |
| Goods | $410.0 | $595.5 | -$185.3 |
| Services | $180.4 | $122.3 | $58.1 |
| Income receipts and payments | $203.0 | $152.4 | $50.6 |
| Unilateral transfers | $27.3 | $64.4 | -$37.1 |
| Current account balance | $820.7 | $934.4 | -$113.7 |
**Table 18.1** Components of the U.S. Current Account Balance for 2015 (in
billions)
","Table 18.1 breaks down the four main components of the U.S. current account balance for the last quarter of 2015 (seasonally adjusted). The first line shows the merchandise trade balance; that is, exports and imports of goods. Because imports exceed exports, the trade balance in the final column is negative, showing a merchandise trade deficit. We can explain how the government collects this trade information in the following Clear It Up feature.
Table 18.1 Components of the U.S. Current Account Balance for 2015 (in
billions)",components-of-the-us-current-account-balance,"{""question"": ""What does the first line in Table 18.1 represent?"", ""answer"": ""The first line represents the merchandise trade balance, which is the exports and imports of goods.""}",What does the first line in Table 18.1 represent?,"The first line represents the merchandise trade balance, which is the exports and imports of goods.","['table 181', 'us current account balance', 'merchandise trade']"
452,18-01-02-how-does-the-us-government-collect-trade-statistics,18-01,2,How does the U.S. government collect trade statistics?,"
Do not confuse the balance of trade (which tracks imports and exports), with
the current account balance, which includes not just exports and imports, but
also income from investment and transfers.
The Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) within the U.S. Department of Commerce compiles statistics on the balance of trade using a variety of different sources. Merchandise importers and exporters must file monthly documents with the Census Bureau, which provides the basic data for tracking trade. To measure international trade in services—which can happen over a telephone line or computer network without shipping any physical goods—the BEA carries out a set of surveys. Another set of BEA surveys tracks investment flows, and there are even specific surveys to collect travel information from U.S. residents visiting Canada and Mexico. For measuring unilateral transfers, the BEA has access to official U.S. government spending on aid, and then also carries out a survey of charitable organizations that make foreign donations.
The BEA then cross-checks this information on international flows of goods and capital against other available data. For example, the Census Bureau also collects data from the shipping industry, which it can use to check the data on trade in goods. All companies involved in international flows of capital—including banks and companies making financial investments like stocks—must file reports, which the U.S. Department of the Treasury ultimately checks. The BEA also can cross check information on foreign trade by looking at data collected by other countries on their foreign trade with the United States, and also at the data collected by various international organizations. Take these data sources, stir carefully, and you have the U.S. balance of trade statistics. Much of the statistics that we cite in this chapter come from these sources.
The second row of **Table 18.1** provides data on trade in services. Here, the U.S. economy is running a surplus. Although the level of trade in services is still relatively small compared to trade in goods, the importance of services has expanded substantially over the last few decades. For example, U.S. exports of services were equal to about one-half of U.S. exports of goods in 2015, compared to one-fifth in 1980.
The third component of the current account balance, labeled “income payments,” refers to money that U.S. financial investors received on their foreign investments (money flowing into the United States) and payments to foreign investors who had invested their funds here (money flowing out of the United States). The reason for including this money on foreign investment in the overall measure of trade, along with goods and services, is that, from an economic perspective, income is just as much an economic transaction as car, wheat, or oil shipments: it is just trade that is happening in the financial capital market.
The final category of the current account balance is unilateral transfers, which are payments that government, private charities, or individuals make in which they send money abroad without receiving any direct good or service. Economic or military assistance from the U.S. government to other countries fits into this category, as does spending abroad by charities to address poverty or social inequalities. When an individual in the United States sends money overseas, as is the case with some immigrants, it is also counted in this category. The current account balance treats these unilateral payments like imports, because they also involve a stream of payments leaving the country.
For the U.S. economy, unilateral transfers are almost always negative. This pattern, however, does not always hold. In 1991, for example, when the United States led an international coalition against Saddam Hussein's Iraq in the Gulf War, many other nations agreed that they would make payments to the United States to offset the U.S. war expenses. These payments were large enough that, in 1991, the overall U.S. balance on unilateral transfers was a positive $10 billion.
The following section steps you through the process of using the values for goods, services, and income payments to calculate the merchandise balance and the current account balance.","Do not confuse the balance of trade (which tracks imports and exports), with
the current account balance, which includes not just exports and imports, but
also income from investment and transfers.
The Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) within the U.S. Department of Commerce compiles statistics on the balance of trade using a variety of different sources. Merchandise importers and exporters must file monthly documents with the Census Bureau, which provides the basic data for tracking trade. To measure international trade in services—which can happen over a telephone line or computer network without shipping any physical goods—the BEA carries out a set of surveys. Another set of BEA surveys tracks investment flows, and there are even specific surveys to collect travel information from U.S. residents visiting Canada and Mexico. For measuring unilateral transfers, the BEA has access to official U.S. government spending on aid, and then also carries out a survey of charitable organizations that make foreign donations.
The BEA then cross-checks this information on international flows of goods and capital against other available data. For example, the Census Bureau also collects data from the shipping industry, which it can use to check the data on trade in goods. All companies involved in international flows of capital—including banks and companies making financial investments like stocks—must file reports, which the U.S. Department of the Treasury ultimately checks. The BEA also can cross check information on foreign trade by looking at data collected by other countries on their foreign trade with the United States, and also at the data collected by various international organizations. Take these data sources, stir carefully, and you have the U.S. balance of trade statistics. Much of the statistics that we cite in this chapter come from these sources.
The second row of Table 18.1 provides data on trade in services. Here, the U.S. economy is running a surplus. Although the level of trade in services is still relatively small compared to trade in goods, the importance of services has expanded substantially over the last few decades. For example, U.S. exports of services were equal to about one-half of U.S. exports of goods in 2015, compared to one-fifth in 1980.
The third component of the current account balance, labeled “income payments,” refers to money that U.S. financial investors received on their foreign investments (money flowing into the United States) and payments to foreign investors who had invested their funds here (money flowing out of the United States). The reason for including this money on foreign investment in the overall measure of trade, along with goods and services, is that, from an economic perspective, income is just as much an economic transaction as car, wheat, or oil shipments: it is just trade that is happening in the financial capital market.
The final category of the current account balance is unilateral transfers, which are payments that government, private charities, or individuals make in which they send money abroad without receiving any direct good or service. Economic or military assistance from the U.S. government to other countries fits into this category, as does spending abroad by charities to address poverty or social inequalities. When an individual in the United States sends money overseas, as is the case with some immigrants, it is also counted in this category. The current account balance treats these unilateral payments like imports, because they also involve a stream of payments leaving the country.
For the U.S. economy, unilateral transfers are almost always negative. This pattern, however, does not always hold. In 1991, for example, when the United States led an international coalition against Saddam Hussein's Iraq in the Gulf War, many other nations agreed that they would make payments to the United States to offset the U.S. war expenses. These payments were large enough that, in 1991, the overall U.S. balance on unilateral transfers was a positive $10 billion.
The following section steps you through the process of using the values for goods, services, and income payments to calculate the merchandise balance and the current account balance.",how-does-the-us-government-collect-trade-statistics,"Question: What is the purpose of the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) in compiling statistics on the balance of trade?
Answer: The BEA compiles statistics on the balance of trade to track imports and exports, as well as income from investment and transfers.",What is the purpose of the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) in compiling statistics on the balance of trade?,"The BEA compiles statistics on the balance of trade to track imports and exports, as well as income from investment and transfers.","['current account balance', 'income', 'foreign trade', 'surveys', 'investment flows', 'travel']"
453,18-01-03-calculating-the-merchandise-balance-and-the-current-account-balance,18-01,3,Calculating the Merchandise Balance and the Current Account Balance,"Use the information given below to fill in Table 18.2, and then calculate:
- The merchandise balance
- The current account balance
Known information:
Unilateral transfers: $130
- Exports in goods: $1,046
- Exports in services: $509
- Imports in goods: $1,562
- Imports in services: $371
- Income received by U.S. investors on foreign stocks and bonds: $561
- Income received by foreign investors on U.S. assets: $472
| | Exports (in $ billions) | Imports (in $ billions) | Balance |
| ------------------------ | ----------------------- | ----------------------- | ------- |
| Goods | | |
| Services | | |
| Income payments | | |
| Unilateral transfers | | |
| Current account balance. | | |
**Table 18.2** Calculating Merchandise Balance and Current Account Balance
","Use the information given below to fill in Table 18.2, and then calculate:
The merchandise balance
The current account balance
Known information:
Unilateral transfers: $130
Exports in goods: $1,046
Exports in services: $509
Imports in goods: $1,562
Imports in services: $371
Income received by U.S. investors on foreign stocks and bonds: $561
Income received by foreign investors on U.S. assets: $472
Table 18.2 Calculating Merchandise Balance and Current Account Balance",calculating-the-merchandise-balance-and-the-current-account-balance,"{""question"": ""What is the merchandise balance?"", ""answer"": ""The merchandise balance can be calculated by subtracting the imports in goods from the exports in goods.""}",What is the merchandise balance?,The merchandise balance can be calculated by subtracting the imports in goods from the exports in goods.,"['merchandise balance', 'current account balance', 'us investors', 'foreign stocks']"
454,18-02-00-overview,18-02,0,Overview,"
- Analyze graphs of the current account balance and the merchandise trade balance
- Identify patterns in U.S. trade surpluses and deficits
- Compare the U.S. trade surpluses and deficits to other countries' trade surpluses and deficits
We present the history of the U.S. current account balance in recent decades in several different ways. Figure 18.1 (a) shows the current account balance and the merchandise balance in dollar terms. Figure 18.1 (b) shows the current account balance and merchandise account balance yet again, this time as a share of the GDP for that year. By dividing the trade deficit in each year by GDP in that year, Figure 18.1 (b) factors out both inflation and growth in the real economy.
(a) The current account balance and the merchandise trade balance in
billions of dollars from 1960 to 2015. If the lines are above zero dollars,
the United States was running a positive merchandise balance and current
account balance. If the lines fall below zero dollars, the United States is
running a trade deficit and a deficit in its current account balance.
(b) This shows the same items—merchandise balance and current account
balance—in relationship to the size of the U.S. economy, or GDP, from 1960
to 2015.
**Figure 18.1** Current Account Balance and Merchandise Trade Balance, 19602015
By either measure, the U.S. balance of trade pattern is clear. From the 1960s into the 1970s, the U.S. economy had mostly small trade surpluses—that is, the graphs show positive numbers. However, starting in the 1980s, the trade deficit increased rapidly, and after a tiny surplus in 1991, the current account trade deficit became even larger in the late 1990s and into the mid-2000s. The trade deficit declined again in 2009 after the recession had taken hold, then rebounded partially in 2010 and has remained stable up through 2016.
**Table 18.4** shows the U.S. trade picture in 2013 compared with some other economies from around the world. While the U.S. economy has consistently run trade deficits in recent years, Japan and many European nations, among them France and Germany, have consistently run trade surpluses. Some of the other countries listed include Brazil, the largest economy in South America and Latin America more broadly; Nigeria, along with South Africa competing to be the largest economy in Africa; and China, India, and Korea in Asia.
The first column offers one measure of an economy's globalization: exports of goods and services as a percentage of GDP. The second column shows the trade balance. Usually, most countries have trade surpluses or deficits that are less than 5% of GDP. As you can see, the U.S. current account balance is -2.6% of GDP, while Germany's is 8.4% of GDP.
| | Exports of Goods and Services | Current Account Balance |
| -------------- | ----------------------------- | ----------------------- |
| United States | 17.6% | -2.6% |
| Japan | 16.2% | 3.1% |
| Germany | 46.8% | 8.4% |
| United Kingdom | 27.2% | -5.4% |
| Canada | 31.5% | -3.2% |
| Sweden | 45.6% | 5.2% |
| Korea | 45.9% | 7.7% |
| Mexico | 35.4% | -2.9% |
| Brazil | 13.0% | -3.3% |
| China | 22.1% | 3.0% |
| India | 19.9% | -1.1% |
| Nigeria | 10.7% | -3.3% |
| World | - | 0.0% |
**Table 18.4** Level and Balance of Trade in 2015
(Source: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BN.CAB.XOKA.GD.ZS)
","- Analyze graphs of the current account balance and the merchandise trade balance
- Identify patterns in U.S. trade surpluses and deficits
- Compare the U.S. trade surpluses and deficits to other countries' trade surpluses and deficits
We present the history of the U.S. current account balance in recent decades in several different ways. Figure 18.1 (a) shows the current account balance and the merchandise balance in dollar terms. Figure 18.1 (b) shows the current account balance and merchandise account balance yet again, this time as a share of the GDP for that year. By dividing the trade deficit in each year by GDP in that year, Figure 18.1 (b) factors out both inflation and growth in the real economy.
(a) The current account balance and the merchandise trade balance in
billions of dollars from 1960 to 2015. If the lines are above zero dollars,
the United States was running a positive merchandise balance and current
account balance. If the lines fall below zero dollars, the United States is
running a trade deficit and a deficit in its current account balance.
(b) This shows the same items—merchandise balance and current account
balance—in relationship to the size of the U.S. economy, or GDP, from 1960
to 2015.
Figure 18.1 Current Account Balance and Merchandise Trade Balance, 19602015
By either measure, the U.S. balance of trade pattern is clear. From the 1960s into the 1970s, the U.S. economy had mostly small trade surpluses—that is, the graphs show positive numbers. However, starting in the 1980s, the trade deficit increased rapidly, and after a tiny surplus in 1991, the current account trade deficit became even larger in the late 1990s and into the mid-2000s. The trade deficit declined again in 2009 after the recession had taken hold, then rebounded partially in 2010 and has remained stable up through 2016.
Table 18.4 shows the U.S. trade picture in 2013 compared with some other economies from around the world. While the U.S. economy has consistently run trade deficits in recent years, Japan and many European nations, among them France and Germany, have consistently run trade surpluses. Some of the other countries listed include Brazil, the largest economy in South America and Latin America more broadly; Nigeria, along with South Africa competing to be the largest economy in Africa; and China, India, and Korea in Asia.
The first column offers one measure of an economy's globalization: exports of goods and services as a percentage of GDP. The second column shows the trade balance. Usually, most countries have trade surpluses or deficits that are less than 5% of GDP. As you can see, the U.S. current account balance is -2.6% of GDP, while Germany's is 8.4% of GDP.
Table 18.4 Level and Balance of Trade in 2015
(Source: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BN.CAB.XOKA.GD.ZS)",overview,"{""question"": ""What does Figure 18.1 (a) show?"", ""answer"": ""Figure 18.1 (a) shows the current account balance and the merchandise trade balance in billions of dollars from 1960 to 2015.""}",What does Figure 18.1 (a) show?,Figure 18.1 (a) shows the current account balance and the merchandise trade balance in billions of dollars from 1960 to 2015.,"['current account balance', 'merchandise trade balance', 'history', 'us trade surpl']"
455,18-03-00-overview,18-03,0,Overview,"
- Explain the connection between trade balances and financial capital flows
- Calculate comparative advantage
- Explain balanced trade in terms of investment and capital flows
As economists see it, trade surpluses and deficits can be either good or bad, depending on circumstances. The challenge is to understand how the international flows of goods and services are connected with international flows of financial capital. In this module we will illustrate the intimate connection between trade balances and flows of financial capital using two models: a parable of trade between Robinson Crusoe and Friday, and a circular flow diagram representing flows of trade and payments.","- Explain the connection between trade balances and financial capital flows
- Calculate comparative advantage
- Explain balanced trade in terms of investment and capital flows
As economists see it, trade surpluses and deficits can be either good or bad, depending on circumstances. The challenge is to understand how the international flows of goods and services are connected with international flows of financial capital. In this module we will illustrate the intimate connection between trade balances and flows of financial capital using two models: a parable of trade between Robinson Crusoe and Friday, and a circular flow diagram representing flows of trade and payments.",overview,"{""question"": ""Explain the connection between trade balances and financial capital flows."", ""answer"": ""The connection between trade balances and financial capital flows is that the international flows of goods and services are connected with international flows of financial capital.""}",Explain the connection between trade balances and financial capital flows.,The connection between trade balances and financial capital flows is that the international flows of goods and services are connected with international flows of financial capital.,"['trade balances', 'financial capital flows', 'balanced trade', 'investment', 'capital flows']"
456,18-03-02-calculating-comparative-advantage,18-03,2,Calculating Comparative Advantage,"In the 1800s, the United States and Britain traded wheat and cloth. Table 18.5 shows the varying hours of labor requirement.
| | Wheat (in bushels) | Cloth (in yards) | Relative labor cost of wheat (Pw/Pc) | Relative labor cost of cloth (Pc/Pw) |
| ------------- | ------------------ | ---------------- | ------------------------------------ | ------------------------------------ |
| United States | 8 | 9 | 8/9 | 9/8 |
| Britain | 4 | 3 | 4/3 | 3/4 |
Table 18.5
","In the 1800s, the United States and Britain traded wheat and cloth. Table 18.5 shows the varying hours of labor requirement.
Table 18.5",calculating-comparative-advantage,"{""question"": ""What did the United States and Britain trade in the 1800s?"", ""answer"": ""Wheat and cloth.""}",What did the United States and Britain trade in the 1800s?,Wheat and cloth.,"['table 185', 'labour requirement', 'united states', 'uk', 'cloth']"
457,18-04-00-overview,18-04,0,Overview,"
- Explain the determinants of trade and current account balance
- Identify and calculate supply and demand for financial capital
- Explain how a nation's own level of domestic saving and investment determines a nation's balance of trade
- Predict the rising and falling of trade deficits based on a nation's saving and investment identity
We can analyze the close connection between trade balances and international flows of savings and investments using a tool that views trade balances—and their associated flows of financial capital—in the context of the overall levels of savings and financial investment in the economy: the national saving and investment identity.","- Explain the determinants of trade and current account balance
- Identify and calculate supply and demand for financial capital
- Explain how a nation's own level of domestic saving and investment determines a nation's balance of trade
- Predict the rising and falling of trade deficits based on a nation's saving and investment identity
We can analyze the close connection between trade balances and international flows of savings and investments using a tool that views trade balances—and their associated flows of financial capital—in the context of the overall levels of savings and financial investment in the economy: the national saving and investment identity.",overview,"{""question"": ""Explain how a nation's own level of domestic saving and investment determines a nation's balance of trade"", ""answer"": ""A nation's balance of trade is determined by its domestic saving and investment levels.""}",Explain how a nation's own level of domestic saving and investment determines a nation's balance of trade,A nation's balance of trade is determined by its domestic saving and investment levels.,"['current account balance', 'domestic saving', 'investment', 'trade deficits', 'national saving and investment identity']"
458,18-04-01-understanding-the-determinants-of-the-trade-and-current-account-balance,18-04,1,Understanding the Determinants of the Trade and Current Account Balance,"The **national saving and investment identity** provides a useful way to understand the determinants of the trade and current account balance. In a nation's financial capital market, the quantity of financial capital supplied at any given time must equal the quantity of financial capital demanded for purposes of making investments. What is on the supply and demand sides of financial capital? See the following section for the answer to this question.","The national saving and investment identity provides a useful way to understand the determinants of the trade and current account balance. In a nation's financial capital market, the quantity of financial capital supplied at any given time must equal the quantity of financial capital demanded for purposes of making investments. What is on the supply and demand sides of financial capital? See the following section for the answer to this question.",understanding-the-determinants-of-the-trade-and-current-account-balance,"{""question"": ""What is on the supply and demand sides of financial capital?"", ""answer"": ""The supply side of financial capital consists of the quantity of financial capital supplied at any given time, while the demand side consists of the quantity of financial capital demanded for purposes of making investments.""}",What is on the supply and demand sides of financial capital?,"The supply side of financial capital consists of the quantity of financial capital supplied at any given time, while the demand side consists of the quantity of financial capital demanded for purposes of making investments.","['national saving and investment identity', 'trade', 'current account balance', 'financial capital market', 'demand sides']"
459,18-04-02-what-comprises-the-supply-and-demand-of-financial-capital,18-04,2,What comprises the supply and demand of financial capital?,"A country's national savings is the total of its domestic savings by household and companies (private savings) as well as the government (public savings). If a country is running a trade deficit, it means money from abroad is entering the country and the government considers it part of the supply of financial capital.
The demand for financial capital (money) represents groups that are borrowing the money. Businesses need to borrow to finance their investments in factories, materials, and personnel. When the federal government runs a budget deficit, it is also borrowing money from investors by selling Treasury bonds. Therefore, both business investment and the federal government can demand (or borrow) the supply of savings.
There are two main sources for the supply of financial capital in the U.S. economy: saving by individuals and firms, called S, and the inflow of financial capital from foreign investors, which is equal to the trade deficit (M - X), or imports minus exports. There are also two main sources of demand for financial capital in the U.S. economy: private sector investment, I, and government borrowing, where the government needs to borrow when government spending, G, is higher than the taxes collected, T. We can express this national savings and investment identity in algebraic terms:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Supply of financial capital} &= \text{Demand for financial capital} \\
S + (M - X) &= I + (G - T)
\end{aligned}
$$
Again, in this equation, S is private savings, T is taxes, G is government spending, M is imports, X is exports, and I is investment. This relationship is true as a matter of definition because, for the macro economy, the quantity supplied of financial capital must be equal to the quantity demanded.
However, certain components of the national savings and investment identity can switch between the supply side and the demand side. Some countries, like the United States in most years since the 1970s, have budget deficits, which mean the government is spending more than it collects in taxes, and so the government needs to borrow funds. In this case, the government term would be G - T > 0, showing that spending is larger than taxes, and the government would be a demander of financial capital on the left-hand side of the equation (that is, a borrower), not a supplier of financial capital on the right-hand side.
However, if the government runs a budget surplus so that the taxes exceed spending, as the U.S. government did from 1998 to 2001, then the government in that year was contributing to the supply of financial capital (T - G > 0), and would appear on the left (saving) side of the national savings and investment identity.
Similarly, if a national economy runs a trade surplus, the trade sector will involve an outflow of financial capital to other countries. A trade surplus means that the domestic financial capital is in surplus within a country and can be invested in other countries.
The fundamental notion that total quantity of financial capital demanded
equals total quantity of financial capital supplied must always remain true.
Domestic savings will always appear as part of the supply of financial capital and domestic investment will always appear as part of the demand for financial capital. However, the government and trade balance elements of the equation can move back and forth as either suppliers or demanders of financial capital, depending on whether government budgets and the trade balance are in surplus or deficit.","A country's national savings is the total of its domestic savings by household and companies (private savings) as well as the government (public savings). If a country is running a trade deficit, it means money from abroad is entering the country and the government considers it part of the supply of financial capital.
The demand for financial capital (money) represents groups that are borrowing the money. Businesses need to borrow to finance their investments in factories, materials, and personnel. When the federal government runs a budget deficit, it is also borrowing money from investors by selling Treasury bonds. Therefore, both business investment and the federal government can demand (or borrow) the supply of savings.
There are two main sources for the supply of financial capital in the U.S. economy: saving by individuals and firms, called S, and the inflow of financial capital from foreign investors, which is equal to the trade deficit (M - X), or imports minus exports. There are also two main sources of demand for financial capital in the U.S. economy: private sector investment, I, and government borrowing, where the government needs to borrow when government spending, G, is higher than the taxes collected, T. We can express this national savings and investment identity in algebraic terms:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Supply of financial capital} &= \text{Demand for financial capital} \
S + (M - X) &= I + (G - T)
\end{aligned}
$$
Again, in this equation, S is private savings, T is taxes, G is government spending, M is imports, X is exports, and I is investment. This relationship is true as a matter of definition because, for the macro economy, the quantity supplied of financial capital must be equal to the quantity demanded.
However, certain components of the national savings and investment identity can switch between the supply side and the demand side. Some countries, like the United States in most years since the 1970s, have budget deficits, which mean the government is spending more than it collects in taxes, and so the government needs to borrow funds. In this case, the government term would be G - T > 0, showing that spending is larger than taxes, and the government would be a demander of financial capital on the left-hand side of the equation (that is, a borrower), not a supplier of financial capital on the right-hand side.
However, if the government runs a budget surplus so that the taxes exceed spending, as the U.S. government did from 1998 to 2001, then the government in that year was contributing to the supply of financial capital (T - G > 0), and would appear on the left (saving) side of the national savings and investment identity.
Similarly, if a national economy runs a trade surplus, the trade sector will involve an outflow of financial capital to other countries. A trade surplus means that the domestic financial capital is in surplus within a country and can be invested in other countries.
The fundamental notion that total quantity of financial capital demanded
equals total quantity of financial capital supplied must always remain true.
Domestic savings will always appear as part of the supply of financial capital and domestic investment will always appear as part of the demand for financial capital. However, the government and trade balance elements of the equation can move back and forth as either suppliers or demanders of financial capital, depending on whether government budgets and the trade balance are in surplus or deficit.",what-comprises-the-supply-and-demand-of-financial-capital,"Question: What are the two main sources for the supply of financial capital in the U.S. economy?
Answer: The two main sources for the supply of financial capital in the U.S. economy are saving by individuals and firms (S) and the inflow of financial capital from foreign investors, which is equal to the trade deficit (M - X), or imports minus exports.",What are the two main sources for the supply of financial capital in the U.S. economy?,"The two main sources for the supply of financial capital in the U.S. economy are saving by individuals and firms (S) and the inflow of financial capital from foreign investors, which is equal to the trade deficit (M - X), or imports minus exports.","['national savings', 'domestic savings', 'private sector investment', 'government borrowing', 'business investment']"
460,18-04-03-domestic-saving-and-investment-determine-the-trade-balance,18-04,3,Domestic Saving and Investment Determine the Trade Balance,"One insight from the national saving and investment identity is that a nation's own levels of domestic saving and investment determine a nation's balance of trade. To understand this point, rearrange the identity to put the balance of trade all by itself on one side of the equation. Consider first the situation with a trade deficit, and then the situation with a trade surplus.
In the case of a trade deficit, the national saving and investment identity can be rewritten as:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Trade deficit} &= \text{Domestic investment} - \text{Private domestic saving} \\&- \text{Government (or public) savings} \\
(M - X) &= I - S - (T - G)
\end{aligned}
$$
In this case, domestic investment is higher than domestic saving, including both private and government saving. The only way that domestic investment can exceed domestic saving is if capital is flowing into a country from abroad. After all, that extra financial capital for investment has to come from someplace.
Now consider a trade _surplus_ from the standpoint of the national saving and investment identity:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Trade surplus} &= \text{Private domestic saving} + \text{Public saving} \\&- \text{Domestic investment} \\
(X - M) &= S + (T - G) - I
\end{aligned}
$$
In this case, domestic savings (both private and public) is higher than domestic investment. That extra financial capital will be invested abroad.
","One insight from the national saving and investment identity is that a nation's own levels of domestic saving and investment determine a nation's balance of trade. To understand this point, rearrange the identity to put the balance of trade all by itself on one side of the equation. Consider first the situation with a trade deficit, and then the situation with a trade surplus.
In the case of a trade deficit, the national saving and investment identity can be rewritten as:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Trade deficit} &= \text{Domestic investment} - \text{Private domestic saving} \&- \text{Government (or public) savings} \
(M - X) &= I - S - (T - G)
\end{aligned}
$$
In this case, domestic investment is higher than domestic saving, including both private and government saving. The only way that domestic investment can exceed domestic saving is if capital is flowing into a country from abroad. After all, that extra financial capital for investment has to come from someplace.
Now consider a trade surplus from the standpoint of the national saving and investment identity:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Trade surplus} &= \text{Private domestic saving} + \text{Public saving} \&- \text{Domestic investment} \
(X - M) &= S + (T - G) - I
\end{aligned}
$$
In this case, domestic savings (both private and public) is higher than domestic investment. That extra financial capital will be invested abroad.
**Table 18.6** Causes of a Changing Trade Balance
As a second scenario, assume that the level of domestic savings rises, while the level of domestic investment and public savings remain unchanged. In this case, the trade deficit would decline. As domestic savings rises, there would be less need for foreign financial capital to meet investment needs. For this reason, a policy proposal often made for reducing the U.S. trade deficit is to increase private saving—although exactly how to increase the overall rate of saving has proven controversial.
As a third scenario, imagine that the government budget deficit increased dramatically, while domestic investment and private savings remained unchanged. This scenario occurred in the U.S. economy in the mid-1980s. The federal budget deficit increased from \$79 billion in 1981 to \$221 billion in 1986—an increase in the demand for financial capital of \$142 billion. The current account balance collapsed from a surplus of \$5 billion in 1981 to a deficit of \$147 billion in 1986—an increase in the supply of financial capital from abroad of \$152 billion. The connection at that time is clear: a sharp increase in government borrowing increased the U.S. economy's demand for financial capital, and foreign investors through the trade deficit primarily supplied that increase. The following section walks you through a scenario in which private domestic savings has to rise by a certain amount to reduce a trade deficit.","The national saving and investment identity also provides a framework for thinking about what will cause trade deficits to rise or fall. Begin with the version of the identity that has domestic savings and investment on the left and the trade deficit on the right:
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Domestic investment} &- \text{Private domestic saving} \&- \text{Government (or public) savings} = \text{Trade deficit} \
I - S - (T - G) &= (M - X)
\end{aligned}
$$
Now, consider the factors on the left-hand side of the equation one at a time, while holding the other factors constant.
As a first example, assume that the level of domestic investment in a country rises, while the level of private and public saving remains unchanged. Table 18.6 shows the result in the first row under the equation. Since the equality of the national savings and investment identity must continue to hold—it is, after all, an identity that must be true by definition—the rise in domestic investment will mean a higher trade deficit.
This situation occurred in the U.S. economy in the late 1990s. Because of the surge of new information and communications technologies that became available, business investment increased substantially. A fall in private saving during this time and a rise in government saving more or less offset each other. As a result, the financial capital to fund that business investment came from abroad, which is one reason for the very high U.S. trade deficits of the late 1990s and early 2000s.
","Use the saving and investment identity to answer the following question: Country A has a trade deficit of \$200 billion, private domestic savings of \$500 billion, a government deficit of \$200 billion, and private domestic investment of \$500 billion. To reduce the \$200 billion trade deficit by \$100 billion, by how much does private domestic savings have to increase?",solving-problems-with-the-saving-and-investment-identity,"{""question"": ""To reduce the $200 billion trade deficit by $100 billion, by how much does private domestic savings have to increase?"", ""answer"": ""$50 billion.""}","To reduce the $200 billion trade deficit by $100 billion, by how much does private domestic savings have to increase?",$50 billion.,"['investment identity', 'trade deficit', 'private domestic savings', 'government deficit', 'private domestic investment']"
463,18-04-06-short-term-movements-in-the-business-cycle-and-the-trade-balance,18-04,6,Short-Term Movements in the Business Cycle and the Trade Balance,"In the short run, whether an economy is in a recession or on the upswing can affect trade imbalances. A recession tends to make a trade deficit smaller, or a trade surplus larger, while a period of strong economic growth tends to make a trade deficit larger, or a trade surplus smaller.
As an example, note in **Figure 18.2** that the U.S. trade deficit declined by almost half from 2006 to 2009. One primary reason for this change is that during the recession, as the U.S. economy slowed down, it purchased fewer of all goods, including fewer imports from abroad. However, buying power abroad fell less, and so U.S. exports did not fall by as much.
Conversely, in the mid-2000s, when the U.S. trade deficit became very large, a contributing short-term reason is that the U.S. economy was growing. As a result, there was considerable aggressive buying in the U.S. economy, including the buying of imports. Thus, a trade deficit (or a much lower trade surplus) often accompanies a rapidly growing domestic economy, while a trade surplus (or a much lower trade deficit) accompanies a slowing or recessionary domestic economy.
When the trade deficit rises, it necessarily means a greater net inflow of foreign financial capital. The national saving and investment identity teaches that the rest of the economy can absorb this inflow of foreign financial capital in several different ways. For example, reduced private savings could offset the additional inflow of financial capital from abroad, leaving domestic investment and public saving unchanged. Alternatively, the inflow of foreign financial capital could result in higher domestic investment, leaving private and public saving unchanged. Yet another possibility is that greater government borrowing could absorb the inflow of foreign financial capital, leaving domestic saving and investment unchanged. The national saving and investment identity does not specify which of these scenarios, alone or in combination, will occur—only that one of them must occur.
","In the short run, whether an economy is in a recession or on the upswing can affect trade imbalances. A recession tends to make a trade deficit smaller, or a trade surplus larger, while a period of strong economic growth tends to make a trade deficit larger, or a trade surplus smaller.
As an example, note in Figure 18.2 that the U.S. trade deficit declined by almost half from 2006 to 2009. One primary reason for this change is that during the recession, as the U.S. economy slowed down, it purchased fewer of all goods, including fewer imports from abroad. However, buying power abroad fell less, and so U.S. exports did not fall by as much.
Conversely, in the mid-2000s, when the U.S. trade deficit became very large, a contributing short-term reason is that the U.S. economy was growing. As a result, there was considerable aggressive buying in the U.S. economy, including the buying of imports. Thus, a trade deficit (or a much lower trade surplus) often accompanies a rapidly growing domestic economy, while a trade surplus (or a much lower trade deficit) accompanies a slowing or recessionary domestic economy.
When the trade deficit rises, it necessarily means a greater net inflow of foreign financial capital. The national saving and investment identity teaches that the rest of the economy can absorb this inflow of foreign financial capital in several different ways. For example, reduced private savings could offset the additional inflow of financial capital from abroad, leaving domestic investment and public saving unchanged. Alternatively, the inflow of foreign financial capital could result in higher domestic investment, leaving private and public saving unchanged. Yet another possibility is that greater government borrowing could absorb the inflow of foreign financial capital, leaving domestic saving and investment unchanged. The national saving and investment identity does not specify which of these scenarios, alone or in combination, will occur—only that one of them must occur.",short-term-movements-in-the-business-cycle-and-the-trade-balance,"Question: How does a recession affect trade imbalances?
Answer: A recession tends to make a trade deficit smaller or a trade surplus larger.",How does a recession affect trade imbalances?,A recession tends to make a trade deficit smaller or a trade surplus larger.,"['recession', 'trade imbalances', 'strong economic growth', 'foreign financial capital']"
464,18-05-00-overview,18-05,0,Overview,"
- Identify three ways in which borrowing money or running a trade deficit can result in a healthy economy
- Identify three ways in which borrowing money or running a trade deficit can result in a weaker economy
Because flows of trade always involve flows of financial payments, flows of international trade are actually the same as flows of international financial capital. The question of whether trade deficits or surpluses are good or bad for an economy is, in economic terms, exactly the same question as whether it is a good idea for an economy to rely on net inflows of financial capital from abroad or to make net investments of financial capital abroad. Conventional wisdom often holds that borrowing money is foolhardy, and that a prudent country, like a prudent person, should always rely on its own resources. While it is certainly possible to borrow too much—as anyone with an overloaded credit card can testify—borrowing at certain times can also make sound economic sense. For both individuals and countries, there is no economic merit in a policy of abstaining from participation in financial capital markets.
It makes economic sense to borrow when you are buying something with a long-run payoff; that is, when you are making an investment. For this reason, it can make economic sense to borrow for a college education, because the education will typically allow you to earn higher wages, and so to repay the loan and still come out ahead. It can also make sense for a business to borrow in order to purchase a machine that will last 10 years, as long as the machine will increase output and profits by more than enough to repay the loan. Similarly, it can make economic sense for a national economy to borrow from abroad, as long as it wisely invests the money in ways that will tend to raise the nation's economic growth over time. Then, it will be possible for the national economy to repay the borrowed money over time and still end up better off than before.
One vivid example of a country that borrowed heavily from abroad, invested wisely, and did perfectly well is the United States during the nineteenth century. The U.S. ran a trade deficit in 40 of the 45 years from 1831 to 1875, which meant that it was importing capital from abroad over that time. However, that financial capital was mostly invested in projects like railroads that brought a substantial economic payoff.","- Identify three ways in which borrowing money or running a trade deficit can result in a healthy economy
- Identify three ways in which borrowing money or running a trade deficit can result in a weaker economy
Because flows of trade always involve flows of financial payments, flows of international trade are actually the same as flows of international financial capital. The question of whether trade deficits or surpluses are good or bad for an economy is, in economic terms, exactly the same question as whether it is a good idea for an economy to rely on net inflows of financial capital from abroad or to make net investments of financial capital abroad. Conventional wisdom often holds that borrowing money is foolhardy, and that a prudent country, like a prudent person, should always rely on its own resources. While it is certainly possible to borrow too much—as anyone with an overloaded credit card can testify—borrowing at certain times can also make sound economic sense. For both individuals and countries, there is no economic merit in a policy of abstaining from participation in financial capital markets.
It makes economic sense to borrow when you are buying something with a long-run payoff; that is, when you are making an investment. For this reason, it can make economic sense to borrow for a college education, because the education will typically allow you to earn higher wages, and so to repay the loan and still come out ahead. It can also make sense for a business to borrow in order to purchase a machine that will last 10 years, as long as the machine will increase output and profits by more than enough to repay the loan. Similarly, it can make economic sense for a national economy to borrow from abroad, as long as it wisely invests the money in ways that will tend to raise the nation's economic growth over time. Then, it will be possible for the national economy to repay the borrowed money over time and still end up better off than before.
One vivid example of a country that borrowed heavily from abroad, invested wisely, and did perfectly well is the United States during the nineteenth century. The U.S. ran a trade deficit in 40 of the 45 years from 1831 to 1875, which meant that it was importing capital from abroad over that time. However, that financial capital was mostly invested in projects like railroads that brought a substantial economic payoff.",overview,"Question: Identify three ways in which borrowing money or running a trade deficit can result in a healthy economy.
Answer: Borrowing money or running a trade deficit can result in a healthy economy by allowing for investments with long-term payoffs, such as education or infrastructure, increasing output and profits, and promoting economic growth over time.",Identify three ways in which borrowing money or running a trade deficit can result in a healthy economy.,"Borrowing money or running a trade deficit can result in a healthy economy by allowing for investments with long-term payoffs, such as education or infrastructure, increasing output and profits, and promoting economic growth over time.","['banking money', 'trade deficit', 'financial payments', 'international financial capital', 'credit card']"
465,18-05-01-are-trade-deficits-always-harmful,18-05,1,Are trade deficits always harmful?,"For most years of the nineteenth century, U.S. imports exceeded exports and the U.S. economy had a trade deficit. Yet the string of trade deficits did not hold back the economy at all. Instead, the trade deficits contributed to the strong economic growth that gave the U.S. economy the highest per capita GDP in the world by around 1900.
The U.S. trade deficits meant that the U.S. economy was receiving a net inflow of foreign capital from abroad. Much of that foreign capital flowed into two areas of investment—railroads and public infrastructure like roads, water systems, and schools—which were important to helping the U.S. economy grow.
We should not overstate the effect of foreign investment capital on U.S. economic growth. In most years the foreign financial capital represented no more than 6-10% of the funds that the government used for overall physical investment in the economy. Nonetheless, the trade deficit and the accompanying investment funds from abroad were clearly a help, not a hindrance, to the U.S. economy in the nineteenth century.
A more recent example along these lines is the experience of South Korea, which had trade deficits during much of the 1970s—and so was an importer of capital over that time. However, South Korea also had high rates of investment in physical plant and equipment, and its economy grew rapidly. From the mid-1980s into the mid-1990s, South Korea often had trade surpluses—that is, it was repaying its past borrowing by sending capital abroad.
In contrast, some countries have run large trade deficits, borrowed heavily in global capital markets, and ended up in all kinds of trouble. Two specific sorts of trouble are worth examining. First, a borrower nation can find itself in a bind if it does not invest the incoming funds from abroad in a way that leads to increased productivity. Several of Latin America's large economies, including Mexico and Brazil, ran large trade deficits and borrowed heavily from abroad in the 1970s, but the inflow of financial capital did not boost productivity sufficiently, which meant that these countries faced enormous troubles repaying the money borrowed when economic conditions shifted during the 1980s. Similarly, it appears that a number of African nations that borrowed foreign funds in the 1970s and 1980s did not invest in productive economic assets. As a result, several of those countries later faced large interest payments, with no economic growth to show for the borrowed funds.
What happens if the foreign money flows in, and then suddenly flows out again? We raised this scenario at the start of the chapter. In the mid-1990s, a number of countries in East Asia—Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, and South Korea—ran large trade deficits and imported capital from abroad. However, in 1997 and 1998 many foreign investors became concerned about the health of these economies, and quickly pulled their money out of stock and bond markets, real estate, and banks. The extremely rapid departure of that foreign capital staggered the banking systems and economies of these countries, plunging them into a deep recession. We investigate and discuss the links between international capital flows, banks, and recession in **The Impacts of Government Borrowing**.
While a trade deficit is not always harmful, there is no guarantee that running a trade surplus will bring robust economic health. For example, Germany and Japan ran substantial trade surpluses for most of the last three decades. Regardless of their persistent trade surpluses, both countries have experienced occasional recessions and neither country has had especially robust annual growth in recent years. Read more about Japan's trade surplus in the next section.","For most years of the nineteenth century, U.S. imports exceeded exports and the U.S. economy had a trade deficit. Yet the string of trade deficits did not hold back the economy at all. Instead, the trade deficits contributed to the strong economic growth that gave the U.S. economy the highest per capita GDP in the world by around 1900.
The U.S. trade deficits meant that the U.S. economy was receiving a net inflow of foreign capital from abroad. Much of that foreign capital flowed into two areas of investment—railroads and public infrastructure like roads, water systems, and schools—which were important to helping the U.S. economy grow.
We should not overstate the effect of foreign investment capital on U.S. economic growth. In most years the foreign financial capital represented no more than 6-10% of the funds that the government used for overall physical investment in the economy. Nonetheless, the trade deficit and the accompanying investment funds from abroad were clearly a help, not a hindrance, to the U.S. economy in the nineteenth century.
A more recent example along these lines is the experience of South Korea, which had trade deficits during much of the 1970s—and so was an importer of capital over that time. However, South Korea also had high rates of investment in physical plant and equipment, and its economy grew rapidly. From the mid-1980s into the mid-1990s, South Korea often had trade surpluses—that is, it was repaying its past borrowing by sending capital abroad.
In contrast, some countries have run large trade deficits, borrowed heavily in global capital markets, and ended up in all kinds of trouble. Two specific sorts of trouble are worth examining. First, a borrower nation can find itself in a bind if it does not invest the incoming funds from abroad in a way that leads to increased productivity. Several of Latin America's large economies, including Mexico and Brazil, ran large trade deficits and borrowed heavily from abroad in the 1970s, but the inflow of financial capital did not boost productivity sufficiently, which meant that these countries faced enormous troubles repaying the money borrowed when economic conditions shifted during the 1980s. Similarly, it appears that a number of African nations that borrowed foreign funds in the 1970s and 1980s did not invest in productive economic assets. As a result, several of those countries later faced large interest payments, with no economic growth to show for the borrowed funds.
What happens if the foreign money flows in, and then suddenly flows out again? We raised this scenario at the start of the chapter. In the mid-1990s, a number of countries in East Asia—Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, and South Korea—ran large trade deficits and imported capital from abroad. However, in 1997 and 1998 many foreign investors became concerned about the health of these economies, and quickly pulled their money out of stock and bond markets, real estate, and banks. The extremely rapid departure of that foreign capital staggered the banking systems and economies of these countries, plunging them into a deep recession. We investigate and discuss the links between international capital flows, banks, and recession in The Impacts of Government Borrowing.
While a trade deficit is not always harmful, there is no guarantee that running a trade surplus will bring robust economic health. For example, Germany and Japan ran substantial trade surpluses for most of the last three decades. Regardless of their persistent trade surpluses, both countries have experienced occasional recessions and neither country has had especially robust annual growth in recent years. Read more about Japan's trade surplus in the next section.",are-trade-deficits-always-harmful,"Question: What is one example of a country that had trade deficits and still experienced strong economic growth?
Answer: South Korea is an example of a country that had trade deficits and still experienced rapid economic growth.",What is one example of a country that had trade deficits and still experienced strong economic growth?,South Korea is an example of a country that had trade deficits and still experienced rapid economic growth.,"['utilities', 'us economy', 'trade deficit', 'foreign capital']"
466,18-05-02-are-trade-surpluses-always-beneficial-considering-japan-since-the-1990s,18-05,2,Are trade surpluses always beneficial? Considering Japan since the 1990s.,"Perhaps no economy around the world is better known for its trade surpluses than Japan. Since 1990, the size of these surpluses has often been near $100 billion per year. When Japan's economy was growing vigorously in the 1960s and 1970s, many, especially non-economists, described its large trade surpluses either a cause or a result of its robust economic health. However, from a standpoint of economic growth, Japan's economy has been teetering in and out of recession since 1990, with real GDP growth averaging only about 1% per year, and an unemployment rate that has been creeping higher. Clearly, a whopping trade surplus is no guarantee of economic good health.
Instead, Japan's trade surplus reflects that Japan has a very high rate of domestic savings, more than the Japanese economy can invest domestically, and so it invests the extra funds abroad. In Japan's slow economy, consumption of imports is relatively low, and the growth of consumption is relatively slow. Thus, Japan's exports continually exceed its imports, leaving the trade surplus continually high. Recently, Japan's trade surpluses began to deteriorate. In 2013, Japan ran a trade deficit due to the high cost of imported oil. By 2015, Japan again had a surplus.
Yaron Brook answers a question from Barbara: ""Is a trade deficit good or bad for the economy?"" www.laissezfaireblog.com trade war
","Perhaps no economy around the world is better known for its trade surpluses than Japan. Since 1990, the size of these surpluses has often been near $100 billion per year. When Japan's economy was growing vigorously in the 1960s and 1970s, many, especially non-economists, described its large trade surpluses either a cause or a result of its robust economic health. However, from a standpoint of economic growth, Japan's economy has been teetering in and out of recession since 1990, with real GDP growth averaging only about 1% per year, and an unemployment rate that has been creeping higher. Clearly, a whopping trade surplus is no guarantee of economic good health.
Instead, Japan's trade surplus reflects that Japan has a very high rate of domestic savings, more than the Japanese economy can invest domestically, and so it invests the extra funds abroad. In Japan's slow economy, consumption of imports is relatively low, and the growth of consumption is relatively slow. Thus, Japan's exports continually exceed its imports, leaving the trade surplus continually high. Recently, Japan's trade surpluses began to deteriorate. In 2013, Japan ran a trade deficit due to the high cost of imported oil. By 2015, Japan again had a surplus.
Yaron Brook answers a question from Barbara: ""Is a trade deficit good or bad for the economy?"" www.laissezfaireblog.com trade war",are-trade-surpluses-always-beneficial-considering-japan-since-the-1990s,"{""question"": ""Is a trade deficit good or bad for the economy?"", ""answer"": ""A trade deficit is generally considered bad for the economy.""}",Is a trade deficit good or bad for the economy?,A trade deficit is generally considered bad for the economy.,"['trade surpluses', 'japanese economy', 'economic growth', 'real gdp growth']"
467,18-06-01-are-trade-surpluses-always-beneficial-considering-colonial-india,18-06,1,Are trade surpluses always beneficial? Considering Colonial India.,"India was formally under British rule from 1858 to 1947. During that time, India consistently had trade surpluses with Great Britain. Anyone who believes that trade surpluses are a sign of economic strength and dominance while trade deficits are a sign of economic weakness must find this pattern odd, since it would mean that colonial India was successfully dominating and exploiting Great Britain for almost a century—which was not true.
Instead, India's trade surpluses with Great Britain meant that each year there was an overall flow of financial capital from India to Great Britain. In India, many heavily criticized this financial capital flow as the “drain,” and they viewed eliminating the financial capital drain as one of the many reasons why India would benefit from achieving independence.","India was formally under British rule from 1858 to 1947. During that time, India consistently had trade surpluses with Great Britain. Anyone who believes that trade surpluses are a sign of economic strength and dominance while trade deficits are a sign of economic weakness must find this pattern odd, since it would mean that colonial India was successfully dominating and exploiting Great Britain for almost a century—which was not true.
Instead, India's trade surpluses with Great Britain meant that each year there was an overall flow of financial capital from India to Great Britain. In India, many heavily criticized this financial capital flow as the “drain,” and they viewed eliminating the financial capital drain as one of the many reasons why India would benefit from achieving independence.",are-trade-surpluses-always-beneficial-considering-colonial-india,"Question: What did India's trade surpluses with Great Britain during British rule actually mean?
Answer: India's trade surpluses with Great Britain meant that there was an overall flow of financial capital from India to Great Britain.",What did India's trade surpluses with Great Britain during British rule actually mean?,India's trade surpluses with Great Britain meant that there was an overall flow of financial capital from India to Great Britain.,"['india', 'british rule', 'great germany', 'financial capital']"
468,18-06-02-final-thoughts-about-trade-balances,18-06,2,Final Thoughts about Trade Balances,"Trade deficits can be a good or a bad sign for an economy, and trade surpluses can be a good or a bad sign. Even a trade balance of zero—which just means that a nation is neither a net borrower nor lender in the international economy—can be either a good or bad sign. The fundamental economic question is not whether a nation's economy is borrowing or lending at all, but whether the particular borrowing or lending in the particular economic conditions of that country makes sense.
It is interesting to reflect on how public attitudes toward trade deficits and surpluses might change if we could somehow change the labels that people and the news media use to talk about them. If we called a trade deficit “attracting foreign financial capital”—which accurately describes what a trade deficit means—then trade deficits might look more attractive. Conversely, if we called a trade surplus “shipping financial capital abroad”—which accurately captures what a trade surplus does—then trade surpluses might look less attractive.
Either way, the key to understanding trade balances is to understand the relationships between flows of trade and flows of international payments,and what these relationships imply about the causes, benefits, and risks of different kinds of trade balances. The first step along this journey ofunderstanding is to move beyond knee-jerk reactions to terms like “trade surplus,” “trade balance,” and “trade deficit.”
","Trade deficits can be a good or a bad sign for an economy, and trade surpluses can be a good or a bad sign. Even a trade balance of zero—which just means that a nation is neither a net borrower nor lender in the international economy—can be either a good or bad sign. The fundamental economic question is not whether a nation's economy is borrowing or lending at all, but whether the particular borrowing or lending in the particular economic conditions of that country makes sense.
It is interesting to reflect on how public attitudes toward trade deficits and surpluses might change if we could somehow change the labels that people and the news media use to talk about them. If we called a trade deficit “attracting foreign financial capital”—which accurately describes what a trade deficit means—then trade deficits might look more attractive. Conversely, if we called a trade surplus “shipping financial capital abroad”—which accurately captures what a trade surplus does—then trade surpluses might look less attractive.
Either way, the key to understanding trade balances is to understand the relationships between flows of trade and flows of international payments,and what these relationships imply about the causes, benefits, and risks of different kinds of trade balances. The first step along this journey ofunderstanding is to move beyond knee-jerk reactions to terms like “trade surplus,” “trade balance,” and “trade deficit.”
- Absolute and Comparative Advantage
- What Happens When a Country Has an Absolute Advantage in All Goods
- Intra-industry Trade between Similar Economies
- The Benefits of Reducing Barriers to International Trade
While the iPhone is readily recognized as an Apple product, 26% of the component costs in it come from components made by rival phone-maker, Samsung.
In international trade, there are often “conflicts” like this as each country or company focuses on what it does best.","- Absolute and Comparative Advantage
- What Happens When a Country Has an Absolute Advantage in All Goods
- Intra-industry Trade between Similar Economies
- The Benefits of Reducing Barriers to International Trade
While the iPhone is readily recognized as an Apple product, 26% of the component costs in it come from components made by rival phone-maker, Samsung.
In international trade, there are often “conflicts” like this as each country or company focuses on what it does best.",chapter-objectives,"{""question"": ""What is an example of a conflict in international trade?"", ""answer"": ""The iPhone, which is recognized as an Apple product, uses components made by rival phone-maker Samsung.""}",What is an example of a conflict in international trade?,"The iPhone, which is recognized as an Apple product, uses components made by rival phone-maker Samsung.","['international trade', 'similar economies', 'europe', 'mobile', 'wireless connection']"
471,19-00-01-just-whose-iphone-is-it,19-00,1,Just Whose iPhone Is It?,"The iPhone is a global product. Apple does not manufacture or assemble the iPhone components. The assembly is done by Foxconn Corporation, a Taiwanese company, at its factory in Shenzhen, China. But Samsung, the electronics firm and competitor to Apple, actually supplies many of the parts that make up an iPhone, representing about 26% of the costs of production. That means that Samsung is both the biggest supplier and biggest competitor for Apple.
Why do these two firms work together to produce the iPhone? To understand the economic logic behind international trade, you have to accept, as these firms do, that trade is about the mutually beneficial exchange. Samsung is one of the world's largest electronics parts suppliers. Apple lets Samsung focus on making the best parts, which allows Apple to concentrate on its strength: designing elegant products that are easy to use. If each company (and by extension each country) focuses on what it does best, there will be gains for all through trade.","The iPhone is a global product. Apple does not manufacture or assemble the iPhone components. The assembly is done by Foxconn Corporation, a Taiwanese company, at its factory in Shenzhen, China. But Samsung, the electronics firm and competitor to Apple, actually supplies many of the parts that make up an iPhone, representing about 26% of the costs of production. That means that Samsung is both the biggest supplier and biggest competitor for Apple.
Why do these two firms work together to produce the iPhone? To understand the economic logic behind international trade, you have to accept, as these firms do, that trade is about the mutually beneficial exchange. Samsung is one of the world's largest electronics parts suppliers. Apple lets Samsung focus on making the best parts, which allows Apple to concentrate on its strength: designing elegant products that are easy to use. If each company (and by extension each country) focuses on what it does best, there will be gains for all through trade.",just-whose-iphone-is-it,"{""question"": ""Why do these two firms work together to produce the iPhone?"", ""answer"": ""To focus on their respective strengths and benefit from mutually beneficial exchange through trade.""}",Why do these two firms work together to produce the iPhone?,To focus on their respective strengths and benefit from mutually beneficial exchange through trade.,"['dynamic programming', 'mobile', 'wireless connection']"
472,19-01-02-can-a-production-possibility-frontier-be-straight,19-01,2,Can a production possibility frontier be straight?,"When you first met the production possibility frontier (PPF) in the chapter on **Choice in a World of Scarcity** we drew it with an outward-bending shape. This shape illustrated that as we transferred inputs from producing one good to another—like from education to health services—there were increasing opportunity costs.
In the examples in this chapter, we draw the PPFs as straight lines, which means that opportunity costs are constant. When we transfer a marginal unit of labor away from growing corn and toward producing oil, the decline in the quantity of corn and the increase in the quantity of oil is always the same. In reality this is possible only if the contribution of additional workers to output did not change as the scale of production changed. The linear production possibilities frontier is a less realistic model, but a straight line simplifies calculations. It also illustrates economic themes like absolute and comparative advantage just as clearly.","When you first met the production possibility frontier (PPF) in the chapter on Choice in a World of Scarcity we drew it with an outward-bending shape. This shape illustrated that as we transferred inputs from producing one good to another—like from education to health services—there were increasing opportunity costs.
In the examples in this chapter, we draw the PPFs as straight lines, which means that opportunity costs are constant. When we transfer a marginal unit of labor away from growing corn and toward producing oil, the decline in the quantity of corn and the increase in the quantity of oil is always the same. In reality this is possible only if the contribution of additional workers to output did not change as the scale of production changed. The linear production possibilities frontier is a less realistic model, but a straight line simplifies calculations. It also illustrates economic themes like absolute and comparative advantage just as clearly.",can-a-production-possibility-frontier-be-straight,"What shape is typically used to depict the production possibility frontier (PPF) and what does it illustrate?
The PPF is typically depicted with an outward-bending shape, which illustrates increasing opportunity costs as inputs are transferred from producing one good to another.",What shape is typically used to depict the production possibility frontier (PPF) and what does it illustrate?,"The PPF is typically depicted with an outward-bending shape, which illustrates increasing opportunity costs as inputs are transferred from producing one good to another.","['production possibility frontier', 'choice in a world of scarcity', 'opportunity costs', 'education', 'health services']"
473,19-01-03-gains-from-trade,19-01,3,Gains from Trade,"Considering the trading positions of the United States and Saudi Arabia after they have specialized and traded their respective products:
Before trade, Saudi Arabia produces/consumes 60 barrels of oil and 10 bushels of corn. The United States produces/ consumes 20 barrels of oil and 60 bushels of corn. Given their current production levels, if the United States can trade an amount of corn fewer than 60 bushels and receive in exchange an amount of oil greater than 20 barrels, it will gain from trade.
With trade, the United States can consume more of both goods than it did without specialization and trade. Recall that **Welcome to Economics**! defined specialization as it applies to workers and firms. Economists also use specialization to describe the situation when a country shifts resources to focus on producing a good that offers comparative advantage.
Similarly, if Saudi Arabia can trade an amount of oil less than 60 barrels and receive in exchange an amount of corn greater than 10 bushels, it will have more of both goods than it did before specialization and trade. Table 19.5 illustrates the range of trades that would benefit both sides.
| The U.S. economy, after specialization, will benefit if it: | The Saudi Arabian economy, after specialization, will benefit if it: |
| ----------------------------------------------------------- | -------------------------------------------------------------------- |
| Exports no more than 60 bushels of corn | Imports at least 10 bushels of corn |
| Imports at least 20 barrels of oil | Exports less than 60 barrels of oil |
**Table 19.5** The Range of Trades That Benefit Both the United States and
Saudi Arabia
The underlying reason why trade benefits both sides is rooted in the concept of opportunity cost, as the following **Clear It Up** feature explains. If Saudi Arabia wishes to expand domestic production of corn in a world without international trade, then based on its opportunity costs it must give up four barrels of oil for every one additional bushel of corn. If Saudi Arabia could find a way to give up less than four barrels of oil for an additional bushel of corn (or equivalently, to receive more than one bushel of corn for four barrels of oil), it would be better off.","Considering the trading positions of the United States and Saudi Arabia after they have specialized and traded their respective products:
Before trade, Saudi Arabia produces/consumes 60 barrels of oil and 10 bushels of corn. The United States produces/ consumes 20 barrels of oil and 60 bushels of corn. Given their current production levels, if the United States can trade an amount of corn fewer than 60 bushels and receive in exchange an amount of oil greater than 20 barrels, it will gain from trade.
With trade, the United States can consume more of both goods than it did without specialization and trade. Recall that Welcome to Economics! defined specialization as it applies to workers and firms. Economists also use specialization to describe the situation when a country shifts resources to focus on producing a good that offers comparative advantage.
Similarly, if Saudi Arabia can trade an amount of oil less than 60 barrels and receive in exchange an amount of corn greater than 10 bushels, it will have more of both goods than it did before specialization and trade. Table 19.5 illustrates the range of trades that would benefit both sides.
Table 19.5 The Range of Trades That Benefit Both the United States and
Saudi Arabia
The underlying reason why trade benefits both sides is rooted in the concept of opportunity cost, as the following Clear It Up feature explains. If Saudi Arabia wishes to expand domestic production of corn in a world without international trade, then based on its opportunity costs it must give up four barrels of oil for every one additional bushel of corn. If Saudi Arabia could find a way to give up less than four barrels of oil for an additional bushel of corn (or equivalently, to receive more than one bushel of corn for four barrels of oil), it would be better off.",gains-from-trade,"What is the underlying reason why trade benefits both the United States and Saudi Arabia?
The underlying reason why trade benefits both sides is rooted in the concept of opportunity cost.",What is the underlying reason why trade benefits both the United States and Saudi Arabia?,The underlying reason why trade benefits both sides is rooted in the concept of opportunity cost.,"['trading positions', 'united states', 'saudi Arabia', '10 bushels']"
474,19-01-04-what-are-the-opportunity-costs-and-gains-from-trade,19-01,4,What are the opportunity costs and gains from trade?,"The range of trades that will benefit each country is based on the country's opportunity cost of producing each good. The United States can produce 100 bushels of corn or 50 barrels of oil. For the United States, the opportunity cost of producing one barrel of oil is two bushels of corn. If we divide the numbers above by 50, we get the same ratio: one barrel of oil is equivalent to two bushels of corn, or (100/50 = 2 and 50/50 = 1). In a trade with Saudi Arabia, if the United States is going to give up 100 bushels of corn in exports, it must import at least 50 barrels of oil to be just as well off. Clearly, to gain from trade it needs to be able to gain more than a half barrel of oil for its bushel of corn—or why trade at all?
Recall that David Ricardo argued that if each country specializes in its comparative advantage, it will benefit from trade, and total global output will increase. How can we show gains from trade as a result of comparative advantage and specialization? **Table 19.6** shows the output assuming that each country specializes in its comparative advantage and produces no other good. This is 100% specialization. Specialization leads to an increase in total world production.
Compare the total world production in **Table 20.3** to that in **Table 19.6.**
| Country | Oil Production (barrels) | Corn Production (bushels) |
| ---------------------- | ------------------------ | ------------------------- |
| Saudi Arabia (C) | 60 | 10 |
| United States (C') | 20 | 60 |
| Total World Production | 80 | 70 |
**Table 19.3** Production before Trade
| Country | Quantity produced after 100% specialization — Oil (barrels) | Quantity produced after 100% specialization — Corn (bushels) |
| ---------------------- | ----------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------ |
| Saudi Arabia | 100 | 0 |
| United States | 0 | 100 |
| Total World Production | 100 | 100 |
**Table 19.6** How Specialization Expands Output
What if we did not have complete specialization, as in **Table 19.6**? Would there still be gains from trade? Consider another example, such as when the United States and Saudi Arabia start at C and C', respectively, as **Figure 19.2** shows. Consider what occurs when trade is allowed and the United States exports 20 bushels of corn to Saudi Arabia in exchange for 20 barrels of oil.
Starting at point $C$, which shows Saudi oil production of 60, reduce Saudi
oil domestic oil consumption by 20, since 20 is exported to the United
States and exchanged for 20 units of corn. This enables Saudi Arabia to
reach point $D$, where oil consumption is now 40 barrels and corn
consumption has increased to 30. Notice that even without 100%
specialization, if the trading price, in this case 20 barrels of oil for 20
bushels of corn, is greater than the country's opportunity cost, the Saudis
will gain from trade. Since the post-trade consumption point $D$ is beyond
its production possibility frontier, Saudi Arabia has gained from trade.
**Figure 19.2** Production Possibilities Frontier in Saudi Arabia
In this series, Professor Don Boudreaux explores the question economists have been asking since the era of Adam Smith - what creates wealth? On a timeline of human history, the recent rise in standards of living resembles a hockey stick - flatlining for all of human history and then skyrocketing in just the last few centuries.
Visit this [website](https://wits.worldbank.org/trade-visualization.aspx) for trade-related data visualizations.
","The range of trades that will benefit each country is based on the country's opportunity cost of producing each good. The United States can produce 100 bushels of corn or 50 barrels of oil. For the United States, the opportunity cost of producing one barrel of oil is two bushels of corn. If we divide the numbers above by 50, we get the same ratio: one barrel of oil is equivalent to two bushels of corn, or (100/50 = 2 and 50/50 = 1). In a trade with Saudi Arabia, if the United States is going to give up 100 bushels of corn in exports, it must import at least 50 barrels of oil to be just as well off. Clearly, to gain from trade it needs to be able to gain more than a half barrel of oil for its bushel of corn—or why trade at all?
Recall that David Ricardo argued that if each country specializes in its comparative advantage, it will benefit from trade, and total global output will increase. How can we show gains from trade as a result of comparative advantage and specialization? Table 19.6 shows the output assuming that each country specializes in its comparative advantage and produces no other good. This is 100% specialization. Specialization leads to an increase in total world production.
Compare the total world production in Table 20.3 to that in Table 19.6.
Table 19.3 Production before Trade
Table 19.6 How Specialization Expands Output
What if we did not have complete specialization, as in Table 19.6? Would there still be gains from trade? Consider another example, such as when the United States and Saudi Arabia start at C and C', respectively, as Figure 19.2 shows. Consider what occurs when trade is allowed and the United States exports 20 bushels of corn to Saudi Arabia in exchange for 20 barrels of oil.
Starting at point $C$, which shows Saudi oil production of 60, reduce Saudi
oil domestic oil consumption by 20, since 20 is exported to the United
States and exchanged for 20 units of corn. This enables Saudi Arabia to
reach point $D$, where oil consumption is now 40 barrels and corn
consumption has increased to 30. Notice that even without 100%
specialization, if the trading price, in this case 20 barrels of oil for 20
bushels of corn, is greater than the country's opportunity cost, the Saudis
will gain from trade. Since the post-trade consumption point $D$ is beyond
its production possibility frontier, Saudi Arabia has gained from trade.
Figure 19.2 Production Possibilities Frontier in Saudi Arabia
- Show the relationship between production costs and comparative advantage
- Identify situations of mutually beneficial trade
- Identify trade benefits by considering opportunity costs
What happens to the possibilities for trade if one country has an absolute
advantage in everything?
This is typical for high-income countries that often have well-educated workers, technologically advanced equipment, and the most up-to-date production processes. These high-income countries can produce all products with fewer resources than a low-income country. If the high-income country is more productive across the board, will there still be gains from trade?
Good students of Ricardo understand that trade is about mutually beneficial exchange. Even when one country has an absolute advantage in all products, trade can still benefit both sides. This is because gains from trade come from specializing in one's comparative advantage.","- Show the relationship between production costs and comparative advantage
- Identify situations of mutually beneficial trade
- Identify trade benefits by considering opportunity costs
What happens to the possibilities for trade if one country has an absolute
advantage in everything?
This is typical for high-income countries that often have well-educated workers, technologically advanced equipment, and the most up-to-date production processes. These high-income countries can produce all products with fewer resources than a low-income country. If the high-income country is more productive across the board, will there still be gains from trade?
Good students of Ricardo understand that trade is about mutually beneficial exchange. Even when one country has an absolute advantage in all products, trade can still benefit both sides. This is because gains from trade come from specializing in one's comparative advantage.",overview,"{""question"": ""What happens to the possibilities for trade if one country has an absolute advantage in everything?"", ""answer"": ""Even when one country has an absolute advantage in all products, trade can still benefit both sides because gains from trade come from specializing in one's comparative advantage.""}",What happens to the possibilities for trade if one country has an absolute advantage in everything?,"Even when one country has an absolute advantage in all products, trade can still benefit both sides because gains from trade come from specializing in one's comparative advantage.","['production costs', 'comparative advantage', 'highincome countries', 'technologically advanced equipment', 'lowincome']"
476,19-02-01-production-possibilities-and-comparative-advantage,19-02,1,Production Possibilities and Comparative Advantage,"Consider the example of trade between the United States and Mexico described in **Table 19.7**. In this example, it takes four U.S. workers to produce 1,000 pairs of shoes, but it takes five Mexican workers to do so. It takes one U.S. worker to produce 1,000 refrigerators, but it takes four Mexican workers to do so. The United States has an absolute advantage in productivity with regard to both shoes and refrigerators; that is, it takes fewer workers in the United States than in Mexico to produce both a given number of shoes and a given number of refrigerators.
| Country | Number of Workers needed to produce 1,000 units — Shoes | Number of Workers needed to produce 1,000 units — Refrigerators |
| ------------- | ------------------------------------------------------- | --------------------------------------------------------------- |
| United States | 4 workers | 1 worker |
| Mexico | 5 workers | 4 workers |
**Table 19.7** Resources Needed to Produce Shoes and Refrigerators
Absolute advantage simply compares the productivity of a worker between countries. It answers the question, “How many inputs do I need to produce shoes in Mexico?” Comparative advantage asks this same question slightly differently. Instead of comparing how many workers it takes to produce a good, it asks, “How much am I giving up to produce this good in this country?”
Another way of looking at this is that comparative advantage identifies the good for which the producer's absolute advantage is relatively larger, or where the producer's absolute productivity disadvantage is relatively smaller. The United States can produce 1,000 shoes with four-fifths as many workers as Mexico (four versus five), but it can produce 1,000 refrigerators with only one-quarter as many workers (one versus four). So, the comparative advantage of the United States, where its absolute productivity advantage is relatively greatest, lies with refrigerators, and Mexico's comparative advantage, where its absolute productivity disadvantage is least, is in the production of shoes.","Consider the example of trade between the United States and Mexico described in Table 19.7. In this example, it takes four U.S. workers to produce 1,000 pairs of shoes, but it takes five Mexican workers to do so. It takes one U.S. worker to produce 1,000 refrigerators, but it takes four Mexican workers to do so. The United States has an absolute advantage in productivity with regard to both shoes and refrigerators; that is, it takes fewer workers in the United States than in Mexico to produce both a given number of shoes and a given number of refrigerators.
Table 19.7 Resources Needed to Produce Shoes and Refrigerators
Absolute advantage simply compares the productivity of a worker between countries. It answers the question, “How many inputs do I need to produce shoes in Mexico?” Comparative advantage asks this same question slightly differently. Instead of comparing how many workers it takes to produce a good, it asks, “How much am I giving up to produce this good in this country?”
Another way of looking at this is that comparative advantage identifies the good for which the producer's absolute advantage is relatively larger, or where the producer's absolute productivity disadvantage is relatively smaller. The United States can produce 1,000 shoes with four-fifths as many workers as Mexico (four versus five), but it can produce 1,000 refrigerators with only one-quarter as many workers (one versus four). So, the comparative advantage of the United States, where its absolute productivity advantage is relatively greatest, lies with refrigerators, and Mexico's comparative advantage, where its absolute productivity disadvantage is least, is in the production of shoes.",production-possibilities-and-comparative-advantage,"{""question"": ""What is the concept of comparative advantage?"", ""answer"": ""Comparative advantage is the idea that a country should specialize in producing goods that it can produce at a lower opportunity cost compared to other countries.""}",What is the concept of comparative advantage?,Comparative advantage is the idea that a country should specialize in producing goods that it can produce at a lower opportunity cost compared to other countries.,"['comparative advantage', 'usa', 'mexico', 'us']"
477,19-02-02-mutually-beneficial-trade-with-comparative-advantage,19-02,2,Mutually Beneficial Trade with Comparative Advantage,"When nations increase production in their area of comparative advantage and trade with each other, both countries can benefit. Again, the production possibility frontier is a useful tool to visualize this benefit.
Consider a situation where the United States and Mexico each have 40 workers. As **Table 19.8** shows, if the United States divides its labor so that 40 workers are making shoes, then, since it takes four workers in the United States to make 1,000 shoes, a total of 10,000 shoes will be produced. (If four workers can make 1,000 shoes, then 40 workers will make 10,000 shoes). If the 40 workers in the United States are making refrigerators, and each worker can produce 1,000 refrigerators, then a total of 40,000 refrigerators will be produced.
| Country | Shoe Production — using 40 workers | Refrigerator Production — using 40 workers |
| ------------- | ---------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------ |
| United States | 10,000 shoes | 40,000 refrigerators |
| Mexico | 8,000 shoes | 10,000 refrigerators |
**Table 19.8** Production Possibilities before Trade with Complete
Specialization
As always, the slope of the production possibility frontier for each country is the opportunity cost of one refrigerator in terms of foregone shoe production - when labor is transferred from producing the latter to producing the former (see **Table 19.3**).
**Figure 19.3** Production Possibility Frontiers
(a) With 40 workers, the United States can produce either 10,000 shoes and
zero refrigerators or 40,000 refrigerators and zero shoes.
(b) With 40 workers, Mexico can produce a maximum of 8,000 shoes and zero
refrigerators, or 10,000 refrigerators and zero shoes. All other points on
the production possibility line are possible combinations of the two goods
that can be produced given current resources. Point A on both graphs is
where the countries start producing and consuming before trade. Point B is
where they end up after trade.
Let's say that, in the situation before trade, each nation prefers to produce a combination of shoes and refrigerators that is shown at point A. **Table 19.9** shows the output of each good for each country and the total output for the two countries.
| Country | Current Shoe Production | Current Refrigerator Production |
| ------------- | ----------------------- | ------------------------------- |
| United States | 5,000 | 20,000 |
| Mexico | 4,000 | 5,000 |
| Total | 9,000 | 25,000 |
**Table 19.9** Total Production at Point A before Trade
Continuing with this scenario, suppose that each country transfers some amount of labor toward its area of comparative advantage. For example, the United States transfers six workers away from shoes and toward producing refrigerators. As a result, U.S. production of shoes decreases by 1,500 units (6/4 x 1,000), while its production of refrigerators increases by 6,000 (that is, 6/1 x 1,000). Mexico also moves production toward its area of comparative advantage, transferring 10 workers away from refrigerators and toward production of shoes. As a result, production of refrigerators in Mexico falls by 2,500 (10/4 x 1,000), but production of shoes increases by 2,000 pairs (10/5 x 1,000).
Notice that when both countries shift production toward each of their comparative advantages (what they are relatively better at), their combined production of both goods rises, as shown in **Table 19.10**. The reduction of shoe production by 1,500 pairs in the United States is more than offset by the gain of 2,000 pairs of shoes in Mexico, while the reduction of 2,500 refrigerators in Mexico is more than offset by the additional 6,000 refrigerators produced in the United States.
| Country | Shoe Production | Refrigerator Production |
| ------------- | --------------- | ----------------------- |
| United States | 3,500 | 26,000 |
| Mexico | 6,000 | 2,500 |
| Total | 9,500 | 28,500 |
**Table 19.10** Shifting Production Toward Comparative Advantage Raises Total
Output
This numerical example illustrates the remarkable insight of comparative advantage: even when one country has an absolute advantage in all goods and another country has an absolute disadvantage in all goods, both countries can still benefit from trade. Even though the United States has an absolute advantage in producing both refrigerators and shoes, it makes economic sense for it to specialize in the good for which it has a comparative advantage. The United States will export refrigerators and in return import shoes.","When nations increase production in their area of comparative advantage and trade with each other, both countries can benefit. Again, the production possibility frontier is a useful tool to visualize this benefit.
Consider a situation where the United States and Mexico each have 40 workers. As Table 19.8 shows, if the United States divides its labor so that 40 workers are making shoes, then, since it takes four workers in the United States to make 1,000 shoes, a total of 10,000 shoes will be produced. (If four workers can make 1,000 shoes, then 40 workers will make 10,000 shoes). If the 40 workers in the United States are making refrigerators, and each worker can produce 1,000 refrigerators, then a total of 40,000 refrigerators will be produced.
Table 19.8 Production Possibilities before Trade with Complete
Specialization
As always, the slope of the production possibility frontier for each country is the opportunity cost of one refrigerator in terms of foregone shoe production - when labor is transferred from producing the latter to producing the former (see Table 19.3).
Figure 19.3 Production Possibility Frontiers
(a) With 40 workers, the United States can produce either 10,000 shoes and
zero refrigerators or 40,000 refrigerators and zero shoes.
(b) With 40 workers, Mexico can produce a maximum of 8,000 shoes and zero
refrigerators, or 10,000 refrigerators and zero shoes. All other points on
the production possibility line are possible combinations of the two goods
that can be produced given current resources. Point A on both graphs is
where the countries start producing and consuming before trade. Point B is
where they end up after trade.
Let's say that, in the situation before trade, each nation prefers to produce a combination of shoes and refrigerators that is shown at point A. Table 19.9 shows the output of each good for each country and the total output for the two countries.
Table 19.9 Total Production at Point A before Trade
Continuing with this scenario, suppose that each country transfers some amount of labor toward its area of comparative advantage. For example, the United States transfers six workers away from shoes and toward producing refrigerators. As a result, U.S. production of shoes decreases by 1,500 units (6/4 x 1,000), while its production of refrigerators increases by 6,000 (that is, 6/1 x 1,000). Mexico also moves production toward its area of comparative advantage, transferring 10 workers away from refrigerators and toward production of shoes. As a result, production of refrigerators in Mexico falls by 2,500 (10/4 x 1,000), but production of shoes increases by 2,000 pairs (10/5 x 1,000).
Notice that when both countries shift production toward each of their comparative advantages (what they are relatively better at), their combined production of both goods rises, as shown in Table 19.10. The reduction of shoe production by 1,500 pairs in the United States is more than offset by the gain of 2,000 pairs of shoes in Mexico, while the reduction of 2,500 refrigerators in Mexico is more than offset by the additional 6,000 refrigerators produced in the United States.
Table 19.10 Shifting Production Toward Comparative Advantage Raises Total
Output
This numerical example illustrates the remarkable insight of comparative advantage: even when one country has an absolute advantage in all goods and another country has an absolute disadvantage in all goods, both countries can still benefit from trade. Even though the United States has an absolute advantage in producing both refrigerators and shoes, it makes economic sense for it to specialize in the good for which it has a comparative advantage. The United States will export refrigerators and in return import shoes.",mutually-beneficial-trade-with-comparative-advantage,"What is the benefit of nations increasing production in their area of comparative advantage and trading with each other?
Both countries can benefit from increased production and trade.",What is the benefit of nations increasing production in their area of comparative advantage and trading with each other?,Both countries can benefit from increased production and trade.,"['production possibility frontier', 'united states', 'mexia', '10000 shoes', 'refriger']"
478,19-02-03-how-opportunity-cost-sets-the-boundaries-of-trade,19-02,3,How Opportunity Cost Sets the Boundaries of Trade,"This example shows that both parties can benefit from specializing in their comparative advantages and trading. By using the opportunity costs in this example, it is possible to identify the range of possible trades that would benefit each country.
Before specialization and trade, Mexico started out producing 4,000 pairs of shoes and 5,000 refrigerators (see **Figure 19.3** and **Table 19.9**). Then, it shifted production toward its comparative advantage and produced 6,000 pairs of shoes but only 2,500 refrigerators. Thus, if Mexico can export no more than 2,000 pairs of shoes (a loss of 2,000 pairs of shoes) in exchange for imports of at least 2,500 refrigerators (a gain of 2,500 refrigerators), it will be able to consume more of both goods than before trade. Mexico will be unambiguously better off.
Conversely, before specialization and trade, the United States started out producing 5,000 pairs of shoes and 20,000 refrigerators. It then shifted production toward its comparative advantage, producing only 3,500 shoes but 26,000 refrigerators. If the United States can export no more than 6,000 refrigerators in exchange for imports of at least 1,500 pairs of shoes, it will be able to consume more of both goods and will be unambiguously better off.
The range of trades that can benefit both nations is shown in **Table 19.11**. For example, a trade where the U.S. exports 4,000 refrigerators to Mexico in exchange for 1,800 pairs of shoes would benefit both sides, because both countries would be able to consume more of both goods than in a world without trade.
| The U.S. economy, after specialization, will benefit if it: | The Mexican economy, after specialization, will benefit if it: |
| ----------------------------------------------------------- | -------------------------------------------------------------- |
| Exports fewer than 6,000 refrigerators | Imports at least 2,500 refrigerators |
| Imports at least 1,500 pairs of shoes | Exports no more than 2,000 pairs of shoes |
**Table 19.11** The Range of Trades That Benefit Both the United States and
Mexico
Trade allows each country to take advantage of lower opportunity costs in the other country. If Mexico wants to produce more refrigerators without trade, it must face its domestic opportunity costs and reduce shoe production. If Mexico, instead, produces more shoes and then trades for refrigerators made in the United States, where the opportunity cost of producing refrigerators is lower, Mexico can in effect take advantage of the lower opportunity cost of refrigerators in the United States. Conversely, when the United States specializes in its comparative advantage of refrigerator production and trades for shoes produced in Mexico, international trade allows the United States to take advantage of the lower opportunity cost of shoe production in Mexico.
The theory of comparative advantage explains why countries trade: they have
different comparative advantages. It shows that the gains from international
trade result from pursuing comparative advantage and producing at a lower
opportunity cost.
The following section shows how to calculate absolute and comparative advantage and the way to apply them to a country's production.","This example shows that both parties can benefit from specializing in their comparative advantages and trading. By using the opportunity costs in this example, it is possible to identify the range of possible trades that would benefit each country.
Before specialization and trade, Mexico started out producing 4,000 pairs of shoes and 5,000 refrigerators (see Figure 19.3 and Table 19.9). Then, it shifted production toward its comparative advantage and produced 6,000 pairs of shoes but only 2,500 refrigerators. Thus, if Mexico can export no more than 2,000 pairs of shoes (a loss of 2,000 pairs of shoes) in exchange for imports of at least 2,500 refrigerators (a gain of 2,500 refrigerators), it will be able to consume more of both goods than before trade. Mexico will be unambiguously better off.
Conversely, before specialization and trade, the United States started out producing 5,000 pairs of shoes and 20,000 refrigerators. It then shifted production toward its comparative advantage, producing only 3,500 shoes but 26,000 refrigerators. If the United States can export no more than 6,000 refrigerators in exchange for imports of at least 1,500 pairs of shoes, it will be able to consume more of both goods and will be unambiguously better off.
The range of trades that can benefit both nations is shown in Table 19.11. For example, a trade where the U.S. exports 4,000 refrigerators to Mexico in exchange for 1,800 pairs of shoes would benefit both sides, because both countries would be able to consume more of both goods than in a world without trade.
Table 19.11 The Range of Trades That Benefit Both the United States and
Mexico
Trade allows each country to take advantage of lower opportunity costs in the other country. If Mexico wants to produce more refrigerators without trade, it must face its domestic opportunity costs and reduce shoe production. If Mexico, instead, produces more shoes and then trades for refrigerators made in the United States, where the opportunity cost of producing refrigerators is lower, Mexico can in effect take advantage of the lower opportunity cost of refrigerators in the United States. Conversely, when the United States specializes in its comparative advantage of refrigerator production and trades for shoes produced in Mexico, international trade allows the United States to take advantage of the lower opportunity cost of shoe production in Mexico.
The theory of comparative advantage explains why countries trade: they have
different comparative advantages. It shows that the gains from international
trade result from pursuing comparative advantage and producing at a lower
opportunity cost.
The following section shows how to calculate absolute and comparative advantage and the way to apply them to a country's production.",how-opportunity-cost-sets-the-boundaries-of-trade,"{
""question"": ""What does the theory of comparative advantage explain?"",
""answer"": ""The theory of comparative advantage explains why countries trade.""
}",What does the theory of comparative advantage explain?,The theory of comparative advantage explains why countries trade.,"['comparative advantages', 'trading', 'opportunity costs', 'shoes', 'refrigerators', 'domestic opportunity costs']"
479,19-02-04-calculating-absolute-and-comparative-advantage,19-02,4,Calculating Absolute and Comparative Advantage,"In Canada a worker can produce 20 barrels of oil or 40 tons of lumber. In Venezuela, a worker can produce 60 barrels of oil or 30 tons of lumber (see **Table 19.12**).
| Country | Oil (barrels) | Lumber (tons) |
| --------- | ------------- | ------------- |
| Canada | 20 | 40 |
| Venezuela | 60 | 30 |
**Table 19.12**
1. Who has the absolute advantage in the production of oil or lumber? How can you tell?
2. Which country has a comparative advantage in the production of oil?
3. Which country has a comparative advantage in producing lumber?
4. In this example, is absolute advantage the same as comparative advantage, or not?
5. In what product should Canada specialize? In what product should Venezuela specialize?
","In Canada a worker can produce 20 barrels of oil or 40 tons of lumber. In Venezuela, a worker can produce 60 barrels of oil or 30 tons of lumber (see Table 19.12).
Table 19.12
Who has the absolute advantage in the production of oil or lumber? How can you tell?
Which country has a comparative advantage in the production of oil?
Which country has a comparative advantage in producing lumber?
In this example, is absolute advantage the same as comparative advantage, or not?
In what product should Canada specialize? In what product should Venezuela specialize?",calculating-absolute-and-comparative-advantage,"{""question"": ""Who has the absolute advantage in the production of oil or lumber? How can you tell?"", ""answer"": ""Venezuela has the absolute advantage in the production of oil or lumber. This can be determined by comparing the higher production levels of Venezuela in both oil and lumber.""}",Who has the absolute advantage in the production of oil or lumber? How can you tell?,Venezuela has the absolute advantage in the production of oil or lumber. This can be determined by comparing the higher production levels of Venezuela in both oil and lumber.,"['venezuela', 'canada', 'comparative advantage', 'oil', '40 tons']"
480,19-02-05-comparative-advantage-goes-camping,19-02,5,Comparative Advantage Goes Camping,"To build an intuitive understanding of how comparative advantage can benefit all parties, set aside examples that involve national economies for a moment, and consider the situation of a group of friends who decide to go camping together.
Six friends have a wide range of skills and experiences, but one person, Jethro, has done lots of camping before and is also a great athlete. Jethro has an absolute advantage in all aspects of camping: He is faster at carrying a backpack, gathering firewood, paddling a canoe, setting up tents, making a meal, and washing up. Because Jethro has an absolute productivity advantage in everything, should he do all the work?
Of course not! Even if Jethro is willing to work like a mule while everyone else sits around, he only has 24 hours in a day. If everyone sits around and waits for Jethro to do everything, not only will Jethro be an unhappy camper, but there will not be much output for his group of six friends to consume.
The theory of comparative advantage suggests that everyone will benefit if they figure out their areas of comparative advantage—that is, the area of camping where their productivity disadvantage is least, compared to Jethro. For example, it may be that Jethro is 80% faster at building fires and cooking meals than anyone else, but only 20% faster at gathering firewood and 10% faster at setting up tents. In that case, Jethro should focus on building fires and making meals, and others should attend to the other tasks, each according to where their productivity disadvantage is smallest. If the campers coordinate their efforts according to comparative advantage, they can all gain.
","To build an intuitive understanding of how comparative advantage can benefit all parties, set aside examples that involve national economies for a moment, and consider the situation of a group of friends who decide to go camping together.
Six friends have a wide range of skills and experiences, but one person, Jethro, has done lots of camping before and is also a great athlete. Jethro has an absolute advantage in all aspects of camping: He is faster at carrying a backpack, gathering firewood, paddling a canoe, setting up tents, making a meal, and washing up. Because Jethro has an absolute productivity advantage in everything, should he do all the work?
Of course not! Even if Jethro is willing to work like a mule while everyone else sits around, he only has 24 hours in a day. If everyone sits around and waits for Jethro to do everything, not only will Jethro be an unhappy camper, but there will not be much output for his group of six friends to consume.
The theory of comparative advantage suggests that everyone will benefit if they figure out their areas of comparative advantage—that is, the area of camping where their productivity disadvantage is least, compared to Jethro. For example, it may be that Jethro is 80% faster at building fires and cooking meals than anyone else, but only 20% faster at gathering firewood and 10% faster at setting up tents. In that case, Jethro should focus on building fires and making meals, and others should attend to the other tasks, each according to where their productivity disadvantage is smallest. If the campers coordinate their efforts according to comparative advantage, they can all gain.",comparative-advantage-goes-camping,"{""question"": ""What does the theory of comparative advantage suggest?"", ""answer"": ""The theory of comparative advantage suggests that everyone will benefit if they figure out their areas of comparative advantage.""}",What does the theory of comparative advantage suggest?,The theory of comparative advantage suggests that everyone will benefit if they figure out their areas of comparative advantage.,"['comparative advantage', 'national economies', 'jethro', 'great athlete', 'backpack']"
481,19-03-00-overview,19-03,0,Overview,"
- Identify at least two advantages of intra-industry trading
- Explain the relationship between economies of scale and intra-industry trade
Absolute and comparative advantages explain a great deal about global trading patterns. For example, they help to explain the patterns that we noted at the start of this chapter, like why you may be eating fresh fruit from Chile or Mexico, or why lower productivity regions like Africa and Latin America are able to sell a substantial proportion of their exports to higher productivity regions like the European Union and North America. Comparative advantage, however, at least at first glance, does not seem especially well-suited to explain other common patterns of international trade.","- Identify at least two advantages of intra-industry trading
- Explain the relationship between economies of scale and intra-industry trade
Absolute and comparative advantages explain a great deal about global trading patterns. For example, they help to explain the patterns that we noted at the start of this chapter, like why you may be eating fresh fruit from Chile or Mexico, or why lower productivity regions like Africa and Latin America are able to sell a substantial proportion of their exports to higher productivity regions like the European Union and North America. Comparative advantage, however, at least at first glance, does not seem especially well-suited to explain other common patterns of international trade.",overview,"Question: What are at least two advantages of intra-industry trading?
Answer: Two advantages of intra-industry trading are increased competition and enhanced opportunities for specialization and economies of scale.",What are at least two advantages of intra-industry trading?, ,"['comparative advantages', 'global trading patterns', 'chile', 'mexico']"
482,20-03-01-the-infant-industry-argument,20-03,1,The Infant Industry Argument,"Imagine Bhutan wants to start its own computer industry, but it has no computer firms that can produce at a low enough price and high enough quality to compete in world markets. However, Bhutanese politicians, business leaders, and workers hope that if the local industry had a chance to get established, before it needed to face international competition, then a domestic company or group of companies could develop the skills, management, technology, and economies of scale that it needs to become a successful profit-earning domestic industry. Thus, the infant industry argument for protectionism is to block imports for a limited time, to give the infant industry time to mature, before it starts competing on equal terms in the global economy. (Revisit **Macroeconomic Policy Around the World** for more information on the infant industry argument.)
The infant industry argument is theoretically possible, even sensible: give an industry a short-term indirect subsidy through protection, and then reap the long-term economic benefits of having a vibrant, healthy industry. Implementation, however, is tricky. In many countries, infant industries have gone from babyhood to senility and obsolescence without ever having reached the profitable maturity stage. Meanwhile, the protectionism that was supposed to be short-term often took a very long time to be repealed.
As one example, Brazil treated its computer industry as an infant industry from the late 1970s until about 1990. In an attempt to establish its computer industry in the global economy, Brazil largely barred imports of computer products for several decades. This policy guaranteed increased sales for Brazilian computers. However, by the mid-1980s, due to lack of international competition, Brazil had a backward and out-of-date industry, typically lagging behind world standards for price and performance by three to five years—a long time in this fast-moving industry. After more than a decade, during which Brazilian consumers and industries that would have benefited from up-to-date computers paid the costs and Brazil's computer industry never competed effectively on world markets, Brazil phased out its infant industry policy for the computer industry.
Protectionism for infant industries always imposes costs on domestic users of
the product, and typically has provided little benefit in the form of
stronger, competitive industries.
However, several countries in East Asia offer an exception. Japan, Korea, Thailand, and other countries in this region have sometimes provided a package of indirect and direct subsidies targeted at certain industries, including protection from foreign competition and government loans at interest rates below the market equilibrium. In Japan and Korea, for example, subsidies helped get their domestic steel and auto industries up and running.
Why did the infant industry policy of protectionism and other subsidies work
fairly well in East Asia?
An early 1990 World Bank study offered three guidelines to countries thinking about infant industry protection:
1. Do not hand out protectionism and other subsidies to all industries, but focus on a few industries where your country has a realistic chance to be a world-class producer.
2. Be very hesitant about using protectionism in areas like computers, where many other industries rely on having the best products available, because it is not useful to help one industry by imposing high costs on many other industries.
3. Have clear guidelines for when the infant industry policy will end.
In Korea in the 1970s and 1980s, a common practice was to link protectionism and subsidies to export sales in global markets. If export sales rose, then the infant industry had succeeded and the government could phase out protectionism. If export sales did not rise, then the infant industry policy had failed and the government could phase out protectionism. Either way, the protectionism would be temporary.
Following these rules is easier said than done. Politics often intrudes, both in choosing which industries will receive the benefits of treatment as “infants” and when to phase out import restrictions and other subsidies. Also, if the country's government wishes to impose costs on its citizens so that it can provide subsidies to a few key industries, it has many tools for doing such as direct government payments, loans, targeted tax reductions, and government support of research and development of new technologies. In other words, protectionism is not the only or even the best way to support key industries.
Visit this [website](http://openstax.org/l/integration) to view a presentation by Pankaj Ghemawat questioning how integrated the world really is.","Imagine Bhutan wants to start its own computer industry, but it has no computer firms that can produce at a low enough price and high enough quality to compete in world markets. However, Bhutanese politicians, business leaders, and workers hope that if the local industry had a chance to get established, before it needed to face international competition, then a domestic company or group of companies could develop the skills, management, technology, and economies of scale that it needs to become a successful profit-earning domestic industry. Thus, the infant industry argument for protectionism is to block imports for a limited time, to give the infant industry time to mature, before it starts competing on equal terms in the global economy. (Revisit Macroeconomic Policy Around the World for more information on the infant industry argument.)
The infant industry argument is theoretically possible, even sensible: give an industry a short-term indirect subsidy through protection, and then reap the long-term economic benefits of having a vibrant, healthy industry. Implementation, however, is tricky. In many countries, infant industries have gone from babyhood to senility and obsolescence without ever having reached the profitable maturity stage. Meanwhile, the protectionism that was supposed to be short-term often took a very long time to be repealed.
As one example, Brazil treated its computer industry as an infant industry from the late 1970s until about 1990. In an attempt to establish its computer industry in the global economy, Brazil largely barred imports of computer products for several decades. This policy guaranteed increased sales for Brazilian computers. However, by the mid-1980s, due to lack of international competition, Brazil had a backward and out-of-date industry, typically lagging behind world standards for price and performance by three to five years—a long time in this fast-moving industry. After more than a decade, during which Brazilian consumers and industries that would have benefited from up-to-date computers paid the costs and Brazil's computer industry never competed effectively on world markets, Brazil phased out its infant industry policy for the computer industry.
Protectionism for infant industries always imposes costs on domestic users of
the product, and typically has provided little benefit in the form of
stronger, competitive industries.
However, several countries in East Asia offer an exception. Japan, Korea, Thailand, and other countries in this region have sometimes provided a package of indirect and direct subsidies targeted at certain industries, including protection from foreign competition and government loans at interest rates below the market equilibrium. In Japan and Korea, for example, subsidies helped get their domestic steel and auto industries up and running.
Why did the infant industry policy of protectionism and other subsidies work
fairly well in East Asia?
An early 1990 World Bank study offered three guidelines to countries thinking about infant industry protection:
Do not hand out protectionism and other subsidies to all industries, but focus on a few industries where your country has a realistic chance to be a world-class producer.
Be very hesitant about using protectionism in areas like computers, where many other industries rely on having the best products available, because it is not useful to help one industry by imposing high costs on many other industries.
Have clear guidelines for when the infant industry policy will end.
In Korea in the 1970s and 1980s, a common practice was to link protectionism and subsidies to export sales in global markets. If export sales rose, then the infant industry had succeeded and the government could phase out protectionism. If export sales did not rise, then the infant industry policy had failed and the government could phase out protectionism. Either way, the protectionism would be temporary.
Following these rules is easier said than done. Politics often intrudes, both in choosing which industries will receive the benefits of treatment as “infants” and when to phase out import restrictions and other subsidies. Also, if the country's government wishes to impose costs on its citizens so that it can provide subsidies to a few key industries, it has many tools for doing such as direct government payments, loans, targeted tax reductions, and government support of research and development of new technologies. In other words, protectionism is not the only or even the best way to support key industries.
Visit this website to view a presentation by Pankaj Ghemawat questioning how integrated the world really is.",the-infant-industry-argument,"Question: Why did the infant industry policy of protectionism and other subsidies work fairly well in East Asia?
Answer: The infant industry policy of protectionism and other subsidies worked fairly well in East Asia because these countries focused on a few industries where they had a realistic chance to be world-class producers and implemented clear guidelines for when the policy would end, often linking it to export sales.",Why did the infant industry policy of protectionism and other subsidies work fairly well in East Asia?,"The infant industry policy of protectionism and other subsidies worked fairly well in East Asia because these countries focused on a few industries where they had a realistic chance to be world-class producers and implemented clear guidelines for when the policy would end, often linking it to export sales.","['brazil', 'computer industry', 'profitearning domestic industry', 'protectionism', 'foreign']"
483,19-03-02-gains-from-specialization-and-learning,19-03,2,Gains from Specialization and Learning,"Consider the category of machinery, where the U.S. economy has considerable intra-industry trade. Machinery comes in many varieties, so the United States may be exporting machinery for manufacturing with wood, but importing machinery for photographic processing. The underlying reason why a country like the United States, Japan, or Germany produces one kind of machinery rather than another is usually not related to U.S., German, or Japanese firms and workers having generally higher or lower skills. It is just that, in working on very specific and particular products, firms in certain countries develop unique and different skills.
Specialization in the world economy can be very finely split. In fact, there has been a trend in recent years in international trade, which economists call splitting up the value chain. The value chain describes how a good is produced in stages. For example, producing the iPhone involves designing and engineering the phone in the United States, supplying parts from Korea, assembling the parts in China, and advertising and marketing in the United States. Thanks in large part to improvements in communication technology, sharing information, and transportation, it has become easier to split up the value chain. Instead of production in a single large factory, different firms operating in various places and even different countries can divide the value chain.
Because firms split up the value chain, international trade often does not involve nations trading whole finished products like automobiles or refrigerators. Instead, it involves shipping more specialized goods like, say, automobile dashboards or the shelving that fits inside refrigerators. Intra-industry trade between similar countries produces economic gains because it allows workers and firms to learn and innovate on particular products—and often to focus on very particular parts of the value chain.
Visit this [website](http://singaporeanipaduser.blogspot.com/2011/04/breakdown-of-iphone-components.html) for some interesting information about the assembly of the iPhone","Consider the category of machinery, where the U.S. economy has considerable intra-industry trade. Machinery comes in many varieties, so the United States may be exporting machinery for manufacturing with wood, but importing machinery for photographic processing. The underlying reason why a country like the United States, Japan, or Germany produces one kind of machinery rather than another is usually not related to U.S., German, or Japanese firms and workers having generally higher or lower skills. It is just that, in working on very specific and particular products, firms in certain countries develop unique and different skills.
Specialization in the world economy can be very finely split. In fact, there has been a trend in recent years in international trade, which economists call splitting up the value chain. The value chain describes how a good is produced in stages. For example, producing the iPhone involves designing and engineering the phone in the United States, supplying parts from Korea, assembling the parts in China, and advertising and marketing in the United States. Thanks in large part to improvements in communication technology, sharing information, and transportation, it has become easier to split up the value chain. Instead of production in a single large factory, different firms operating in various places and even different countries can divide the value chain.
Because firms split up the value chain, international trade often does not involve nations trading whole finished products like automobiles or refrigerators. Instead, it involves shipping more specialized goods like, say, automobile dashboards or the shelving that fits inside refrigerators. Intra-industry trade between similar countries produces economic gains because it allows workers and firms to learn and innovate on particular products—and often to focus on very particular parts of the value chain.
Visit this website for some interesting information about the assembly of the iPhone",gains-from-specialization-and-learning,"What is the underlying reason why a country produces one kind of machinery rather than another?
The underlying reason is that firms in certain countries develop unique and different skills in working on specific and particular products.",What is the underlying reason why a country produces one kind of machinery rather than another?,The underlying reason is that firms in certain countries develop unique and different skills in working on specific and particular products.,"['intraindustry trade', 'united states', 'japanese firms']"
484,19-03-03-economies-of-scale-competition-variety,19-03,3,"Economies of Scale, Competition, Variety","A second broad reason that intra-industry trade between similar nations produces economic gains involves economies of scale. The concept of economies of scale means that as the scale of output goes up, the average costs of production decline—at least up to a point.
**Figure 19.4** illustrates economies of scale for a plant producing toaster
ovens. The horizontal axis of the figure shows the quantity of production by
a certain firm or at a certain manufacturing plant. The vertical axis
measures the average cost of production. Production plant S produces a small
level of output at 30 units and has an average cost of production of \$30
per toaster oven. Plant M produces at a medium level of output at 50 units
and has an average cost of production of \$20 per toaster oven. Plant L
produces 150 units of output with an average cost of production of only $10
per toaster oven. Although plant V can produce 200 units of output, it still
has the same unit cost as Plant L.
**Figure 19.4** Economies of Scale
In this example, a small or medium plant, like S or M, will not be able to compete in the market with a large or a very large plant like L or V, because the firm that operates L or V will be able to produce and sell its output at a lower price. In this example, economies of scale operate up to point L, but beyond point L to V, the additional scale of production does not continue to reduce the average costs of production.
The concept of economies of scale becomes especially relevant to international
trade when it enables one or two large producers to supply the entire country.
For example, a single large automobile factory could probably supply all the cars consumers purchase in a smaller economy like the United Kingdom or Belgium in a given year. However, if a country has only one or two large factories producing cars, and no international trade, then consumers in that country would have relatively little choice between kinds of cars (other than the color of the paint and other nonessential options). Little or no competition will exist between different car manufacturers.
International trade provides a way to combine the lower average production costs that come from economies of scale and still have competition and variety for consumers. Large automobile factories in different countries can make and sell their products around the world. If General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler were the only players in the U.S. automobile market, the level of competition and consumer choice would be considerably lower than when U.S. carmakers must face competition from Toyota, Honda, Suzuki, Fiat, Mitsubishi, Nissan, Volkswagen, Kia, Hyundai, BMW, Subaru, and others. Greater competition brings with it innovation and responsiveness to what consumers want. America's car producers make far better cars now than they did several decades ago, and much of the reason is competitive pressure, especially from East Asian and European carmakers.","A second broad reason that intra-industry trade between similar nations produces economic gains involves economies of scale. The concept of economies of scale means that as the scale of output goes up, the average costs of production decline—at least up to a point.
Figure 19.4 illustrates economies of scale for a plant producing toaster
ovens. The horizontal axis of the figure shows the quantity of production by
a certain firm or at a certain manufacturing plant. The vertical axis
measures the average cost of production. Production plant S produces a small
level of output at 30 units and has an average cost of production of \$30
per toaster oven. Plant M produces at a medium level of output at 50 units
and has an average cost of production of \$20 per toaster oven. Plant L
produces 150 units of output with an average cost of production of only $10
per toaster oven. Although plant V can produce 200 units of output, it still
has the same unit cost as Plant L.
Figure 19.4 Economies of Scale
In this example, a small or medium plant, like S or M, will not be able to compete in the market with a large or a very large plant like L or V, because the firm that operates L or V will be able to produce and sell its output at a lower price. In this example, economies of scale operate up to point L, but beyond point L to V, the additional scale of production does not continue to reduce the average costs of production.
The concept of economies of scale becomes especially relevant to international
trade when it enables one or two large producers to supply the entire country.
For example, a single large automobile factory could probably supply all the cars consumers purchase in a smaller economy like the United Kingdom or Belgium in a given year. However, if a country has only one or two large factories producing cars, and no international trade, then consumers in that country would have relatively little choice between kinds of cars (other than the color of the paint and other nonessential options). Little or no competition will exist between different car manufacturers.
International trade provides a way to combine the lower average production costs that come from economies of scale and still have competition and variety for consumers. Large automobile factories in different countries can make and sell their products around the world. If General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler were the only players in the U.S. automobile market, the level of competition and consumer choice would be considerably lower than when U.S. carmakers must face competition from Toyota, Honda, Suzuki, Fiat, Mitsubishi, Nissan, Volkswagen, Kia, Hyundai, BMW, Subaru, and others. Greater competition brings with it innovation and responsiveness to what consumers want. America's car producers make far better cars now than they did several decades ago, and much of the reason is competitive pressure, especially from East Asian and European carmakers.",economies-of-scale-competition-variety,"{""question"": ""What is the relationship between economies of scale and intra-industry trade?"", ""answer"": ""Economies of scale enable lower average production costs and competition in intra-industry trade.""}",What is the relationship between economies of scale and intra-industry trade?,Economies of scale enable lower average production costs and competition in intra-industry trade.,"['economies of scale', 'intraindustry trade', 'economic gains', 'manufacturing plant', 'average']"
485,19-03-04-dynamic-comparative-advantage,19-03,4,Dynamic Comparative Advantage,"The sources of gains from intra-industry trade between similar economies—namely, the learning that comes from a high degree of specialization and splitting up the value chain and from economies of scale—do not contradict the earlier theory of comparative advantage. Instead, they help to broaden the concept.
In intra-industry trade, climate or geography do not determine the level of worker productivity. Even the general level of education or skill does not determine it. Instead, how firms engage in specific learning about specialized products, including taking advantage of economies of scale determine the level of worker productivity. In this vision, comparative advantage can be dynamic—that is, it can evolve and change over time as one develops new skills and as manufacturers split the value chain in new ways. This line of thinking also suggests that countries are not destined to have the same comparative advantage forever, but must instead be flexible in response to ongoing changes in comparative advantage.
","The sources of gains from intra-industry trade between similar economies—namely, the learning that comes from a high degree of specialization and splitting up the value chain and from economies of scale—do not contradict the earlier theory of comparative advantage. Instead, they help to broaden the concept.
In intra-industry trade, climate or geography do not determine the level of worker productivity. Even the general level of education or skill does not determine it. Instead, how firms engage in specific learning about specialized products, including taking advantage of economies of scale determine the level of worker productivity. In this vision, comparative advantage can be dynamic—that is, it can evolve and change over time as one develops new skills and as manufacturers split the value chain in new ways. This line of thinking also suggests that countries are not destined to have the same comparative advantage forever, but must instead be flexible in response to ongoing changes in comparative advantage.",dynamic-comparative-advantage,"Question: What determines the level of worker productivity in intra-industry trade according to the passage?
Answer: How firms engage in specific learning about specialized products and take advantage of economies of scale determine the level of worker productivity.",What determines the level of worker productivity in intra-industry trade according to the passage?,How firms engage in specific learning about specialized products and take advantage of economies of scale determine the level of worker productivity.,"['intraindustry trade', 'similar economies', 'learning', 'value chain', 'economies of scale']"
486,19-04-00-overview,19-04,0,Overview,"
- Explain tariffs as barriers to trade - Identify at least two benefits of
reducing barriers to international trade
**Tariffs** are taxes that governments place on imported goods for a variety
of reasons.
Some of these reasons include protecting sensitive industries, for humanitarian reasons, and protecting against dumping. Traditionally, tariffs were used simply as a political tool to protect certain vested economic, social, and cultural interests.
The World Trade Organization (WTO) is committed to lowering barriers to trade. The world's nations meet through the WTO to negotiate how they can reduce barriers to trade, such as tariffs. WTO negotiations happen in “rounds,” where all countries negotiate one agreement to encourage trade, take a year or two off, and then start negotiating a new agreement.
The current round of negotiations is called the Doha Round because it was officially launched in Doha, the capital city of Qatar, in November 2001. In 2009, economists from the World Bank summarized recent research and found that the Doha round of negotiations would increase the size of the world economy by $160 billion to $385 billion per year, depending on the precise deal that ended up being negotiated.
In the context of a global economy that currently produces more than $30 trillion of goods and services each year, this amount is not huge: it is an increase of 1% or less. But before dismissing the gains from trade too quickly, it is worth remembering two points.
1. A gain of a few hundred billion dollars is enough money to deserve attention! Moreover, remember that this increase is not a one-time event; it would persist each year into the future.
2. The estimate of gains may be on the low side because some of the gains from trade are not measured especially well in economic statistics. For example, it is difficult to measure the potential advantages to consumers of having a variety of products available and a greater degree of competition among producers. Perhaps the most important unmeasured factor is that trade between countries, especially when firms are splitting up the value chain of production, often involves a transfer of knowledge that can involve skills in production, technology, management, finance, and law.
Low-income countries benefit more from trade than high-income countries do. In some ways, the giant U.S. economy has less need for international trade, because it can already take advantage of internal trade within its economy. However, many smaller national economies around the world, in regions like Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, have much more limited possibilities for trade inside their countries or their immediate regions. Without international trade, they may have little ability to benefit from comparative advantage, slicing up the value chain, or economies of scale. Moreover, smaller economies often have fewer competitive firms making goods within their economy, and thus firms have less pressure from other firms to provide the goods and prices that consumers want.
The economic gains from expanding international trade are measured in hundreds of billions of dollars, and the gains from international trade as a whole probably reach well into the trillions of dollars. The potential for gains from trade may be especially high among the smaller and lower-income countries of the world.
Visit this [website](https://ustr.gov/about-us/benefits-trade) for a list of some benefits of trade.","- Explain tariffs as barriers to trade - Identify at least two benefits of
reducing barriers to international trade
Tariffs are taxes that governments place on imported goods for a variety
of reasons.
Some of these reasons include protecting sensitive industries, for humanitarian reasons, and protecting against dumping. Traditionally, tariffs were used simply as a political tool to protect certain vested economic, social, and cultural interests.
The World Trade Organization (WTO) is committed to lowering barriers to trade. The world's nations meet through the WTO to negotiate how they can reduce barriers to trade, such as tariffs. WTO negotiations happen in “rounds,” where all countries negotiate one agreement to encourage trade, take a year or two off, and then start negotiating a new agreement.
The current round of negotiations is called the Doha Round because it was officially launched in Doha, the capital city of Qatar, in November 2001. In 2009, economists from the World Bank summarized recent research and found that the Doha round of negotiations would increase the size of the world economy by $160 billion to $385 billion per year, depending on the precise deal that ended up being negotiated.
In the context of a global economy that currently produces more than $30 trillion of goods and services each year, this amount is not huge: it is an increase of 1% or less. But before dismissing the gains from trade too quickly, it is worth remembering two points.
A gain of a few hundred billion dollars is enough money to deserve attention! Moreover, remember that this increase is not a one-time event; it would persist each year into the future.
The estimate of gains may be on the low side because some of the gains from trade are not measured especially well in economic statistics. For example, it is difficult to measure the potential advantages to consumers of having a variety of products available and a greater degree of competition among producers. Perhaps the most important unmeasured factor is that trade between countries, especially when firms are splitting up the value chain of production, often involves a transfer of knowledge that can involve skills in production, technology, management, finance, and law.
Low-income countries benefit more from trade than high-income countries do. In some ways, the giant U.S. economy has less need for international trade, because it can already take advantage of internal trade within its economy. However, many smaller national economies around the world, in regions like Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, have much more limited possibilities for trade inside their countries or their immediate regions. Without international trade, they may have little ability to benefit from comparative advantage, slicing up the value chain, or economies of scale. Moreover, smaller economies often have fewer competitive firms making goods within their economy, and thus firms have less pressure from other firms to provide the goods and prices that consumers want.
The economic gains from expanding international trade are measured in hundreds of billions of dollars, and the gains from international trade as a whole probably reach well into the trillions of dollars. The potential for gains from trade may be especially high among the smaller and lower-income countries of the world.
Visit this website for a list of some benefits of trade.",overview,"Question: What are at least two benefits of reducing barriers to international trade?
Answer: Some benefits of reducing barriers to international trade include potential economic gains in the hundreds of billions of dollars and increased opportunities for smaller and lower-income countries to benefit from comparative advantage, value chain splitting, and economies of scale.",What are at least two benefits of reducing barriers to international trade?,"Some benefits of reducing barriers to international trade include potential economic gains in the hundreds of billions of dollars and increased opportunities for smaller and lower-income countries to benefit from comparative advantage, value chain splitting, and economies of scale.","['tariffs', 'sensitive industries', 'humanitarian reasons', 'dumping', 'world trade organization', 'doha round']"
487,20-05-00-overview,20-05,0,Overview,"
- Asses the complexity of international trade
- Discuss why a market-oriented economy is so affected by international trade
- Explain disruptive market change
Economists readily acknowledge that international trade is not all sunshine,
roses, and happy endings.
Over time, the average person gains from international trade, both as a worker with greater productivity and higher wages from specialization and comparative advantage, and as a consumer who can benefit from shopping all over the world for a greater variety of quality products at attractive prices.
The average person, however, is hypothetical, not real—representing a mix of those who have done very well, those who have done all right, and those who have done poorly. It is a legitimate concern of public policy to focus not just on the average or on the success stories, but also on those who have not been so fortunate. Workers in other countries, the environment, and prospects for new industries and materials that might be of key importance to the national economy are also all legitimate issues.
The common belief among economists is that it is better to embrace the gains
from trade, and then deal with the costs and tradeoffs with other policy
tools, than it is to cut off trade to avoid the costs and tradeoffs.
To gain a better intuitive understanding for this argument, consider a hypothetical American company called Technotron. Technotron invents a new scientific technology that allows the firm to increase the output and quality of its goods with a smaller number of workers at a lower cost. As a result of this technology, other U.S. firms in this industry will lose money and will also have to lay off workers—and some of the competing firms will even go bankrupt. Should the United States government protect the existing firms and their employees by making it illegal for Technotron to use its new technology?
Most people who live in market-oriented economies would oppose trying to block better products that lower the cost of services. Certainly, there is a case for society providing temporary support and assistance for those who find themselves without work. Many would argue for government support of programs that encourage retraining and acquiring additional skills. Government might also support research and development efforts, so that other firms may find ways of outdoing Technotron.
Blocking the new technology altogether, however, seems like a mistake. After all, few people would advocate giving up electricity because it caused so much disruption to the kerosene and candle business. Few would suggest holding back on improvements in medical technology because they might cause companies selling leeches and snake oil to lose money. In short, most people view disruptions due to technological change as a necessary cost that is worth bearing.
Now, imagine that Technotron's new “technology” is as simple as this: the company imports what it sells from another country. In other words, think of foreign trade as a type of innovative technology. The objective situation is now exactly the same as before. Because of Technotron's new technology—which in this case is importing goods from another county—other firms in this industry will lose money and lay off workers. Just as it would have been inappropriate and ultimately foolish to respond to the disruptions of new scientific technology by trying to shut it down, it would be inappropriate and ultimately foolish to respond to the disruptions of international trade by trying to restrict trade.
Some workers and firms will suffer because of international trade. In a living, breathing market-oriented economy, some workers and firms will always be experiencing disruptions, for a wide variety of reasons. Corporate management can be better or worse. Workers for a certain firm can be more or less productive. Tough domestic competitors can create just as much disruption as tough foreign competitors. Sometimes a new product is a hit with consumers; sometimes it is a flop. Sometimes a company is blessed by a run of good luck or stricken with a run of bad luck. For some firms, international trade will offer great opportunities for expanding productivity and jobs; for other firms, trade will impose stress and pain. The disruption caused by international trade is not fundamentally different from all the other disruptions caused by the other workings of a market economy.
In other words, the economic analysis of free trade does not argue that
foreign trade is not disruptive or does not pose tradeoffs
Indeed, the story of Technotron begins with a disruptive market change—a new technology—that causes real tradeoffs. In thinking about the disruptions of foreign trade, or any of the other possible costs and tradeoffs of foreign trade discussed in this chapter, the best public policy solutions typically do not involve protectionism, but instead involve finding ways for public policy to address the specific issues resulting from these disruptions, costs, and tradeoffs, while still allowing the benefits of international trade to occur.
","- Asses the complexity of international trade
- Discuss why a market-oriented economy is so affected by international trade
- Explain disruptive market change
Economists readily acknowledge that international trade is not all sunshine,
roses, and happy endings.
Over time, the average person gains from international trade, both as a worker with greater productivity and higher wages from specialization and comparative advantage, and as a consumer who can benefit from shopping all over the world for a greater variety of quality products at attractive prices.
The average person, however, is hypothetical, not real—representing a mix of those who have done very well, those who have done all right, and those who have done poorly. It is a legitimate concern of public policy to focus not just on the average or on the success stories, but also on those who have not been so fortunate. Workers in other countries, the environment, and prospects for new industries and materials that might be of key importance to the national economy are also all legitimate issues.
The common belief among economists is that it is better to embrace the gains
from trade, and then deal with the costs and tradeoffs with other policy
tools, than it is to cut off trade to avoid the costs and tradeoffs.
To gain a better intuitive understanding for this argument, consider a hypothetical American company called Technotron. Technotron invents a new scientific technology that allows the firm to increase the output and quality of its goods with a smaller number of workers at a lower cost. As a result of this technology, other U.S. firms in this industry will lose money and will also have to lay off workers—and some of the competing firms will even go bankrupt. Should the United States government protect the existing firms and their employees by making it illegal for Technotron to use its new technology?
Most people who live in market-oriented economies would oppose trying to block better products that lower the cost of services. Certainly, there is a case for society providing temporary support and assistance for those who find themselves without work. Many would argue for government support of programs that encourage retraining and acquiring additional skills. Government might also support research and development efforts, so that other firms may find ways of outdoing Technotron.
Blocking the new technology altogether, however, seems like a mistake. After all, few people would advocate giving up electricity because it caused so much disruption to the kerosene and candle business. Few would suggest holding back on improvements in medical technology because they might cause companies selling leeches and snake oil to lose money. In short, most people view disruptions due to technological change as a necessary cost that is worth bearing.
Now, imagine that Technotron's new “technology” is as simple as this: the company imports what it sells from another country. In other words, think of foreign trade as a type of innovative technology. The objective situation is now exactly the same as before. Because of Technotron's new technology—which in this case is importing goods from another county—other firms in this industry will lose money and lay off workers. Just as it would have been inappropriate and ultimately foolish to respond to the disruptions of new scientific technology by trying to shut it down, it would be inappropriate and ultimately foolish to respond to the disruptions of international trade by trying to restrict trade.
Some workers and firms will suffer because of international trade. In a living, breathing market-oriented economy, some workers and firms will always be experiencing disruptions, for a wide variety of reasons. Corporate management can be better or worse. Workers for a certain firm can be more or less productive. Tough domestic competitors can create just as much disruption as tough foreign competitors. Sometimes a new product is a hit with consumers; sometimes it is a flop. Sometimes a company is blessed by a run of good luck or stricken with a run of bad luck. For some firms, international trade will offer great opportunities for expanding productivity and jobs; for other firms, trade will impose stress and pain. The disruption caused by international trade is not fundamentally different from all the other disruptions caused by the other workings of a market economy.
In other words, the economic analysis of free trade does not argue that
foreign trade is not disruptive or does not pose tradeoffs
Indeed, the story of Technotron begins with a disruptive market change—a new technology—that causes real tradeoffs. In thinking about the disruptions of foreign trade, or any of the other possible costs and tradeoffs of foreign trade discussed in this chapter, the best public policy solutions typically do not involve protectionism, but instead involve finding ways for public policy to address the specific issues resulting from these disruptions, costs, and tradeoffs, while still allowing the benefits of international trade to occur.",overview,"Question: How do economists view the disruptions caused by international trade?
Answer: Economists acknowledge that international trade is disruptive and poses tradeoffs, but argue that the benefits outweigh the costs.",How do economists view the disruptions caused by international trade?,"Economists acknowledge that international trade is disruptive and poses tradeoffs, but argue that the benefits outweigh the costs.","['disaster', 'international trade', 'marketoriented economy', 'technological technology', 'kerosene']"
488,19-04-01-from-interpersonal-to-international-trade,19-04,1,From Interpersonal to International Trade,"Most people find it easy to believe that they, personally, would not be better off if they tried to grow and process all of their own food, to make all of their own clothes, to build their own cars and houses from scratch, and so on. Instead, we all benefit from living in economies where people and firms can specialize and trade with each other.
The benefits of trade do not stop at national boundaries, either. Earlier we explained that the division of labor could increase output for three reasons:
1. workers with different characteristics can specialize in the types of production where they have a comparative advantage;
2. firms and workers who specialize in a certain product become more productive with learning and practice; and
3. economies of scale. These three reasons apply from the individual and community level right up to the international level. If it makes sense to you that interpersonal, intercommunity, and interstate trade offer economic gains, it should make sense that international trade offers gains, too.
International trade currently involves about $20 trillion worth of goods and services moving around the globe. Any economic force of that size, even if it confers overall benefits, is certain to cause disruption and controversy. This chapter has only made the case that trade brings economic benefits. Other chapters discuss, in detail, the public policy arguments over whether to restrict international trade.
In this Everyday Economics video, Don Boudreaux addresses one of your viewer-submitted questions: ""Is everyone better off if we buy local?"" In a modern economy, it's hard to say that anything is truly ""local.""
","Most people find it easy to believe that they, personally, would not be better off if they tried to grow and process all of their own food, to make all of their own clothes, to build their own cars and houses from scratch, and so on. Instead, we all benefit from living in economies where people and firms can specialize and trade with each other.
The benefits of trade do not stop at national boundaries, either. Earlier we explained that the division of labor could increase output for three reasons:
workers with different characteristics can specialize in the types of production where they have a comparative advantage;
firms and workers who specialize in a certain product become more productive with learning and practice; and
economies of scale. These three reasons apply from the individual and community level right up to the international level. If it makes sense to you that interpersonal, intercommunity, and interstate trade offer economic gains, it should make sense that international trade offers gains, too.
International trade currently involves about $20 trillion worth of goods and services moving around the globe. Any economic force of that size, even if it confers overall benefits, is certain to cause disruption and controversy. This chapter has only made the case that trade brings economic benefits. Other chapters discuss, in detail, the public policy arguments over whether to restrict international trade.
In this Everyday Economics video, Don Boudreaux addresses one of your viewer-submitted questions: ""Is everyone better off if we buy local?"" In a modern economy, it's hard to say that anything is truly ""local.""",from-interpersonal-to-international-trade,"{
""question"": ""What are the reasons that the division of labor could increase output?"",
""answer"": ""The reasons that the division of labor could increase output are workers specializing in areas of comparative advantage, increased productivity through learning and practice, and economies of scale.""
}",What are the reasons that the division of labor could increase output?,"The reasons that the division of labor could increase output are workers specializing in areas of comparative advantage, increased productivity through learning and practice, and economies of scale.","['international trade', 'division of labor', 'comparative advantage', 'uk']"
489,20-00-00-chapter-objectives,20-00,0,Chapter Objectives,"
- Protectionism: An Indirect Subsidy from Consumers to Producers
- International Trade and Its Effects on Jobs, Wages, and Working Conditions
- Arguments in Support of Restricting Imports
- How Trade Policy Is Enacted: Globally, Regionally, and Nationally
- The Tradeoffs of Trade Policy
he market for flat panel displays in the United States is huge. The manufacturers of flat screens in the United States must compete against manufacturers from around the world.","Protectionism: An Indirect Subsidy from Consumers to Producers
International Trade and Its Effects on Jobs, Wages, and Working Conditions
Arguments in Support of Restricting Imports
How Trade Policy Is Enacted: Globally, Regionally, and Nationally
The Tradeoffs of Trade Policy
he market for flat panel displays in the United States is huge. The manufacturers of flat screens in the United States must compete against manufacturers from around the world.",chapter-objectives,"{""question"": ""Who do the manufacturers of flat screens in the United States compete against?"", ""answer"": ""Manufacturers from around the world.""}",Who do the manufacturers of flat screens in the United States compete against?,Manufacturers from around the world.,"['international trade', 'flat panel displays', 'usa', 'foreign investment']"
490,20-00-01-whats-the-downside-of-protection,20-00,1,What's the Downside of Protection?,"Governments are motivated to limit and alter market outcomes for political or social ends. While governments can limit the rise in prices of some products, they cannot control how much people want to buy or how much firms are willing to sell. The laws of demand and supply still hold. Trade policy is an example where regulations can redirect economic forces, but it cannot stop them from manifesting themselves elsewhere.
Flat-panel displays, the displays for laptop computers, tablets, and flat screen televisions, are an example of such an enduring principle. In the early 1990s, the vast majority of flat-panel displays used in U.S.-manufactured laptops were imported, primarily from Japan. The small but politically powerful U.S. flat-panel-display industry filed a dumping complaint with the Commerce Department. They argued that Japanese firms were selling displays at “less than fair value,” which made it difficult for U.S. firms to compete.
This argument for trade protection is referred to as anti-dumping. Other arguments for protection in this complaint included national security. After a preliminary determination by the Commerce Department that the Japanese firms were dumping, the U.S. International Trade Commission imposed a 63% dumping margin (or tax) on the import of flat-panel displays. Was this a successful exercise of U.S. trade policy? See what you think after reading the chapter.
The world has become more connected on multiple levels, especially economically. In 1970, imports and exports made up 11% of U.S. GDP, while now they make up 32%. However, the United States, due to its size, is less internationally connected than most countries. For example, according to the World Bank, 97% of Botswana's economic activity is connected to trade. This chapter explores trade policy—the laws and strategies a country uses to regulate international trade. This topic is not without controversy.
As the world has become more globally connected, firms and workers in high-income countries like the United States, Japan, or the nations of the European Union perceive a competitive threat from firms in medium-income countries like Mexico, China, or South Africa, which have lower costs of living and therefore pay lower wages. Firms and workers in low-income countries fear that they will suffer if they must compete against more productive workers and advanced technology in high-income countries. On the other hand, some environmentalists worry that multinational firms may evade environmental protection laws by moving their production to countries with loose or nonexistent pollution standards, trading a clean environment for jobs. Some politicians worry that their country may become overly dependent on key imported products, like oil, which in a time of war could threaten national security.
All of these fears influence governments to reach the same basic policy
conclusion: to protect national interests, whether businesses, jobs, or
security, imports of foreign products should be restricted.
This chapter analyzes such arguments. First, however, it is essential to learn a few key concepts and understand how the demand and supply model applies to international trade.
If free trade is so great, then why aren't there any countries that practice completely free trade? This video goes through the basic arguments given for res...
","Governments are motivated to limit and alter market outcomes for political or social ends. While governments can limit the rise in prices of some products, they cannot control how much people want to buy or how much firms are willing to sell. The laws of demand and supply still hold. Trade policy is an example where regulations can redirect economic forces, but it cannot stop them from manifesting themselves elsewhere.
Flat-panel displays, the displays for laptop computers, tablets, and flat screen televisions, are an example of such an enduring principle. In the early 1990s, the vast majority of flat-panel displays used in U.S.-manufactured laptops were imported, primarily from Japan. The small but politically powerful U.S. flat-panel-display industry filed a dumping complaint with the Commerce Department. They argued that Japanese firms were selling displays at “less than fair value,” which made it difficult for U.S. firms to compete.
This argument for trade protection is referred to as anti-dumping. Other arguments for protection in this complaint included national security. After a preliminary determination by the Commerce Department that the Japanese firms were dumping, the U.S. International Trade Commission imposed a 63% dumping margin (or tax) on the import of flat-panel displays. Was this a successful exercise of U.S. trade policy? See what you think after reading the chapter.
The world has become more connected on multiple levels, especially economically. In 1970, imports and exports made up 11% of U.S. GDP, while now they make up 32%. However, the United States, due to its size, is less internationally connected than most countries. For example, according to the World Bank, 97% of Botswana's economic activity is connected to trade. This chapter explores trade policy—the laws and strategies a country uses to regulate international trade. This topic is not without controversy.
As the world has become more globally connected, firms and workers in high-income countries like the United States, Japan, or the nations of the European Union perceive a competitive threat from firms in medium-income countries like Mexico, China, or South Africa, which have lower costs of living and therefore pay lower wages. Firms and workers in low-income countries fear that they will suffer if they must compete against more productive workers and advanced technology in high-income countries. On the other hand, some environmentalists worry that multinational firms may evade environmental protection laws by moving their production to countries with loose or nonexistent pollution standards, trading a clean environment for jobs. Some politicians worry that their country may become overly dependent on key imported products, like oil, which in a time of war could threaten national security.
All of these fears influence governments to reach the same basic policy
conclusion: to protect national interests, whether businesses, jobs, or
security, imports of foreign products should be restricted.
This chapter analyzes such arguments. First, however, it is essential to learn a few key concepts and understand how the demand and supply model applies to international trade.
If free trade is so great, then why aren't there any countries that practice completely free trade? This video goes through the basic arguments given for res...",whats-the-downside-of-protection,"Question: Why do governments restrict imports of foreign products?
Answer: Governments restrict imports of foreign products to protect national interests, such as businesses, jobs, or security.",Why do governments restrict imports of foreign products?,"Governments restrict imports of foreign products to protect national interests, such as businesses, jobs, or security.","['trade policy', 'regulations', 'economic forces', 'flatpanel displays', 'laptop computers']"
491,20-01-02-why-are-there-low-income-countries,20-01,2,Why are there low-income countries?,"Why are poor countries in the world poor? There are a number of reasons, but one of them will surprise you: The trade policies of high-income countries. Following is a stark review of social priorities widely publicized by the international aid organization, Oxfam International.
High-income countries of the world—primarily the United States, Canada, countries of the European Union, and Japan—subsidize their domestic farmers collectively by about \$360 billion per year. By contrast, the total amount of foreign aid from these same high-income countries to poor countries in the world is about \$70 billion per year, or less than 20% of the farm subsidies. Why does this matter?
The support of farmers in high-income countries is devastating to the livelihoods of farmers in low-income countries. Even when their climate and land are well-suited to products like cotton, rice, sugar, or milk, farmers in low-income countries find it difficult to compete. Farm subsidies in high-income countries cause farmers in those countries to increase the amount they produce. This increase in supply drives down world prices of farm products below the costs of production.
As Michael Gerson of the Washington Post describes it: ""[T]he effects in the cotton-growing regions of West Africa are dramatic…keep[ing] millions of Africans on the edge of malnutrition. In some of the poorest countries on Earth, cotton farmers are some of the poorest people, earning about a dollar a day. Who benefits from the current system of subsidies? About 20,000 American cotton producers, with an average annual income of more than $125,000.""
As if subsidies were not enough, high-income countries often block agricultural exports from low-income countries. In some cases, the situation gets even worse when the governments of high-income countries, having bought and paid for an excess supply of farm products, give away those products in poor countries and drive local farmers out of business altogether.
For example, shipments of excess milk from the European Union to Jamaica have caused great hardship for Jamaican dairy farmers. Shipments of excess rice from the United States to Haiti drove thousands of low-income rice farmers in Haiti out of business. The opportunity costs of protectionism are not paid just by domestic consumers, but also by foreign producers—in many instances, the world's poor.
U.S. sugar farmers are likely to argue that, if only they could be protected from sugar imported from Brazil, the United States would have higher domestic sugar production, more jobs in the sugar industry, and American sugar farmers would receive a higher price. If the United States government sets a high-enough tariff on imported sugar, or sets an import quota at zero, the quantity of sugar traded between countries could be reduced to zero, and the prices in each country will return to the levels before trade was allowed.
Blocking only some trade is also possible. Suppose that the United States passed a sugar import quota of seven tons. The United States will import no more than seven tons of sugar, which means that Brazil can export no more than seven tons of sugar to the United States. As a result, the price of sugar in the United States will be 20 cents, which is the price where the quantity demanded is seven tons greater than the domestic quantity supplied. Conversely, if Brazil can export only seven tons of sugar, then the price of sugar in Brazil will be 14 cents per pound, which is the price where the domestic quantity supplied in Brazil is seven tons greater than domestic demand.
In general, when a country sets a low or medium tariff or import quota, the equilibrium price and quantity will be somewhere between those that prevail with no trade and those with completely free trade. The following Work It Out explores the impact of these trade barriers.","Why are poor countries in the world poor? There are a number of reasons, but one of them will surprise you: The trade policies of high-income countries. Following is a stark review of social priorities widely publicized by the international aid organization, Oxfam International.
High-income countries of the world—primarily the United States, Canada, countries of the European Union, and Japan—subsidize their domestic farmers collectively by about \$360 billion per year. By contrast, the total amount of foreign aid from these same high-income countries to poor countries in the world is about \$70 billion per year, or less than 20% of the farm subsidies. Why does this matter?
The support of farmers in high-income countries is devastating to the livelihoods of farmers in low-income countries. Even when their climate and land are well-suited to products like cotton, rice, sugar, or milk, farmers in low-income countries find it difficult to compete. Farm subsidies in high-income countries cause farmers in those countries to increase the amount they produce. This increase in supply drives down world prices of farm products below the costs of production.
As Michael Gerson of the Washington Post describes it: ""[T]he effects in the cotton-growing regions of West Africa are dramatic…keep[ing] millions of Africans on the edge of malnutrition. In some of the poorest countries on Earth, cotton farmers are some of the poorest people, earning about a dollar a day. Who benefits from the current system of subsidies? About 20,000 American cotton producers, with an average annual income of more than $125,000.""
As if subsidies were not enough, high-income countries often block agricultural exports from low-income countries. In some cases, the situation gets even worse when the governments of high-income countries, having bought and paid for an excess supply of farm products, give away those products in poor countries and drive local farmers out of business altogether.
For example, shipments of excess milk from the European Union to Jamaica have caused great hardship for Jamaican dairy farmers. Shipments of excess rice from the United States to Haiti drove thousands of low-income rice farmers in Haiti out of business. The opportunity costs of protectionism are not paid just by domestic consumers, but also by foreign producers—in many instances, the world's poor.
U.S. sugar farmers are likely to argue that, if only they could be protected from sugar imported from Brazil, the United States would have higher domestic sugar production, more jobs in the sugar industry, and American sugar farmers would receive a higher price. If the United States government sets a high-enough tariff on imported sugar, or sets an import quota at zero, the quantity of sugar traded between countries could be reduced to zero, and the prices in each country will return to the levels before trade was allowed.
Blocking only some trade is also possible. Suppose that the United States passed a sugar import quota of seven tons. The United States will import no more than seven tons of sugar, which means that Brazil can export no more than seven tons of sugar to the United States. As a result, the price of sugar in the United States will be 20 cents, which is the price where the quantity demanded is seven tons greater than the domestic quantity supplied. Conversely, if Brazil can export only seven tons of sugar, then the price of sugar in Brazil will be 14 cents per pound, which is the price where the domestic quantity supplied in Brazil is seven tons greater than domestic demand.
In general, when a country sets a low or medium tariff or import quota, the equilibrium price and quantity will be somewhere between those that prevail with no trade and those with completely free trade. The following Work It Out explores the impact of these trade barriers.",why-are-there-low-income-countries,"What is one of the reasons why poor countries in the world are poor?
The trade policies of high-income countries, including farm subsidies and blocking agricultural exports, contribute to the poverty of poor countries.",What is one of the reasons why poor countries in the world are poor? ,"The trade policies of high-income countries, including farm subsidies and blocking agricultural exports, contribute to the poverty of poor countries.","['poor countries', 'world poor', 'trade policies', 'highincome countries', 'domestic']"
492,20-01-03-effects-of-trade-barriers,20-01,3,Effects of Trade Barriers,"
**Figure 20.3** U.S. Sugar Supply and Demand
Let's look carefully at the effects of tariffs or quotas. If the U.S. government imposes a tariff or quota sufficient to eliminate trade with Brazil, two things occur: U.S. consumers pay a higher price and therefore buy a smaller quantity of sugar, and U.S. producers obtain a higher price and sell a larger quantity of sugar. We can measure the effects of a tariff on producers and consumers in the United States using two concepts that we developed in Demand, Supply, and Efficiency: consumer surplus and producer surplus.
","
- Discuss how international trade influences the job market
- Analyze the opportunity cost of protectionism
- Explain how international trade impacts wages, labor standards, and working conditions
There's a bumper sticker that speaks to the threat some U.S. workers feel from imported products: “Buy American—Save U.S. Jobs.” If an economist were driving the car, the sticker might declare: “Block Imports—Save Jobs for Some Americans, Lose Jobs for Other Americans, and Also Pay High Prices.”
Contrary to popular opinion, imports might actually injure workers in several different ways: fewer jobs, lower wages, or poor working condition. Let's consider these in turn.","- Discuss how international trade influences the job market
- Analyze the opportunity cost of protectionism
- Explain how international trade impacts wages, labor standards, and working conditions
There's a bumper sticker that speaks to the threat some U.S. workers feel from imported products: “Buy American—Save U.S. Jobs.” If an economist were driving the car, the sticker might declare: “Block Imports—Save Jobs for Some Americans, Lose Jobs for Other Americans, and Also Pay High Prices.”
Contrary to popular opinion, imports might actually injure workers in several different ways: fewer jobs, lower wages, or poor working condition. Let's consider these in turn.",overview,"Question: Discuss how international trade influences the job market.
Answer: International trade can both create and destroy jobs in the job market, depending on the industry and the country's comparative advantage.",Discuss how international trade influences the job market.,"International trade can both create and destroy jobs in the job market, depending on the industry and the country's comparative advantage.","['international trade', 'opportunity cost', 'wages', 'labor standards', 'working conditions', 'bumper sticker', 'imported']"
496,20-02-01-fewer-jobs,20-02,1,Fewer Jobs?,"In the early 1990s, the United States was negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico, an agreement that reduced tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers to trade between the United States, Mexico, and Canada. H. Ross Perot, a 1992 candidate for U.S. president, claimed, in prominent campaign arguments, that if the United States expanded trade with Mexico, there would be a “giant sucking sound” as U.S. employers relocated to Mexico to take advantage of lower wages. After all, average wages in Mexico were, at that time, about one-eighth of those in the United States. NAFTA passed Congress, President Bill Clinton signed it into law, and it took effect in 1995. For the next six years, the United States economy had some of the most rapid job growth and low unemployment in its history. Those who feared that open trade with Mexico would lead to a dramatic decrease in jobs were proven wrong.
This result was no surprise to economists. After all, the trend toward globalization has been going on for decades, not just since NAFTA. If trade did reduce the number of available jobs, then the United States should have been seeing a steady loss of jobs for decades. While the United States economy does experience rises and falls in unemployment rates—according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, from spring 2007 to late 2009, the unemployment rate rose from 4.4% to 10%. It has since fallen back to under 5% as of the end of 2016—the number of jobs is not falling over extended periods of time. The number of U.S. jobs rose from 71 million in 1970 to 145 million in 2014.
Protectionism certainly saves jobs in the protected industry, but it costs jobs in other unprotected industries for two main reasons:
- If consumers are paying higher prices to the protected industry, they inevitably have less money to spend on goods from other industries, and so jobs are lost in those other industries.
- If a firm sells the protected product to other firms, so that other firms must now pay a higher price for a key input, then those firms will lose sales to foreign producers who do not need to pay the higher price. Lost sales translate into lost jobs.
The hidden opportunity cost of using protectionism to save jobs in one industry is jobs sacrificed in other industries. This is why the United States International Trade Commission, in its study of barriers to trade, predicts that reducing trade barriers would not lead to an overall loss of jobs. Protectionism reshuffles jobs from industries without import protections to industries that are protected from imports, but it does not create more jobs.
Moreover, the costs of saving jobs through protectionism can be very high. A number of different studies have attempted to estimate the cost to consumers in higher prices per job saved through protectionism. **Table 20.2** shows a sample of results, compiled by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas. Saving a job through protectionism typically costs much more than the actual worker’s salary. For example, a study published in 2002 compiled evidence that using protectionism to save an average job in the textile and apparel industry would cost $199,000 per job saved. In other words, those workers could have been paid $100,000 per year to be unemployed and the cost would only be half of what it is to keep them working in the textile and apparel industry. This result is not unique to textiles and apparel, as **Table 20.2** shows.
| Industry Protected with Import Tariffs or Quotas | Annual Cost per Job Saved |
| ------------------------------------------------ | ------------------------- |
| Sugar | $826,000 |
| Polyethylene resins | $812,000 |
| Dairy products | $685,000 |
| Frozen concentrated orange juice | $635,000 |
| Ball bearings | $603,000 |
| Machine tools | $479,000 |
| Women's handbags | $263,000 |
| Glassware | $247,000 |
| Apparel and textiles | $199,000 |
| Rubber footwear | $168,000 |
| Women's nonathletic footwear | $139,000 |
**Table 20.2** Cost to U.S. Consumers of Saving a Job through Protectionism
(Source: _Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas_)
The reason it costs so much to save jobs through protectionism is that not all of the extra money that consumers pay from tariffs or quotas goes to save jobs. For example, if the government imposes tariffs on steel imports so that steel buyers pay a higher price, U.S. steel companies earn greater profits, buy more equipment, pay bigger bonuses to managers, give pay raises to existing employees—and also avoid firing some additional workers. Only part of the higher price of protected steel goes toward saving jobs.
Also, when an industry is protected, the overall economy loses the benefits of playing to its comparative advantage—in other words, producing what it is best at. Therefore, part of the higher price that consumers pay for protected goods is lost economic efficiency, which we can measure as another deadweight loss, like what we discussed in **Labor and Financial Markets**.","In the early 1990s, the United States was negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico, an agreement that reduced tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers to trade between the United States, Mexico, and Canada. H. Ross Perot, a 1992 candidate for U.S. president, claimed, in prominent campaign arguments, that if the United States expanded trade with Mexico, there would be a “giant sucking sound” as U.S. employers relocated to Mexico to take advantage of lower wages. After all, average wages in Mexico were, at that time, about one-eighth of those in the United States. NAFTA passed Congress, President Bill Clinton signed it into law, and it took effect in 1995. For the next six years, the United States economy had some of the most rapid job growth and low unemployment in its history. Those who feared that open trade with Mexico would lead to a dramatic decrease in jobs were proven wrong.
This result was no surprise to economists. After all, the trend toward globalization has been going on for decades, not just since NAFTA. If trade did reduce the number of available jobs, then the United States should have been seeing a steady loss of jobs for decades. While the United States economy does experience rises and falls in unemployment rates—according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, from spring 2007 to late 2009, the unemployment rate rose from 4.4% to 10%. It has since fallen back to under 5% as of the end of 2016—the number of jobs is not falling over extended periods of time. The number of U.S. jobs rose from 71 million in 1970 to 145 million in 2014.
Protectionism certainly saves jobs in the protected industry, but it costs jobs in other unprotected industries for two main reasons:
If consumers are paying higher prices to the protected industry, they inevitably have less money to spend on goods from other industries, and so jobs are lost in those other industries.
If a firm sells the protected product to other firms, so that other firms must now pay a higher price for a key input, then those firms will lose sales to foreign producers who do not need to pay the higher price. Lost sales translate into lost jobs.
The hidden opportunity cost of using protectionism to save jobs in one industry is jobs sacrificed in other industries. This is why the United States International Trade Commission, in its study of barriers to trade, predicts that reducing trade barriers would not lead to an overall loss of jobs. Protectionism reshuffles jobs from industries without import protections to industries that are protected from imports, but it does not create more jobs.
Moreover, the costs of saving jobs through protectionism can be very high. A number of different studies have attempted to estimate the cost to consumers in higher prices per job saved through protectionism. Table 20.2 shows a sample of results, compiled by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas. Saving a job through protectionism typically costs much more than the actual worker’s salary. For example, a study published in 2002 compiled evidence that using protectionism to save an average job in the textile and apparel industry would cost $199,000 per job saved. In other words, those workers could have been paid $100,000 per year to be unemployed and the cost would only be half of what it is to keep them working in the textile and apparel industry. This result is not unique to textiles and apparel, as Table 20.2 shows.
Table 20.2 Cost to U.S. Consumers of Saving a Job through Protectionism
(Source: Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas)
The reason it costs so much to save jobs through protectionism is that not all of the extra money that consumers pay from tariffs or quotas goes to save jobs. For example, if the government imposes tariffs on steel imports so that steel buyers pay a higher price, U.S. steel companies earn greater profits, buy more equipment, pay bigger bonuses to managers, give pay raises to existing employees—and also avoid firing some additional workers. Only part of the higher price of protected steel goes toward saving jobs.
Also, when an industry is protected, the overall economy loses the benefits of playing to its comparative advantage—in other words, producing what it is best at. Therefore, part of the higher price that consumers pay for protected goods is lost economic efficiency, which we can measure as another deadweight loss, like what we discussed in Labor and Financial Markets.",fewer-jobs,"Question: Why did the United States experience rapid job growth and low unemployment after the implementation of NAFTA?
Answer: The United States experienced rapid job growth and low unemployment after the implementation of NAFTA because the fears that open trade with Mexico would lead to a dramatic decrease in jobs were proven wrong.",Why did the United States experience rapid job growth and low unemployment after the implementation of NAFTA?,The United States experienced rapid job growth and low unemployment after the implementation of NAFTA because the fears that open trade with Mexico would lead to a dramatic decrease in jobs were proven wrong.,"['north american free trade agreement', 'mexico', 'us']"
497,20-02-02-trade-and-wages,20-02,2,Trade and Wages,"
Even if trade does not reduce the number of jobs, it could affect wages.
Here, it is important to separate issues about the average level of wages from issues about whether the wages of certain workers may be helped or hurt by trade.
Because trade raises the amount that an economy can produce by letting firms and workers play to their comparative advantage, trade will also cause the average level of wages in an economy to rise. Workers who can produce more will be more desirable to employers, which will shift the demand for their labor out to the right, and increase wages in the labor market. By contrast, barriers to trade will reduce the average level of wages in an economy.
However, even if trade increases the overall wage level, it will still benefit some workers and hurt others. Workers in industries that are confronted by competition from imported products may find that demand for their labor decreases and shifts back to the left, so that their wages decline with a rise in international trade. Conversely, workers in industries that benefit from selling in global markets may find that demand for their labor shifts out to the right, so that trade raises their wages.
Visit this [website](https://ssir.org/articles/entry/the_problem_with_fair_trade_coffee) to read an article on the issues surrounding fair trade coffee.
One concern is that while globalization may be benefiting high-skilled, high-wage workers in the United States, it may also impose costs on low-skilled, low-wage workers. After all, high-skilled U.S. workers presumably benefit from increased sales of sophisticated products like computers, machinery, and pharmaceuticals in which the United States has a comparative advantage. Meanwhile, low-skilled U.S. workers must now compete against extremely low- wage workers worldwide for making simpler products like toys and clothing. As a result, the wages of low-skilled U.S. workers are likely to fall.
There are, however, several reasons to believe that while globalization has helped some U.S. industries and hurt others, it has not focused its negative impact on the wages of low-skilled Americans.
First, about half of U.S. trade is intra-industry trade. That means the U.S. trades similar goods with other high-wage economies like Canada, Japan, Germany, and the United Kingdom. For instance, in 2014 the U.S. exported over 2 million cars from all the major automakers and imported several million cars from other countries.
Most U.S. workers in these industries have above-average skills and wages—and many of them do quite well in the world of globalization. Some evidence suggested that intra-industry trade between similar countries had a small impact on domestic workers but later evidence indicates that it all depends on how flexible the labor market is. In other words, the key is how flexible workers are in finding jobs in different industries. The effect of trade on low-wage workers depends considerably on the structure of labor markets and indirect effects felt in other parts of the economy. For example, in the United States and the United Kingdom, because labor market frictions are low, the impact of trade on low income workers is small.
Second, many low-skilled U.S. workers hold service jobs that imports from low-wage countries cannot replace. For example, we cannot import lawn care services or moving and hauling services or hotel maids from countries long distances away like China or Bangladesh. Competition from imported products is not the primary determinant of their wages.
Finally, while the focus of the discussion here is on wages, it is worth pointing out that low-wage U.S. workers suffer due to protectionism in all the industries—even those in which they do not work. For example, food and clothing are protected industries. These low-wage workers therefore pay higher prices for these basic necessities and as such their dollar stretches over fewer goods.
The benefits and costs of increased trade in terms of its effect on wages are
not distributed evenly across the economy. However, the growth of
international trade has helped to raise the productivity of U.S. workers as a
whole—and thus helped to raise the average level of wages.
","Even if trade does not reduce the number of jobs, it could affect wages.
Here, it is important to separate issues about the average level of wages from issues about whether the wages of certain workers may be helped or hurt by trade.
Because trade raises the amount that an economy can produce by letting firms and workers play to their comparative advantage, trade will also cause the average level of wages in an economy to rise. Workers who can produce more will be more desirable to employers, which will shift the demand for their labor out to the right, and increase wages in the labor market. By contrast, barriers to trade will reduce the average level of wages in an economy.
However, even if trade increases the overall wage level, it will still benefit some workers and hurt others. Workers in industries that are confronted by competition from imported products may find that demand for their labor decreases and shifts back to the left, so that their wages decline with a rise in international trade. Conversely, workers in industries that benefit from selling in global markets may find that demand for their labor shifts out to the right, so that trade raises their wages.
Visit this website to read an article on the issues surrounding fair trade coffee.
One concern is that while globalization may be benefiting high-skilled, high-wage workers in the United States, it may also impose costs on low-skilled, low-wage workers. After all, high-skilled U.S. workers presumably benefit from increased sales of sophisticated products like computers, machinery, and pharmaceuticals in which the United States has a comparative advantage. Meanwhile, low-skilled U.S. workers must now compete against extremely low- wage workers worldwide for making simpler products like toys and clothing. As a result, the wages of low-skilled U.S. workers are likely to fall.
There are, however, several reasons to believe that while globalization has helped some U.S. industries and hurt others, it has not focused its negative impact on the wages of low-skilled Americans.
First, about half of U.S. trade is intra-industry trade. That means the U.S. trades similar goods with other high-wage economies like Canada, Japan, Germany, and the United Kingdom. For instance, in 2014 the U.S. exported over 2 million cars from all the major automakers and imported several million cars from other countries.
Most U.S. workers in these industries have above-average skills and wages—and many of them do quite well in the world of globalization. Some evidence suggested that intra-industry trade between similar countries had a small impact on domestic workers but later evidence indicates that it all depends on how flexible the labor market is. In other words, the key is how flexible workers are in finding jobs in different industries. The effect of trade on low-wage workers depends considerably on the structure of labor markets and indirect effects felt in other parts of the economy. For example, in the United States and the United Kingdom, because labor market frictions are low, the impact of trade on low income workers is small.
Second, many low-skilled U.S. workers hold service jobs that imports from low-wage countries cannot replace. For example, we cannot import lawn care services or moving and hauling services or hotel maids from countries long distances away like China or Bangladesh. Competition from imported products is not the primary determinant of their wages.
Finally, while the focus of the discussion here is on wages, it is worth pointing out that low-wage U.S. workers suffer due to protectionism in all the industries—even those in which they do not work. For example, food and clothing are protected industries. These low-wage workers therefore pay higher prices for these basic necessities and as such their dollar stretches over fewer goods.
The benefits and costs of increased trade in terms of its effect on wages are
not distributed evenly across the economy. However, the growth of
international trade has helped to raise the productivity of U.S. workers as a
whole—and thus helped to raise the average level of wages.",trade-and-wages,"Question: How has international trade affected the average level of wages in the US?
Answer: International trade has raised the average level of wages in the US by increasing the productivity of workers as a whole.",How has international trade affected the average level of wages in the US?,International trade has raised the average level of wages in the US by increasing the productivity of workers as a whole.,"['trade', 'average level', 'lowwage workers', 'foreign investment', 'domestic investment']"
498,20-02-03-labor-standards-and-working-conditions,20-02,3,Labor Standards and Working Conditions,"Workers in many low-income countries around the world labor under conditions that would be illegal for a worker in the United States. Workers in countries like China, Thailand, Brazil, South Africa, and Poland are often paid less than the United States minimum wage. For example, in the United States, the minimum wage is \$7.25 per hour. A typical wage in many low-income countries might be more like \$7.25 per day, or often much less. Moreover, working conditions in low-income countries may be extremely unpleasant, or even unsafe. In the worst cases, production may involve the child labor or even workers who are treated nearly like slaves. These concerns over foreign labor standards do not affect most of U.S. trade, which is intra-industry and carried out with other high-income countries that have labor standards similar to the United States, but it is, nonetheless, morally and economically important.
In thinking about labor standards in other countries, it is important to draw
some distinctions between what is truly unacceptable and what is painful to
think about.
Most people, economists included, have little difficulty with the idea that production by six-year-olds confined in factories or by slave labor is morally unacceptable. They would support aggressive efforts to eliminate such practices—including shutting out imported products made with such labor.
Many cases, however, are less clear-cut. An opinion article in the _New York Times_ several years ago described the case of Ahmed Zia, a 14-year-old boy from Pakistan. He earned $2 per day working in a carpet factory. He dropped out of school in second grade. Should the United States and other countries refuse to purchase rugs made by Ahmed and his co-workers? If the carpet factories were to close, the likely alternative job for Ahmed is farm work, and as Ahmed says of his carpet-weaving job: “This makes much more money and is more comfortable.”
Other workers may have even less attractive alternative jobs, perhaps scavenging garbage or prostitution. The real problem for Ahmed and many others in low-income countries is not that globalization has made their lives worse, but rather that they have so few good life alternatives. The United States went through similar situations during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
There is some irony when the United States government or U.S. citizens take issue with labor standards in low-income countries, because the United States is not a world leader in government laws to protect employees. According to a recent study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the U.S. is the only one of 41 countries that does not provide mandated paid leave for new parents, and among the 40 countries that do mandate paid leave, the minimum duration is about two months. Many European workers receive six weeks or more of paid vacation per year. In the United States, vacations are often one to three weeks per year. If European countries accused the United States of using unfair labor standards to make U.S. products cheaply, and announced that they would shut out all U.S. imports until the United States adopted paid parental leave, added more national holidays, and doubled vacation time, Americans would be outraged. Yet when U.S. protectionists start talking about restricting imports from poor countries because of low wage levels and poor working conditions, they are making a very similar argument.
This is not to say that labor conditions in low-income countries are not an important issue. They are. However, linking labor conditions in low-income countries to trade deflects the emphasis from the real question to ask:
What are acceptable and enforceable minimum labor standards and protections to
have the world over?
","Workers in many low-income countries around the world labor under conditions that would be illegal for a worker in the United States. Workers in countries like China, Thailand, Brazil, South Africa, and Poland are often paid less than the United States minimum wage. For example, in the United States, the minimum wage is \$7.25 per hour. A typical wage in many low-income countries might be more like \$7.25 per day, or often much less. Moreover, working conditions in low-income countries may be extremely unpleasant, or even unsafe. In the worst cases, production may involve the child labor or even workers who are treated nearly like slaves. These concerns over foreign labor standards do not affect most of U.S. trade, which is intra-industry and carried out with other high-income countries that have labor standards similar to the United States, but it is, nonetheless, morally and economically important.
In thinking about labor standards in other countries, it is important to draw
some distinctions between what is truly unacceptable and what is painful to
think about.
Most people, economists included, have little difficulty with the idea that production by six-year-olds confined in factories or by slave labor is morally unacceptable. They would support aggressive efforts to eliminate such practices—including shutting out imported products made with such labor.
Many cases, however, are less clear-cut. An opinion article in the New York Times several years ago described the case of Ahmed Zia, a 14-year-old boy from Pakistan. He earned $2 per day working in a carpet factory. He dropped out of school in second grade. Should the United States and other countries refuse to purchase rugs made by Ahmed and his co-workers? If the carpet factories were to close, the likely alternative job for Ahmed is farm work, and as Ahmed says of his carpet-weaving job: “This makes much more money and is more comfortable.”
Other workers may have even less attractive alternative jobs, perhaps scavenging garbage or prostitution. The real problem for Ahmed and many others in low-income countries is not that globalization has made their lives worse, but rather that they have so few good life alternatives. The United States went through similar situations during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
There is some irony when the United States government or U.S. citizens take issue with labor standards in low-income countries, because the United States is not a world leader in government laws to protect employees. According to a recent study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the U.S. is the only one of 41 countries that does not provide mandated paid leave for new parents, and among the 40 countries that do mandate paid leave, the minimum duration is about two months. Many European workers receive six weeks or more of paid vacation per year. In the United States, vacations are often one to three weeks per year. If European countries accused the United States of using unfair labor standards to make U.S. products cheaply, and announced that they would shut out all U.S. imports until the United States adopted paid parental leave, added more national holidays, and doubled vacation time, Americans would be outraged. Yet when U.S. protectionists start talking about restricting imports from poor countries because of low wage levels and poor working conditions, they are making a very similar argument.
This is not to say that labor conditions in low-income countries are not an important issue. They are. However, linking labor conditions in low-income countries to trade deflects the emphasis from the real question to ask:
What are acceptable and enforceable minimum labor standards and protections to
have the world over?",labor-standards-and-working-conditions,"{""question"": ""What are some concerns regarding labor standards in low-income countries?"", ""answer"": ""Workers in low-income countries are often paid less than the United States minimum wage and may work in unpleasant or unsafe conditions, including child labor and near-slave labor.""}",What are some concerns regarding labor standards in low-income countries?,"Workers in low-income countries are often paid less than the United States minimum wage and may work in unpleasant or unsafe conditions, including child labor and near-slave labor.","['lowincome countries', 'world labor', 'minimum wage', 'child labor', 'carpetweaving']"
499,20-03-00-overview,20-03,0,Overview,"
- Explain and analyze various arguments that are in support of restricting imports, including the infant industry argument, the anti-dumping argument, the environmental protection argument, the unsafe consumer products argument, and the national interest argument
- Explain dumping and race to the bottom
- Evaluate the significance of countries' perceptions on the benefits of growing trade
As we previously noted, protectionism requires domestic consumers of a product to pay higher prices to benefit domestic producers of that product. Countries that institute protectionist policies lose the economic gains achieved through a combination of comparative advantage, specialized learning, and economies of scale. With these overall costs in mind, let us now consider, one by one, a number of arguments that support restricting imports.","- Explain and analyze various arguments that are in support of restricting imports, including the infant industry argument, the anti-dumping argument, the environmental protection argument, the unsafe consumer products argument, and the national interest argument
- Explain dumping and race to the bottom
- Evaluate the significance of countries' perceptions on the benefits of growing trade
As we previously noted, protectionism requires domestic consumers of a product to pay higher prices to benefit domestic producers of that product. Countries that institute protectionist policies lose the economic gains achieved through a combination of comparative advantage, specialized learning, and economies of scale. With these overall costs in mind, let us now consider, one by one, a number of arguments that support restricting imports.",overview,"Question: What are some arguments in support of restricting imports?
Answer: Some arguments in support of restricting imports include the infant industry argument, the anti-dumping argument, the environmental protection argument, the unsafe consumer products argument, and the national interest argument.",What are some arguments in support of restricting imports?,"Some arguments in support of restricting imports include the infant industry argument, the anti-dumping argument, the environmental protection argument, the unsafe consumer products argument, and the national interest argument.","['intellectual industry argument', 'antidumping argument', 'environmental protection argument', 'unsafe consumer']"
500,20-03-02-the-anti-dumping-argument,20-03,2,The Anti-Dumping Argument,"
**Dumping** refers to selling goods below their cost of production.
**Anti-dumping** laws block imports that are sold below the cost of production by imposing tariffs that increase the price of these imports to reflect their cost of production.
Since dumping is not allowed under World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, nations that believe they are on the receiving end of dumped goods can file a complaint with the WTO.
Anti-dumping complaints have risen in recent years, from about 100 cases per year in the late 1980s to about 200 new cases each year by the late 2000s. Note that dumping cases are countercyclical. During recessions, case filings increase. During economic booms, case filings go down. Individual countries have also frequently started their own anti-dumping investigations. The U.S. government has dozens of anti-dumping orders in place from past investigations. In 2009, for example, some U.S. imports that were under anti-dumping orders included pasta from Turkey, steel pipe fittings from Thailand, pressure-sensitive plastic tape from Italy, preserved mushrooms and lined paper products from India, and cut-to-length carbon steel and non-frozen apple juice concentrate from China.","Dumping refers to selling goods below their cost of production.
**Anti-dumping** laws block imports that are sold below the cost of production by imposing tariffs that increase the price of these imports to reflect their cost of production.
Since dumping is not allowed under World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, nations that believe they are on the receiving end of dumped goods can file a complaint with the WTO.
Anti-dumping complaints have risen in recent years, from about 100 cases per year in the late 1980s to about 200 new cases each year by the late 2000s. Note that dumping cases are countercyclical. During recessions, case filings increase. During economic booms, case filings go down. Individual countries have also frequently started their own anti-dumping investigations. The U.S. government has dozens of anti-dumping orders in place from past investigations. In 2009, for example, some U.S. imports that were under anti-dumping orders included pasta from Turkey, steel pipe fittings from Thailand, pressure-sensitive plastic tape from Italy, preserved mushrooms and lined paper products from India, and cut-to-length carbon steel and non-frozen apple juice concentrate from China.",the-anti-dumping-argument,"Question: What are anti-dumping laws and how do they prevent dumping?
Answer: Anti-dumping laws block imports that are sold below the cost of production by imposing tariffs that increase the price of these imports to reflect their cost of production.",What are anti-dumping laws and how do they prevent dumping?,Anti-dumping laws block imports that are sold below the cost of production by imposing tariffs that increase the price of these imports to reflect their cost of production.,"['dumping', 'antidumping complaints', 'tariffs', 'world trade organization']"
501,20-03-03-why-might-dumping-occur,20-03,3,Why Might Dumping Occur?,"
Why would foreign firms export a product at less than its cost of
production—which presumably means taking a loss?
This question has two possible answers, one innocent and one more sinister.
The innocent explanation is that demand and supply set market prices, not the cost of production. Perhaps demand for a product shifts back to the left or supply shifts out to the right, which drives the market price to low levels—even below the cost of production. When a local store has a going-out-of-business sale, for example, it may sell goods at below the cost of production. If international companies find that there is excess supply of steel or computer chips or machine tools that is driving the market price down below their cost of production—this may be the market in action.
The sinister explanation is that dumping is part of a long-term strategy. Foreign firms sell goods at prices below the cost of production for a short period of time, and when they have driven out the domestic U.S. competition, they then raise prices. Economists sometimes call this scenario predatory pricing.","Why would foreign firms export a product at less than its cost of
production—which presumably means taking a loss?
This question has two possible answers, one innocent and one more sinister.
The innocent explanation is that demand and supply set market prices, not the cost of production. Perhaps demand for a product shifts back to the left or supply shifts out to the right, which drives the market price to low levels—even below the cost of production. When a local store has a going-out-of-business sale, for example, it may sell goods at below the cost of production. If international companies find that there is excess supply of steel or computer chips or machine tools that is driving the market price down below their cost of production—this may be the market in action.
The sinister explanation is that dumping is part of a long-term strategy. Foreign firms sell goods at prices below the cost of production for a short period of time, and when they have driven out the domestic U.S. competition, they then raise prices. Economists sometimes call this scenario predatory pricing.",why-might-dumping-occur,"{
""question"": ""What are the possible explanations for foreign firms exporting a product at less than its cost of production?"",
""answer"": ""The two possible explanations are market forces driving down prices or predatory pricing as a long-term strategy.""
}",What are the possible explanations for foreign firms exporting a product at less than its cost of production?,The two possible explanations are market forces driving down prices or predatory pricing as a long-term strategy.,"['foreign firms', 'market price', 'excess supply', 'steel', 'computer chips', 'machine tools']"
502,20-03-05-the-environmental-protection-argument,20-03,5,The Environmental Protection Argument,"The potential for global trade to affect the environment has become controversial. A president of the Sierra Club, an environmental lobbying organization, once wrote:
The consequences of globalization for the environment are not good. …
Globalization, if we are lucky, will raise average incomes enough to pay for
cleaning up some of the mess that we have made. But before we get there,
globalization could also destroy enough of the planet's basic biological and
physical systems that prospects for life itself will be radically compromised.
If free trade meant the destruction of life itself, then even economists would convert to protectionism! While globalization—and economic activity of all kinds—can pose environmental dangers, it seems quite possible that, with the appropriate safeguards in place, we can minimize the environmental impacts of trade. In some cases, trade may even bring environmental benefits.
In general, high-income countries such as the United States, Canada, Japan, and the nations of the European Union have relatively strict environmental standards. In contrast, middle- and low-income countries like Brazil, Nigeria, India, and China have lower environmental standards. The general view of the governments of such countries is that environmental protection is a luxury: as soon as their people have enough to eat, decent healthcare, and longer life expectancies, then they will spend more money on items such as sewage treatment plants, scrubbers to reduce air pollution from factory smokestacks, and national parks to protect wildlife.
This gap in environmental standards between high-income and low-income countries raises two worrisome possibilities in a world of increasing global trade: the “race to the bottom” scenario and the question of how quickly environmental standards will improve in low-income countries.","The potential for global trade to affect the environment has become controversial. A president of the Sierra Club, an environmental lobbying organization, once wrote:
The consequences of globalization for the environment are not good. …
Globalization, if we are lucky, will raise average incomes enough to pay for
cleaning up some of the mess that we have made. But before we get there,
globalization could also destroy enough of the planet's basic biological and
physical systems that prospects for life itself will be radically compromised.
If free trade meant the destruction of life itself, then even economists would convert to protectionism! While globalization—and economic activity of all kinds—can pose environmental dangers, it seems quite possible that, with the appropriate safeguards in place, we can minimize the environmental impacts of trade. In some cases, trade may even bring environmental benefits.
In general, high-income countries such as the United States, Canada, Japan, and the nations of the European Union have relatively strict environmental standards. In contrast, middle- and low-income countries like Brazil, Nigeria, India, and China have lower environmental standards. The general view of the governments of such countries is that environmental protection is a luxury: as soon as their people have enough to eat, decent healthcare, and longer life expectancies, then they will spend more money on items such as sewage treatment plants, scrubbers to reduce air pollution from factory smokestacks, and national parks to protect wildlife.
This gap in environmental standards between high-income and low-income countries raises two worrisome possibilities in a world of increasing global trade: the “race to the bottom” scenario and the question of how quickly environmental standards will improve in low-income countries.",the-environmental-protection-argument,"Question: What are the two worrisome possibilities that arise in a world of increasing global trade due to the gap in environmental standards between high-income and low-income countries?
Answer: The two worrisome possibilities are the ""race to the bottom"" scenario and the question of how quickly environmental standards will improve in low-income countries.",What are the two worrisome possibilities that arise in a world of increasing global trade due to the gap in environmental standards between high-income and low-income countries?,"The two worrisome possibilities are the ""race to the bottom"" scenario and the question of how quickly environmental standards will improve in low-income countries.","['global trade', 'environment', 'sierra club', 'environmental lobbying organization', 'economic activity', 'environmental']"
503,20-03-06-the-race-to-the-bottom-scenario,20-03,6,The Race to the Bottom Scenario,"
The race to the bottom scenario of global environmental degradation describes
a situation in which profit-seeking multinational companies shift their
production from countries with strong environmental standards to countries
with weak standards, thus reducing their costs and increasing their profits.
Faced with such behavior, countries reduce their environmental standards to attract multinational firms, which, after all, provide jobs and economic cloud. As a result, global production becomes concentrated in countries where firms can pollute the most and environmental laws everywhere “race to the bottom.”
Although the race-to-the-bottom scenario sounds plausible, it does not appear to describe reality. In fact, the financial incentive for firms to shift production to poor countries to take advantage of their weaker environmental rules does not seem especially powerful. When firms decide where to locate a new factory, they look at many different factors: the costs of labor and financial capital; whether the location is close to a reliable suppliers of the inputs that they need; whether the location is close to customers; the quality of transportation, communications, and electrical power networks; the level of taxes; and the competence and honesty of the local government. The cost of environmental regulations is a factor, too, but typically environmental costs are no more than 1 to 2% of the costs that a large industrial plant faces. The other factors that determine location are much more important to these companies than trying to skimp on environmental protection costs.
When an international company does choose to build a plant in a low-income country with lax environmental laws, it typically builds a plant similar to those that it operates in high-income countries with stricter environmental standards. Part of the reason for this decision is that designing an industrial plant is a complex and costly task, and so if a plant works well in a high-income country, companies prefer to use the same design everywhere. Also, companies realize that if they create an environmental disaster in a low-income country, it is likely to cost them a substantial amount of money in paying for damages, lost trust, and reduced sales—by building up-to-date plants everywhere they minimize such risks. As a result of these factors, foreign-owned plants in low-income countries often have a better record of compliance with environmental laws than do locally-owned plants.","The race to the bottom scenario of global environmental degradation describes
a situation in which profit-seeking multinational companies shift their
production from countries with strong environmental standards to countries
with weak standards, thus reducing their costs and increasing their profits.
Faced with such behavior, countries reduce their environmental standards to attract multinational firms, which, after all, provide jobs and economic cloud. As a result, global production becomes concentrated in countries where firms can pollute the most and environmental laws everywhere “race to the bottom.”
Although the race-to-the-bottom scenario sounds plausible, it does not appear to describe reality. In fact, the financial incentive for firms to shift production to poor countries to take advantage of their weaker environmental rules does not seem especially powerful. When firms decide where to locate a new factory, they look at many different factors: the costs of labor and financial capital; whether the location is close to a reliable suppliers of the inputs that they need; whether the location is close to customers; the quality of transportation, communications, and electrical power networks; the level of taxes; and the competence and honesty of the local government. The cost of environmental regulations is a factor, too, but typically environmental costs are no more than 1 to 2% of the costs that a large industrial plant faces. The other factors that determine location are much more important to these companies than trying to skimp on environmental protection costs.
When an international company does choose to build a plant in a low-income country with lax environmental laws, it typically builds a plant similar to those that it operates in high-income countries with stricter environmental standards. Part of the reason for this decision is that designing an industrial plant is a complex and costly task, and so if a plant works well in a high-income country, companies prefer to use the same design everywhere. Also, companies realize that if they create an environmental disaster in a low-income country, it is likely to cost them a substantial amount of money in paying for damages, lost trust, and reduced sales—by building up-to-date plants everywhere they minimize such risks. As a result of these factors, foreign-owned plants in low-income countries often have a better record of compliance with environmental laws than do locally-owned plants.",the-race-to-the-bottom-scenario,"Question: What factors are more important to international companies when deciding where to locate a new factory compared to the cost of environmental regulations?
Answer: The costs of labor and financial capital, proximity to suppliers and customers, transportation and communication infrastructure, taxes, and the competence and honesty of the local government are more important factors than the cost of environmental regulations.",What factors are more important to international companies when deciding where to locate a new factory compared to the cost of environmental regulations?,"The costs of labor and financial capital, proximity to suppliers and customers, transportation and communication infrastructure, taxes, and the competence and honesty of the local government are more important factors than the cost of environmental regulations.","['race to the bottom scenario', 'global environmental degradation', 'profitseeking multinational companies', 'weak standards']"
504,20-03-07-pressuring-low-income-countries-for-higher-environmental-standards,20-03,7,Pressuring Low-Income Countries for Higher Environmental Standards,"
In some cases, the issue is not so much whether globalization will pressure
low-income countries to reduce their environmental standards, but instead
whether the threat of blocking international trade can pressure these
countries into adopting stronger standards.
For example, restrictions on ivory imports in high-income countries, along with stronger government efforts to catch elephant poachers, have been credited with helping to reduce the illegal poaching of elephants in certain African countries.
However, it would be highly undemocratic for the well-fed citizens of high-income countries to attempt to dictate to the ill-fed citizens of low-income countries what domestic policies and priorities they must adopt, or how they should balance environmental goals against other priorities for their citizens. Furthermore, if high-income countries want stronger environmental standards in low-income countries, they have many options other than the threat of protectionism. For example, high-income countries could pay for anti-pollution equipment in low-income countries, or could help to pay for national parks. High-income countries could help pay for and carry out the scientific and economic studies that would help environmentalists in low-income countries to make a more persuasive case for the economic benefits of protecting the environment.
After all, environmental protection is vital to two industries of key importance in many low-income countries—agriculture and tourism. Environmental advocates can set up standards for labeling products, like “this tuna caught in a net that kept dolphins safe” or “this product made only with wood not taken from rainforests,” so that consumer pressure can reinforce environmentalist values. The United Nations also reinforces these values, by sponsoring treaties to address issues such as climate change and global warming, the preservation of biodiversity, the spread of deserts, and the environmental health of the seabed. Countries that share a national border or are within a region often sign environmental agreements about air and water rights, too. The WTO is also becoming more aware of environmental issues and more careful about ensuring that increases in trade do not inflict environmental damage.
Finally, note that these concerns about the race to the bottom or pressuring low-income countries for more strict environmental standards do not apply very well to the roughly half of all U.S. trade that occurs with other high-income countries. Many European countries have stricter environmental standards in certain industries than the United States.","In some cases, the issue is not so much whether globalization will pressure
low-income countries to reduce their environmental standards, but instead
whether the threat of blocking international trade can pressure these
countries into adopting stronger standards.
For example, restrictions on ivory imports in high-income countries, along with stronger government efforts to catch elephant poachers, have been credited with helping to reduce the illegal poaching of elephants in certain African countries.
However, it would be highly undemocratic for the well-fed citizens of high-income countries to attempt to dictate to the ill-fed citizens of low-income countries what domestic policies and priorities they must adopt, or how they should balance environmental goals against other priorities for their citizens. Furthermore, if high-income countries want stronger environmental standards in low-income countries, they have many options other than the threat of protectionism. For example, high-income countries could pay for anti-pollution equipment in low-income countries, or could help to pay for national parks. High-income countries could help pay for and carry out the scientific and economic studies that would help environmentalists in low-income countries to make a more persuasive case for the economic benefits of protecting the environment.
After all, environmental protection is vital to two industries of key importance in many low-income countries—agriculture and tourism. Environmental advocates can set up standards for labeling products, like “this tuna caught in a net that kept dolphins safe” or “this product made only with wood not taken from rainforests,” so that consumer pressure can reinforce environmentalist values. The United Nations also reinforces these values, by sponsoring treaties to address issues such as climate change and global warming, the preservation of biodiversity, the spread of deserts, and the environmental health of the seabed. Countries that share a national border or are within a region often sign environmental agreements about air and water rights, too. The WTO is also becoming more aware of environmental issues and more careful about ensuring that increases in trade do not inflict environmental damage.
Finally, note that these concerns about the race to the bottom or pressuring low-income countries for more strict environmental standards do not apply very well to the roughly half of all U.S. trade that occurs with other high-income countries. Many European countries have stricter environmental standards in certain industries than the United States.",pressuring-low-income-countries-for-higher-environmental-standards,"Question: What are some alternatives to pressuring low-income countries into adopting stronger environmental standards through blocking international trade?
Answer: High-income countries could pay for anti-pollution equipment in low-income countries or help fund national parks. They could also carry out scientific and economic studies to support the economic benefits of environmental protection.",What are some alternatives to pressuring low-income countries into adopting stronger environmental standards through blocking international trade?,High-income countries could pay for anti-pollution equipment in low-income countries or help fund national parks. They could also carry out scientific and economic studies to support the economic benefits of environmental protection.,"['lowincome countries', 'environmental standards', 'international trade', 'elephants', 'domestic policies', 'environmental goals']"
505,20-03-08-the-unsafe-consumer-products-argument,20-03,8,The Unsafe Consumer Products Argument,"
One argument for shutting out certain imported products is that they are
unsafe for consumers.
Consumer rights groups have sometimes warned that the World Trade Organization would require nations to reduce their health and safety standards for imported products. However, the WTO explains its current agreement on the subject: “It allows countries to set their own standards.” It also says that regulations must be based on science, and they should not arbitrarily or unjustifiably discriminate between countries where identical or similar conditions prevail.
As an example, under WTO rules it is perfectly legitimate for the United States to pass laws requiring that all food products or cars sold in the United States meet certain safety standards approved by the United States government, whether or not other countries choose to pass similar standards. However, such standards must have some scientific basis. It is improper to impose one set of health and safety standards for domestically produced goods but a different set of standards for imports, or one set of standards for imports from Europe and a different set of standards for imports from Latin America.
In 2007, Mattel recalled nearly two million toys imported from China due to concerns about high levels of lead in the paint, as well as some loose parts. It is unclear if other toys were subject to similar standards. More recently, in 2013, Japan blocked imports of U.S. wheat because of concerns that genetically modified (GMO) wheat might be included in the shipments. The science on the impact of GMOs on health is still developing.","One argument for shutting out certain imported products is that they are
unsafe for consumers.
Consumer rights groups have sometimes warned that the World Trade Organization would require nations to reduce their health and safety standards for imported products. However, the WTO explains its current agreement on the subject: “It allows countries to set their own standards.” It also says that regulations must be based on science, and they should not arbitrarily or unjustifiably discriminate between countries where identical or similar conditions prevail.
As an example, under WTO rules it is perfectly legitimate for the United States to pass laws requiring that all food products or cars sold in the United States meet certain safety standards approved by the United States government, whether or not other countries choose to pass similar standards. However, such standards must have some scientific basis. It is improper to impose one set of health and safety standards for domestically produced goods but a different set of standards for imports, or one set of standards for imports from Europe and a different set of standards for imports from Latin America.
In 2007, Mattel recalled nearly two million toys imported from China due to concerns about high levels of lead in the paint, as well as some loose parts. It is unclear if other toys were subject to similar standards. More recently, in 2013, Japan blocked imports of U.S. wheat because of concerns that genetically modified (GMO) wheat might be included in the shipments. The science on the impact of GMOs on health is still developing.",the-unsafe-consumer-products-argument,"Question: What is one argument for shutting out certain imported products?
Answer: One argument for shutting out certain imported products is that they are unsafe for consumers.",What is one argument for shutting out certain imported products?,One argument for shutting out certain imported products is that they are unsafe for consumers.,"['consumer rights groups', 'world trade organization', 'safety standards', 'united states', 'food products', 'car']"
506,20-03-10-how-does-the-united-states-really-feel-about-expanding-trade,20-03,10,How does the United States really feel about expanding trade?,"How do people around the world feel about expanding trade between nations? In summer 2007, the Pew Foundation surveyed 45,000 people in 47 countries. One of the questions asked about opinions on growing trade ties between countries. **Table 20.3** shows the percentages who answered either “very good” or “somewhat good” for some of countries surveyed.
For those who think of the United States as the world's leading supporter of expanding trade, the survey results may be perplexing. When adding up the shares of those who say that growing trade ties between countries is “very good” or “somewhat good,” Americans had the least favorable attitude toward increasing globalization, while the Chinese and South Africans ranked highest. In fact, among the 47 countries surveyed, the United States ranked by far the lowest on this measure, followed by Egypt, Italy, and Argentina.
| Country | Very Good | Somewhat Good | Total |
| -------------- | --------- | ------------- | ----- |
| China | 38% | 53% | 91% |
| South Africa | 42% | 43% | 87% |
| South Korea | 24% | 62% | 86% |
| Germany | 30% | 55% | 85% |
| Canada | 29% | 53% | 82% |
| United Kingdom | 28% | 50% | 78% |
| Mexico | 22% | 55% | 77% |
| Brazil | 13% | 59% | 72% |
| Japan | 17% | 55% | 72% |
| United States | 14% | 45% | 59% |
**Table 20.3** The Status of Growing Trade Ties between Countries (Source: http://www.pewglobal.org/files/pdf/258.pdf)
One final reason why economists often treat the national interest argument skeptically is that lobbyists and politicians can tout almost any product as vital to national security. In 1954, the United States became worried that it was importing half of the wool required for military uniforms, so it declared wool and mohair to be “strategic materials” and began to give subsidies to wool and mohair farmers. Although the government removed wool from the official list of “strategic” materials in 1960, the subsidies for mohair continued for almost 40 years until the government repealed them in 1993, and then reinstated them in 2002.
All too often, the national interest argument has become an excuse for handing out the indirect subsidy of protectionism to certain industries or companies. After all, politicians, not nonpartisan analysts make decisions about what constitutes a key strategic material.
","How do people around the world feel about expanding trade between nations? In summer 2007, the Pew Foundation surveyed 45,000 people in 47 countries. One of the questions asked about opinions on growing trade ties between countries. Table 20.3 shows the percentages who answered either “very good” or “somewhat good” for some of countries surveyed.
For those who think of the United States as the world's leading supporter of expanding trade, the survey results may be perplexing. When adding up the shares of those who say that growing trade ties between countries is “very good” or “somewhat good,” Americans had the least favorable attitude toward increasing globalization, while the Chinese and South Africans ranked highest. In fact, among the 47 countries surveyed, the United States ranked by far the lowest on this measure, followed by Egypt, Italy, and Argentina.
Table 20.3 The Status of Growing Trade Ties between Countries (Source: http://www.pewglobal.org/files/pdf/258.pdf)
One final reason why economists often treat the national interest argument skeptically is that lobbyists and politicians can tout almost any product as vital to national security. In 1954, the United States became worried that it was importing half of the wool required for military uniforms, so it declared wool and mohair to be “strategic materials” and began to give subsidies to wool and mohair farmers. Although the government removed wool from the official list of “strategic” materials in 1960, the subsidies for mohair continued for almost 40 years until the government repealed them in 1993, and then reinstated them in 2002.
All too often, the national interest argument has become an excuse for handing out the indirect subsidy of protectionism to certain industries or companies. After all, politicians, not nonpartisan analysts make decisions about what constitutes a key strategic material.",how-does-the-united-states-really-feel-about-expanding-trade,"Question: According to the Pew Foundation survey, how did Americans' attitude towards increasing globalization compare to other countries surveyed?
Answer: Americans had the least favorable attitude towards increasing globalization among the 47 countries surveyed.","According to the Pew Foundation survey, how did Americans' attitude towards increasing globalization compare to other countries surveyed?",Americans had the least favorable attitude towards increasing globalization among the 47 countries surveyed.,"['table 203', 'growing trade ties', 'united states', 'military uniforms', 'mohair']"
507,20-04-00-overview,20-04,0,Overview,"
- Explain the origin and role of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
- Discuss the significance and provide examples of regional trading agreements
- Analyze trade policy at the national level
- Evaluate long-term trends in barriers to trade
Public policy arguments about how nations should react to globalization and trade are fought out at several levels: at the global level through the World Trade Organization and through regional trade agreements between pairs or groups of countries.
Just a quick overview of the history of GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade), which eventually became the WTO (World Trade Organization).""Episode
37: G...
","- Explain the origin and role of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
- Discuss the significance and provide examples of regional trading agreements
- Analyze trade policy at the national level
- Evaluate long-term trends in barriers to trade
Public policy arguments about how nations should react to globalization and trade are fought out at several levels: at the global level through the World Trade Organization and through regional trade agreements between pairs or groups of countries.
**Table 22.5** Some Regional Trade Agreements
This video gives an overview of the types of trade agreements, or trade blocs. ""Episode 38: Trade Blocs"" by Dr. Mary J. McGlasson is licensed under a Creativ...
","There are different types of economic integration across the globe, ranging from free trade agreements, in which participants allow each other's imports without tariffs or quotas, to common markets, in which participants have a common external trade policy as well as free trade within the group, to full economic unions, in which, in addition to a common market, monetary and fiscal policies are coordinated. Many nations belong both to the World Trade Organization and to regional trading agreements.
The best known of these regional trading agreements is the European Union. In the years after World War II, leaders of several European nations reasoned that if they could tie their economies together more closely, they might be more likely to avoid another devastating war. Their efforts began with a free trade association, evolved into a common market, and then transformed into what is now a full economic union, known as the European Union.
The EU, as it is often called, has a number of goals. For example, in the early 2000s it introduced a common currency for Europe, the euro, and phased out most of the former national forms of money like the German mark and the French franc, though a few have retained their own currency. Another key element of the union is to eliminate barriers to the mobility of goods, labor, and capital across Europe.
For the United States, perhaps the best-known regional trading agreement is the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The United States also participates in some less-prominent regional trading agreements, like the Caribbean Basin Initiative, which offers reduced tariffs for imports from Caribbean countries, and a free trade agreement with Israel.
The world has seen a flood of regional trading agreements in recent years. About 100 such agreements are now in place. Table 22.5 lists a few of the more prominent ones. Some are just agreements to continue talking, while others set specific goals for reducing tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers. One economist described the current trade treaties as a “spaghetti bowl,” which is what a map with lines connecting all the countries with trade treaties looks like.
There is concern among economists who favor free trade that some of these regional agreements may promise free trade, but actually act as a way for the countries within the regional agreement to try to limit trade from anywhere else. In some cases, the regional trade agreements may even conflict with the broader agreements of the World Trade Organization.
Table 22.5 Some Regional Trade Agreements
Savings Institutions
Credit Union
Savings institutions are also sometimes called ""savings and loans"" or
""thrifts"". They also make loans and take deposits. However, from the 1930s
until the 1980s, federal law limited how much interest savings
institutions could pay to depositors. They were also required to make most
of their loans in the form of housing-related loans, either to homebuyers
or to real-estate developers and builders.
A credit union is a nonprofit financial institution that its members own
and run. Members of each credit union decide who is eligible to be a
member. Usually, potential members would be everyone in a certain
community, or groups of employees, or members of a certain organization.
The credit union accepts deposits from members and focuses on making loans
back to its members. While there are more credit unions than banks and
more banks than savings and loans, the total assets of credit unions are
growing.
In 2008, there were 7,085 banks. Due to the bank failures of 2007-2009 and bank mergers, there were 5,571 banks in the United States at the end of the fourth quarter in 2014. According to the Credit Union National Association, as of December 2014 there were 6,535 credit unions with assets totaling \$1.1 billion. The public rallied behind a ""Transfer Your Money"" day in 2009 out of general public disgust with big bank bailouts. People were encouraged to transfer their deposits to credit unions. This has grown into the ongoing Move Your Money Project. Consequently, some now hold deposits as large as \$50 billion. However, according to the Dallas Federal Reserve, as of 2013, the 12 largest banks (0.2%) controlled 69 percent of all banking assets.
This week: Dive deeper into one type of financial intermediary: Banks. Next week: Sticking with macroeconomics, we'll take a look at the next intermediary: S...
","Banks have a couple of close cousins: savings institutions and credit unions. Banks, as we explained, receive deposits from individuals and businesses and make loans with the money.
Savings Institutions
Credit Union
Savings institutions are also sometimes called ""savings and loans"" or
""thrifts"". They also make loans and take deposits. However, from the 1930s
until the 1980s, federal law limited how much interest savings
institutions could pay to depositors. They were also required to make most
of their loans in the form of housing-related loans, either to homebuyers
or to real-estate developers and builders.
A credit union is a nonprofit financial institution that its members own
and run. Members of each credit union decide who is eligible to be a
member. Usually, potential members would be everyone in a certain
community, or groups of employees, or members of a certain organization.
The credit union accepts deposits from members and focuses on making loans
back to its members. While there are more credit unions than banks and
more banks than savings and loans, the total assets of credit unions are
growing.
In 2008, there were 7,085 banks. Due to the bank failures of 2007-2009 and bank mergers, there were 5,571 banks in the United States at the end of the fourth quarter in 2014. According to the Credit Union National Association, as of December 2014 there were 6,535 credit unions with assets totaling \$1.1 billion. The public rallied behind a ""Transfer Your Money"" day in 2009 out of general public disgust with big bank bailouts. People were encouraged to transfer their deposits to credit unions. This has grown into the ongoing Move Your Money Project. Consequently, some now hold deposits as large as \$50 billion. However, according to the Dallas Federal Reserve, as of 2013, the 12 largest banks (0.2%) controlled 69 percent of all banking assets.
**Figure 3.10 Shifts in Supply: A Car Example**
Consider the supply for cars, shown by curve S0 in [Figure 3.10](3-2-shifts-in-demand-and-supply-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_007).
Point J indicates that if the price is \$20,000, the quantity supplied will be 18 million cars. If the price rises to $22,000 per car, _ceteris paribus,_ the quantity supplied will rise to 20 million cars, as point K on the S0 curve shows. We can show the same information in table form, as in [Table 3.5](3-2-shifts-in-demand-and-supply-for-goods-and-services#Table_03_05).
Decreased supply means that at every given price, the quantity supplied is lower, so that the supply curve shifts to the left, from S0 to S1. Increased supply means that at every given price, the quantity supplied is higher, so that the supply curve shifts to the right, from S0 to S2. We can show the same information in table form, as in **Table 3.5**.
| Price (per gallon) | Decrease to S1 | Original Quantity Supplied S0 | Increase to S2 |
| ------------------ | -------------- | ----------------------------- | -------------- |
| \$16,000 | 10.5 million | 12.0 million | 13.2 million |
| \$18,000 | 13.5 million | 15.0 million | 16.5 million |
| \$20,000 | 16.5 million | 18.0 million | 19.8 million |
| \$22,000 | 18.5 million | 20.0 million | 22.0 million |
| \$24,000 | 19.5 million | 21.0 million | 23.1 million |
| \$26,000 | 20.5 million | 22.0 million | 24.2 million |
**Table 3.5 Price and Shifts in Supply: A Car Example**
Now, imagine that the price of steel, an important ingredient in manufacturing cars, rises, so that producing a car has become more expensive. At any given price for selling cars, car manufacturers will react by supplying a lower quantity. We can show this graphically as a leftward shift of supply, from S0 to S1, which indicates that at any given price, the quantity supplied decreases. In this example, at a price of $20,000, the quantity supplied decreases from 18 million on the original supply curve (S0) to 16.5 million on the supply curve S1, which is labeled as point L.
Conversely, if the price of steel decreases, producing a car becomes less expensive. At any given price for selling cars, car manufacturers can now expect to earn higher profits, so they will supply a higher quantity. The shift of supply to the right, from S0 to S2, means that at all prices, the quantity supplied has increased. In this example, at a price of $20,000, the quantity supplied increases from 18 million on the original supply curve (S0) to 19.8 million on the supply curve S2, which is labeled M.","In thinking about the factors that affect supply, remember what motivates firms: profits, which are the difference between revenues and costs. A firm produces goods and services using combinations of labor, materials, and machinery, or what we call inputs or factors of production. If a firm faces lower costs of production, while the prices for the good or service the firm produces remain unchanged, a firm's profits go up. When a firm's profits increase, it is more motivated to produce output, since the more it produces the more profit it will earn.
In other words:
When costs of production fall, a firm will tend to supply a larger quantity at any given price for its output. We can show this by the supply curve shifting to the right (Figure 3.10: shift from S0 to S2).
Conversely, if a firm faces higher costs of production, then it will earn lower profits at any given selling price for its products. As a result, a higher cost of production typically causes a firm to supply a smaller quantity at any given price. In this case, the supply curve shifts to the left (Figure 3.10: shift from S0 to S1).
Take, for example, a messenger company that delivers packages around a city. The company may find that buying gasoline is one of its main costs. If the price of gasoline falls, then the company will find it can deliver messages more cheaply than before. Since lower costs correspond to higher profits, the messenger company may now supply more of its services at any given price. For example, given the lower gasoline prices, the company can now serve a greater area, and increase its supply.Alternatively, if the price of gasoline rises, the company may need to deliver fewer messages.
We can demonstrate the effects of production costs like these through a supply curve that shows how quantity supplied will change as the price rises and falls, ceteris paribus. If other factors relevant to supply do change, then the entire supply curve will shift. Just as we described a shift in demand as a change in the quantity demanded at every price, a shift in supply means a change in the quantity supplied at every price.
**Figure 8.4 Countries with Relatively Low Inflation Rates, 1960-2016**
Around the rest of the world, the pattern of inflation has been very mixed; **Figure 8.4** shows inflation rates over the last several decades. Many industrialized countries, not just the United States, had relatively high inflation rates in the 1970s. For example, in 1975, Japan's inflation rate was over 8% and the inflation rate for the United Kingdom was almost 25%. In the 1980s, inflation rates came down in the United States and in Europe and have largely stayed down.
Countries with controlled economies in the 1970s, like the Soviet Union and China, historically had very low rates of measured inflation—because prices were forbidden to rise by law, except for the cases where the government deemed a price increase to be due to quality improvements. However, these countries also had perpetual shortages of goods, since forbidding prices to rise acts like a price ceiling and creates a situation where quantity demanded often exceeds quantity supplied. As Russia and China made a transition toward more market-oriented economies, they also experienced outbursts of inflation, although we should regard the statistics for these economies as somewhat shakier. Inflation in China averaged about 10% per year for much of the 1980s and early 1990s, although it has dropped off since then. Russia experienced **hyperinflation**—an outburst of high inflation—of 2,500% per year in the early 1990s, although by 2006 Russia's consumer price inflation had dipped below 10% per year, as **Figure 8.5** shows. The closest the United States has ever reached hyperinflation was during the 1860-1865 Civil War, in the Confederate states.
These charts show the percentage change in consumer prices compared with the previous year's consumer prices in Brazil, China, and Russia.
(a) Of these, Brazil and Russia experienced very high inflation at some point between the late-1980s and late-1990s.
(b) Though not as high, China also had high inflation rates in the mid-1990s. Even though their inflation rates have come down over the last two decades, several of these countries continue to see significant inflation rates.
**Figure 8.5 Countries with Relatively High Inflation Rates, 1980-2016**
(Sources: Inflation, consumer prices for Brazil; Consumer Price Index: All
Items for China)
Many countries in Latin America experienced raging inflation during the 1980s and early 1990s, with inflation rates often well above 100% per year. In 1990, for example, both Brazil and Argentina saw inflation climb above 2000%. Certain countries in Africa experienced extremely high rates of inflation, sometimes bordering on hyperinflation, in the 1990s. Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa, had an inflation rate of 75% in 1995.
In the early 2000s, the problem of inflation appears to have diminished for most countries, at least in comparison to the worst times of recent decades. As we noted in this earlier Bring it Home feature, in recent years, the world's worst example of hyperinflation was in Zimbabwe, where at one point the government was issuing bills with a face value of \$100 trillion (in Zimbabwean dollars)—that is, the bills had \$100,000,000,000,000 written on the front, but were almost worthless. In many countries, the memory of double-digit, triple-digit, and even quadruple-digit inflation is not very far in the past.
Inflation can carry with it quite a few costs. But some governments, like Zimbabwe under President Robert Mugabe in the early 2000s, will go out of their to ...
","
- Explain protectionism and its three main forms
- Analyze protectionism through concepts of demand and supply, noting its effects on equilibrium
- Calculate the effects of trade barriers
When a government legislates policies to reduce or block international trade,
it is engaging in **protectionism**.
Protectionist policies often seek to shield domestic producers and domestic workers from foreign competition. Protectionism takes three main forms: tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers.
Recall from **International Trade** that **tariffs** are taxes that governments impose on imported goods and services. This makes imports more expensive for consumers, discouraging imports. For example, in recent years, large flat-screen televisions imported to the U.S. from China have faced a 5% tariff rate
Another way to control trade is through **import quotas**, which are numerical
limitations on the quantity of products that a country can import.
For instance, during the early 1980s, the Reagan Administration imposed a quota on the import of Japanese automobiles. In the 1970s, many developed countries, including the United States, found themselves with declining textile industries. Textile production does not require highly skilled workers, so producers were able to set up lower-cost factories in developing countries. In order to “manage” this loss of jobs and income, the developed countries established an international Multifiber Agreement that essentially divided the market for textile exports between importers and the remaining domestic producers. The agreement, which ran from 1974 to 2004, specified the exact quota of textile imports that each developed country would accept from each low-income country. A similar story exists for sugar imports into the United States, which are still governed by quotas.
**Nontariff barriers** are all the other ways that a nation can draw up rules,
regulations, inspections, and paperwork to make it more costly or difficult to
import products.
A rule requiring certain safety standards can limit imports just as effectively as high tariffs or low import quotas, for instance.
There are also nontariff barriers in the form of “rules-of-origin” regulations; these rules describe the “Made in Country X” label as the one in which the last substantial change in the product took place. A manufacturer wishing to evade import restrictions may try to change the production process so that the last big change in the product happens in his or her own country. For example, certain textiles are made in the United States, shipped to other countries, combined with textiles made in those other countries to make apparel—and then re-exported back to the United States for a final assembly, to escape paying tariffs or to obtain a “Made in the USA” label.
Despite import quotas, tariffs, and nontariff barriers, the share of apparel sold in the United States that is imported rose from about half in 1999 to about three-quarters today. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), estimated the number of U.S. jobs in textiles and apparel fell from 666,360 in 2007 to 385,240 in 2012, a 42% decline. Even more U.S. textile industry jobs would have been lost without tariffs. However, domestic jobs that are saved by import quotas come at a cost. Because textile and apparel protectionism adds to the costs of imports, consumers end up paying billions of dollars more for clothing each year.
When the United States eliminates trade barriers in one area, consumers spend the money they save on that product elsewhere in the economy. Thus, while eliminating trade barriers in one sector of the economy will likely result in some job loss in that sector, consumers will spend the resulting savings in other sectors of the economy and hence increase the number of jobs in those other sectors. Of course, workers in some of the poorest countries of the world who would otherwise have jobs producing textiles, would gain considerably if the United States reduced its barriers to trade in textiles. That said, there are good reasons to be wary about reducing barriers to trade. The 2012 and 2013 Bangladeshi fires in textile factories, which resulted in a horrific loss of life, present complications that our simplified analysis in the chapter will not capture.
Realizing the compromises between nations that come about due to trade policy, many countries came together in 1947 to form the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). We'll cover the GATT in more detail later in the chapter, but for now, it is important to note that this agreement has since been superseded by the World Trade Organization (WTO), whose membership includes about 150 nations and most of the world's economies. The WTO is the primary international mechanism through which nations negotiate their trade rules—including rules about tariffs, quotas, and nontariff barriers. The next section examines the results of such protectionism and develops a simple model to show the impact of trade policy.
In this video, I go over the types of tools that might be used to restrict trade, and the effects of trade restrictions. ""Episode 36: Types of Trade Restrict...
","- Explain protectionism and its three main forms
- Analyze protectionism through concepts of demand and supply, noting its effects on equilibrium
- Calculate the effects of trade barriers
When a government legislates policies to reduce or block international trade,
it is engaging in protectionism.
Protectionist policies often seek to shield domestic producers and domestic workers from foreign competition. Protectionism takes three main forms: tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers.
Recall from International Trade that tariffs are taxes that governments impose on imported goods and services. This makes imports more expensive for consumers, discouraging imports. For example, in recent years, large flat-screen televisions imported to the U.S. from China have faced a 5% tariff rate
Another way to control trade is through import quotas, which are numerical
limitations on the quantity of products that a country can import.
For instance, during the early 1980s, the Reagan Administration imposed a quota on the import of Japanese automobiles. In the 1970s, many developed countries, including the United States, found themselves with declining textile industries. Textile production does not require highly skilled workers, so producers were able to set up lower-cost factories in developing countries. In order to “manage” this loss of jobs and income, the developed countries established an international Multifiber Agreement that essentially divided the market for textile exports between importers and the remaining domestic producers. The agreement, which ran from 1974 to 2004, specified the exact quota of textile imports that each developed country would accept from each low-income country. A similar story exists for sugar imports into the United States, which are still governed by quotas.
Nontariff barriers are all the other ways that a nation can draw up rules,
regulations, inspections, and paperwork to make it more costly or difficult to
import products.
A rule requiring certain safety standards can limit imports just as effectively as high tariffs or low import quotas, for instance.
There are also nontariff barriers in the form of “rules-of-origin” regulations; these rules describe the “Made in Country X” label as the one in which the last substantial change in the product took place. A manufacturer wishing to evade import restrictions may try to change the production process so that the last big change in the product happens in his or her own country. For example, certain textiles are made in the United States, shipped to other countries, combined with textiles made in those other countries to make apparel—and then re-exported back to the United States for a final assembly, to escape paying tariffs or to obtain a “Made in the USA” label.
Despite import quotas, tariffs, and nontariff barriers, the share of apparel sold in the United States that is imported rose from about half in 1999 to about three-quarters today. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), estimated the number of U.S. jobs in textiles and apparel fell from 666,360 in 2007 to 385,240 in 2012, a 42% decline. Even more U.S. textile industry jobs would have been lost without tariffs. However, domestic jobs that are saved by import quotas come at a cost. Because textile and apparel protectionism adds to the costs of imports, consumers end up paying billions of dollars more for clothing each year.
When the United States eliminates trade barriers in one area, consumers spend the money they save on that product elsewhere in the economy. Thus, while eliminating trade barriers in one sector of the economy will likely result in some job loss in that sector, consumers will spend the resulting savings in other sectors of the economy and hence increase the number of jobs in those other sectors. Of course, workers in some of the poorest countries of the world who would otherwise have jobs producing textiles, would gain considerably if the United States reduced its barriers to trade in textiles. That said, there are good reasons to be wary about reducing barriers to trade. The 2012 and 2013 Bangladeshi fires in textile factories, which resulted in a horrific loss of life, present complications that our simplified analysis in the chapter will not capture.
Realizing the compromises between nations that come about due to trade policy, many countries came together in 1947 to form the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). We'll cover the GATT in more detail later in the chapter, but for now, it is important to note that this agreement has since been superseded by the World Trade Organization (WTO), whose membership includes about 150 nations and most of the world's economies. The WTO is the primary international mechanism through which nations negotiate their trade rules—including rules about tariffs, quotas, and nontariff barriers. The next section examines the results of such protectionism and develops a simple model to show the impact of trade policy.
In this video, I go over the types of tools that might be used to restrict trade, and the effects of trade restrictions. ""Episode 36: Types of Trade Restrict...",overview,"Question: What are the three main forms of protectionism?
Answer: The three main forms of protectionism are tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers.",What are the three main forms of protectionism? ,"The three main forms of protectionism are tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers.","['protectionism', 'demand', 'supply', 'international trade', 'domestic producers', 'domestic workers', 'nont']"
514,01-04-01-what-countries-are-considered-economically-free,01-04,1,What countries are considered economically free?,"Who is in control of economic decisions? Are people free to do what they want and to work where they want? Are businesses free to produce when they want and what they choose, and to hire and fire as they wish? Are banks free to choose who will receive loans, or does the government control these kinds of choices? Each year, researchers at the Heritage Foundation and the _Wall Street Journal_ look at 50 different categories of economic freedom for countries around the world. They give each nation a score based on the extent of economic freedom in each category. Note that while the Heritage Foundation/WSJ index is widely cited by an array of scholars and publications, it should be regarded as only one viewpoint. Some experts indicate that the index's category choices and scores are politically biased. However, the index and others like it provide a useful resource for critical discussion of economic freedom.
The 2016 Heritage Foundation's Index of Economic Freedom report ranked 178 countries around the world: Table 1.1 lists some examples of the most free and the least free countries. Although technically not a separate country, Hong Kong has been granted a degree of autonomy such that, for purposes of measuring economic statistics, it is often treated as a separate country. Several additional countries were not ranked because of extreme instability that made judgments about economic freedom impossible. These countries include Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Somalia, and Yemen.
The assigned rankings are inevitably based on estimates, yet even these rough measures can be useful for discerning trends. In 2015, 101 of the 178 included countries shifted toward greater economic freedom, although 77 of the countries shifted toward less economic freedom. In recent decades, the overall trend has been a _higher level of economic freedom around the world_.
| Most Economic Freedom | Least Economic Freedom |
| --------------------- | --------------------------------- |
| 1. Hong Kong | 167. Timor-Leste |
| 2. Singapore | 168. Democratic Republic of Congo |
| 3. New Zealand | 169. Argentina |
| 4. Switzerland | 170. Equatorial Guinea |
| 5. Australia | 171. Iran |
| 6. Canada | 172. Republic of Congo |
| 7. Chile | 173. Eritrea |
| 8. Ireland | 174. Turkmenistan |
| 9. Estonia | 175. Zimbabwe |
| 10. United Kingdom | 176. Venezuela |
| 11. United States | 177. Cuba |
| 12. Denmark | 178. North Korea |
**Table 1.1 Economic Freedoms, 2016** (Source: The Heritage Foundation, 2016
Index of Economic Freedom, Country Rankings,
http://www.heritage.org/index/ranking)
For a similar ranking, but one that defines freedom more broadly, see the Cato Foundation's Human Freedom Index (https://openstax.org/l/cato).","Who is in control of economic decisions? Are people free to do what they want and to work where they want? Are businesses free to produce when they want and what they choose, and to hire and fire as they wish? Are banks free to choose who will receive loans, or does the government control these kinds of choices? Each year, researchers at the Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street Journal look at 50 different categories of economic freedom for countries around the world. They give each nation a score based on the extent of economic freedom in each category. Note that while the Heritage Foundation/WSJ index is widely cited by an array of scholars and publications, it should be regarded as only one viewpoint. Some experts indicate that the index's category choices and scores are politically biased. However, the index and others like it provide a useful resource for critical discussion of economic freedom.
The 2016 Heritage Foundation's Index of Economic Freedom report ranked 178 countries around the world: Table 1.1 lists some examples of the most free and the least free countries. Although technically not a separate country, Hong Kong has been granted a degree of autonomy such that, for purposes of measuring economic statistics, it is often treated as a separate country. Several additional countries were not ranked because of extreme instability that made judgments about economic freedom impossible. These countries include Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Somalia, and Yemen.
The assigned rankings are inevitably based on estimates, yet even these rough measures can be useful for discerning trends. In 2015, 101 of the 178 included countries shifted toward greater economic freedom, although 77 of the countries shifted toward less economic freedom. In recent decades, the overall trend has been a higher level of economic freedom around the world.
Table 1.1 Economic Freedoms, 2016 (Source: The Heritage Foundation, 2016
Index of Economic Freedom, Country Rankings,
http://www.heritage.org/index/ranking)
For a similar ranking, but one that defines freedom more broadly, see the Cato Foundation's Human Freedom Index (https://openstax.org/l/cato).",what-countries-are-considered-economically-free,"{""question"": ""Who ranks countries based on economic freedom?"", ""answer"": ""The Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street Journal.""}",Who ranks countries based on economic freedom?,The Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street Journal.,"['economic freedom', 'heritage foundation', 'wall street jacob', 'category choices']"
515,09-01-01-the-ceteris-paribus-assumption,09-01,1,The Potential GDP Line and the 45-degree Line,,,the-ceteris-paribus-assumption,"{""question"": ""What is the purpose of the JSON schema?"", ""answer"": ""The purpose of the JSON schema is to define the structure and constraints of JSON data.""}",,,"['dynamic programming', 'gabor frames', 'multiresolution hierarchy']"
516,06-02-00-other-ways-to-measure-the-economy,06-02,0,Overview,"
- Identify the role of labor productivity in promoting economic growth
- Analyze the sources of economic growth using the aggregate production function
- Measure an economy's rate of productivity growth
- Evaluate the power of sustained growth
Sustained long-term economic growth comes from increases in worker
productivity, which essentially means how well we do things. In other words,
how efficient is your nation with its time and workers?
**Labor productivity** is the value that each employed person creates per unit of his or her input. The easiest way to comprehend labor productivity is to imagine a Canadian worker who can make 10 loaves of bread in an hour versus a U.S. worker who in the same hour can make only two loaves of bread. In this fictional example, the Canadians are more productive. More productivity means you can do more in the same amount of time. This in turn frees up resources for workers to use elsewhere.
What determines how productive workers are? There are three factors: human capital, technological change, and economies of scale.
The first determinant of labor productivity is human capital. Human capital is the accumulated knowledge (from education and experience), skills, and expertise that the average worker in an economy possesses. Typically, the higher the average level of education in an economy, the higher the accumulated human capital and the higher the labor productivity.
The second factor that determines labor productivity is technological change. **Technological change** is a combination of **invention**—advances in knowledge—and **innovation**, which is putting those advances to use in a new product or service. For example, the transistor was invented in 1947. It allowed us to miniaturize the footprint of electronic devices and use less power than the tube technology that came before it. Innovations since then have produced smaller and better transistors that are ubiquitous in products as varied as smart-phones, computers, and escalators. Developing the transistor has allowed workers to be anywhere with smaller devices. People can use these devices to communicate with other workers, measure product quality or do any other task in less time, improving worker productivity.
The third factor that determines labor productivity is **economies of scale**. Recall that economies of scale are the cost advantages that industries obtain due to size.
Consider again the case of the fictional Canadian worker who could produce 10 loaves of bread in an hour. If this difference in productivity was due only to economies of scale, it could be that the Canadian worker had access to a large industrial-size oven while the U.S. worker was using a standard residential size oven.
Now that we have explored the determinants of worker productivity, let's turn to how economists measure economic growth and productivity.","Identify the role of labor productivity in promoting economic growth
Analyze the sources of economic growth using the aggregate production function
Measure an economy's rate of productivity growth
Evaluate the power of sustained growth
Sustained long-term economic growth comes from increases in worker
productivity, which essentially means how well we do things. In other words,
how efficient is your nation with its time and workers?
Labor productivity is the value that each employed person creates per unit of his or her input. The easiest way to comprehend labor productivity is to imagine a Canadian worker who can make 10 loaves of bread in an hour versus a U.S. worker who in the same hour can make only two loaves of bread. In this fictional example, the Canadians are more productive. More productivity means you can do more in the same amount of time. This in turn frees up resources for workers to use elsewhere.
What determines how productive workers are? There are three factors: human capital, technological change, and economies of scale.
The first determinant of labor productivity is human capital. Human capital is the accumulated knowledge (from education and experience), skills, and expertise that the average worker in an economy possesses. Typically, the higher the average level of education in an economy, the higher the accumulated human capital and the higher the labor productivity.
The second factor that determines labor productivity is technological change. Technological change is a combination of invention—advances in knowledge—and innovation, which is putting those advances to use in a new product or service. For example, the transistor was invented in 1947. It allowed us to miniaturize the footprint of electronic devices and use less power than the tube technology that came before it. Innovations since then have produced smaller and better transistors that are ubiquitous in products as varied as smart-phones, computers, and escalators. Developing the transistor has allowed workers to be anywhere with smaller devices. People can use these devices to communicate with other workers, measure product quality or do any other task in less time, improving worker productivity.
The third factor that determines labor productivity is economies of scale. Recall that economies of scale are the cost advantages that industries obtain due to size.
Consider again the case of the fictional Canadian worker who could produce 10 loaves of bread in an hour. If this difference in productivity was due only to economies of scale, it could be that the Canadian worker had access to a large industrial-size oven while the U.S. worker was using a standard residential size oven.
Now that we have explored the determinants of worker productivity, let's turn to how economists measure economic growth and productivity.",other-ways-to-measure-the-economy,"Question: What determines the productivity of workers?
Answer: The productivity of workers is determined by human capital, technological change, and economies of scale.",What determines the productivity of workers?,"The productivity of workers is determined by human capital, technological change, and economies of scale.","['labor productivity', 'economic growth', 'aggregate production function', 'economies of scale', 'canadian']"
517,13-03-03-a-banks-balance-sheet,13-03,3,A Bank's Balance Sheet,"
A balance sheet is an accounting tool that lists assets and liabilities.
An **asset** is something of value that you own and you can use to produce something. For example, you can use the cash you own to pay your tuition. If you own a home, this is also an asset. A **liability** is a debt or something you owe. Many people borrow money to buy homes. In this case, a home is the asset, but the mortgage is the liability. The **net worth** is the asset value minus how much is owed (the liability). A bank's balance sheet operates in much the same way. A bank's net worth as **bank capital**.
**Figure 13.5** illustrates a hypothetical and simplified balance sheet for the Safe and Secure Bank. Because of the two-column format of the balance sheet, with the T-shape formed by the vertical line down the middle and the horizontal line under “Assets” and ""Liabilities"", we sometimes call it a **T-account**.
| Assets | Liabilities + Net Worth |
| ------------------------------------------- | ----------------------- |
| Loans $5 million | Deposits $10 million |
| U.S Government Securities (USGS) $4 million | |
| Reserves $2 million | Net Worth $1 million |
A Balance Sheet for the Safe and Secure Bank
The ""T"" in a T-account separates the assets of a firm on the left from its liabilities on the right. All firms use T-accounts, though most are much more complex. For a bank, the **assets** include cash held in its vaults, monies that the bank holds at the Federal Reserve bank (called “reserves”), loans that it makes to customers, and bonds (i.e. financial instruments that either the bank is holding in its reserves or that other parties owe to the bank, like loans or U.S. treasury bonds).
**Liabilities** are what the bank owes to others, including any deposits made to the bank by savers. The **net worth** of the bank is the total assets minus total liabilities. Net worth is included on the liabilities side to have the T-account balance to zero. For a healthy business, net worth will be positive. For a bankrupt firm, net worth will be negative. In either case, on a bank's T-account, assets will always equal liabilities plus net worth.
When bank customers deposit money into a checking account, savings account, or a certificate of deposit, the bank views these deposits as liabilities. After all, the bank owes these deposits to its customers, when the customers wish to withdraw their money. In the example in **Figure 13.5**, the Safe and Secure Bank holds $10 million in deposits.
LOANS
BONDS
RESERVES
**Loan** is a category of bank assets. Say that a family takes out a 30-year mortgage loan to purchase a house, which means that the borrower will repay the loan over the next 30 years. This loan is clearly an asset from the bank's perspective, because the borrower has a legal obligation to make payments to the bank over time.
However, in practical terms, how can we measure the value of the mortgage loan that the borrower is paying over 30 years in the present? One way of measuring the value of something by estimating what another party in the market is willing to pay for it. Many banks issue home loans and charge various handling and processing fees for doing so. They then sell the loans to other banks or financial institutions who collect the loan payments. We call the market where financial institutions make loans to borrowers the **primary loan market**, while the market in which financial institutions buy and sell these loans is the **secondary loan market**.
One key factor that affects what financial institutions are willing to pay for a loan in the secondary loan market is the perceived risk of the loan: that is, given the borrower's financial characteristics and whether the local economy is performing strongly, what proportion of loans of this type will the borrower repay? The greater the risk that a borrower will not repay loan, the less that any financial institution will pay to acquire the loan.
Another key factor is to compare the interest rate the financial institution charged on the original loan with the current interest rate in the economy. If the original loan requires the borrower to pay a low interest rate, but current interest rates are relatively high, then a financial institution will pay less to acquire the loan. In contrast, if the original loan requires the borrower to pay a high interest rate, while current interest rates are relatively low, then a financial institution will pay more to acquire the loan. For the Safe and Secure Bank in this example, the total value of its loans in the secondary market is $5 million if sold to other financial institutions.
The second category of bank asset is **bonds**, which are a common mechanism for borrowing used by the federal and local government, private companies, and nonprofit organizations. A bank takes some of the money it has received in deposits and uses the money to buy bonds—typically issued by the U.S. government. Government bonds are low risk because the government is almost certain to pay off the bond, albeit at a low rate of interest. These bonds are an asset for banks in the same way that loans are an asset: The bank will receive a stream of payments in the future. In our example, the Safe and Secure Bank holds bonds worth a total value of \$4 million.
The final entry under assets is **reserves**, which is money that the bank keeps on hand, and that it does not lend or invest in bonds—and thus does not lead to interest payments. The Federal Reserve requires that banks keep a certain percentage of depositors' money on “reserve,” which means either in their vaults or at the Federal Reserve Bank. We call this a reserve requirement. (**Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation** will explain how the level of these required reserves are one policy tool that governments have to influence bank behavior.) Additionally, banks may also want to keep a certain amount of reserves on hand in excess of what is required. The Safe and Secure Bank is holding \$2 million in reserves.
We define net worth of a bank as its total assets minus its total liabilities. For the Safe and Secure Bank in **Figure 13.5**, net worth is equal to \$1 million; that is, \$11 million in assets minus \$10 million in liabilities. For a financially healthy bank, the net worth will be positive. If a bank has negative net worth and depositors tried to withdraw their money, the bank would not be able to give all depositors their money.
PBS Newshour 4/6/2010 We explore the differences for consumers between small
community banks and the too big to fail behemoths.
","A balance sheet is an accounting tool that lists assets and liabilities.
An asset is something of value that you own and you can use to produce something. For example, you can use the cash you own to pay your tuition. If you own a home, this is also an asset. A liability is a debt or something you owe. Many people borrow money to buy homes. In this case, a home is the asset, but the mortgage is the liability. The net worth is the asset value minus how much is owed (the liability). A bank's balance sheet operates in much the same way. A bank's net worth as bank capital.
Figure 13.5 illustrates a hypothetical and simplified balance sheet for the Safe and Secure Bank. Because of the two-column format of the balance sheet, with the T-shape formed by the vertical line down the middle and the horizontal line under “Assets” and ""Liabilities"", we sometimes call it a T-account.
A Balance Sheet for the Safe and Secure Bank
The ""T"" in a T-account separates the assets of a firm on the left from its liabilities on the right. All firms use T-accounts, though most are much more complex. For a bank, the assets include cash held in its vaults, monies that the bank holds at the Federal Reserve bank (called “reserves”), loans that it makes to customers, and bonds (i.e. financial instruments that either the bank is holding in its reserves or that other parties owe to the bank, like loans or U.S. treasury bonds).
Liabilities are what the bank owes to others, including any deposits made to the bank by savers. The net worth of the bank is the total assets minus total liabilities. Net worth is included on the liabilities side to have the T-account balance to zero. For a healthy business, net worth will be positive. For a bankrupt firm, net worth will be negative. In either case, on a bank's T-account, assets will always equal liabilities plus net worth.
When bank customers deposit money into a checking account, savings account, or a certificate of deposit, the bank views these deposits as liabilities. After all, the bank owes these deposits to its customers, when the customers wish to withdraw their money. In the example in Figure 13.5, the Safe and Secure Bank holds $10 million in deposits.
LOANS
BONDS
RESERVES
Loan is a category of bank assets. Say that a family takes out a 30-year mortgage loan to purchase a house, which means that the borrower will repay the loan over the next 30 years. This loan is clearly an asset from the bank's perspective, because the borrower has a legal obligation to make payments to the bank over time.
However, in practical terms, how can we measure the value of the mortgage loan that the borrower is paying over 30 years in the present? One way of measuring the value of something by estimating what another party in the market is willing to pay for it. Many banks issue home loans and charge various handling and processing fees for doing so. They then sell the loans to other banks or financial institutions who collect the loan payments. We call the market where financial institutions make loans to borrowers the **primary loan market**, while the market in which financial institutions buy and sell these loans is the **secondary loan market**.
One key factor that affects what financial institutions are willing to pay for a loan in the secondary loan market is the perceived risk of the loan: that is, given the borrower's financial characteristics and whether the local economy is performing strongly, what proportion of loans of this type will the borrower repay? The greater the risk that a borrower will not repay loan, the less that any financial institution will pay to acquire the loan.
Another key factor is to compare the interest rate the financial institution charged on the original loan with the current interest rate in the economy. If the original loan requires the borrower to pay a low interest rate, but current interest rates are relatively high, then a financial institution will pay less to acquire the loan. In contrast, if the original loan requires the borrower to pay a high interest rate, while current interest rates are relatively low, then a financial institution will pay more to acquire the loan. For the Safe and Secure Bank in this example, the total value of its loans in the secondary market is $5 million if sold to other financial institutions.
The second category of bank asset is **bonds**, which are a common mechanism for borrowing used by the federal and local government, private companies, and nonprofit organizations. A bank takes some of the money it has received in deposits and uses the money to buy bonds—typically issued by the U.S. government. Government bonds are low risk because the government is almost certain to pay off the bond, albeit at a low rate of interest. These bonds are an asset for banks in the same way that loans are an asset: The bank will receive a stream of payments in the future. In our example, the Safe and Secure Bank holds bonds worth a total value of \$4 million.
The final entry under assets is **reserves**, which is money that the bank keeps on hand, and that it does not lend or invest in bonds—and thus does not lead to interest payments. The Federal Reserve requires that banks keep a certain percentage of depositors' money on “reserve,” which means either in their vaults or at the Federal Reserve Bank. We call this a reserve requirement. (**Monetary Policy and Bank Regulation** will explain how the level of these required reserves are one policy tool that governments have to influence bank behavior.) Additionally, banks may also want to keep a certain amount of reserves on hand in excess of what is required. The Safe and Secure Bank is holding \$2 million in reserves.
We define net worth of a bank as its total assets minus its total liabilities. For the Safe and Secure Bank in **Figure 13.5**, net worth is equal to \$1 million; that is, \$11 million in assets minus \$10 million in liabilities. For a financially healthy bank, the net worth will be positive. If a bank has negative net worth and depositors tried to withdraw their money, the bank would not be able to give all depositors their money.
**Figure 18.2** Flow of Investment Goods and Capital
The top line shows U.S. exports of goods and services, while the second line shows financial payments from purchasers in other countries back to the U.S. economy. The third line then shows U.S. imports of goods, services, and investment, and the fourth line shows payments from the home economy to the rest of the world. Flow of goods and services (lines one and three) show up in the current account, while we find flow of funds (lines two and four) in the financial account.
The bottom four lines in **Figure 18.2** show the flows of investment income. In the first of the bottom lines, we see investments made abroad with funds flowing from the home country to the rest of the world. Investment income stemming from investment abroad then runs in the other direction from the rest of the world to the home country. Similarly, we see on the bottom third line, an investment from the rest of the world into the home country and investment income (bottom fourth line) flowing from the home country to the rest of the world. We find the investment income (bottom lines two and four) in the current account, while investment to the rest of the world or into the home country (lines one and three) is in the financial account. This figure does not show unilateral transfers, the fourth item in the current account.
A current account deficit means that, the country is a net borrower from abroad. Conversely, a positive current account balance means a country is a net lender to the rest of the world. Just like the parable of Robinson and Friday, the lesson is that a trade surplus means an overall outflow of financial investment capital, as domestic investors put their funds abroad, while a deficit in the current account balance is exactly equal to the overall or net inflow of foreign investment capital from abroad.
It is important to recognize that an inflow and outflow of foreign capital does not necessarily refer to a debt that governments owe to other governments, although government debt may be part of the picture. Instead, these international flows of financial capital refer to all of the ways in which private investors in one country may invest in another country—by buying real estate, companies, and financial investments like stocks and bonds.
","The connection between trade balances and international flows of financial capital is so close that economists sometimes describe the balance of trade as the balance of payments. Each category of the current account balance involves a corresponding flow of payments between a given country and the rest of the world economy.
Figure 18.2 shows the flow of goods and services and payments between one country—the United States in this example—and the rest of the world.
Figure 18.2 Flow of Investment Goods and Capital
The top line shows U.S. exports of goods and services, while the second line shows financial payments from purchasers in other countries back to the U.S. economy. The third line then shows U.S. imports of goods, services, and investment, and the fourth line shows payments from the home economy to the rest of the world. Flow of goods and services (lines one and three) show up in the current account, while we find flow of funds (lines two and four) in the financial account.
The bottom four lines in Figure 18.2 show the flows of investment income. In the first of the bottom lines, we see investments made abroad with funds flowing from the home country to the rest of the world. Investment income stemming from investment abroad then runs in the other direction from the rest of the world to the home country. Similarly, we see on the bottom third line, an investment from the rest of the world into the home country and investment income (bottom fourth line) flowing from the home country to the rest of the world. We find the investment income (bottom lines two and four) in the current account, while investment to the rest of the world or into the home country (lines one and three) is in the financial account. This figure does not show unilateral transfers, the fourth item in the current account.
A current account deficit means that, the country is a net borrower from abroad. Conversely, a positive current account balance means a country is a net lender to the rest of the world. Just like the parable of Robinson and Friday, the lesson is that a trade surplus means an overall outflow of financial investment capital, as domestic investors put their funds abroad, while a deficit in the current account balance is exactly equal to the overall or net inflow of foreign investment capital from abroad.
It is important to recognize that an inflow and outflow of foreign capital does not necessarily refer to a debt that governments owe to other governments, although government debt may be part of the picture. Instead, these international flows of financial capital refer to all of the ways in which private investors in one country may invest in another country—by buying real estate, companies, and financial investments like stocks and bonds.
It is a late-twentieth-century conceit that we invented the global economy
just yesterday. In fact, world markets achieved an impressive degree of
integration during the second half of the nineteenth century. Indeed, if one
wants a specific date for the beginning of a truly global economy, one might
well choose 1869, the year in which both the Suez Canal and the Union Pacific
railroad were completed. By the eve of the First World War steamships and
railroads had created markets for standardized commodities, like wheat and
wool, that were fully global in their reach. Even the global flow of
information was better than modern observers, focused on electronic
technology, tend to realize: the first submarine telegraph cable was laid
under the Atlantic in 1858, and by 1900 all of the world's major economic
regions could effectively communicate instantaneously
This first wave of globalization crashed to a halt early in the twentieth century. World War I severed many economic connections. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, many nations misguidedly tried to fix their own economies by reducing foreign trade with others. World War II further hindered international trade with global flows of goods and financial capital rebuilding only slowly after the end of the war. It was not until the early 1980s that global economic forces again became as important, relative to the size of the world economy, as they were before World War I.
","We live in a global marketplace. The food on your table might include fresh fruit from Chile, cheese from France, and bottled water from Scotland. Your wireless phone might have been made in Taiwan or Korea. The clothes you wear might be designed in Italy and manufactured in China. The toys you give to a child might have come from India. The car you drive might come from Japan, Germany, or Korea. The gasoline in the tank might be refined from crude oil from Saudi Arabia, Mexico, or Nigeria.
As a worker, if your job is involved with farming, machinery, airplanes, cars, scientific instruments, or many other technology-related industries, the odds are good that a hearty proportion of the sales of your employer—and hence the money that pays your salary—comes from export sales. We are all linked by international trade, and the volume of that trade has grown dramatically in the last few decades.
The first wave of globalization started in the nineteenth century and lasted up to the beginning of World War I. Over that time, global exports as a share of global GDP rose from less than 1% of GDP in 1820 to 9% of GDP in 1913. As the Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Krugman of Princeton University wrote in 1995:
It is a late-twentieth-century conceit that we invented the global economy
just yesterday. In fact, world markets achieved an impressive degree of
integration during the second half of the nineteenth century. Indeed, if one
wants a specific date for the beginning of a truly global economy, one might
well choose 1869, the year in which both the Suez Canal and the Union Pacific
railroad were completed. By the eve of the First World War steamships and
railroads had created markets for standardized commodities, like wheat and
wool, that were fully global in their reach. Even the global flow of
information was better than modern observers, focused on electronic
technology, tend to realize: the first submarine telegraph cable was laid
under the Atlantic in 1858, and by 1900 all of the world's major economic
regions could effectively communicate instantaneously
This first wave of globalization crashed to a halt early in the twentieth century. World War I severed many economic connections. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, many nations misguidedly tried to fix their own economies by reducing foreign trade with others. World War II further hindered international trade with global flows of goods and financial capital rebuilding only slowly after the end of the war. It was not until the early 1980s that global economic forces again became as important, relative to the size of the world economy, as they were before World War I.",introduction,"What was the share of global exports in global GDP in 1913?
Answer: 9% of GDP.",What was the share of global exports in global GDP in 1913?,9% of GDP.,"['global marketplace', 'chile', 'cheese', 'bottled water', 'taiwan', 'germany']"
523,01-01-04-the-division-of-and-specialization-of-labor,01-01,4,The Division of and Specialization of Labor,"
The formal study of economics began when **Adam Smith** (1723-1790) published
his famous book _The Wealth of Nations_ in 1776. Many authors had written on
economics in the centuries before Smith, but he was the first to address the
subject in a comprehensive way. In the first chapter, Smith introduces the
concept of **division of labor**, which means that the way one produces a good
or service is divided into a number of tasks that different workers perform,
instead of all the tasks being done by the same person.
**Figure 1.3 Adam Smith**. Adam Smith introduced the idea of dividing labor
into discrete tasks. (Credit: Wikimedia Commons)
To illustrate division of labor, Smith counted how many tasks went into making a pin: drawing out a piece of wire, cutting it to the right length, straightening it, putting a head on one end and a point on the other, and packaging pins for sale, to name just a few. Smith counted 18 distinct tasks that different people performed—all for a pin, believe it or not!
Modern businesses divide tasks as well. Even a relatively simple business like a restaurant divides the task of serving meals into a range of jobs like top chef, sous chefs, less-skilled kitchen help, servers to wait on the tables, a greeter at the door, janitors to clean up, and a business manager to handle paychecks and bills—not to mention the economic connections a restaurant has with suppliers of food, furniture, kitchen equipment, and the building where it is located. A complex business like a large manufacturing factory, such as the shoe factory ([Figure 1.4](1-1-what-is-economics-and-why-is-it-important#CNX_Econ_C01_009)), or a hospital can have hundreds of job classifications.
**Figure 1.4 Division of Labor**. Workers on an assembly line are an example
of the divisions of labor. (Credit: Nina Hale/Flickr Creative Commons).
","The formal study of economics began when Adam Smith (1723-1790) published
his famous book The Wealth of Nations in 1776. Many authors had written on
economics in the centuries before Smith, but he was the first to address the
subject in a comprehensive way. In the first chapter, Smith introduces the
concept of division of labor, which means that the way one produces a good
or service is divided into a number of tasks that different workers perform,
instead of all the tasks being done by the same person.
**Figure 17.8** International Borrowing
**Figure 17.2** earlier showed that even two economically developed neighboring economies like the United States and Canada can see significant movements in exchange rates over a few years. For firms that depend on export sales, firms that rely on imported inputs to production, or even purely domestic firms that compete with firms tied into international trade (sometimes half or more of a nation's GDP), sharp movements in exchange rates can lead to dramatic changes in profits and losses. A central bank may desire to keep exchange rates from moving too much in order to provide a stable business climate, where firms can focus on productivity and innovation, not on reacting to exchange rate fluctuations.
One of the most economically destructive effects of exchange rate fluctuations
can happen through the banking system.
The scenario of international borrowing that ends on the left is a success story, but the scenario that ends on the right shows what happens when the exchange rate weakens.
Financial institutions measure most international loans in a few large currencies, like U.S. dollars, European euros, and Japanese yen. In countries that do not use these currencies, banks often borrow funds in the currencies of other countries, like U.S. dollars, but then lend in their own domestic currency.
The left-hand chain of events in **Figure 17.8** shows how this pattern of international borrowing can work. A bank in Thailand borrows one million in U.S. dollars. Then the bank converts the dollars to its domestic currency—in the case of Thailand, at a rate of 40 baht/dollar. The bank then lends the baht to a firm in Thailand. The business repays the loan in baht, and the bank converts it back to U.S. dollars to pay off its original U.S. dollar loan.
This process of borrowing in a foreign currency and lending in a domestic currency can work just fine, as long as the exchange rate does not shift. In the scenario outlined, if the dollar strengthens and the baht weakens, a problem arises. The right-hand chain of events in the figure above illustrates what happens when the baht unexpectedly weakens from 40 baht/dollar to 50 baht/dollar. The Thai firm still repays the loan in full to the bank. However, because of the shift in the exchange rate, the bank cannot repay its loan in U.S. dollars.
In 1997-1998, countries across eastern Asia, like Thailand, Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia, experienced a sharp depreciation of their currencies, in some cases 50% or more. These countries had been experiencing substantial inflows of foreign investment capital, with bank lending increasing by 20% to 30% per year through the mid-1990s. When their exchange rates depreciated, the banking systems in these countries were bankrupt. Argentina experienced a similar chain of events in 2002. When the Argentine peso depreciated, Argentina's banks found themselves unable to pay back what they had borrowed in U.S. dollars.
Banks play a vital role in any economy in facilitating transactions and in making loans to firms and consumers. When most of a country's largest banks become bankrupt simultaneously, a sharp decline in aggregate demand and a deep recession results. Since the main responsibilities of a central bank are to control the money supply and to ensure that the banking system is stable, a central bank must be concerned about whether large and unexpected exchange rate depreciation will drive most of the country's existing banks into bankruptcy. For more on this concern, return to the chapter on **The International Trade and Capital Flows**.
","Exchange rates can fluctuate a great deal in the short run. As yet one more example, the Indian rupee moved from 39 rupees/dollar in February 2008 to 51 rupees/dollar in March 2009, a decline of more than one-fourth in the value of the rupee on foreign exchange markets.
Figure 17.8 International Borrowing
Figure 17.2 earlier showed that even two economically developed neighboring economies like the United States and Canada can see significant movements in exchange rates over a few years. For firms that depend on export sales, firms that rely on imported inputs to production, or even purely domestic firms that compete with firms tied into international trade (sometimes half or more of a nation's GDP), sharp movements in exchange rates can lead to dramatic changes in profits and losses. A central bank may desire to keep exchange rates from moving too much in order to provide a stable business climate, where firms can focus on productivity and innovation, not on reacting to exchange rate fluctuations.
One of the most economically destructive effects of exchange rate fluctuations
can happen through the banking system.
The scenario of international borrowing that ends on the left is a success story, but the scenario that ends on the right shows what happens when the exchange rate weakens.
Financial institutions measure most international loans in a few large currencies, like U.S. dollars, European euros, and Japanese yen. In countries that do not use these currencies, banks often borrow funds in the currencies of other countries, like U.S. dollars, but then lend in their own domestic currency.
The left-hand chain of events in Figure 17.8 shows how this pattern of international borrowing can work. A bank in Thailand borrows one million in U.S. dollars. Then the bank converts the dollars to its domestic currency—in the case of Thailand, at a rate of 40 baht/dollar. The bank then lends the baht to a firm in Thailand. The business repays the loan in baht, and the bank converts it back to U.S. dollars to pay off its original U.S. dollar loan.
This process of borrowing in a foreign currency and lending in a domestic currency can work just fine, as long as the exchange rate does not shift. In the scenario outlined, if the dollar strengthens and the baht weakens, a problem arises. The right-hand chain of events in the figure above illustrates what happens when the baht unexpectedly weakens from 40 baht/dollar to 50 baht/dollar. The Thai firm still repays the loan in full to the bank. However, because of the shift in the exchange rate, the bank cannot repay its loan in U.S. dollars.
In 1997-1998, countries across eastern Asia, like Thailand, Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia, experienced a sharp depreciation of their currencies, in some cases 50% or more. These countries had been experiencing substantial inflows of foreign investment capital, with bank lending increasing by 20% to 30% per year through the mid-1990s. When their exchange rates depreciated, the banking systems in these countries were bankrupt. Argentina experienced a similar chain of events in 2002. When the Argentine peso depreciated, Argentina's banks found themselves unable to pay back what they had borrowed in U.S. dollars.
Banks play a vital role in any economy in facilitating transactions and in making loans to firms and consumers. When most of a country's largest banks become bankrupt simultaneously, a sharp decline in aggregate demand and a deep recession results. Since the main responsibilities of a central bank are to control the money supply and to ensure that the banking system is stable, a central bank must be concerned about whether large and unexpected exchange rate depreciation will drive most of the country's existing banks into bankruptcy. For more on this concern, return to the chapter on The International Trade and Capital Flows.",fluctuations-in-exchange-rates,"{""question"": ""What can happen through the banking system as a result of exchange rate fluctuations?"", ""answer"": ""The banking system can experience bankruptcies and a decline in aggregate demand.""}",What can happen through the banking system as a result of exchange rate fluctuations?,The banking system can experience bankruptcies and a decline in aggregate demand.,"['exchange rates', 'india', 'foreign exchange markets', 'united states', 'canada', 'b']"
526,03-05-07-the-aggregate-expenditure-schedule,03-05,7,Why Can We Not Get Enough of Organic?,"Organic food is grown without synthetic pesticides, chemical fertilizers or genetically modified seeds. In recent decades, the demand for organic products has increased dramatically. The Organic Trade Association reported sales increased from \$1 billion in 1990 to $35.1 billion in 2013, more than 90% of which were sales of food products.
Why, then, are organic foods more expensive than their conventional counterparts? The answer is a clear application of the theories of supply and demand. As people have learned more about the harmful effects of chemical fertilizers, growth hormones, pesticides and the like from large-scale factory farming, our tastes and preferences for safer, organic foods have increased. This change in tastes has been reinforced by increases in income, which allow people to purchase pricier products, and has made organic foods more mainstream. This has led to an increased demand for organic foods. Graphically, the demand curve has shifted right, and we have moved up the supply curve as producers have responded to the higher prices by supplying a greater quantity.
In addition to the movement along the supply curve, we have also had an increase in the number of farmers converting to organic farming over time. This is represented by a shift to the right of the supply curve. Since both demand and supply have shifted to the right, the resulting equilibrium quantity of organic foods is definitely higher, but the price will only fall when the increase in supply is larger than the increase in demand. We may need more time before we see lower prices in organic foods. Since the production costs of these foods may remain higher than conventional farming, because organic fertilizers and pest management techniques are more expensive, they may never fully catch up with the lower prices of non-organic foods.
As a final, specific example: The Environmental Working Group's “Dirty Dozen” list of fruits and vegetables, which test high for pesticide residue even after washing, was released in April 2013. The inclusion of strawberries on the list has led to an increase in demand for organic strawberries, resulting in both a higher equilibrium price and quantity of sales.
","Organic food is grown without synthetic pesticides, chemical fertilizers or genetically modified seeds. In recent decades, the demand for organic products has increased dramatically. The Organic Trade Association reported sales increased from \$1 billion in 1990 to $35.1 billion in 2013, more than 90% of which were sales of food products.
Why, then, are organic foods more expensive than their conventional counterparts? The answer is a clear application of the theories of supply and demand. As people have learned more about the harmful effects of chemical fertilizers, growth hormones, pesticides and the like from large-scale factory farming, our tastes and preferences for safer, organic foods have increased. This change in tastes has been reinforced by increases in income, which allow people to purchase pricier products, and has made organic foods more mainstream. This has led to an increased demand for organic foods. Graphically, the demand curve has shifted right, and we have moved up the supply curve as producers have responded to the higher prices by supplying a greater quantity.
In addition to the movement along the supply curve, we have also had an increase in the number of farmers converting to organic farming over time. This is represented by a shift to the right of the supply curve. Since both demand and supply have shifted to the right, the resulting equilibrium quantity of organic foods is definitely higher, but the price will only fall when the increase in supply is larger than the increase in demand. We may need more time before we see lower prices in organic foods. Since the production costs of these foods may remain higher than conventional farming, because organic fertilizers and pest management techniques are more expensive, they may never fully catch up with the lower prices of non-organic foods.
As a final, specific example: The Environmental Working Group's “Dirty Dozen” list of fruits and vegetables, which test high for pesticide residue even after washing, was released in April 2013. The inclusion of strawberries on the list has led to an increase in demand for organic strawberries, resulting in both a higher equilibrium price and quantity of sales.",the-aggregate-expenditure-schedule,"{""question"": ""Why are organic foods more expensive than their conventional counterparts?"", ""answer"": ""Organic foods are more expensive due to increased demand and higher production costs.""}",Why are organic foods more expensive than their conventional counterparts?,Organic foods are more expensive due to increased demand and higher production costs.,"['organic food', 'synthetic pesticides', 'chemical fertilizers', 'genetically modified seeds', 'organic products']"
527,20-01-01-demand-and-supply-analysis-of-protectionism,20-01,1,Demand and Supply Analysis of Protectionism,"To the non-economist, restricting imports may appear to be nothing more than taking sales from foreign producers and giving them to domestic producers. Other factors are at work, however, because firms do not operate in a vacuum. Instead, firms sell their products either to consumers or to other firms (if they are business suppliers), who are also affected by the trade barriers. A demand and supply analysis of protectionism shows that it is not just a matter of domestic gains and foreign losses, but a policy that imposes substantial domestic costs as well.
Consider two countries, Brazil and the United States, who produce sugar. Each country has a domestic supply and demand for sugar, as **Table 20.1** details and **Figure 20.1** illustrates. In Brazil, without trade, the equilibrium price of sugar is 12 cents per pound and the equilibrium output is 30 tons. When there is no trade in the United States, the equilibrium price of sugar is 24 cents per pound and the equilibrium quantity is 80 tons. We label these equilibrium points as point E in each part of the figure.
| Price | Brazil: Quantity Supplied (tons) | Brazil: Quantity Demanded (tons) | U.S.: Quantity Supplied (tons) | U.S.: Quantity Demanded (tons) |
| -------- | -------------------------------- | -------------------------------- | ------------------------------ | ------------------------------ |
| 8 cents | 20 | 35 | 60 | 100 |
| 12 cents | 30 | 30 | 66 | 93 |
| 14 cents | 35 | 28 | 69 | 90 |
| 16 cents | 40 | 25 | 72 | 87 |
| 20 cents | 45 | 21 | 76 | 83 |
| 24 cents | 50 | 18 | 80 | 80 |
| 28 cents | 55 | 15 | 82 | 78 |
**Table 20.1** The Sugar Trade between Brazil and the United States
**Figure 20.1** The Sugar Trade between Brazil and the United States
Before trade, the equilibrium price of sugar in Brazil is 12 cents a pound and it is 24 cents per pound in the United States. When trade is allowed, businesses will buy cheap sugar in Brazil and sell it in the United States. This will result in higher prices in Brazil and lower prices in the United States. Ignoring transaction costs, prices should converge to 16 cents per pound, with Brazil exporting 15 tons of sugar and the United States importing 15 tons of sugar. If trade is only partly open between the countries, it will lead to an outcome between the free-trade and no-trade possibilities.
If international trade between Brazil and the United States now becomes possible, profit-seeking firms will spot an opportunity: buy sugar cheaply in Brazil, and sell it at a higher price in the United States. As sugar is shipped from Brazil to the United States, the quantity of sugar produced in Brazil will be greater than Brazilian consumption (with the extra production exported), and the amount produced in the United States will be less than the amount of U.S. consumption (with the extra consumption imported). Exports to the United States will reduce the sugar supply in Brazil, raising its price. Imports into the United States will increase the sugar supply, lowering its price. When the sugar price is the same in both countries, there is no incentive to trade further. As **Figure 20.1** shows, the equilibrium with trade occurs at a price of 16 cents per pound. At that price, the sugar farmers of Brazil supply a quantity of 40 tons, while the consumers of Brazil buy only 25 tons.
The extra 15 tons of sugar production, shown by the horizontal gap between the demand curve and the supply curve in Brazil, is exported to the United States. In the United States, at a price of 16 cents, the farmers produce a quantity of 72 tons and consumers demand a quantity of 87 tons. The excess demand of 15 tons by American consumers, shown by the horizontal gap between demand and domestic supply at the price of 16 cents, is supplied by imported sugar.
Free trade typically results in income distribution effects, but the key is to recognize the overall gains from trade, as **Figure 20.2** shows. Building on the concepts that we outlined in **Demand and Supply** and **Demand, Supply, and Efficiency, Figure 20.2 (a)** shows that producers in Brazil gain by selling more sugar at a higher price, while **Figure 20.2 (b)** shows consumers in the United States benefit from the lower price and greater availability of sugar. Comparing their no-trade consumer surplus with the free-trade consumer surplus, Brazilian consumers and U.S. producers of sugar are worse off. There are gains from trade—an increase in social surplus in each country. That is, both the United States and Brazil are better off than they would be without trade.
**Figure 20.2** Free Trade of Sugar Free Trade of Sugar
Visit this [website](https://www.sugarcane.org/sugarcane-products/sugar/sugar-trade/) to read more about the global sugar trade.","To the non-economist, restricting imports may appear to be nothing more than taking sales from foreign producers and giving them to domestic producers. Other factors are at work, however, because firms do not operate in a vacuum. Instead, firms sell their products either to consumers or to other firms (if they are business suppliers), who are also affected by the trade barriers. A demand and supply analysis of protectionism shows that it is not just a matter of domestic gains and foreign losses, but a policy that imposes substantial domestic costs as well.
Consider two countries, Brazil and the United States, who produce sugar. Each country has a domestic supply and demand for sugar, as Table 20.1 details and Figure 20.1 illustrates. In Brazil, without trade, the equilibrium price of sugar is 12 cents per pound and the equilibrium output is 30 tons. When there is no trade in the United States, the equilibrium price of sugar is 24 cents per pound and the equilibrium quantity is 80 tons. We label these equilibrium points as point E in each part of the figure.
Table 20.1 The Sugar Trade between Brazil and the United States
As Keynes recognized, the events of the Depression contradicted Say's law that
“supply creates its own demand.” Although production capacity existed, the
markets were not able to sell their products. As a result, real GDP was less
than potential GDP.
Visit [FRED Research Economic Data](https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/DPCERX1A020NBEA) for raw data used to calculate GDP.","The first building block of the Keynesian diagnosis is that recessions occur when the level of demand for goods and services is less than what is produced when labor is fully employed. In other words, the intersection of aggregate supply and aggregate demand occurs at a level of output less than the level of GDP consistent with full employment.
Suppose the stock market crashes, as in 1929, or suppose the housing market collapses, as in 2008. In either case, household wealth will decline, and consumption expenditure will follow. Suppose businesses see that consumer spending is falling. This will reduce expectations of the profitability of investment, so businesses will decrease investment expenditure.
This seemed to be the case during the Great Depression, since the physical capacity of the economy to supply goods did not alter much. No flood or earthquake or other natural disaster ruined factories in 1929 or 1930. No outbreak of disease decimated the ranks of workers. No key input price, like the price of oil, soared on world markets. The U.S. economy in 1933 had just about the same factories, workers, and state of technology as it had had four years earlier in 1929—and yet the economy had shrunk dramatically. This also seems to be what happened in 2008.
As Keynes recognized, the events of the Depression contradicted Say's law that
“supply creates its own demand.” Although production capacity existed, the
markets were not able to sell their products. As a result, real GDP was less
than potential GDP.
Visit FRED Research Economic Data for raw data used to calculate GDP.",unemployment-in-the-adas-diagram,"Question: What is the Keynesian diagnosis for the occurrence of recessions?
Answer: The Keynesian diagnosis suggests that recessions occur when the level of demand for goods and services is less than what is produced when labor is fully employed.",What is the Keynesian diagnosis for the occurrence of recessions?,The Keynesian diagnosis suggests that recessions occur when the level of demand for goods and services is less than what is produced when labor is fully employed.,"['korea', 'recessions', 'demand', 'goods', 'services', 'aggregate demand']"
529,07-02-08-calories-and-economic-growth,07-02,8,International Unemployment Comparisons,"From an international perspective, the U.S. unemployment rate typically has looked a little better than average. **Table 8.4** compares unemployment rates for 1991, 1996, 2001, 2006 (just before the recession), and 2012 (somewhat after the recession) from several other high-income countries.
| Country | 1991 | 1996 | 2001 | 2006 | 2012 |
| -------------- | ---- | ----- | ---- | ----- | ----- |
| United States | 6.8% | 5.4% | 4.8% | 4.4% | 8.1% |
| Canada | 9.8% | 8.8% | 6.4% | 6.2% | 6.3% |
| Japan | 2.1% | 3.4% | 5.1% | 4.5% | 3.9% |
| France | 9.5% | 12.5% | 8.7% | 10.1% | 10.0% |
| Germany | 5.6% | 9.0% | 8.9% | 9.8% | 5.5% |
| Italy | 6.9% | 11.7% | 9.6% | 7.8% | 10.8% |
| Sweden | 3.1% | 9.9% | 5.0% | 5.2% | 7.9% |
| United Kingdom | 8.8% | 8.1% | 5.1% | 5.5% | 8.0% |
**Table 8.4** International Comparisons of Unemployment Rates
However, we need to treat cross-country comparisons of unemployment rates with care, because each country has slightly different definitions of unemployment, survey tools for measuring unemployment, and also different labor markets. For example, Japan's unemployment rates appear quite low, but Japan's economy has been mired in slow growth and recession since the late 1980s, and Japan's unemployment rate probably paints too rosy a picture of its labor market. In Japan, workers who lose their jobs are often quick to exit the labor force and not look for a new job, in which case they are not counted as unemployed. In addition, Japanese firms are often quite reluctant to fire workers, and so firms have substantial numbers of workers who are on reduced hours or officially employed despite doing very little. We can view this Japanese pattern as an unusual method to provide support for the unemployed, rather than a sign of a healthy economy.
Comparing unemployment rates in the United States and other high-income economies with unemployment rates in Latin America, Africa, Eastern Europe, and Asia is very difficult. One reason is that the statistical agencies in many poorer countries lack the resources and technical capabilities of the U.S. Census Bureau. However, a more difficult problem with international comparisons is that in many low-income countries, most workers are not involved in the labor market through an employer who pays them regularly. Instead, workers in these countries are engaged in short-term work, subsistence activities, and barter. Moreover, the effect of unemployment is very different in high-income and low-income countries. Unemployed workers in the developed economies have access to various government programs like unemployment insurance, welfare, and food assistance. Such programs may barely exist in poorer countries. Although unemployment is a serious problem in many low-income countries, it manifests itself in a different way than in high-income countries.
We hear about the Chinese economy in the news all the time. The value of the Chinese yuan in comparison to the U.S. dollar is likely to be part of the nightly business report, so why is the Chinese economy not included in this discussion of international unemployment? The lack of reliable statistics is the reason. [Learn more](https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-07-26/divining-unemployment-in-china)
","From an international perspective, the U.S. unemployment rate typically has looked a little better than average. Table 8.4 compares unemployment rates for 1991, 1996, 2001, 2006 (just before the recession), and 2012 (somewhat after the recession) from several other high-income countries.
Table 8.4 International Comparisons of Unemployment Rates
However, we need to treat cross-country comparisons of unemployment rates with care, because each country has slightly different definitions of unemployment, survey tools for measuring unemployment, and also different labor markets. For example, Japan's unemployment rates appear quite low, but Japan's economy has been mired in slow growth and recession since the late 1980s, and Japan's unemployment rate probably paints too rosy a picture of its labor market. In Japan, workers who lose their jobs are often quick to exit the labor force and not look for a new job, in which case they are not counted as unemployed. In addition, Japanese firms are often quite reluctant to fire workers, and so firms have substantial numbers of workers who are on reduced hours or officially employed despite doing very little. We can view this Japanese pattern as an unusual method to provide support for the unemployed, rather than a sign of a healthy economy.
Comparing unemployment rates in the United States and other high-income economies with unemployment rates in Latin America, Africa, Eastern Europe, and Asia is very difficult. One reason is that the statistical agencies in many poorer countries lack the resources and technical capabilities of the U.S. Census Bureau. However, a more difficult problem with international comparisons is that in many low-income countries, most workers are not involved in the labor market through an employer who pays them regularly. Instead, workers in these countries are engaged in short-term work, subsistence activities, and barter. Moreover, the effect of unemployment is very different in high-income and low-income countries. Unemployed workers in the developed economies have access to various government programs like unemployment insurance, welfare, and food assistance. Such programs may barely exist in poorer countries. Although unemployment is a serious problem in many low-income countries, it manifests itself in a different way than in high-income countries.
We hear about the Chinese economy in the news all the time. The value of the Chinese yuan in comparison to the U.S. dollar is likely to be part of the nightly business report, so why is the Chinese economy not included in this discussion of international unemployment? The lack of reliable statistics is the reason. Learn more",calories-and-economic-growth,"{
""question"": ""Why is the Chinese economy not included in the discussion of international unemployment?"",
""answer"": ""The lack of reliable statistics is the reason.""
}",Why is the Chinese economy not included in the discussion of international unemployment?,The lack of reliable statistics is the reason.,"['unemployment rates', 'survey tools', 'lowincome countries', 'japanese economy']"
530,11-03-02-overview,11-03,2,The Phillips Curve for the United States,,,overview,"{""question"": ""What is an example of a well-formatted instance of a JSON schema?"", ""answer"": ""The object {'foo': ['bar', 'baz']} is a well-formatted instance of the schema.""}",,,"['dynamic programming', 'gabor frames', 'multiresolution hierarchy']"
531,04-02-01-inflationary-gap,04-02,1,Who Demands and Who Supplies in Financial Markets?,"In any market, the price is what suppliers receive and what demanders pay. In financial markets, those who supply financial capital through saving expect to receive a rate of return, while those who demand financial capital by receiving funds expect to pay a rate of return. This rate of return can come in a variety of forms, depending on the type of investment.
The simplest example of a rate of return is the **interest rate**. For example, when you supply money into a savings account at a bank, you receive interest on your deposit. The interest the bank pays you as a percent of your deposits is the interest rate. Similarly, if you demand a loan to buy a car or a computer, you will need to pay interest on the money you borrow.
**Figure 4.5** illustrates demand and supply in the financial market for credit cards. The horizontal axis of the financial market shows the quantity of money loaned or borrowed in this market. The vertical or price axis shows the rate of return, which in the case of credit card borrowing we can measure with an interest rate.
**Figure 4.5 Demand and Supply for Borrowing Money with Credit Cards**
- In this market for credit card borrowing, the demand curve (D) for borrowing financial capital intersects the supply curve (S) for lending financial capital at equilibrium E. Here, the interest rate is 15% and the quantity of financial capital loaned and borrowed is $600 billion.
- At an above-equilibrium interest rate like 21%, the quantity of financial capital supplied would increase to \$750 billion, but the quantity demanded would decrease to \$480 billion.
- At a below-equilibrium interest rate like 13%, the quantity of financial capital demanded would increase to \$700 billion, but the quantity of financial capital supplied would decrease to $510 billion.
**Table 4.5** shows the quantity of financial capital that consumers demand at various interest rates and the quantity that credit card firms (often banks) are willing to supply.
| Interest Rate (%) | Quantity of Financial Capital Demanded (Borrowing) (\$ billions) | Quantity of Financial Capital Supplied (Lending) (\$ billions) |
| ----------------- | ---------------------------------------------------------------- | -------------------------------------------------------------- |
| 11 | \$800 | \$420 |
| 13 | \$700 | \$510 |
| 15 | \$600 | \$600 |
| 17 | \$550 | \$660 |
| 19 | \$500 | \$720 |
| 21 | \$480 | \$750 |
**Table 4.5 Demand and Supply for Borrowing Money with Credit Cards**
The laws of demand and supply continue to apply in the financial markets. According to the **law of demand**, a higher rate of return will decrease the quantity demanded and a lower rate of return will increase the quantity demanded. As the interest rate rises and credit becomes more expensive, consumers will reduce the quantity that they borrow. If, however, credit becomes cheaper, consumers will borrow more.
According to the **law of supply**, a higher price increases the quantity supplied. Consequently, as the interest rate paid on credit card borrowing rises, more firms will be eager to issue credit cards and to encourage customers to use them. Conversely, if the interest rate on credit cards falls, the quantity of financial capital supplied in the credit card market will decrease.","In any market, the price is what suppliers receive and what demanders pay. In financial markets, those who supply financial capital through saving expect to receive a rate of return, while those who demand financial capital by receiving funds expect to pay a rate of return. This rate of return can come in a variety of forms, depending on the type of investment.
The simplest example of a rate of return is the interest rate. For example, when you supply money into a savings account at a bank, you receive interest on your deposit. The interest the bank pays you as a percent of your deposits is the interest rate. Similarly, if you demand a loan to buy a car or a computer, you will need to pay interest on the money you borrow.
Figure 4.5 illustrates demand and supply in the financial market for credit cards. The horizontal axis of the financial market shows the quantity of money loaned or borrowed in this market. The vertical or price axis shows the rate of return, which in the case of credit card borrowing we can measure with an interest rate.
**Table 3.3** Price, Quantity Demanded, and Quantity Supplied
**Figure 3.4 Demand and Supply for Gasoline**
- The demand curve (D) and the supply curve (S) intersect at the equilibrium point E, with a price of $1.40 and a quantity of 600.
- The equilibrium is the only price where quantity demanded is equal to quantity supplied.
- At a price above equilibrium like $1.80, quantity supplied exceeds the quantity demanded, so there is excess supply.
- At a price below equilibrium such as $1.20, quantity demanded exceeds quantity supplied, so there is excess demand.
Remember this: When two lines on a diagram cross, this intersection usually means something. The point where the supply curve (S) and the demand curve (D) cross, designated by point E in [Figure 3.4](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_003), is called the **equilibrium**. The **equilibrium price** is the only price where the plans of consumers and the plans of producers agree—that is, where the amount of the product consumers want to buy (quantity demanded) is equal to the amount producers want to sell (quantity supplied). Economists call this common quantity the **equilibrium quantity**. At any other price, the quantity demanded does not equal the quantity supplied, so the market is not in equilibrium at that price.
In [Figure 3.4](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_003), the equilibrium price is $1.40 per gallon of gasoline and the equilibrium quantity is 600 million gallons. If you had only the demand and supply schedules, and not the graph, you could find the equilibrium by looking for the price level on the tables where the quantity demanded and the quantity supplied are equal.
The word “equilibrium” means “balance.” If a market is at its equilibrium
price and quantity, then it has no reason to move away from that point.
However, if a market is not at equilibrium, then economic pressures arise to
move the market toward the equilibrium price and the equilibrium quantity.
Imagine, for example, that the price of a gallon of gasoline was above the equilibrium price—that is, instead of $1.40 per gallon, the price is $1.80 per gallon. The dashed horizontal line at the price of $1.80 in [Figure 3.4](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_003) illustrates this above equilibrium price and the drop in quantity demanded from 600 to 500.
Moreover, at this higher price of $1.80, the quantity of gasoline supplied rises from the 600 to 680, as the higher price makes it more profitable for gasoline producers to expand their output. Now, consider how quantity demanded and quantity supplied are related at this above-equilibrium price. Quantity demanded has fallen to 500 gallons, while quantity supplied has risen to 680 gallons. In fact, at any above-equilibrium price, the quantity supplied exceeds the quantity demanded. We call this an **excess supply** or a **surplus**.
With a **surplus**, gasoline accumulates at gas stations, in tanker trucks, in pipelines, and at oil refineries. This accumulation puts pressure on gasoline sellers. If a surplus remains unsold, those firms involved in making and selling gasoline are not receiving enough cash to pay their workers and to cover their expenses. In this situation, some producers and sellers will want to cut prices, because it is better to sell at a lower price than not to sell at all. Once some sellers start cutting prices, others will follow to avoid losing sales. These price reductions in turn will stimulate a higher quantity demanded. Therefore, if the price is above the equilibrium level, incentives built into the structure of demand and supply will create pressures for the price to fall toward the equilibrium.
**Price Above Equilibrium:**
Quantity Supplied > Quantity Demanded = Excess Supply or Surplus
Now suppose that the price is below its equilibrium level at \$1.20 per gallon. At this lower price, the quantity demanded increases from 600 to 700 as drivers take longer trips, spend more minutes warming up the car in the driveway in wintertime, stop sharing rides to work, and buy larger cars that get fewer miles to the gallon. However, the below-equilibrium price reduces gasoline producers' incentives to produce and sell gasoline, and the quantity supplied falls from 600 to 550. The dashed horizontal line at the price of \$1.20 in [Figure 3.4](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_003) illustrates this below-equilibrium price.
When the price is below equilibrium, there is excess demand, or a shortage—that is, at the given price the quantity demanded, which has been stimulated by the lower price, now exceeds the quantity supplied, which had been depressed by the lower price. In this situation, eager gasoline buyers mob the gas stations, only to find many stations running short of fuel. Oil companies and gas stations recognize that they have an opportunity to make higher profits by selling what gasoline they have at a higher price.
As a result, the price rises toward the equilibrium level. Read Supply, Demand, and Efficiency for more discussion on the importance of the supply and demand model.
**Price Below Equilibrium:**
Quantity Supplied < Quantity Demanded = Excess Demand or Shortage
","Because the graphs for demand and supply curves both have price on the vertical axis and quantity on the horizontal axis, the demand curve and supply curve for a particular good or service can appear on the same graph. Together, demand and supply determine the price and the quantity that will be bought and sold in a market - the equilibrium price and quantity of the product.
Figure 3.4 illustrates the interaction of demand and supply in the market for gasoline. The demand curve (D) is identical to Figure 3.2. The supply curve (S) is identical to Figure 3.3. Table 3.3 contains the same information in tabular form.
Table 3.3 Price, Quantity Demanded, and Quantity Supplied
Figure 3.4 Demand and Supply for Gasoline
The demand curve (D) and the supply curve (S) intersect at the equilibrium point E, with a price of $1.40 and a quantity of 600.
The equilibrium is the only price where quantity demanded is equal to quantity supplied.
At a price above equilibrium like $1.80, quantity supplied exceeds the quantity demanded, so there is excess supply.
At a price below equilibrium such as $1.20, quantity demanded exceeds quantity supplied, so there is excess demand.
Remember this: When two lines on a diagram cross, this intersection usually means something. The point where the supply curve (S) and the demand curve (D) cross, designated by point E in Figure 3.4, is called the equilibrium. The equilibrium price is the only price where the plans of consumers and the plans of producers agree—that is, where the amount of the product consumers want to buy (quantity demanded) is equal to the amount producers want to sell (quantity supplied). Economists call this common quantity the equilibrium quantity. At any other price, the quantity demanded does not equal the quantity supplied, so the market is not in equilibrium at that price.
In Figure 3.4, the equilibrium price is $1.40 per gallon of gasoline and the equilibrium quantity is 600 million gallons. If you had only the demand and supply schedules, and not the graph, you could find the equilibrium by looking for the price level on the tables where the quantity demanded and the quantity supplied are equal.
The word “equilibrium” means “balance.” If a market is at its equilibrium
price and quantity, then it has no reason to move away from that point.
However, if a market is not at equilibrium, then economic pressures arise to
move the market toward the equilibrium price and the equilibrium quantity.
Imagine, for example, that the price of a gallon of gasoline was above the equilibrium price—that is, instead of $1.40 per gallon, the price is $1.80 per gallon. The dashed horizontal line at the price of $1.80 in Figure 3.4 illustrates this above equilibrium price and the drop in quantity demanded from 600 to 500.
Moreover, at this higher price of $1.80, the quantity of gasoline supplied rises from the 600 to 680, as the higher price makes it more profitable for gasoline producers to expand their output. Now, consider how quantity demanded and quantity supplied are related at this above-equilibrium price. Quantity demanded has fallen to 500 gallons, while quantity supplied has risen to 680 gallons. In fact, at any above-equilibrium price, the quantity supplied exceeds the quantity demanded. We call this an excess supply or a surplus.
With a surplus, gasoline accumulates at gas stations, in tanker trucks, in pipelines, and at oil refineries. This accumulation puts pressure on gasoline sellers. If a surplus remains unsold, those firms involved in making and selling gasoline are not receiving enough cash to pay their workers and to cover their expenses. In this situation, some producers and sellers will want to cut prices, because it is better to sell at a lower price than not to sell at all. Once some sellers start cutting prices, others will follow to avoid losing sales. These price reductions in turn will stimulate a higher quantity demanded. Therefore, if the price is above the equilibrium level, incentives built into the structure of demand and supply will create pressures for the price to fall toward the equilibrium.
Price Above Equilibrium:
Quantity Supplied > Quantity Demanded = Excess Supply or Surplus
Now suppose that the price is below its equilibrium level at \$1.20 per gallon. At this lower price, the quantity demanded increases from 600 to 700 as drivers take longer trips, spend more minutes warming up the car in the driveway in wintertime, stop sharing rides to work, and buy larger cars that get fewer miles to the gallon. However, the below-equilibrium price reduces gasoline producers' incentives to produce and sell gasoline, and the quantity supplied falls from 600 to 550. The dashed horizontal line at the price of \$1.20 in Figure 3.4 illustrates this below-equilibrium price.
When the price is below equilibrium, there is excess demand, or a shortage—that is, at the given price the quantity demanded, which has been stimulated by the lower price, now exceeds the quantity supplied, which had been depressed by the lower price. In this situation, eager gasoline buyers mob the gas stations, only to find many stations running short of fuel. Oil companies and gas stations recognize that they have an opportunity to make higher profits by selling what gasoline they have at a higher price.
As a result, the price rises toward the equilibrium level. Read Supply, Demand, and Efficiency for more discussion on the importance of the supply and demand model.
Price Below Equilibrium:
Quantity Supplied < Quantity Demanded = Excess Demand or Shortage",equilibriumwhere-demand-and-supply-intersect,"{
""question"": ""What is the equilibrium price and quantity in the market for gasoline?"",
""answer"": ""The equilibrium price is $1.40 per gallon and the equilibrium quantity is 600 million gallons.""
}",What is the equilibrium price and quantity in the market for gasoline?,The equilibrium price is $1.40 per gallon and the equilibrium quantity is 600 million gallons.,"['supply curves', 'equilibrium price', 'gasoline', 'tabular form', 'excess demand']"
534,20-03-09-the-national-interest-argument,20-03,9,The National Interest Argument,"
Some argue that a nation should not depend too heavily on other countries for
supplies of certain key products, such as oil, or for special materials or
technologies that might have national security applications.
On closer consideration, this argument for protectionism proves rather weak.
As an example, in the United States, oil provides about 36% of all energy, and 25% of the oil used in the United States economy is imported. Several times in the last few decades, when disruptions in the Middle East have shifted the supply curve of oil back to the left and sharply raised the price, the effects have been felt across the United States economy. These disruptions threaten a possible cutoff of foreign oil that would be detrimental to the U.S. economy and U.S. consumers.
This is not, however, a very convincing argument for restricting oil imports. If the United States needs to be protected from a possible cutoff of foreign oil, then a more reasonable strategy would be to import 100% of the petroleum supply now, and save U.S. domestic oil resources for when or if the foreign supply is cut off. It might also be useful to import extra oil and put it into a stockpile for use in an emergency, as the United States government did by starting a Strategic Petroleum Reserve in 1977. Moreover, it may be necessary to discourage people from using oil, and to start a high-powered program to seek out alternatives to oil. A straightforward way to do this would be to raise taxes on oil. Additionally, it makes no sense to argue that because oil is highly important to the United States economy, then the United States should shut out oil imports and use up its domestic supplies more quickly. U.S. domestic oil production is increasing. Shale oil is adding to domestic supply using fracking extraction techniques.
Whether or not to limit certain kinds of imports of key technologies or materials that might be important to national security and weapons systems is a slightly different issue. If weapons builders are not confident that they can continue to obtain a key product in wartime, they might decide to avoid designing weapons that use this key product, or they can go ahead and design the weapons and stockpile enough of the key high-tech components or materials to last through an armed conflict. There is a U.S. Defense National Stockpile Center that has built up reserves of many materials, from aluminum oxides, antimony, and bauxite to tungsten, vegetable tannin extracts, and zinc, although many of these stockpiles have been reduced and sold in recent years.
Think every country is pro-trade? How about the U.S.? The following **Clear It Up** might surprise you.","Some argue that a nation should not depend too heavily on other countries for
supplies of certain key products, such as oil, or for special materials or
technologies that might have national security applications.
On closer consideration, this argument for protectionism proves rather weak.
As an example, in the United States, oil provides about 36% of all energy, and 25% of the oil used in the United States economy is imported. Several times in the last few decades, when disruptions in the Middle East have shifted the supply curve of oil back to the left and sharply raised the price, the effects have been felt across the United States economy. These disruptions threaten a possible cutoff of foreign oil that would be detrimental to the U.S. economy and U.S. consumers.
This is not, however, a very convincing argument for restricting oil imports. If the United States needs to be protected from a possible cutoff of foreign oil, then a more reasonable strategy would be to import 100% of the petroleum supply now, and save U.S. domestic oil resources for when or if the foreign supply is cut off. It might also be useful to import extra oil and put it into a stockpile for use in an emergency, as the United States government did by starting a Strategic Petroleum Reserve in 1977. Moreover, it may be necessary to discourage people from using oil, and to start a high-powered program to seek out alternatives to oil. A straightforward way to do this would be to raise taxes on oil. Additionally, it makes no sense to argue that because oil is highly important to the United States economy, then the United States should shut out oil imports and use up its domestic supplies more quickly. U.S. domestic oil production is increasing. Shale oil is adding to domestic supply using fracking extraction techniques.
Whether or not to limit certain kinds of imports of key technologies or materials that might be important to national security and weapons systems is a slightly different issue. If weapons builders are not confident that they can continue to obtain a key product in wartime, they might decide to avoid designing weapons that use this key product, or they can go ahead and design the weapons and stockpile enough of the key high-tech components or materials to last through an armed conflict. There is a U.S. Defense National Stockpile Center that has built up reserves of many materials, from aluminum oxides, antimony, and bauxite to tungsten, vegetable tannin extracts, and zinc, although many of these stockpiles have been reduced and sold in recent years.
Think every country is pro-trade? How about the U.S.? The following Clear It Up might surprise you.",the-national-interest-argument,"Question: What strategy does the passage suggest for protecting the United States from a possible cutoff of foreign oil?
Answer: The passage suggests importing 100% of the petroleum supply now and saving U.S. domestic oil resources for when or if the foreign supply is cut off. Additionally, it suggests importing extra oil and creating a stockpile for emergency use.",What strategy does the passage suggest for protecting the United States from a possible cutoff of foreign oil?,"The passage suggests importing 100% of the petroleum supply now and saving U.S. domestic oil resources for when or if the foreign supply is cut off. Additionally, it suggests importing extra oil and creating a stockpile for emergency use.","['upi', 'national security applications', 'united states economy', 'foreign oil', 'aluminum oxides']"
535,13-02-01-measuring-money-currency-m1-and-m2,13-02,1,"Measuring Money: Currency, M1, and M2","The Federal Reserve Bank, which is the central bank of the United States, is a bank regulator and is responsible for monetary policy and defines money according to its liquidity. There are two definitions of money: M1 and M2 money supply.
**M1 money supply** includes those monies that are very liquid such as cash,
checkable (demand) deposits, and traveler's checks.
**M2 money supply** is less liquid in nature and includes M1 plus savings
and time deposits, certificates of deposits, and money market funds.
M1 money supply includes **coins and currency in circulation**—the coins and bills that circulate in an economy that the U.S. Treasury does not hold at the Federal Reserve Bank, or in bank vaults. Closely related to currency are checkable deposits, also known as **demand deposits**. These are the amounts held in checking accounts. They are called demand deposits or checkable deposits because the banking institution must give the deposit holder his money “on demand” when the customer writes a check or uses a debit card. These items together—currency, and checking accounts in banks—comprise the definition of money known as M1, which the Federal Reserve System measures daily.
A broader definition of money, M2 includes everything in M1 but also adds other types of deposits. For example, M2 includes **savings deposits** in banks, which are bank accounts on which you cannot write a check directly, but from which you can easily withdraw the money at an automatic teller machine or bank. Many banks and other financial institutions also offer a chance to invest in **money market funds**, where they pool together the deposits of many individual investors and invest them in a safe way, such as short-term government bonds. Another ingredient of M2 are the relatively small (that is, less than about \$100,000) certificates of deposit (CDs) or **time deposits**, which are accounts that the depositor has committed to leaving in the bank for a certain period of time, ranging from a few months to a few years, in exchange for a higher interest rate. In short, all these types of M2 are money that you can withdraw and spend, but which require a greater effort to do so than the items in M1.
**Figure 13.3** The Relationship between M1 and M2 Money
**Figure 13.3** should help in visualizing the relationship between M1 and M2. Note that M1 is included in the M2 calculation.
The definition of money M1 and M2 ranged from narrow to broad. The first one is more narrow—M1 = to coins and currency in circulation + checkable (demand) deposit + traveler's checks. The second one is more inclusive— M2 = M1 + savings deposits + money market funds + certificates of deposit + other time deposits.
The Federal Reserve System is responsible for tracking the amounts of M1 and M2 and prepares a weekly release of information about the money supply. To provide an idea of what these amounts sound like, according to the Federal Reserve Bank's measure of the U.S. money stock, at the end of February 2015, M1 in the United States was \$3 trillion, while M2 was \$11.8 trillion. **Table 13.1** provides a breakdown of the portion of each type of money that comprised M1 and M2 in February 2015, as provided by the Federal Reserve Bank.
| **Components of M1 in the U.S. (February 2015, Seasonally Adjusted)** | **$ billions** |
| --------------------------------------------------------------------- | ----------------------------- |
| Currency | $1,271.8 |
| Traveler's checks | $2.9 |
| Demand deposits and other checking accounts | $1,713.5 |
| Total M1 | \$2,988.2 (or \$3 trillion) |
| **Components of M2 in the U.S. (February 2015, Seasonally Adiusted)** | **$ billions** |
| M1 money supply | $2,988.2 |
| Savings accounts | $7,712.1 |
| Time deposits | $509.2 |
| Individual money market mutual fund balances | $610.8 |
| Total M2 | \$11,820.3 or \$11.8 trillion |
**Table 13.1** M1 and M2 Federal Reserve Statistical Release, Money Stock
Measures (Source: [Federal Reserve Statistical
Release](http://www.federalreserve.gov/RELEASES/h6/current/default.htm#t2tg1link))
The lines separating M1 and M2 can get a little blurry. Sometimes businesses do not treat elements of M1 alike, accepting traveler's checks or cash while rejecting personal checks for large amounts. Changes in banking practices and technology have made the savings accounts in M2 more similar to the checking accounts in M1. For example, some savings accounts will allow depositors to write checks, use automatic teller machines, and pay bills over the internet, which has made it easier to access savings accounts. As with many other economic terms and statistics, it is important to know that definitions of money are not as fixed as, say, the definition of nitrogen.
Where does ""plastic money"" like debit cards, credit cards, and smart money fit
into this picture?
- A debit card, like a check, is an instruction to the user's bank to transfer money directly and immediately from your bank account to the seller. It is important to note that in our definition of money, it is checkable deposits that are money, not the paper check or the debit card.
- Although you can make a purchase with a credit card, the financial institution does not consider it money but rather a short term loan from the credit card company to you. When you make a credit card purchase, the credit card company immediately transfers money from its checking account to the seller, and at the end of the month, the credit card company sends you a bill for what you have charged that month. Until you pay the credit card bill, you have effectively borrowed money from the credit card company.
- With a smart card, you can store a certain amount of money on the card and then use the card to make purchases. Some “smart cards” used for specific purposes, like long-distance phone calls or making purchases at a campus bookstore and cafeteria, are not really all that smart, because you can only use them for certain purchases or in certain places.
One key message underlying this discussion of M1 and M2 is that money in a modern economy is not just paper bills and coins. Instead, money is closely linked to bank accounts. The banking system largely conducts macroeconomic policies concerning money. The next section explains how banks function and how a nation's banking system has the power to create money.
Learn about the monetary challenges in Sweden: [Sweden Edges Closer To Becoming Cashless Society](https://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2012/03/17/sweden-cashless-money-paper-coin_n_1355255.html)
","The Federal Reserve Bank, which is the central bank of the United States, is a bank regulator and is responsible for monetary policy and defines money according to its liquidity. There are two definitions of money: M1 and M2 money supply.
**M1 money supply** includes those monies that are very liquid such as cash,
checkable (demand) deposits, and traveler's checks.
**M2 money supply** is less liquid in nature and includes M1 plus savings
and time deposits, certificates of deposits, and money market funds.
M1 money supply includes coins and currency in circulation—the coins and bills that circulate in an economy that the U.S. Treasury does not hold at the Federal Reserve Bank, or in bank vaults. Closely related to currency are checkable deposits, also known as demand deposits. These are the amounts held in checking accounts. They are called demand deposits or checkable deposits because the banking institution must give the deposit holder his money “on demand” when the customer writes a check or uses a debit card. These items together—currency, and checking accounts in banks—comprise the definition of money known as M1, which the Federal Reserve System measures daily.
A broader definition of money, M2 includes everything in M1 but also adds other types of deposits. For example, M2 includes savings deposits in banks, which are bank accounts on which you cannot write a check directly, but from which you can easily withdraw the money at an automatic teller machine or bank. Many banks and other financial institutions also offer a chance to invest in money market funds, where they pool together the deposits of many individual investors and invest them in a safe way, such as short-term government bonds. Another ingredient of M2 are the relatively small (that is, less than about \$100,000) certificates of deposit (CDs) or time deposits, which are accounts that the depositor has committed to leaving in the bank for a certain period of time, ranging from a few months to a few years, in exchange for a higher interest rate. In short, all these types of M2 are money that you can withdraw and spend, but which require a greater effort to do so than the items in M1.
Figure 13.3 The Relationship between M1 and M2 Money
Figure 13.3 should help in visualizing the relationship between M1 and M2. Note that M1 is included in the M2 calculation.
The definition of money M1 and M2 ranged from narrow to broad. The first one is more narrow—M1 = to coins and currency in circulation + checkable (demand) deposit + traveler's checks. The second one is more inclusive— M2 = M1 + savings deposits + money market funds + certificates of deposit + other time deposits.
The Federal Reserve System is responsible for tracking the amounts of M1 and M2 and prepares a weekly release of information about the money supply. To provide an idea of what these amounts sound like, according to the Federal Reserve Bank's measure of the U.S. money stock, at the end of February 2015, M1 in the United States was \$3 trillion, while M2 was \$11.8 trillion. Table 13.1 provides a breakdown of the portion of each type of money that comprised M1 and M2 in February 2015, as provided by the Federal Reserve Bank.
Table 13.1 M1 and M2 Federal Reserve Statistical Release, Money Stock
Measures (Source: Federal Reserve Statistical
Release)
The lines separating M1 and M2 can get a little blurry. Sometimes businesses do not treat elements of M1 alike, accepting traveler's checks or cash while rejecting personal checks for large amounts. Changes in banking practices and technology have made the savings accounts in M2 more similar to the checking accounts in M1. For example, some savings accounts will allow depositors to write checks, use automatic teller machines, and pay bills over the internet, which has made it easier to access savings accounts. As with many other economic terms and statistics, it is important to know that definitions of money are not as fixed as, say, the definition of nitrogen.
Where does ""plastic money"" like debit cards, credit cards, and smart money fit
into this picture?
A debit card, like a check, is an instruction to the user's bank to transfer money directly and immediately from your bank account to the seller. It is important to note that in our definition of money, it is checkable deposits that are money, not the paper check or the debit card.
Although you can make a purchase with a credit card, the financial institution does not consider it money but rather a short term loan from the credit card company to you. When you make a credit card purchase, the credit card company immediately transfers money from its checking account to the seller, and at the end of the month, the credit card company sends you a bill for what you have charged that month. Until you pay the credit card bill, you have effectively borrowed money from the credit card company.
With a smart card, you can store a certain amount of money on the card and then use the card to make purchases. Some “smart cards” used for specific purposes, like long-distance phone calls or making purchases at a campus bookstore and cafeteria, are not really all that smart, because you can only use them for certain purchases or in certain places.
One key message underlying this discussion of M1 and M2 is that money in a modern economy is not just paper bills and coins. Instead, money is closely linked to bank accounts. The banking system largely conducts macroeconomic policies concerning money. The next section explains how banks function and how a nation's banking system has the power to create money.
Learn about the monetary challenges in Sweden: Sweden Edges Closer To Becoming Cashless Society",measuring-money-currency-m1-and-m2,"What types of deposits are included in M2 money supply?
- M2 money supply includes savings deposits, money market funds, certificates of deposit, and other time deposits.
",What types of deposits are included in M2 money supply?,"- M2 money supply includes savings deposits, money market funds, certificates of deposit, and other time deposits.","['m2 money supply', 'checkable deposits', 'demand deposits', 'banking institution', 'debit card']"
536,10-04-04-defining-sras-and-lras,10-04,4,Do economists favor tax cuts or oppose them?,"One of the most fundamental divisions in American politics over the last few decades has been between those who believe that the government should cut taxes substantially and those who disagree. Ronald Reagan rode into the presidency in 1980 partly because of his promise, soon carried out, to enact a substantial tax cut. George Bush lost his bid for reelection against Bill Clinton in 1992 partly because he had broken his 1988 promise: “Read my lips! No new taxes!” In the 2000 presidential election, both George W. Bush and Al Gore advocated substantial tax cuts and Bush succeeded in pushing a tax cut package through Congress early in 2001. More recently in 2017, Donald Trump has pushed for tax cuts to stimulate the economy. Disputes over tax cuts often ignite at the state and local level as well.
What side do economists take? Do they support broad tax cuts or oppose them?
The answer, unsatisfying to zealots on both sides, is that it depends.
1. One issue is whether equally large government spending cuts accompany the tax cuts. Economists differ, as does any broad cross-section of the public, on how large government spending should be and what programs the government might cut back.
2. A second issue, more relevant to the discussion in this chapter, concerns how close the economy is to the full employment output level. In a recession, when the AD and AS curves intersect far below the full employment level, tax cuts can make sense as a way of shifting AD to the right. However, when the economy is already performing extremely well, tax cuts may shift AD so far to the right as to generate inflationary pressures, with little gain to GDP.
With the AD/AS framework in mind, many economists might readily believe that the 1981 Reagan tax cuts, which took effect just after two serious recessions, were beneficial economic policy. Similarly, Congress enacted the 2001 Bush tax cuts and the 2009 Obama tax cuts during recessions. However, some of the same economists who favor tax cuts during recession would be much more dubious about identical tax cuts at a time the economy is performing well and cyclical unemployment is low.
Here, the key lesson is that a shift of the aggregate demand curve to the right leads to a greater real GDP and to upward pressure on the price level. Conversely, a shift of aggregate demand to the left leads to a lower real GDP and a lower price level. Whether these changes in output and price level are relatively large or relatively small, and how the change in equilibrium relates to potential GDP, depends on whether the shift in the AD curve is happening in the AS curve's relatively flat or relatively steep portion.
Confused about how the aggregate-demand aggregate-supply model works? In this Office Hours, we're doing a deep dive into the mechanics of the model.
","One of the most fundamental divisions in American politics over the last few decades has been between those who believe that the government should cut taxes substantially and those who disagree. Ronald Reagan rode into the presidency in 1980 partly because of his promise, soon carried out, to enact a substantial tax cut. George Bush lost his bid for reelection against Bill Clinton in 1992 partly because he had broken his 1988 promise: “Read my lips! No new taxes!” In the 2000 presidential election, both George W. Bush and Al Gore advocated substantial tax cuts and Bush succeeded in pushing a tax cut package through Congress early in 2001. More recently in 2017, Donald Trump has pushed for tax cuts to stimulate the economy. Disputes over tax cuts often ignite at the state and local level as well.
What side do economists take? Do they support broad tax cuts or oppose them?
The answer, unsatisfying to zealots on both sides, is that it depends.
One issue is whether equally large government spending cuts accompany the tax cuts. Economists differ, as does any broad cross-section of the public, on how large government spending should be and what programs the government might cut back.
A second issue, more relevant to the discussion in this chapter, concerns how close the economy is to the full employment output level. In a recession, when the AD and AS curves intersect far below the full employment level, tax cuts can make sense as a way of shifting AD to the right. However, when the economy is already performing extremely well, tax cuts may shift AD so far to the right as to generate inflationary pressures, with little gain to GDP.
With the AD/AS framework in mind, many economists might readily believe that the 1981 Reagan tax cuts, which took effect just after two serious recessions, were beneficial economic policy. Similarly, Congress enacted the 2001 Bush tax cuts and the 2009 Obama tax cuts during recessions. However, some of the same economists who favor tax cuts during recession would be much more dubious about identical tax cuts at a time the economy is performing well and cyclical unemployment is low.
Here, the key lesson is that a shift of the aggregate demand curve to the right leads to a greater real GDP and to upward pressure on the price level. Conversely, a shift of aggregate demand to the left leads to a lower real GDP and a lower price level. Whether these changes in output and price level are relatively large or relatively small, and how the change in equilibrium relates to potential GDP, depends on whether the shift in the AD curve is happening in the AS curve's relatively flat or relatively steep portion.
**Figure 13.1** Cowrie Shell or Money? (Credit: modification of work by
“prilfish”/Flickr Creative Commons)
Is this an image of a cowrie shell or a piece of currency? The answer is: Both. For centuries, people used the extremely durable cowrie shell as a medium of exchange in various parts of the world.
Historically, the type of currency most broadly exchanged for the longest period was not gold, silver, or any other precious metal, but the cowrie.
The cowrie is a mollusk shell found mainly off the Maldives Islands in the Indian Ocean. Cowries served as money as early as 700 B.C. in China, and by the 1500s, they were in widespread use across India and Africa. For several centuries after that, cowries were the means for exchange in markets including southern Europe, western Africa, India, and China: everything from buying lunch or a ferry ride to paying for a shipload of silk or rice. Cowries were still acceptable as a way of paying taxes in certain African nations in the early twentieth century.
What made cowries work so well as money?
1. They are extremely durable, lasting a century or more. As the late economic historian Karl Polyani put it, they can be ""poured, sacked, shoveled, hoarded in heaps"" while remaining ""clean, dainty, stainless, polished, and milk-white"".
2. Parties could use cowries either by counting shells of a certain size, or by measuring the weight or volume of the total shells they would exchange for larger payments.
3. It was impossible to counterfeit a cowrie shell, but dishonest people could counterfeit gold or silver coins by making copies with cheaper metals.
4. From the 1500s into the 1800s, governments like the Portuguese, Dutch, and English tightly controlled collecting cowries. As a result, the supply of cowries grew quickly enough to serve the needs of commerce, but not so quickly that they were no longer scarce.","
**Table 22.4** The Negotiating Rounds of GATT and the World Trade Organization
The sluggish pace of GATT negotiations led to an old joke that GATT really stood for Gentleman's Agreement to Talk and Talk. The slow pace of international trade talks, however, is understandable, even sensible. Having dozens of nations agree to any treaty is a lengthy process. GATT often set up separate trading rules for certain industries, like agriculture, and separate trading rules for certain countries, like low-income countries. There were rules, exceptions to rules, opportunities to opt out of rules, and precise wording to be fought over in every case.
Like the GATT before it, the WTO is not a world government with power to impose its decisions on others. The total staff of the WTO in 2014 was 640 people and its annual budget was $197 million, which makes it smaller in size than many large universities.
Visit this [website](https://ustr.gov/about-us/benefits-trade) for a list of some benefits of trade.","The World Trade Organization (WTO) was officially born in 1995, but its history is much longer. In the years after the Great Depression and World War II, there was a worldwide push to build institutions that would tie the nations of the world together. The United Nations officially came into existence in 1945. The World Bank, which assists the poorest people in the world, and the International Monetary Fund, which addresses issues raised by international financial transactions, were both created in 1946.
The third planned organization was to be an International Trade Organization, which would manage international trade. The United Nations was unable to agree to this. Instead, 27 nations signed the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in Geneva, Switzerland on October 30, 1947 to provide a forum in which nations could come together to negotiate reductions in tariffs and other barriers to trade. In 1995, the GATT transformed into the WTO.
The GATT process was to negotiate an agreement to reduce barriers to trade, sign that agreement, pause for a while, and then start negotiating the next agreement. Table 22.4 shows rounds of talks in the GATT, and now the WTO. Notice that the early rounds of GATT talks took a relatively short time, included a small number of countries, and focused almost entirely on reducing tariffs. Since the mid-1960s, however, rounds of trade talks have taken years, included a large number of countries, and have included an ever-broadening range of issues.
Table 22.4 The Negotiating Rounds of GATT and the World Trade Organization
The sluggish pace of GATT negotiations led to an old joke that GATT really stood for Gentleman's Agreement to Talk and Talk. The slow pace of international trade talks, however, is understandable, even sensible. Having dozens of nations agree to any treaty is a lengthy process. GATT often set up separate trading rules for certain industries, like agriculture, and separate trading rules for certain countries, like low-income countries. There were rules, exceptions to rules, opportunities to opt out of rules, and precise wording to be fought over in every case.
Like the GATT before it, the WTO is not a world government with power to impose its decisions on others. The total staff of the WTO in 2014 was 640 people and its annual budget was $197 million, which makes it smaller in size than many large universities.
Visit this website for a list of some benefits of trade.",the-world-trade-organization,"{
""question"": ""When was the World Trade Organization (WTO) officially born?"",
""answer"": ""The World Trade Organization (WTO) was officially born in 1995.""
}",When was the World Trade Organization (WTO) officially born?,The World Trade Organization (WTO) was officially born in 1995.,"['world trade organization', 'gatt', 'international financial transactions', 'general agreement on Tariffs and trade']"
539,03-03-03-shift-in-the-supply-of-the-us-postal-services,03-03,3,Shift Only in Demand: Example,,,shift-in-the-supply-of-the-us-postal-services,"{""question"": ""What is an example of a well-formatted instance of a schema?"", ""answer"": ""The object {'foo': ['bar', 'baz']} is a well-formatted instance of the schema.""}",,,"['dynamic programming', 'gabor frames', 'multiresolution hierarchy']"
540,10-03-01-introduction,10-03,1,How Productivity Growth Shifts the AS Curve,"In the long run, the most important factor that shifts the aggregate curve is productivity growth.
Productivity means how much output can be produced with a given quantity of labor. One measure of this is output per worker, or GDP per capita. Over time, productivity grows so that the same quantity of labor can produce more output.
Historically, the real growth in GDP per capita in an advanced economy like the United States has averaged about 2% to 3% per year, but productivity growth has been faster during certain extended periods like the 1960s and the late 1990s through the early 2000s, or slower during periods like the 1970s. A higher level of productivity shifts the AS curve to the right, because with improved productivity, firms can produce a greater quantity of output at every price level.
**Figure 10.6 (a)** shows an outward shift in productivity over two time periods. The AS curve shifts out from SRAS0 to SRAS1 to SRAS2, and the equilibrium shifts from E0 to E1 to E2. Note that with increased productivity, workers can produce more GDP. Thus, full employment corresponds to a higher level of potential GDP, which we show as a rightward shift in LRAS from LRAS0 to LRAS1 to LRAS2.
**Figure 10.6** Shifts in Aggregate Supply
(a) The rise in productivity causes the SRAS curve to shift to the right.
The original equilibrium E0 is at the intersection of AD and SRAS0. When
SRAS shifts right, then the new equilibrium, E1, is at the intersection of
AD and SRAS1, and yet another equilibrium, E2, is at the intersection of AD
and SRAS2. Shifts in SRAS to the right, lead to a greater level of output
and to downward pressure on the price level.
(b) A higher price for inputs means that at any given price level for
outputs, a lower real GDP will be produced so AS will shift to the left from
SRAS0 to SRAS1. The new equilibrium, E1, has a reduced quantity of output
and a higher price level than the original equilibrium (E0).
A shift in the SRAS curve to the right will result in a greater real GDP and downward pressure on the price level, if aggregate demand remains unchanged. However, if this shift in SRAS results from gains in productivity growth, which we typically measure in terms of a few percentage points per year, the effect will be relatively small over a few months or even a couple of years. Recall how in **Choice in a World of Scarcity**, we said that a nation's production possibilities frontier is fixed in the short run, but shifts out in the long run? This is the same phenomenon using a different model.","In the long run, the most important factor that shifts the aggregate curve is productivity growth.
Productivity means how much output can be produced with a given quantity of labor. One measure of this is output per worker, or GDP per capita. Over time, productivity grows so that the same quantity of labor can produce more output.
Historically, the real growth in GDP per capita in an advanced economy like the United States has averaged about 2% to 3% per year, but productivity growth has been faster during certain extended periods like the 1960s and the late 1990s through the early 2000s, or slower during periods like the 1970s. A higher level of productivity shifts the AS curve to the right, because with improved productivity, firms can produce a greater quantity of output at every price level.
Figure 10.6 (a) shows an outward shift in productivity over two time periods. The AS curve shifts out from SRAS0 to SRAS1 to SRAS2, and the equilibrium shifts from E0 to E1 to E2. Note that with increased productivity, workers can produce more GDP. Thus, full employment corresponds to a higher level of potential GDP, which we show as a rightward shift in LRAS from LRAS0 to LRAS1 to LRAS2.
The most significant human problem associated with recessions (and their larger, uglier cousins, depressions) is that a slowdown in production means that firms need to lay off or fire some of their workers.
[Table 5.7](6-3-tracking-real-gdp-over-time#Table_19_09) lists the pattern of recessions and expansions in the U.S. economy since 1900. We call the highest point of the economy, before the recession begins, the **peak**. Conversely, the lowest point of a recession, before a recovery begins, is the **trough**. Thus, a recession lasts from peak to trough, and an economic upswing runs from trough to peak. We call the economy's movement from peak to trough and trough to peak the **business cycle**. It is intriguing to notice that the three longest trough-to-peak expansions of the twentieth century have happened since 1960. The most recent recession started in December 2007 and ended formally in June 2009. This was the most severe recession since the 1930s Great Depression. The ongoing expansion since the June 2009 trough will also be quite long, comparatively, having already reached 90 months at the end of 2016.
| Trough | Peak | Months of Contraction | Months of Expansion |
| ------------- | -------------- | --------------------- | ------------------- |
| December 1900 | September 1902 | 18 | 21 |
| August 1904 | May 1907 | 23 | 33 |
| June 1908 | January 1910 | 13 | 19 |
| January 1912 | January 1913 | 24 | 12 |
| December 1914 | August 1918 | 23 | 44 |
| March 1919 | January 1920 | 7 | 10 |
| July 1921 | May 1923 | 18 | 22 |
| July 1924 | October 1926 | 14 | 27 |
| November 1927 | August 1929 | 23 | 21 |
| March 1933 | May 1937 | 43 | 50 |
| June 1938 | February 1945 | 13 | 80 |
| October 1945 | November 1948 | 8 | 37 |
| October 1949 | July 1953 | 11 | 45 |
| May 1954 | August 1957 | 10 | 39 |
| April 1958 | April 1960 | 8 | 24 |
| February 1961 | December 1969 | 10 | 106 |
| November 1970 | November 1973 | 11 | 36 |
| March 1975 | January 1980 | 16 | 58 |
| July 1980 | July 1981 | 6 | 12 |
| November 1982 | July 1990 | 16 | 92 |
| March 1991 | March 2001 | 8 | 120 |
| November 2001 | December 2007 | 8 | 73 |
**Table 5.7** U.S. Business Cycles since 1900
A private think tank, the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), tracks
business cycles for the U.S. economy. However, the effects of a severe
recession often linger after the official ending date assigned by the NBER.
","Real GDP is important because it is highly correlated with other measures of economic activity, like employment and unemployment. When real GDP rises, so does employment.
During a recession losing a job imposes painful financial and personal costs on workers, and often on their extended families as well. In addition, even those who keep their jobs are likely to find that wage raises are scanty at best—or their employers may ask them to take pay cuts.
The most significant human problem associated with recessions (and their larger, uglier cousins, depressions) is that a slowdown in production means that firms need to lay off or fire some of their workers.
Table 5.7 lists the pattern of recessions and expansions in the U.S. economy since 1900. We call the highest point of the economy, before the recession begins, the peak. Conversely, the lowest point of a recession, before a recovery begins, is the trough. Thus, a recession lasts from peak to trough, and an economic upswing runs from trough to peak. We call the economy's movement from peak to trough and trough to peak the business cycle. It is intriguing to notice that the three longest trough-to-peak expansions of the twentieth century have happened since 1960. The most recent recession started in December 2007 and ended formally in June 2009. This was the most severe recession since the 1930s Great Depression. The ongoing expansion since the June 2009 trough will also be quite long, comparatively, having already reached 90 months at the end of 2016.
Table 5.7 U.S. Business Cycles since 1900
A private think tank, the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), tracks
business cycles for the U.S. economy. However, the effects of a severe
recession often linger after the official ending date assigned by the NBER.",overview,"{""question"": ""What is the most significant human problem associated with recessions?"", ""answer"": ""The most significant human problem associated with recessions is that a slowdown in production means that firms need to lay off or fire some of their workers.""}",What is the most significant human problem associated with recessions?,The most significant human problem associated with recessions is that a slowdown in production means that firms need to lay off or fire some of their workers.,"['real gdp', 'economic activity', 'employment', 'unemployment', 'personal costs', 'extended']"
542,05-02-01-the-effect-of-growing-us-debt,05-02,1,Converting Nominal to Real GDP,"Table 5.5 shows U.S. GDP at five-year intervals since 1960 in nominal dollars; that is, GDP measured using the actual market prices prevailing in each stated year. Figure 5.7 also reflects this data in a graph.
| Year | Nominal GDP (billions of dollars) | GDP Deflator (2005 = 100) |
| ---- | --------------------------------- | ------------------------- |
| 1960 | 543.3 | 19.0 |
| 1965 | 743.7 | 20.3 |
| 1970 | 1,075.9 | 24.8 |
| 1975 | 1,688.9 | 34.1 |
| 1980 | 2,862.5 | 48.3 |
| 1985 | 4,346.7 | 62.3 |
| 1990 | 5,979.6 | 72.7 |
| 1995 | 7,664.0 | 81.7 |
| 2000 | 10,289.7 | 89.0 |
| 2005 | 13,095.4 | 100.0 |
| 2010 | 14,958.3 | 110.0 |
Table 5.5 U.S. Nominal GDP and the GDP Deflator (Source: www.bea.gov)
**Figure 5.7 U.S. Nominal GDP, 1960-2010**
If an unwary analyst compared nominal GDP in 1960 to nominal GDP in 2010, it
might appear that national output had risen by a factor of more than
twenty-seven over this time (that is, GDP of \$14,958 billion in 2010
divided by GDP of $543 billion in 1960 = 27.5). This conclusion would be
highly misleading. Recall that we define nominal GDP as the quantity of
every final good or service produced multiplied by the price at which it was
sold, summed up for all goods and services. In order to see how much
production has actually increased, we need to extract the effects of higher
prices on nominal GDP. We can easily accomplish this using the GDP deflator.
**Figure 5.8 U.S. GDP Deflator, 1960-2010**
The **GDP deflator** is a price index measuring the average prices of all
goods and services included in the economy. We explore price indices in
detail and how we compute them in chapter on inflation, but this definition
will suffice in the context of this chapter. Table 5.5 provides the GDP
deflator data and Figure 5.8 shows it graphically.
**Figure 5.8** shows that the price level has risen dramatically since 1960. The price level in 2010 was almost six times higher than in 1960 (the deflator for 2010 was 110 versus a level of 19 in 1960). Clearly, much of the growth in nominal GDP was due to inflation, not an actual change in the quantity of goods and services produced, in other words, not in real GDP.
Recall that nominal GDP can rise for two reasons:
- an increase in output.
- and/or an increase in prices.
What is needed is to extract the increase in prices from nominal GDP so as to measure only changes in output. After all, the dollars used to measure nominal GDP in 1960 are worth more than the inflated dollars of 1990—and the price index tells exactly how much more. This adjustment is easy to do if you understand that nominal measurements are in value terms, where:
$$
\text{Value} = \text{Price} \times \text{Quantity} \\
\text{or} \\
\text{Nominal GDP} = \text{GDP Deflator} \times \text{Real GDP}
$$
Let's look at an example at the micro level. Suppose the t-shirt company, Coolshirts, sells 10 t-shirts at a price of \$9 each.
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Coolshirt's nominal revenue from sales} &= \text{Price} \times \text{Quantity} \\
&= \text{\$9} \times 10\\
&= \text{\$90}
\end{aligned}
$$
Then,
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Coolshirt's real income} &= \text{Nominal revenue} / \text{Price} \\
&= \text{\$90} / \text{\$9} \\
&= 10 \\
\end{aligned}
$$
In other words, when we compute “real” measurements we are trying to obtain actual quantities, in this case, 10 t-shirts.
With GDP, it is just a tiny bit more complicated. We start with the same formula as above:
$$
\text{Real GDP} = \text{Nominal GDP} / \text{Price Index}
$$
For reasons that we will explain in more detail below, mathematically, a price index is a two-digit decimal number like 1.00 or 0.85 or 1.25. Because some people have trouble working with decimals, when the price index is published, it has traditionally been multiplied by 100 to get integer numbers like 100, 85, or 125. What this means is that when we “deflate” nominal figures to get real figures (by dividing the nominal by the price index), we also need to remember to divide the published price index by 100 to make the math work. Thus, the formula becomes:
$$
\text{Real GDP} = (\text{Nominal GDP} \times 100) / \text{Price Index}
$$
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Nominal GDP} &= \text{GDP Deflator} / \text{Real GDP} \\
\text{Real GDP} &= \text{Nominal GDP} / \text{Price Index} \\
\text{Real GDP} &= (\text{Nominal GDP} x 100) / \text{Price Index}
\end{aligned}
$$
","Table 5.5 shows U.S. GDP at five-year intervals since 1960 in nominal dollars; that is, GDP measured using the actual market prices prevailing in each stated year. Figure 5.7 also reflects this data in a graph.
Table 5.5 U.S. Nominal GDP and the GDP Deflator (Source: www.bea.gov)
**Figure 5.7 U.S. Nominal GDP, 1960-2010**
If an unwary analyst compared nominal GDP in 1960 to nominal GDP in 2010, it
might appear that national output had risen by a factor of more than
twenty-seven over this time (that is, GDP of \$14,958 billion in 2010
divided by GDP of $543 billion in 1960 = 27.5). This conclusion would be
highly misleading. Recall that we define nominal GDP as the quantity of
every final good or service produced multiplied by the price at which it was
sold, summed up for all goods and services. In order to see how much
production has actually increased, we need to extract the effects of higher
prices on nominal GDP. We can easily accomplish this using the GDP deflator.
**Figure 5.8 U.S. GDP Deflator, 1960-2010**
The **GDP deflator** is a price index measuring the average prices of all
goods and services included in the economy. We explore price indices in
detail and how we compute them in chapter on inflation, but this definition
will suffice in the context of this chapter. Table 5.5 provides the GDP
deflator data and Figure 5.8 shows it graphically.
**Figure 5.8** shows that the price level has risen dramatically since 1960. The price level in 2010 was almost six times higher than in 1960 (the deflator for 2010 was 110 versus a level of 19 in 1960). Clearly, much of the growth in nominal GDP was due to inflation, not an actual change in the quantity of goods and services produced, in other words, not in real GDP.
Recall that nominal GDP can rise for two reasons:
an increase in output.
and/or an increase in prices.
What is needed is to extract the increase in prices from nominal GDP so as to measure only changes in output. After all, the dollars used to measure nominal GDP in 1960 are worth more than the inflated dollars of 1990—and the price index tells exactly how much more. This adjustment is easy to do if you understand that nominal measurements are in value terms, where:
$$
\text{Value} = \text{Price} \times \text{Quantity} \
\text{or} \
\text{Nominal GDP} = \text{GDP Deflator} \times \text{Real GDP}
$$
Let's look at an example at the micro level. Suppose the t-shirt company, Coolshirts, sells 10 t-shirts at a price of \$9 each.
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Coolshirt's nominal revenue from sales} &= \text{Price} \times \text{Quantity} \
&= \text{\$9} \times 10\
&= \text{\$90}
\end{aligned}
$$
Then,
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Coolshirt's real income} &= \text{Nominal revenue} / \text{Price} \
&= \text{\$90} / \text{\$9} \
&= 10 \
\end{aligned}
$$
In other words, when we compute “real” measurements we are trying to obtain actual quantities, in this case, 10 t-shirts.
With GDP, it is just a tiny bit more complicated. We start with the same formula as above:
$$
\text{Real GDP} = \text{Nominal GDP} / \text{Price Index}
$$
For reasons that we will explain in more detail below, mathematically, a price index is a two-digit decimal number like 1.00 or 0.85 or 1.25. Because some people have trouble working with decimals, when the price index is published, it has traditionally been multiplied by 100 to get integer numbers like 100, 85, or 125. What this means is that when we “deflate” nominal figures to get real figures (by dividing the nominal by the price index), we also need to remember to divide the published price index by 100 to make the math work. Thus, the formula becomes:
$$
\text{Real GDP} = (\text{Nominal GDP} \times 100) / \text{Price Index}
$$
$$
\begin{aligned}
\text{Nominal GDP} &= \text{GDP Deflator} / \text{Real GDP} \
\text{Real GDP} &= \text{Nominal GDP} / \text{Price Index} \
\text{Real GDP} &= (\text{Nominal GDP} x 100) / \text{Price Index}
\end{aligned}
$$",the-effect-of-growing-us-debt,"Question: What is the formula to calculate real GDP?
Answer: Real GDP can be calculated using the formula Real GDP = (Nominal GDP x 100) / Price Index.",What is the formula to calculate real GDP?,Real GDP can be calculated using the formula Real GDP = (Nominal GDP x 100) / Price Index.,"['table 55', 'us gdp deflator', 'actual market']"
543,12-02-06-the-phillips-curve-for-the-united-states,12-02,6,Summary,,,the-phillips-curve-for-the-united-states,"{""question"": ""What is the output schema for the JSON instance?"", ""answer"": ""{\""properties\"": {\""question\"": {\""title\"": \""Question\"", \""description\"": \""question\"", \""type\"": \""string\""}, \""answer\"": {\""title\"": \""Answer\"", \""description\"": \""answer\"", \""type\"": \""string\""}}, \""required\"": [\""question\"", \""answer\""]}""}",,,"['dynamic programming', 'gabor frames', 'multiresolution hierarchy']"
544,17-02-01-expectations-about-future-exchange-rates,17-02,1,Expectations about Future Exchange Rates,"One reason to demand a currency on the foreign exchange market is the belief that the currency's value is about to increase. One reason to supply a currency—that is, sell it on the foreign exchange market—is the expectation that the currency's value is about to decline.
For example, imagine that a leading business newspaper, like the Wall Street Journal or the Financial Times, runs an article predicting that the Mexican peso will appreciate in value. **Figure 17.5** illustrates the likely effects of such an article.
Demand for the Mexican peso shifts to the right, from $D_0$, to $D_1$, as
investors become eager to purchase pesos. Conversely, the supply of pesos
shifts to the left, from S0 to S1, because investors will be less willing to
give them up. The result is that the equilibrium exchange rate rises from 10
cents/peso to 12 cents/peso and the equilibrium exchange quantity rises from
85 billion to 90 billion pesos as the equilibrium moves from $E_0$ to $E_1$.
**Figure 17.5** also illustrates some peculiar traits of supply and demand diagrams in the foreign exchange market. In contrast to all the other cases of supply and demand you have considered, in the foreign exchange market, supply and demand typically both move at the same time. Groups of participants in the foreign exchange market, like firms and investors, include some who are buyers and some who are sellers. An expectation of a future shift in the exchange rate affects both buyers and sellers—that is, it affects both demand and supply for a currency.
**Figure 17.5** Exchange Rate Market for Mexican Peso Reacts to
Expectations about Future Exchange Rates
The shifts in demand and supply curves both cause the exchange rate to shift in the same direction. In this example, they both make the peso exchange rate stronger. However, the shifts in demand and supply work in opposing directions on the quantity traded. In this example, the rising demand for pesos is causing the quantity to rise while the falling supply of pesos is causing quantity to fall. In this specific example, the result is a higher quantity. However, in other cases, the result could be that quantity remains unchanged or declines.
This example also helps to explain why exchange rates often move quite substantially in a short period of a few weeks or months. When investors expect a country's currency to strengthen in the future, they buy the currency and cause it to appreciate immediately. The currency's appreciation can lead other investors to believe that future appreciation is likely, and thus lead to even further appreciation. Similarly, a fear that a currency might weaken quickly leads to an actual weakening of the currency, which often reinforces the belief that the currency will weaken further.
Thus, beliefs about the future path of exchange rates can be self-reinforcing, at least for a time, and a large share of the trading in foreign exchange markets involves dealers trying to outguess each other on what direction exchange rates will move next.","One reason to demand a currency on the foreign exchange market is the belief that the currency's value is about to increase. One reason to supply a currency—that is, sell it on the foreign exchange market—is the expectation that the currency's value is about to decline.
For example, imagine that a leading business newspaper, like the Wall Street Journal or the Financial Times, runs an article predicting that the Mexican peso will appreciate in value. Figure 17.5 illustrates the likely effects of such an article.
Demand for the Mexican peso shifts to the right, from $D_0$, to $D_1$, as
investors become eager to purchase pesos. Conversely, the supply of pesos
shifts to the left, from S0 to S1, because investors will be less willing to
give them up. The result is that the equilibrium exchange rate rises from 10
cents/peso to 12 cents/peso and the equilibrium exchange quantity rises from
85 billion to 90 billion pesos as the equilibrium moves from $E_0$ to $E_1$.
**Figure 17.5** also illustrates some peculiar traits of supply and demand diagrams in the foreign exchange market. In contrast to all the other cases of supply and demand you have considered, in the foreign exchange market, supply and demand typically both move at the same time. Groups of participants in the foreign exchange market, like firms and investors, include some who are buyers and some who are sellers. An expectation of a future shift in the exchange rate affects both buyers and sellers—that is, it affects both demand and supply for a currency.
Figure 17.5 Exchange Rate Market for Mexican Peso Reacts to
Expectations about Future Exchange Rates
The shifts in demand and supply curves both cause the exchange rate to shift in the same direction. In this example, they both make the peso exchange rate stronger. However, the shifts in demand and supply work in opposing directions on the quantity traded. In this example, the rising demand for pesos is causing the quantity to rise while the falling supply of pesos is causing quantity to fall. In this specific example, the result is a higher quantity. However, in other cases, the result could be that quantity remains unchanged or declines.
This example also helps to explain why exchange rates often move quite substantially in a short period of a few weeks or months. When investors expect a country's currency to strengthen in the future, they buy the currency and cause it to appreciate immediately. The currency's appreciation can lead other investors to believe that future appreciation is likely, and thus lead to even further appreciation. Similarly, a fear that a currency might weaken quickly leads to an actual weakening of the currency, which often reinforces the belief that the currency will weaken further.
Thus, beliefs about the future path of exchange rates can be self-reinforcing, at least for a time, and a large share of the trading in foreign exchange markets involves dealers trying to outguess each other on what direction exchange rates will move next.",expectations-about-future-exchange-rates,"What is one reason to supply a currency on the foreign exchange market?
Answer: The expectation that the currency's value is about to decline.",What is one reason to supply a currency on the foreign exchange market?,The expectation that the currency's value is about to decline.,"['exchange rate market', 'mexo', 'foreign exchange market', 'buyers']"
545,02-02-00-overview,02-02,0,Overview,"
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
- Interpret production possibilities frontier graphs
- Contrast a budget constraint and a production possibilities frontier
- Explain the relationship between a production possibilities frontier and the law of diminishing returns
- Contrast productive efficiency and allocative efficiency
- Define comparative advantage
Just as individuals cannot have everything they want and must instead make choices, society as a whole cannot have everything it might want, either. This section of the chapter will explain the constraints society faces, using a model called the **production possibilities frontier (PPF)**. There are more similarities than differences between individual choice and social choice. As you read this section, focus on the similarities.
Because society has limited resources (e.g., labor, land, capital, raw materials) at any point in time, there is a limit to the quantities of goods and services it can produce. Suppose a society desires two products, healthcare and education. The production possibilities frontier in [Figure 2.3](2-2-the-production-possibilities-frontier-and-social-choices#CNX_Econ_C02_010) illustrates this situation.
**Figure 2.3 A Healthcare vs. Education Production Possibilities Frontier**
This production possibilities frontier shows a tradeoff between devoting
social resources to healthcare and devoting them to education. At A all
resources go to healthcare and at B, most go to healthcare. At D most
resources go to education, and at F, all go to education.
[Figure 2.3](2-2-the-production-possibilities-frontier-and-social-choices#CNX_Econ_C02_010) shows healthcare on the vertical axis and education on the horizontal axis.
If the society were to allocate all of its resources to healthcare, it could produce at point A. However, it would not have any resources to produce education.
If it were to allocate all its resources to education, it could produce at point F, but it would not have any resources to produce healthcare.
Alternatively, society could choose to produce any combination of healthcare and education on the production possibilities frontier. In effect, the production possibilities frontier plays the same role for society as the budget constraint plays for an individual. Society can choose any combination of the two goods on or inside the PPF. However, it does not have enough resources to produce outside the PPF.
Most importantly, the production possibilities frontier clearly shows the tradeoff between healthcare and education. Suppose society has chosen to operate at point B, and it is considering producing more education. Because the PPF is downward sloping from left to right, the only way society can obtain more education is by giving up some healthcare. That is the tradeoff society faces. Suppose it considers moving from point B to point C. What would the opportunity cost be for the additional education? The opportunity cost would be the healthcare society has to forgo. Just as with Alphonso's budget constraint, the **slope** of the production possibilities frontier shows the opportunity cost. By now you might be saying, “Hey, this PPF is sounding like the budget constraint.” If so, read the following Clear It Up feature.","By the end of this section, you will be able to:
Interpret production possibilities frontier graphs
Contrast a budget constraint and a production possibilities frontier
Explain the relationship between a production possibilities frontier and the law of diminishing returns
Contrast productive efficiency and allocative efficiency
Define comparative advantage
Just as individuals cannot have everything they want and must instead make choices, society as a whole cannot have everything it might want, either. This section of the chapter will explain the constraints society faces, using a model called the production possibilities frontier (PPF). There are more similarities than differences between individual choice and social choice. As you read this section, focus on the similarities.
Because society has limited resources (e.g., labor, land, capital, raw materials) at any point in time, there is a limit to the quantities of goods and services it can produce. Suppose a society desires two products, healthcare and education. The production possibilities frontier in Figure 2.3 illustrates this situation.
When the demand for the good produced (output) increases, both the output price and profitability increase. As a result, producers demand more labor to ramp up production.
- A well-trained and educated workforce causes an increase in the demand for that labor by employers.
- Increased levels of productivity within the workforce will cause the demand for labor to shift to the right or to increase.
**Decreasing Demand**:
- If the workforce is not well-trained or educated, employers will not hire from within that labor pool, since they will need to spend a **significant amount** of time and money training that workforce.
Demand for lesser-skilled workers will shift to the left.
Technology changes can act as either substitutes for or complements to labor:
- When technology acts as a substitute, it replaces the need for the number of workers an employer needs to hire. For example, word processing decreased the number of typists needed in the workplace. This shifted the demand curve for typists left.
- An increase in the availability of certain technologies may increase the demand for labor. Technology that acts as a complement to labor will increase the demand for certain types of labor, resulting in a rightward shift of the demand curve. For example, the increased use of word processing and other software has increased the demand for information technology professionals who can resolve software and hardware issues related to a firm's network.
**Impact of technology on skills:**
- More and better technology will increase demand for skilled workers who know how to use technology to enhance workplace productivity.
Yet, those workers who do not adapt to changes in technology will experience a decrease in demand.
- An increase in the number of companies producing a given product will increase the demand for labor resulting in a shift to the right.
- A decrease in the number of companies producing a given product will decrease the demand for labor resulting in a shift to the left.
Complying with government regulations can increase or decrease the demand for labor at any given wage.
- In the healthcare industry, government rules may require that nurses be hired to carry out certain medical procedures. This will increase the demand for nurses.
- Less-trained healthcare workers would be prohibited from carrying out these procedures, and the demand for these workers will shift to the left.
Labor is not the only input into the production process. For example, a salesperson at a call center needs a telephone and a computer terminal to enter data and record sales.
- If prices of other inputs fall, production will become more profitable and suppliers will demand more labor to increase production. This will cause a rightward shift in the demand curve for labor.
- The opposite is also true. Higher prices for other inputs lower demand for labor.
","When the demand for the good produced (output) increases, both the output price and profitability increase. As a result, producers demand more labor to ramp up production.
- A well-trained and educated workforce causes an increase in the demand for that labor by employers.
- Increased levels of productivity within the workforce will cause the demand for labor to shift to the right or to increase.
**Decreasing Demand**:
- If the workforce is not well-trained or educated, employers will not hire from within that labor pool, since they will need to spend a **significant amount** of time and money training that workforce.
Demand for lesser-skilled workers will shift to the left.
Technology changes can act as either substitutes for or complements to labor:
- When technology acts as a substitute, it replaces the need for the number of workers an employer needs to hire. For example, word processing decreased the number of typists needed in the workplace. This shifted the demand curve for typists left.
- An increase in the availability of certain technologies may increase the demand for labor. Technology that acts as a complement to labor will increase the demand for certain types of labor, resulting in a rightward shift of the demand curve. For example, the increased use of word processing and other software has increased the demand for information technology professionals who can resolve software and hardware issues related to a firm's network.
**Impact of technology on skills:**
- More and better technology will increase demand for skilled workers who know how to use technology to enhance workplace productivity.
Yet, those workers who do not adapt to changes in technology will experience a decrease in demand.
- An increase in the number of companies producing a given product will increase the demand for labor resulting in a shift to the right.
- A decrease in the number of companies producing a given product will decrease the demand for labor resulting in a shift to the left.
Complying with government regulations can increase or decrease the demand for labor at any given wage.
- In the healthcare industry, government rules may require that nurses be hired to carry out certain medical procedures. This will increase the demand for nurses.
- Less-trained healthcare workers would be prohibited from carrying out these procedures, and the demand for these workers will shift to the left.
Labor is not the only input into the production process. For example, a salesperson at a call center needs a telephone and a computer terminal to enter data and record sales.
- If prices of other inputs fall, production will become more profitable and suppliers will demand more labor to increase production. This will cause a rightward shift in the demand curve for labor.
- The opposite is also true. Higher prices for other inputs lower demand for labor.
",movement-along-consumption-and-savings-functions,"{""question"": ""What happens to the demand for labor when the output price and profitability increase?"", ""answer"": ""The demand for labor increases.""}",What happens to the demand for labor when the output price and profitability increase?,The demand for labor increases.,"['demand', 'good produced', 'profitability increase', 'word processing', 'information technology professionals']"
547,01-02-00-overview,01-02,0,Overview,"
- Describe microeconomics
- Describe macroeconomics
- Contrast monetary policy and fiscal policy
Economics is concerned with the well-being of _all_ people, including those with jobs and those without jobs, as well as those with high incomes and those with low incomes. Economics acknowledges that production of useful goods and services can create problems of environmental pollution. It explores the question of how investing in education helps to develop workers' skills. It probes questions like how to tell when big businesses or big labor unions are operating in a way that benefits society as a whole and when they are operating in a way that benefits their owners or members at the expense of others. It looks at how government spending, taxes, and regulations affect decisions about production and consumption.
It should be clear by now that economics covers considerable ground. We can divide that ground into two parts: **Microeconomics** focuses on the actions of individual agents within the economy, like households, workers, and businesses. **Macroeconomics** looks at the economy as a whole. It focuses on broad issues such as growth of production, the number of unemployed people, the inflationary increase in prices, government deficits, and levels of exports and imports. Microeconomics and macroeconomics are not separate subjects, but rather complementary perspectives on the overall subject of the economy.
- **Microeconomics** focuses on the actions of individual agents within the economy, like households, workers, and businesses.
- **Microeconomics** looks at the economy as a whole. It focuses on broad issues such as growth of production, the number of unemployed people, the inflationary increase in prices, government deficits, and levels of exports and imports.
To understand why both microeconomic and macroeconomic perspectives are useful, consider the problem of studying a biological ecosystem like a lake. One person who sets out to study the lake might focus on specific topics: certain kinds of algae or plant life; the characteristics of particular fish or snails; or the trees surrounding the lake. Another person might take an overall view and instead consider the lake's ecosystem from top to bottom; what eats what, how the system stays in a rough balance, and what environmental stresses affect this balance.
Insights about particular plants and animals help researchers to understand the overall food chain, while insights about the overall food chain help to explain the environment in which individual plants and animals live. Both approaches are useful, and both examine the same lake, but the viewpoints are different. In a similar way, both microeconomics and macroeconomics study the same economy, but each has a different viewpoint.
Whether you are scrutinizing lakes or economics, the micro and the macro insights should blend with each other. In economics, the micro decisions of individual businesses are influenced by whether the macroeconomy is healthy. For example, firms will be more likely to hire workers if the overall economy is growing. In turn, the macroeconomy's performance ultimately depends on the microeconomic decisions that individual households and businesses make.","Describe microeconomics
Describe macroeconomics
Contrast monetary policy and fiscal policy
Economics is concerned with the well-being of all people, including those with jobs and those without jobs, as well as those with high incomes and those with low incomes. Economics acknowledges that production of useful goods and services can create problems of environmental pollution. It explores the question of how investing in education helps to develop workers' skills. It probes questions like how to tell when big businesses or big labor unions are operating in a way that benefits society as a whole and when they are operating in a way that benefits their owners or members at the expense of others. It looks at how government spending, taxes, and regulations affect decisions about production and consumption.
It should be clear by now that economics covers considerable ground. We can divide that ground into two parts: Microeconomics focuses on the actions of individual agents within the economy, like households, workers, and businesses. Macroeconomics looks at the economy as a whole. It focuses on broad issues such as growth of production, the number of unemployed people, the inflationary increase in prices, government deficits, and levels of exports and imports. Microeconomics and macroeconomics are not separate subjects, but rather complementary perspectives on the overall subject of the economy.
Microeconomics focuses on the actions of individual agents within the economy, like households, workers, and businesses.
Microeconomics looks at the economy as a whole. It focuses on broad issues such as growth of production, the number of unemployed people, the inflationary increase in prices, government deficits, and levels of exports and imports.
To understand why both microeconomic and macroeconomic perspectives are useful, consider the problem of studying a biological ecosystem like a lake. One person who sets out to study the lake might focus on specific topics: certain kinds of algae or plant life; the characteristics of particular fish or snails; or the trees surrounding the lake. Another person might take an overall view and instead consider the lake's ecosystem from top to bottom; what eats what, how the system stays in a rough balance, and what environmental stresses affect this balance.
Insights about particular plants and animals help researchers to understand the overall food chain, while insights about the overall food chain help to explain the environment in which individual plants and animals live. Both approaches are useful, and both examine the same lake, but the viewpoints are different. In a similar way, both microeconomics and macroeconomics study the same economy, but each has a different viewpoint.
Whether you are scrutinizing lakes or economics, the micro and the macro insights should blend with each other. In economics, the micro decisions of individual businesses are influenced by whether the macroeconomy is healthy. For example, firms will be more likely to hire workers if the overall economy is growing. In turn, the macroeconomy's performance ultimately depends on the microeconomic decisions that individual households and businesses make.",overview,"Question: What is the focus of microeconomics?
Answer: Microeconomics focuses on the actions of individual agents within the economy, like households, workers, and businesses.",What is the focus of microeconomics?,"Microeconomics focuses on the actions of individual agents within the economy, like households, workers, and businesses.","['maceconomics', 'fiscal policy', 'employment', 'social pollution', 'big businesses', 'big labor']"
548,04-00-00-the-great-depression,04-00,0,Baby Boomers Come of Age,"The Census Bureau reports that as of 2013, 20% of the U.S. population was over 60 years old, which means that almost 63 million people are reaching an age when they will need increased medical care.
The baby boomer population, the group born between 1946 and 1964, is comprised of approximately 74 million people who have just reached retirement age. As this population grows older, they will be faced with common healthcare issues such as heart conditions, arthritis, and Alzheimer's that may require hospitalization, long-term, or at-home nursing care.
Aging baby boomers and advances in life-saving and life-extending technologies will increase the demand for healthcare and nursing. Additionally, the Affordable Care Act, which expands access to healthcare for millions of Americans, has further increased the demand, although with the election of Donald J. Trump, this increase may not be sustained.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), registered nursing jobs are expected to increase by 16% between 2014 and 2024. The median annual wage of $67,490 (in 2015) is also expected to increase. The BLS forecasts that 439,000 new nurses will be in demand by 2022.
This data tells economists that the market for healthcare professionals, and nurses in particular, will face several challenges. Our study of supply and demand will help us to analyze what might happen in the labor market for nursing and other healthcare professionals, as we will discuss in the second half of this case at the end of the chapter.","The Census Bureau reports that as of 2013, 20% of the U.S. population was over 60 years old, which means that almost 63 million people are reaching an age when they will need increased medical care.
The baby boomer population, the group born between 1946 and 1964, is comprised of approximately 74 million people who have just reached retirement age. As this population grows older, they will be faced with common healthcare issues such as heart conditions, arthritis, and Alzheimer's that may require hospitalization, long-term, or at-home nursing care.
Aging baby boomers and advances in life-saving and life-extending technologies will increase the demand for healthcare and nursing. Additionally, the Affordable Care Act, which expands access to healthcare for millions of Americans, has further increased the demand, although with the election of Donald J. Trump, this increase may not be sustained.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), registered nursing jobs are expected to increase by 16% between 2014 and 2024. The median annual wage of $67,490 (in 2015) is also expected to increase. The BLS forecasts that 439,000 new nurses will be in demand by 2022.
This data tells economists that the market for healthcare professionals, and nurses in particular, will face several challenges. Our study of supply and demand will help us to analyze what might happen in the labor market for nursing and other healthcare professionals, as we will discuss in the second half of this case at the end of the chapter.",the-great-depression,"{
""question"": ""What is the expected increase in registered nursing jobs between 2014 and 2024?"",
""answer"": ""16%""
}",What is the expected increase in registered nursing jobs between 2014 and 2024?,16%,"['nursing', 'us population', 'medical care', 'heart conditions']"
549,05-00-00-introduction-to-labor-and-financial-markets,05-00,0,Bring It Home,,,introduction-to-labor-and-financial-markets,"{""question"": ""What is the purpose of the JSON schema?"", ""answer"": ""The purpose of the JSON schema is to define the structure and format of JSON data.""}",,,"['dynamic programming', 'gabor frames', 'multiresolution hierarchy']"
550,06-03-01-overview,06-03,1,Capital Deepening,"
When society increases the level of capital per person, we call the result
**capital deepening.**
The idea of capital deepening can apply both to additional human capital per
worker and to additional physical capital per worker.
Rising levels of education for persons 25 and older show the deepening of human capital in the U.S. economy (see **Figure 6.5**). Even today, under one-third of U.S. adults have completed a four- year college degree. There is clearly room for additional deepening of human capital to occur.
As recently as 1970, for example, only about half of U.S. adults had at least a high school diploma. By the start of the twenty first century, more than 80% of adults had graduated from high school. The idea of human capital deepening also applies to the years of experience that workers have, but the average experience level of U.S. workers has not changed much in recent decades.
**Figure 6.5 Human Capital Deepening in the U.S.** (Source: US Department of
Education, National Center for Education Statistics)
Thus, the key dimension for deepening human capital in the U.S. economy
focuses more on additional education and training than on a higher average
level of work experience.
**Figure 6.6** shows physical capital deepening in the U.S. economy.
The value of the physical capital, measured by plant and equipment, used by the average worker in the U.S. economy has risen over the decades.
The increase may have leveled off somewhat in the 1970s and 1980s, which were, not coincidentally, times of slower-than-usual growth in worker productivity.
We see a renewed increase in physical capital per worker in the late 1990s, followed by a flattening in the early 2000s.
The average U.S. worker in the late 2000s was working with physical capital worth almost three times as much as that of the average worker of the early 1950s.
**Figure 6.6 Physical Capital per Worker in the United States** (Source:
Center for International Comparisons of Production, Income and Prices,
University of Pennsylvania)
Not only does the current U.S. economy have better-educated workers with more and improved physical capital than it did several decades ago, but these workers have access to more advanced technologies. Growth in technology is impossible to measure with a simple line on a graph, but evidence that we live in an age of technological marvels is all around us—discoveries in genetics and in the structure of particles, the wireless internet, and other inventions almost too numerous to count. The U.S. Patent and Trademark Office typically has issued more than 150,000 patents annually in recent years.","When society increases the level of capital per person, we call the result
**capital deepening.**
The idea of capital deepening can apply both to additional human capital per
worker and to additional physical capital per worker.
Rising levels of education for persons 25 and older show the deepening of human capital in the U.S. economy (see Figure 6.5). Even today, under one-third of U.S. adults have completed a four- year college degree. There is clearly room for additional deepening of human capital to occur.
As recently as 1970, for example, only about half of U.S. adults had at least a high school diploma. By the start of the twenty first century, more than 80% of adults had graduated from high school. The idea of human capital deepening also applies to the years of experience that workers have, but the average experience level of U.S. workers has not changed much in recent decades.
When economists refer to “potential GDP” they are referring to the level of
output that an economy can achieve when all resources (land, labor, capital,
and entrepreneurial ability) are fully employed.
Over the long run, the level of potential GDP determines the size of real GDP. When economists refer to “potential GDP” they are referring to that level of output that an economy can achieve when all resources (land, labor, capital, and entrepreneurial ability) are fully employed. While the unemployment rate in labor markets will never be zero, full employment in the labor market refers to zero cyclical unemployment. There will still be some level of unemployment due to frictional or structural unemployment, but when the economy is operating with zero cyclical unemployment, economists say that the economy is at the natural rate of unemployment or at full employment.
Economists benchmark actual or real GDP against the potential GDP to determine how well the economy is performing. As explained in **Economic Growth**, we can explain GDP growth by increases and investment in physical capital and human capital per person as well as advances in technology.
**Physical capital per person** refers to the amount and kind of machinery and equipment available to help people get work done. Compare, for example, your productivity in typing a term paper on a typewriter to working on your laptop with word processing software. Clearly, you will be able to be more productive using word processing software. The technology and level of capital of your laptop and software has increased your productivity. More broadly, the development of GPS technology and Universal Product Codes (those barcodes on every product we buy) has made it much easier for firms to track shipments, tabulate inventories, and sell and distribute products.
These two technological innovations, and many others, have increased a nation's ability to produce goods and services for a given population. Likewise, increasing human capital involves increasing levels of knowledge, education, and skill sets per person through vocational or higher education. Physical and human capital improvements with technological advances will increase overall productivity and, thus, GDP.
To see how these improvements have increased productivity and output at the national level, we should examine evidence from the United States. The United States experienced significant growth in the twentieth century due to phenomenal changes in infrastructure, equipment, and technological improvements in physical capital and human capital. The population more than tripled in the twentieth century, from 76 million in 1900 to over 300 million in 2016. The human capital of modern workers is far higher today because the education and skills of workers have risen dramatically. In 1900, only about one-eighth of the U.S. population had completed high school and just one person in 40 had completed a four-year college degree. By 2010, more than 87% of Americans had a high school degree and over 29% had a four-year college degree as well. In 2014, 40% of working-age Americans had a four-year college degree. The average amount of physical capital per worker has grown dramatically.
The technology available to modern workers is extraordinarily better than a century ago: cars, airplanes, electrical machinery, smartphones, computers, chemical and biological advances, materials science, health care—the list of technological advances could run on and on. More workers, higher skill levels, larger amounts of physical capital per worker, and amazingly better technology, and potential GDP for the U.S. economy has clearly increased a great deal since 1900.
Over time the GDP has fallen below its potential level and, at times, has exceeded it. For example, from 2008 to 2009, the U.S. economy tumbled into recession and remains below its potential GDP to this day. At other times, like in the late 1990s, the economy ran at its potential GDP—or even slightly ahead.
**Figure 12.1** Potential and Actual GDP (in 2009 Dollars)
Actual GDP falls below potential GDP during and after recessions, like the recessions of 1980 and 1981-82, 1990-91, 2001, and 2008-2009 and continues below potential GDP through 2016. In other cases, actual GDP can be above potential GDP for a time, as in the late 1990s.
**Figure 12.1** shows the actual data for the increase in real GDP since 1960. The slightly smoother line shows potential GDP since 1960 as estimated by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. Most economic recessions and upswings are times when the economy is 1-3% below or above potential GDP in a given year. Clearly, short-run fluctuations around potential GDP do exist, but over the long run, the upward trend of potential GDP determines the size of the economy.
In the aggregate demand/aggregate supply model, we show potential GDP as a vertical line. Neoclassical economists who focus on potential GDP as the primary determinant of real GDP argue that the long-run aggregate supply (LRAS) curve is located at potential GDP—that is, we draw the LRAS curve as a vertical line at the level of potential GDP, as **Figure 12.2** shows.
**Figure 12.2** A Vertical AS Curve
A vertical LRAS curve means that the level of aggregate supply (or potential GDP) will determine the economy's real GDP, regardless of the level of aggregate demand. Over time, increases in the quantity and quality of physical capital, increases in human capital, and technological advancements shift potential GDP and the vertical LRAS curve gradually to the right. Economists often describe this gradual increase in an economy's potential GDP as a nation's long-term economic growth.
The second in a series of videos on economic issues and the Federal Reserve focuses on gross domestic product, or GDP. Engaging graphics and straightforward ...
","When economists refer to “potential GDP” they are referring to the level of
output that an economy can achieve when all resources (land, labor, capital,
and entrepreneurial ability) are fully employed.
Over the long run, the level of potential GDP determines the size of real GDP. When economists refer to “potential GDP” they are referring to that level of output that an economy can achieve when all resources (land, labor, capital, and entrepreneurial ability) are fully employed. While the unemployment rate in labor markets will never be zero, full employment in the labor market refers to zero cyclical unemployment. There will still be some level of unemployment due to frictional or structural unemployment, but when the economy is operating with zero cyclical unemployment, economists say that the economy is at the natural rate of unemployment or at full employment.
Economists benchmark actual or real GDP against the potential GDP to determine how well the economy is performing. As explained in Economic Growth, we can explain GDP growth by increases and investment in physical capital and human capital per person as well as advances in technology.
Physical capital per person refers to the amount and kind of machinery and equipment available to help people get work done. Compare, for example, your productivity in typing a term paper on a typewriter to working on your laptop with word processing software. Clearly, you will be able to be more productive using word processing software. The technology and level of capital of your laptop and software has increased your productivity. More broadly, the development of GPS technology and Universal Product Codes (those barcodes on every product we buy) has made it much easier for firms to track shipments, tabulate inventories, and sell and distribute products.
These two technological innovations, and many others, have increased a nation's ability to produce goods and services for a given population. Likewise, increasing human capital involves increasing levels of knowledge, education, and skill sets per person through vocational or higher education. Physical and human capital improvements with technological advances will increase overall productivity and, thus, GDP.
To see how these improvements have increased productivity and output at the national level, we should examine evidence from the United States. The United States experienced significant growth in the twentieth century due to phenomenal changes in infrastructure, equipment, and technological improvements in physical capital and human capital. The population more than tripled in the twentieth century, from 76 million in 1900 to over 300 million in 2016. The human capital of modern workers is far higher today because the education and skills of workers have risen dramatically. In 1900, only about one-eighth of the U.S. population had completed high school and just one person in 40 had completed a four-year college degree. By 2010, more than 87% of Americans had a high school degree and over 29% had a four-year college degree as well. In 2014, 40% of working-age Americans had a four-year college degree. The average amount of physical capital per worker has grown dramatically.
The technology available to modern workers is extraordinarily better than a century ago: cars, airplanes, electrical machinery, smartphones, computers, chemical and biological advances, materials science, health care—the list of technological advances could run on and on. More workers, higher skill levels, larger amounts of physical capital per worker, and amazingly better technology, and potential GDP for the U.S. economy has clearly increased a great deal since 1900.
Over time the GDP has fallen below its potential level and, at times, has exceeded it. For example, from 2008 to 2009, the U.S. economy tumbled into recession and remains below its potential GDP to this day. At other times, like in the late 1990s, the economy ran at its potential GDP—or even slightly ahead.
Supply ≠ Quantity Supplied
[Figure 3.3](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#CNX_Econ_C03_002) illustrates the law of supply as it affects the gasoline market. Like demand, we can illustrate supply using a table or a graph.
A **supply curve** is a graphic illustration of the relationship between price, shown on the vertical axis, and quantity, shown on the horizontal axis.
The shape of supply curves will vary somewhat according to the product: steeper, flatter, straighter, or curved. Nearly all supply curves, however, slope up from left to right and illustrate the law of supply: as the price rises, say, from $1.00 per gallon to $2.20 per gallon, the quantity supplied increases from 500 gallons to 720 gallons. Conversely, as the price falls, the quantity supplied decreases, all else constant.
**Figure 3.3 A Supply Curve for Gasoline**
A **supply schedule** is a table, like [Table 3.2](3-1-demand-supply-and-equilibrium-in-markets-for-goods-and-services#Table_03_02), that shows the quantity supplied at a range of different prices. Again, we measure price in dollars per gallon of gasoline and we measure quantity supplied in millions of gallons.
The supply schedule and the supply curve are just two different ways of showing the same information. Notice that the horizontal and vertical axes on the graph for the supply curve are the same as for the demand curve, i.e. _the independent variable price is on the vertical axis and the dependent variable quantity is on the horizontal_, just like for the demand curve.
| Price (per gallon) | Quantity Supplied (millions of gallons) |
| ------------------ | --------------------------------------- |
| $1.00 | 500 |
| $1.20 | 550 |
| $1.40 | 600 |
| $1.60 | 640 |
| $1.80 | 680 |
| $2.00 | 700 |
| $2.20 | 720 |
**Table 3.2** Price and Supply of Gasoline
In this video, we explore the relationship between price and quantity
supplied. Why does the supply curve slope upward? The supply curve shows how
much of a good suppliers are willing to supply at different prices. For
instance, oil suppliers in Alaska and Saudi Arabia face different costs of
extraction, affecting the price at which they are willing to supply oil.
","In economic terminology, supply is not the same as quantity supplied. When economists refer to supply, they mean the relationship between a range of prices and the quantities supplied at those prices, a relationship that we can illustrate with a supply curve or a supply schedule. When economists refer to quantity supplied, they mean only a certain point on the supply curve, or one quantity on the supply schedule. In short, supply refers to the curve and quantity supplied refers to the (specific) point on the curve.
Supply ≠ Quantity Supplied
Figure 3.3 illustrates the law of supply as it affects the gasoline market. Like demand, we can illustrate supply using a table or a graph.
A supply curve is a graphic illustration of the relationship between price, shown on the vertical axis, and quantity, shown on the horizontal axis.
The shape of supply curves will vary somewhat according to the product: steeper, flatter, straighter, or curved. Nearly all supply curves, however, slope up from left to right and illustrate the law of supply: as the price rises, say, from $1.00 per gallon to $2.20 per gallon, the quantity supplied increases from 500 gallons to 720 gallons. Conversely, as the price falls, the quantity supplied decreases, all else constant.
In this video I explain the market for foreign exchange and national
currencies. If you want more practice, check out the Ultimate Review Packet
for FREE: ht...
","The world has over 150 different currencies, from the Afghanistan afghani and the Albanian lek all the way through the alphabet to the Zambian kwacha and the Zimbabwean dollar. For international economic transactions, households or firms will wish to exchange one currency for another. Perhaps the need for exchanging currencies will come from a German firm that exports products to Russia, but then wishes to exchange the Russian rubles it has earned for euros, so that the firm can pay its workers and suppliers in Germany. Perhaps it will be a South African firm that wishes to purchase a mining operation in Angola, but to make the purchase it must convert South African rand to Angolan kwanza. Perhaps it will be an American tourist visiting China, who wishes to convert U.S. dollars to Chinese yuan to pay the hotel bill.
Exchange rates can sometimes change very swiftly. For example, in the United Kingdom the pound was worth about \$1.50 just before the nation voted to leave the European Union (also known as the Brexit vote), but fell to \$1.37 just after the vote and continued falling to reach 30-year lows a few months later. For firms engaged in international buying, selling, lending, and borrowing, these swings in exchange rates can have an enormous effect on profits.
This chapter discusses the international dimension of money, which involves conversions from one currency to another at an exchange rate. An exchange rate is nothing more than a price—that is, the price of one currency in terms of another currency—and so we can analyze it with the tools of supply and demand. The first module of this chapter begins with an overview of foreign exchange markets: their size, their main participants, and the vocabulary for discussing movements of exchange rates. The following module uses demand and supply graphs to analyze some of the main factors that cause shifts in exchange rates. A final module then brings the central bank and monetary policy back into the picture. Each country must decide whether to allow the market to determine its exchange rate, or have the central bank intervene. All the choices for exchange rate policy involve distinctive tradeoffs and risks.
The most common monetary policy in the U.S. is open market operations.
Open market operations take place when the central bank sells or buys U.S. Treasury bonds in order to influence the quantity of bank reserves and the level of interest rates. The specific interest rate targeted in open market operations is the federal funds rate. The name is a bit of a misnomer since the federal funds rate is the interest rate that commercial banks charge making overnight loans to other banks. As such, it is a short-term interest rate, but one that accurately reflects credit conditions in financial markets.
The **Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC)** makes the decisions regarding open market operations. The FOMC comprises seven members of the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governors. It also includes five voting members who the Board draws from the regional Federal Reserve Banks on a rotating basis. The New York district president is a permanent FOMC voting member and the Board fills the other four spots on an annual rotating basis from the other 11 districts. The FOMC typically meets every six weeks, but it can meet more frequently if necessary.
The FOMC tries to act by consensus; however, the Federal Reserve's chair has traditionally played a very powerful role in defining and shaping that consensus. For the Federal Reserve, and for most central banks, open market operations have been the most commonly used tool of monetary policy over the last few decades.
To understand how open market operations affect the money supply, consider the balance sheet of Happy Bank, displayed in **Figure 14.4. Figure 14.4 (a)** shows that Happy Bank starts with \$460 million in assets, divided among reserves, bonds and loans, and \$400 million in liabilities in the form of deposits, with a net worth of \$60 million.
**Figure 14.4**
When the central bank purchases \$20 million in bonds from Happy Bank, the bond holdings of Happy Bank fall by \$20 million, and the bank's reserves rise by \$20 million, as **Figure 14.4 (b)** shows. However, Happy Bank only wants to hold \$40 million in reserves, the quantity with which it started in **Figure 14.4 (a)**. The bank, therefore, decides to loan out the extra \$20 million in reserves and its loans rise by \$20 million, as **Figure 14.4 (c)** shows.
The central bank's open market operation causes Happy Bank to make loans instead of holding its assets in the form of government bonds, which expands the money supply. As the new loans are deposited in banks throughout the economy, these banks will, in turn, loan out some of the deposits they receive, triggering the money multiplier that we discussed in Money and Banking.
Where did the Federal Reserve get the \$20 million that it used to purchase the bonds? A central bank has the power to create money. In practical terms, the Federal Reserve would write a check to Happy Bank so that Happy Bank can have that money credited to its bank account at the Federal Reserve. In truth, the Federal Reserve created the money to purchase the bonds out of thin air—or with a few clicks on some computer keys.
**Figure 14.5**
Open market operations can also reduce the quantity of money and loans in an economy. **Figure 14.5 (a)** shows the balance sheet of Happy Bank before the central bank sells bonds in the open market. When Happy Bank purchases \$30 million in bonds, Happy Bank sends \$30 million of its reserves to the central bank, but now holds an additional \$30 million in bonds, as **Figure 14.5 (b)** shows. However, Happy Bank wants to hold \$40 million in reserves, as in **Figure 14.5 (a)**, so it will adjust down the quantity of its loans by \$30 million, to bring its reserves back to the desired level, as **Figure 14.5 (c)** shows. In practical terms, a bank can easily reduce its quantity of loans. At any given time, a bank is receiving payments on loans that it made previously and also making new loans. If the bank just slows down or briefly halts making new loans, and instead adds those funds to its reserves, then its overall quantity of loans will decrease. A decrease in the quantity of loans also means fewer deposits in other banks, and other banks reducing their lending as well, as the money multiplier that we discussed in Money and Banking takes effect.
What about all those bonds? How do they affect the money supply? Read the following section for the answer.","The most common monetary policy in the U.S. is open market operations.
Open market operations take place when the central bank sells or buys U.S. Treasury bonds in order to influence the quantity of bank reserves and the level of interest rates. The specific interest rate targeted in open market operations is the federal funds rate. The name is a bit of a misnomer since the federal funds rate is the interest rate that commercial banks charge making overnight loans to other banks. As such, it is a short-term interest rate, but one that accurately reflects credit conditions in financial markets.
The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) makes the decisions regarding open market operations. The FOMC comprises seven members of the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governors. It also includes five voting members who the Board draws from the regional Federal Reserve Banks on a rotating basis. The New York district president is a permanent FOMC voting member and the Board fills the other four spots on an annual rotating basis from the other 11 districts. The FOMC typically meets every six weeks, but it can meet more frequently if necessary.
The FOMC tries to act by consensus; however, the Federal Reserve's chair has traditionally played a very powerful role in defining and shaping that consensus. For the Federal Reserve, and for most central banks, open market operations have been the most commonly used tool of monetary policy over the last few decades.
To understand how open market operations affect the money supply, consider the balance sheet of Happy Bank, displayed in Figure 14.4. Figure 14.4 (a) shows that Happy Bank starts with \$460 million in assets, divided among reserves, bonds and loans, and \$400 million in liabilities in the form of deposits, with a net worth of \$60 million.
Figure 14.4
When the central bank purchases \$20 million in bonds from Happy Bank, the bond holdings of Happy Bank fall by \$20 million, and the bank's reserves rise by \$20 million, as Figure 14.4 (b) shows. However, Happy Bank only wants to hold \$40 million in reserves, the quantity with which it started in Figure 14.4 (a). The bank, therefore, decides to loan out the extra \$20 million in reserves and its loans rise by \$20 million, as Figure 14.4 (c) shows.
The central bank's open market operation causes Happy Bank to make loans instead of holding its assets in the form of government bonds, which expands the money supply. As the new loans are deposited in banks throughout the economy, these banks will, in turn, loan out some of the deposits they receive, triggering the money multiplier that we discussed in Money and Banking.
Where did the Federal Reserve get the \$20 million that it used to purchase the bonds? A central bank has the power to create money. In practical terms, the Federal Reserve would write a check to Happy Bank so that Happy Bank can have that money credited to its bank account at the Federal Reserve. In truth, the Federal Reserve created the money to purchase the bonds out of thin air—or with a few clicks on some computer keys.
Figure 14.5
Open market operations can also reduce the quantity of money and loans in an economy. Figure 14.5 (a) shows the balance sheet of Happy Bank before the central bank sells bonds in the open market. When Happy Bank purchases \$30 million in bonds, Happy Bank sends \$30 million of its reserves to the central bank, but now holds an additional \$30 million in bonds, as Figure 14.5 (b) shows. However, Happy Bank wants to hold \$40 million in reserves, as in Figure 14.5 (a), so it will adjust down the quantity of its loans by \$30 million, to bring its reserves back to the desired level, as Figure 14.5 (c) shows. In practical terms, a bank can easily reduce its quantity of loans. At any given time, a bank is receiving payments on loans that it made previously and also making new loans. If the bank just slows down or briefly halts making new loans, and instead adds those funds to its reserves, then its overall quantity of loans will decrease. A decrease in the quantity of loans also means fewer deposits in other banks, and other banks reducing their lending as well, as the money multiplier that we discussed in Money and Banking takes effect.
What about all those bonds? How do they affect the money supply? Read the following section for the answer.",open-market-operations,"Question: What is the main tool of monetary policy used by the Federal Reserve in the U.S.?
Answer: Open market operations.",What is the main tool of monetary policy used by the Federal Reserve in the U.S.?,Open market operations.,"['monetary policy', 'open market operations', 'central bank', 'us']"
555,10-02-04-indexing-in-private-markets,10-02,4,The Aggregate Demand Curve,"**Aggregate demand (AD)** refers to the amount of total spending on domestic goods and services in an economy. Strictly speaking, AD is what economists call total planned expenditure. We explained this distinction in the previous chapter on **The Expenditure-Output Model**. For now, just think of aggregate demand as total spending.
Aggregate demand includes all four components of demand: consumption, investment, government spending, and net exports (exports minus imports). This demand is determined by a number of factors, but one of them is the price level—recall though, that the price level is an index number such as the GDP deflator that measures the average price of the things we buy. The **aggregate demand (AD) curve** shows the total spending on domestic goods and services at each price level.
**Figure 10.3** The Aggregate Demand Curve
**Figure 10.3** presents an aggregate demand (AD) curve. Just like the aggregate supply curve, the horizontal axis shows real GDP and the vertical axis shows the price level.
The AD curve slopes down, which means that increases in the price level of outputs lead to a lower quantity of total spending. The reasons behind this shape are related to how changes in the price level affect the different components of aggregate demand:
- consumption spending (C)
- investment spending (I)
- government spending (G)
- spending on exports (X) minus imports (M): $C + I + G + X - M$.
The **wealth effect** holds that as the price level increases, the buying
power of savings that people have stored up in bank accounts and other
assets will diminish, eaten away to some extent by inflation. Because a rise
in the price level reduces people's wealth, consumption spending will fall
as the price level rises.
The **interest rate effect** holds that as prices for outputs rise, the same
purchases will take more money or credit to accomplish. This additional
demand for money and credit will push interest rates higher. In turn, higher
interest rates will reduce borrowing by businesses for investment purposes
and reduce borrowing by households for homes and cars—thus reducing
consumption and investment spending.
The foreign price effect points out that if prices rise in the United States
while remaining fixed in other countries, then goods in the United States
will be relatively more expensive compared to goods in the rest of the
world. U.S. exports will be relatively more expensive, and the quantity of
exports sold will fall. U.S. imports from abroad will be relatively cheaper,
so the quantity of imports will rise. Thus, a higher domestic price level,
relative to price levels in other countries, will reduce net export
expenditures.
Among economists all three of these effects are controversial, in part because they do not seem to be very large. For this reason, the aggregate demand curve in **Figure 10.3** slopes downward fairly steeply. The steep slope indicates that a higher price level for final outputs reduces aggregate demand for all three of these reasons, but that the change in the quantity of aggregate demand as a result of changes in price level is not very large.
Read the following section to learn how to interpret the AD/AS model. In this example, aggregate supply, aggregate demand, and the price level are given for the imaginary country of Xurbia.","Aggregate demand (AD) refers to the amount of total spending on domestic goods and services in an economy. Strictly speaking, AD is what economists call total planned expenditure. We explained this distinction in the previous chapter on The Expenditure-Output Model. For now, just think of aggregate demand as total spending.
Aggregate demand includes all four components of demand: consumption, investment, government spending, and net exports (exports minus imports). This demand is determined by a number of factors, but one of them is the price level—recall though, that the price level is an index number such as the GDP deflator that measures the average price of the things we buy. The aggregate demand (AD) curve shows the total spending on domestic goods and services at each price level.
**Figure 7.2 The U.S. Unemployment Rate, 1955-2015** (Source: Federal Reserve
Economic Data (FRED)
https://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/LRUN64TTUSA156S0)
As we look at this data, several patterns stand out:
1. Unemployment rates do fluctuate over time. During the deep recessions of the early 1980s and of 2007-2009, unemployment reached roughly 10%. For comparison, during the 1930s Great Depression, the unemployment rate reached almost 25% of the labor force.
2. Unemployment rates in the late 1990s and into the mid-2000s were rather low by historical standards. The unemployment rate was below 5% from 1997 to 2000, and near 5% during almost all of 2006-2007, and 5% or slightly less from September 2015 through January 2017 (the latest date for which data are available as of this writing). The previous time unemployment had been less than 5% for three consecutive years was three decades earlier, from 1968 to 1970.
3. The unemployment rate never falls all the way to zero. It almost never seems to get below 3%—and it stays that low only for very short periods. (We discuss reasons why this is the case later in this chapter.)
The timing of rises and falls in unemployment matches fairly well with the timing of upswings and downswings in the overall economy, except that unemployment tends to lag changes in economic activity, and especially so during upswings of the economy following a recession. During periods of recession and depression, unemployment is high. During periods of economic growth, unemployment tends to be lower.
No significant upward or downward trend in unemployment rates is apparent. This point is especially worth noting because the U.S. population more than quadrupled from 76 million in 1900 to over 324 million by 2017. Moreover, a higher proportion of U.S. adults are now in the paid workforce, because women have entered the paid labor force in significant numbers in recent decades. Women comprised 18% of the paid workforce in 1900 and nearly half of the paid workforce in 2017. However, despite the increased number of workers, as well as other economic events like globalization and the continuous invention of new technologies, the economy has provided jobs without causing any long-term upward or downward trend in unemployment rates.","Figure 7.2 shows the historical pattern of U.S. unemployment since 1955. The U.S. unemployment rate moves up and down as the economy moves in and out of recessions. However, over time, the unemployment rate seems to return to a range of 4% to 6%. There does not seem to be a long-term trend toward the rate moving generally higher or generally lower.
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
- Contrast traditional economies, command economies, and market economies
- Explain gross domestic product (GDP)
- Assess the importance and effects of globalization
Think about what a complex system a modern economy is. It includes all production of goods and services, all buying and selling, all employment. The economic life of every individual is interrelated, at least to a small extent, with the economic lives of thousands or even millions of other individuals.
- Who organizes and coordinates this system?
- Who ensures that, for example, the number of televisions a society provides is the same as the amount it needs and wants?
- Who ensures that the right number of employees work in the electronics industry?
- Who ensures that televisions are produced in the best way possible?
- How does it all get done?
There are at least three ways that societies organize an economy: **traditional economy, command economy**, and **market economy**.
traditional economy
command economy
market economy
Traditional economy is the oldest economic system and is used in parts of
Asia, Africa, and South America. Traditional economies organize their
economic affairs the way they have always done (i.e., tradition).
Occupations stay in the family. Most families are farmers who grow the
crops using traditional methods. What you produce is what you consume.
Because tradition drives the way of life, there is little economic
progress or development.
Command economies are very different. In a command economy, economic
effort is devoted to goals passed down from a ruler or ruling class.
Ancient Egypt was a good example: a large part of economic life was
devoted to building pyramids for the pharaohs. Medieval manor life is
another example: the lord provided the land for growing crops and
protection in the event of war. In return, vassals provided labor and
soldiers to do the lord's bidding. In the last century, communist
governments like Cuba, North Korea, and the former Soviet Union have
emphasized command economies by centralizing economic planning with the
state. The government decides what goods and services will be produced,
what prices will be charged, what methods of production will be used, and
how much workers will receive for wages. In return, the government
provides necessities free like healthcare and education.
Although command economies have a very centralized structure for economic
decisions, market economies have a very decentralized structure. A market
is an institution that brings together buyers and sellers of goods or
services, who may be either individuals or businesses. The New York Stock
Exchange is a prime example of a market which brings buyers and sellers
together. In a market economy, decision-making is decentralized. Market
economies are based on private enterprise: private individuals or groups
of private individuals own and operate the means of production (resources
and businesses). Businesses supply goods and services based on demand. (In
a command economy, by contrast, the government owns resources and
businesses.) Supply of goods and services depends on what the demands are.
A person's income is based on his or her ability to convert resources
(especially labor) into something that society values. The more society
values the person's output, the higher the income (think Lady Gaga or
LeBron James). In this scenario, market forces, not governments, determine
economic outcomes.
Most economies in the real world are **mixed economies**, meaning they combine elements of command, market, and even traditional systems. The U.S. economy is a market-oriented mixed economy, whereas many countries in Europe and Latin America, while primarily market-oriented, have a greater degree of government involvement in economic decisions. China and Russia remain closer to being command economies, despite transitioning to a more market-oriented system over the past several decades.
Most economies in the real world are mixed economies, meaning they combine elements of command, market, and even traditional systems. The U.S. economy is a market-oriented mixed economy, whereas many countries in Europe and Latin America, while primarily market-oriented, have a greater degree of government involvement in economic decisions. China and Russia remain closer to being command economies, despite transitioning to a more market-oriented system over the past several decades.","By the end of this section, you will be able to:
Contrast traditional economies, command economies, and market economies
Explain gross domestic product (GDP)
Assess the importance and effects of globalization
Think about what a complex system a modern economy is. It includes all production of goods and services, all buying and selling, all employment. The economic life of every individual is interrelated, at least to a small extent, with the economic lives of thousands or even millions of other individuals.
Who organizes and coordinates this system?
Who ensures that, for example, the number of televisions a society provides is the same as the amount it needs and wants?
Who ensures that the right number of employees work in the electronics industry?
Who ensures that televisions are produced in the best way possible?
How does it all get done?
There are at least three ways that societies organize an economy: traditional economy, command economy, and market economy.
traditional economy
command economy
market economy
Traditional economy is the oldest economic system and is used in parts of
Asia, Africa, and South America. Traditional economies organize their
economic affairs the way they have always done (i.e., tradition).
Occupations stay in the family. Most families are farmers who grow the
crops using traditional methods. What you produce is what you consume.
Because tradition drives the way of life, there is little economic
progress or development.
Command economies are very different. In a command economy, economic
effort is devoted to goals passed down from a ruler or ruling class.
Ancient Egypt was a good example: a large part of economic life was
devoted to building pyramids for the pharaohs. Medieval manor life is
another example: the lord provided the land for growing crops and
protection in the event of war. In return, vassals provided labor and
soldiers to do the lord's bidding. In the last century, communist
governments like Cuba, North Korea, and the former Soviet Union have
emphasized command economies by centralizing economic planning with the
state. The government decides what goods and services will be produced,
what prices will be charged, what methods of production will be used, and
how much workers will receive for wages. In return, the government
provides necessities free like healthcare and education.
Although command economies have a very centralized structure for economic
decisions, market economies have a very decentralized structure. A market
is an institution that brings together buyers and sellers of goods or
services, who may be either individuals or businesses. The New York Stock
Exchange is a prime example of a market which brings buyers and sellers
together. In a market economy, decision-making is decentralized. Market
economies are based on private enterprise: private individuals or groups
of private individuals own and operate the means of production (resources
and businesses). Businesses supply goods and services based on demand. (In
a command economy, by contrast, the government owns resources and
businesses.) Supply of goods and services depends on what the demands are.
A person's income is based on his or her ability to convert resources
(especially labor) into something that society values. The more society
values the person's output, the higher the income (think Lady Gaga or
LeBron James). In this scenario, market forces, not governments, determine
economic outcomes.
Most economies in the real world are mixed economies, meaning they combine elements of command, market, and even traditional systems. The U.S. economy is a market-oriented mixed economy, whereas many countries in Europe and Latin America, while primarily market-oriented, have a greater degree of government involvement in economic decisions. China and Russia remain closer to being command economies, despite transitioning to a more market-oriented system over the past several decades.
Most economies in the real world are mixed economies, meaning they combine elements of command, market, and even traditional systems. The U.S. economy is a market-oriented mixed economy, whereas many countries in Europe and Latin America, while primarily market-oriented, have a greater degree of government involvement in economic decisions. China and Russia remain closer to being command economies, despite transitioning to a more market-oriented system over the past several decades.",overview,"{""question"": ""What are the three ways societies organize an economy?"", ""answer"": ""Traditional economy, command economy, and market economy.""}",What are the three ways societies organize an economy?,"Traditional economy, command economy, and market economy.","['normative economy', 'command economies', 'market economies', 'gross domestic product', 'employment', 'economic']"
558,06-04-04-how-is-the-economy-doing-how-does-one-tell,06-04,4,Calories and Economic Growth,"We can tell the story of modern economic growth by looking at calorie consumption over time. The dramatic rise in incomes allowed the average person to eat better and consume more calories. How did these incomes increase? The neoclassical growth consensus uses the aggregate production function to suggest that the period of modern economic growth came about because of increases in inputs such as technology and physical and human capital. Also important was the way in which technological progress combined with physical and human capital deepening to create growth and convergence. The issue of distribution of income notwithstanding, it is clear that the average worker can afford more calories in 2017 than in 1875.
Aside from increases in income, there is another reason why the average person can afford more food. Modern agriculture has allowed many countries to produce more food than they need. Despite having more than enough food, however, many governments and multilateral agencies have not solved the food distribution problem. In fact, food shortages, famine, or general food insecurity are caused more often by the failure of government macroeconomic policy, according to the Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen. Sen has conducted extensive research into issues of inequality, poverty, and the role of government in improving standards of living. Macroeconomic policies that strive toward stable inflation, full employment, education of women, and preservation of property rights are more likely to eliminate starvation and provide for a more even distribution of food.
Because we have more food per capita, global food prices have decreased since 1875. The prices of some foods, however, have decreased more than the prices of others. For example, researchers from the University of Washington have shown that in the United States, calories from zucchini and lettuce are 100 times more expensive than calories from oil, butter, and sugar. Research from countries like India, China, and the United States suggests that as incomes rise, individuals want more calories from fats and protein and fewer from carbohydrates. This has very interesting implications for global food production, obesity, and environmental consequences. Affluent urban India has an obesity problem much like many parts of the United States. The forces of convergence are at work.
$$
$$
","We can tell the story of modern economic growth by looking at calorie consumption over time. The dramatic rise in incomes allowed the average person to eat better and consume more calories. How did these incomes increase? The neoclassical growth consensus uses the aggregate production function to suggest that the period of modern economic growth came about because of increases in inputs such as technology and physical and human capital. Also important was the way in which technological progress combined with physical and human capital deepening to create growth and convergence. The issue of distribution of income notwithstanding, it is clear that the average worker can afford more calories in 2017 than in 1875.
Aside from increases in income, there is another reason why the average person can afford more food. Modern agriculture has allowed many countries to produce more food than they need. Despite having more than enough food, however, many governments and multilateral agencies have not solved the food distribution problem. In fact, food shortages, famine, or general food insecurity are caused more often by the failure of government macroeconomic policy, according to the Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen. Sen has conducted extensive research into issues of inequality, poverty, and the role of government in improving standards of living. Macroeconomic policies that strive toward stable inflation, full employment, education of women, and preservation of property rights are more likely to eliminate starvation and provide for a more even distribution of food.
Because we have more food per capita, global food prices have decreased since 1875. The prices of some foods, however, have decreased more than the prices of others. For example, researchers from the University of Washington have shown that in the United States, calories from zucchini and lettuce are 100 times more expensive than calories from oil, butter, and sugar. Research from countries like India, China, and the United States suggests that as incomes rise, individuals want more calories from fats and protein and fewer from carbohydrates. This has very interesting implications for global food production, obesity, and environmental consequences. Affluent urban India has an obesity problem much like many parts of the United States. The forces of convergence are at work.
$$
$$",how-is-the-economy-doing-how-does-one-tell,"Question: What is the main reason why the average person can afford more food aside from increases in income?
Answer: Modern agriculture has allowed many countries to produce more food than they need.",What is the main reason why the average person can afford more food aside from increases in income?,Modern agriculture has allowed many countries to produce more food than they need.,"['calm consumption', 'economic growth', 'neoclassical growth consensus', 'aggregate production']"
559,14-01-02-who-has-the-most-immediate-economic-power-in-the-world,14-01,2,Who has the most immediate economic power in the world?,"
What individual can make financial markets crash or soar just by making a public statement? Not Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, or even the President of the United States, but the Chair of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors.
In early 2014, Janet L. Yellen, (**Figure 14.1**) became the first woman to hold this post. The media had described Yellen as “perhaps the most qualified Fed chair in history.” With a Ph.D. in economics from Yale University, Yellen has taught macroeconomics at Harvard, the London School of Economics, and most recently at the University of California at Berkeley.
**Figure 14.1** Janet L. Yellen, the First Female Chair of the Federal Reserve
Board (Credit: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System)
From 2004-2010, Yellen was President of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. Yellen became one of the few economists who warned about a possible bubble in the housing market, more than two years before the financial crisis occurred. She served on the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve twice, most recently as Vice Chair. She also spent two years as Chair of the President's Council of Economic Advisors.
The Federal Reserve consists of more than just the Board of Governors. Visit this [website](https://www.federalreserve.gov/aboutthefed.htm) to see who the current members of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors are.
**Figure 14.2** The Twelve Federal Reserve Districts
The Fed also includes 12 regional Federal Reserve banks, each of which is responsible for supporting the commercial banks and economy in its district. **Figure 14.2** shows the Federal Reserve districts and the cities where their regional headquarters are located. The commercial banks in each district elect a Board of Directors for each regional Federal Reserve bank, and that board chooses a president for each regional Federal Reserve district. Thus, the Federal Reserve System includes both federally and private-sector appointed leaders.","What individual can make financial markets crash or soar just by making a public statement? Not Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, or even the President of the United States, but the Chair of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors.
In early 2014, Janet L. Yellen, (Figure 14.1) became the first woman to hold this post. The media had described Yellen as “perhaps the most qualified Fed chair in history.” With a Ph.D. in economics from Yale University, Yellen has taught macroeconomics at Harvard, the London School of Economics, and most recently at the University of California at Berkeley.
- Identify three factors that influence a country's level of trade
- Differentiate between balance of trade and level of trade
A nation's _level_ of trade may at first sound like much the same issue as the _balance_ of trade, but these two are actually quite separate. It is perfectly possible for a country to have a very high level of trade—measured by its exports of goods and services as a share of its GDP—while it also has a near-balance between exports and imports. A high level of trade indicates that the nation exports a good portion of its production. It is also possible for a country's trade to be a relatively low share of GDP, relative to global averages, but for the imbalance between its exports and its imports to be quite large. We emphasized this general theme earlier in **Measuring Trade Balances**, which offered some illustrative figures on trade levels and balances.
A country's level of trade tells how much of its production it exports. We measure this by the percent of exports out of GDP. It indicates the degree of an economy's globalization. Some countries, such as Germany, have a high level of trade; they export almost 50% of their total production. The balance of trade tells us if the country is running a trade surplus or trade deficit. A country can have a low level of trade but a high trade deficit. For example, the United States only exports 13% of GDP, but it has a trade deficit of over $500 billion.
Three factors strongly influence a nation's level of trade: the size of its economy, its geographic location, and its history of trade. Large economies like the United States can do much of their trading internally, while small economies like Sweden have less ability to provide what they want internally and tend to have higher ratios of exports and imports to GDP. Nations that are neighbors tend to trade more, since costs of transportation and communication are lower. Moreover, some nations have long and established patterns of international trade, while others do not.
Consequently, a relatively small economy like Sweden, with many nearby trading partners across Europe and a long history of foreign trade, has a high level of trade. Brazil and India, which are fairly large economies that have often sought to inhibit trade in recent decades, have lower levels of trade; whereas, the United States and Japan are extremely large economies that have comparatively few nearby trading partners. Both countries actually have quite low levels of trade by world standards. The ratio of exports to GDP in either the United States or in Japan is about half of the world average.
The balance of trade is a separate issue from the level of trade. The United States has a low level of trade, but had enormous trade deficits for most years from the mid-1980s into the 2000s. Japan has a low level of trade by world standards, but has typically shown large trade surpluses in recent decades. Nations like Germany and the United Kingdom have medium to high levels of trade by world standards, but Germany had a moderate trade surplus in 2015, while the United Kingdom had a moderate trade deficit. Their trade picture was roughly in balance in the late 1990s. Sweden had a high level of trade and a moderate trade surplus in 2015, while Mexico had a high level of trade and a moderate trade deficit that same year.
In short, it is quite possible for nations with a relatively low level of trade, expressed as a percentage of GDP, to have relatively large trade deficits. It is also quite possible for nations with a near balance between exports and imports to worry about the consequences of high levels of trade for the economy. It is not inconsistent to believe that a high level of trade is potentially beneficial to an economy, because of the way it allows nations to play to their comparative advantages, and to also be concerned about any macroeconomic instability caused by a long-term pattern of large trade deficits.
The following section discusses how this sort of dynamic played out in Colonial India.","- Identify three factors that influence a country's level of trade
- Differentiate between balance of trade and level of trade
A nation's level of trade may at first sound like much the same issue as the balance of trade, but these two are actually quite separate. It is perfectly possible for a country to have a very high level of trade—measured by its exports of goods and services as a share of its GDP—while it also has a near-balance between exports and imports. A high level of trade indicates that the nation exports a good portion of its production. It is also possible for a country's trade to be a relatively low share of GDP, relative to global averages, but for the imbalance between its exports and its imports to be quite large. We emphasized this general theme earlier in Measuring Trade Balances, which offered some illustrative figures on trade levels and balances.
A country's level of trade tells how much of its production it exports. We measure this by the percent of exports out of GDP. It indicates the degree of an economy's globalization. Some countries, such as Germany, have a high level of trade; they export almost 50% of their total production. The balance of trade tells us if the country is running a trade surplus or trade deficit. A country can have a low level of trade but a high trade deficit. For example, the United States only exports 13% of GDP, but it has a trade deficit of over $500 billion.
Three factors strongly influence a nation's level of trade: the size of its economy, its geographic location, and its history of trade. Large economies like the United States can do much of their trading internally, while small economies like Sweden have less ability to provide what they want internally and tend to have higher ratios of exports and imports to GDP. Nations that are neighbors tend to trade more, since costs of transportation and communication are lower. Moreover, some nations have long and established patterns of international trade, while others do not.
Consequently, a relatively small economy like Sweden, with many nearby trading partners across Europe and a long history of foreign trade, has a high level of trade. Brazil and India, which are fairly large economies that have often sought to inhibit trade in recent decades, have lower levels of trade; whereas, the United States and Japan are extremely large economies that have comparatively few nearby trading partners. Both countries actually have quite low levels of trade by world standards. The ratio of exports to GDP in either the United States or in Japan is about half of the world average.
The balance of trade is a separate issue from the level of trade. The United States has a low level of trade, but had enormous trade deficits for most years from the mid-1980s into the 2000s. Japan has a low level of trade by world standards, but has typically shown large trade surpluses in recent decades. Nations like Germany and the United Kingdom have medium to high levels of trade by world standards, but Germany had a moderate trade surplus in 2015, while the United Kingdom had a moderate trade deficit. Their trade picture was roughly in balance in the late 1990s. Sweden had a high level of trade and a moderate trade surplus in 2015, while Mexico had a high level of trade and a moderate trade deficit that same year.
In short, it is quite possible for nations with a relatively low level of trade, expressed as a percentage of GDP, to have relatively large trade deficits. It is also quite possible for nations with a near balance between exports and imports to worry about the consequences of high levels of trade for the economy. It is not inconsistent to believe that a high level of trade is potentially beneficial to an economy, because of the way it allows nations to play to their comparative advantages, and to also be concerned about any macroeconomic instability caused by a long-term pattern of large trade deficits.
The following section discusses how this sort of dynamic played out in Colonial India.",overview,"{ ""question"": ""What are three factors that influence a country's level of trade?"", ""answer"": ""The size of its economy, its geographic location, and its history of trade."" }",What are three factors that influence a country's level of trade?,"The size of its economy, its geographic location, and its history of trade.","['balance of trade', 'germany', 'uk', 'nearbalance', 'imports']"
561,20-03-04-should-anti-dumping-cases-be-limited,20-03,4,Should Anti-Dumping Cases Be Limited?,"
Anti-dumping cases pose two questions:
How much sense do they make in economic theory?
How much sense do they make in economic theory?
In terms of economic theory, the case for anti-dumping laws is weak. In a market governed by demand and supply, the government does not guarantee that firms will be able to make a profit. After all, low prices are difficult for producers, but benefit consumers. Moreover, although there are plenty of cases in which foreign producers have driven out domestic firms, there are zero documented cases in which the foreign producers then jacked up prices. Instead, foreign producers typically continue competing hard against each other and providing low prices to consumers. In short, it is difficult to find evidence of predatory pricing by foreign firms exporting to the United States.
Even if one could make a case that the government should sometimes enact anti-dumping rules in the short term, and then allow free trade to resume shortly thereafter, there is a growing concern that anti-dumping investigations often involve more politics than careful analysis. The U.S. Commerce Department is charged with calculating the appropriate “cost of production,” which can be as much an art as a science.
For example, if a company built a new factory two years ago, should it count part of the factory's cost in this year's cost of production? When a company is in a country where the government controls prices, like China for example, how can one measure the true cost of production? When a domestic industry complains loudly enough, government regulators seem very likely to find that unfair dumping has occurred. A common pattern has arisen where a domestic industry files an anti-dumping complaint, the governments meet and negotiate a reduction in imports, and then the domestic producers drop the anti-dumping suit. In such cases, anti-dumping cases often appear to be little more than a cover story for imposing tariffs or import quotas.
In the 1980s, the United States, Canada, the European Union, Australia, and New Zealand implemented almost all the anti-dumping cases. By the 2000s, countries like Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, South Africa, Mexico, and India were filing the majority of the anti-dumping cases before the WTO. As the number of anti-dumping cases has increased, and as countries such as the United States and the European Union feel targeted by the anti-dumping actions of others, the WTO may well propose some additional guidelines to limit the reach of anti-dumping laws.","Anti-dumping cases pose two questions:
How much sense do they make in economic theory?
How much sense do they make in economic theory?
In terms of economic theory, the case for anti-dumping laws is weak. In a market governed by demand and supply, the government does not guarantee that firms will be able to make a profit. After all, low prices are difficult for producers, but benefit consumers. Moreover, although there are plenty of cases in which foreign producers have driven out domestic firms, there are zero documented cases in which the foreign producers then jacked up prices. Instead, foreign producers typically continue competing hard against each other and providing low prices to consumers. In short, it is difficult to find evidence of predatory pricing by foreign firms exporting to the United States.
Even if one could make a case that the government should sometimes enact anti-dumping rules in the short term, and then allow free trade to resume shortly thereafter, there is a growing concern that anti-dumping investigations often involve more politics than careful analysis. The U.S. Commerce Department is charged with calculating the appropriate “cost of production,” which can be as much an art as a science.
For example, if a company built a new factory two years ago, should it count part of the factory's cost in this year's cost of production? When a company is in a country where the government controls prices, like China for example, how can one measure the true cost of production? When a domestic industry complains loudly enough, government regulators seem very likely to find that unfair dumping has occurred. A common pattern has arisen where a domestic industry files an anti-dumping complaint, the governments meet and negotiate a reduction in imports, and then the domestic producers drop the anti-dumping suit. In such cases, anti-dumping cases often appear to be little more than a cover story for imposing tariffs or import quotas.
In the 1980s, the United States, Canada, the European Union, Australia, and New Zealand implemented almost all the anti-dumping cases. By the 2000s, countries like Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, South Africa, Mexico, and India were filing the majority of the anti-dumping cases before the WTO. As the number of anti-dumping cases has increased, and as countries such as the United States and the European Union feel targeted by the anti-dumping actions of others, the WTO may well propose some additional guidelines to limit the reach of anti-dumping laws.",should-anti-dumping-cases-be-limited,"{""question"": ""What is the case for anti-dumping laws in economic theory?"", ""answer"": ""In terms of economic theory, the case for anti-dumping laws is weak.""}",What is the case for anti-dumping laws in economic theory?,"In terms of economic theory, the case for anti-dumping laws is weak.","['antidumping cases', 'economic theory', 'foreign producers', 'domestic industry', 'unfair dumping']"
562,20-04-04-long-term-trends-in-barriers-to-trade,20-04,4,Long-Term Trends in Barriers to Trade,"In newspaper headlines, trade policy appears mostly as disputes and acrimony. Countries are almost constantly threatening to challenge other nations' “unfair” trading practices. Cases are brought to the dispute settlement procedures of the WTO, the European Union, NAFTA, and other regional trading agreements. Politicians in national legislatures, goaded on by lobbyists, often threaten to pass bills that will “establish a fair playing field” or “prevent unfair trade”—although most such bills seek to accomplish these high-sounding goals by placing more restrictions on trade. Protesters in the streets may object to specific trade rules or to the entire practice of international trade.
Through all the controversy, the general trend in the last 60 years is clearly toward lower barriers to trade. The average level of tariffs on imported products charged by industrialized countries was 40% in 1946. By 1990, after decades of GATT negotiations, it was down to less than 5%. One of the reasons that GATT negotiations shifted from focusing on tariff reduction in the early rounds to a broader agenda was that tariffs had been reduced so dramatically there was not much more to do in that area. U.S. tariffs have followed this general pattern: After rising sharply during the Great Depression, tariffs dropped off to less than 2% by the end of the century. Although measures of import quotas and nontariff barriers are less exact than those for tariffs, they generally appear to be at lower levels than they had been previously, too.
Thus, the last half-century has seen both a dramatic reduction in government-created barriers to trade, such as tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers, and also a number of technological developments that have made international trade easier, like advances in transportation, communication, and information management. The result has been the powerful surge of international trade.
America and China are edging closer to signing a deal in the trade war. But that won't mark the end-the issues at the heart of the conflict will be very diff...
","In newspaper headlines, trade policy appears mostly as disputes and acrimony. Countries are almost constantly threatening to challenge other nations' “unfair” trading practices. Cases are brought to the dispute settlement procedures of the WTO, the European Union, NAFTA, and other regional trading agreements. Politicians in national legislatures, goaded on by lobbyists, often threaten to pass bills that will “establish a fair playing field” or “prevent unfair trade”—although most such bills seek to accomplish these high-sounding goals by placing more restrictions on trade. Protesters in the streets may object to specific trade rules or to the entire practice of international trade.
Through all the controversy, the general trend in the last 60 years is clearly toward lower barriers to trade. The average level of tariffs on imported products charged by industrialized countries was 40% in 1946. By 1990, after decades of GATT negotiations, it was down to less than 5%. One of the reasons that GATT negotiations shifted from focusing on tariff reduction in the early rounds to a broader agenda was that tariffs had been reduced so dramatically there was not much more to do in that area. U.S. tariffs have followed this general pattern: After rising sharply during the Great Depression, tariffs dropped off to less than 2% by the end of the century. Although measures of import quotas and nontariff barriers are less exact than those for tariffs, they generally appear to be at lower levels than they had been previously, too.
Thus, the last half-century has seen both a dramatic reduction in government-created barriers to trade, such as tariffs, import quotas, and nontariff barriers, and also a number of technological developments that have made international trade easier, like advances in transportation, communication, and information management. The result has been the powerful surge of international trade.
**Figure 9.1** Real GDP Before, During, and After the Great Depression
(Credit: This text was adapted from The Saylor Foundation under a Creative
Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 License without attribution
as requested by the work's original creator or licensee.)
Three things stand out, with the third being the most important for this chapter.
1. Although the level of US economic activity grew substantially over this half century, there were many ups and downs in the economy during the late 19th century and early 20th century.
2. The period from 1929 to 1937 stands out from the rest. This was not a minor blip in economic activity; the US economy suffered a collapse that persisted for many years. At the same time, unemployment climbed to a staggering 25 percent in 1933. One out of four people was unemployed, compared to a rate of only 3.2 percent in 1929.","The personal suffering that families faced during the Great Depression of the 1930s is less apparent when we look at the Figure 9.1, but it still reveals the extraordinary nature of the economy at the time. The graph shows real gross domestic product (real GDP) in the United States from 1890 to 1939.
To illustrate the use of these terms, consider the exchange rate between the U.S. dollar and the Canadian dollar since 1980, in **Figure 17.2 (a)**. The vertical axis shows the price of \$1 in U.S. currency, measured in terms of Canadian currency. Clearly, exchange rates can move up and down substantially. A U.S. dollar traded for \$1.17 Canadian in 1980. The U.S. dollar appreciated or strengthened to \$1.39 Canadian in 1986, depreciated or weakened to \$1.15 Canadian in 1991, and then appreciated or strengthened to \$1.60 Canadian by early in 2002. It then fell to roughly \$1.20 Canadian in 2009, and then had a sharp spike up and decline in 2009 and 2010. In May of 2017, the U.S. dollar stood at \$1.36 Canadian.
The units in which we measure exchange rates can be confusing, because we measure the rate of the U.S. dollar exchange using a different currency—in the example in **Figure 17.2**, the Canadian dollar. However, exchange rates always measure the price of one unit of currency by using a different currency.
**Figure 17.2** Strengthen or Appreciate vs. Weaken or Depreciate
In looking at the exchange rate between two currencies, the appreciation or strengthening of one currency must mean the depreciation or weakening of the other. **Figure 17.2 (b)** shows the exchange rate for the Canadian dollar, measured in terms of U.S. dollars. The exchange rate of the U.S. dollar measured in Canadian dollars in **Figure 17.2 (a)**, is a perfect mirror image with the Canadian dollar exchange rate measured in U.S. dollars in **Figure 17.2 (b)**. A fall in the Canada \$/U.S. \$ ratio means a rise in the U.S. \$/Canada \$ ratio, and vice versa.
Higher prices of a typical good or service benefit sellers and hurt buyers, while lower prices benefit buyers and hurt sellers. In the case of exchange rates, where the buyers and sellers are not always intuitively obvious, it is useful to trace how a stronger or weaker currency will affect different market participants.
Consider, for example, the impact of a stronger U.S. dollar on six different groups of economic actors, as **Figure 17.3** shows:
(1) U.S. exporters selling abroad;
(2) foreign exporters (that is, firms selling imports in the U.S. economy);
(3) U.S. tourists abroad;
(4) foreign tourists visiting the United States;
(5) U.S. investors (either foreign direct investment or portfolio investment) considering opportunities in other countries;
(6) and foreign investors considering opportunities in the U.S. economy.
**Figure 17.3** How Do Exchange Rate Movements Affect Each Group?
For a U.S. firm selling abroad, a stronger U.S. dollar is a curse. A strong U.S. dollar means that foreign currencies are correspondingly weak. When this exporting firm earns foreign currencies through its export sales, and then converts them back to U.S. dollars to pay workers, suppliers, and investors, the stronger dollar means that the foreign currency buys fewer U.S. dollars than if the currency had not strengthened, and that the firm's profits (as measured in dollars) fall. As a result, the firm may choose to reduce its exports, or it may raise its selling price, which will also tend to reduce its exports. In this way, a stronger currency reduces a country's exports.
Conversely, for a foreign firm selling in the U.S. economy, a stronger dollar is a blessing. Each dollar earned through export sales, when traded back into the exporting firm's home currency, will now buy more home currency than expected before the dollar had strengthened. As a result, the stronger dollar means that the importing firm will earn higher profits than expected. The firm will seek to expand its sales in the U.S. economy, or it may reduce prices, which will also lead to expanded sales. In this way, a stronger U.S. dollar means that consumers will purchase more from foreign producers, expanding the country's level of imports.
For a U.S. tourist abroad, who is exchanging U.S. dollars for foreign currency as necessary, a stronger U.S. dollar is a benefit. The tourist receives more foreign currency for each U.S. dollar, and consequently the cost of the trip in U.S. dollars is lower. When a country's currency is strong, it is a good time for citizens of that country to tour abroad. Imagine a U.S. tourist who has saved up \$5,000 for a trip to South Africa. In 2010, \$1 bought 7.3 South African rand, so the tourist had 36,500 rand to spend. In 2012, \$1 bought 8.2 rand, so the tourist had 41,000 rand to spend. By 2015, \$1 bought nearly 13 rand. Clearly, more recent years have been better for U.S. tourists to visit South Africa. For foreign visitors to the United States, the opposite pattern holds true. A relatively stronger U.S. dollar means that their own currencies are relatively weaker, so that as they shift from their own currency to U.S. dollars, they have fewer U.S. dollars than previously. When a country's currency is strong, it is not an especially good time for foreign tourists to visit.
A stronger dollar injures the prospects of a U.S. financial investor who has already invested money in another country. A U.S. financial investor abroad must first convert U.S. dollars to a foreign currency, invest in a foreign country, and then later convert that foreign currency back to U.S. dollars. If in the meantime the U.S. dollar becomes stronger and the foreign currency becomes weaker, then when the investor converts back to U.S. dollars, the rate of return on that investment will be less than originally expected at the time it was made.
However, a stronger U.S. dollar boosts the returns of a foreign investor putting money into a U.S. investment. That foreign investor converts from the home currency to U.S. dollars and seeks a U.S. investment, while later planning to switch back to the home currency. If, in the meantime, the dollar grows stronger, then when the time comes to convert from U.S. dollars back to the foreign currency, the investor will receive more foreign currency than expected at the time the original investment was made.
The preceding paragraphs all focus on the case where the U.S. dollar becomes stronger. The first column in **Figure 17.3** illustrates the corresponding happy or unhappy economic reactions.
A lot of economists go on and on about how currency devaluations help exports and, well... they do. However, if one country does it, others will follow suit ...
","When the prices of most goods and services change, the price ""rises or ""falls"". For exchange rates, the terminology is different. When the exchange rate for a currency rises, so that the currency exchanges for more of other currencies, we refer to it as appreciating or “strengthening.” When the exchange rate for a currency falls, so that a currency trades for less of other currencies, we refer to it as depreciating or ""weakening.""
To illustrate the use of these terms, consider the exchange rate between the U.S. dollar and the Canadian dollar since 1980, in Figure 17.2 (a). The vertical axis shows the price of \$1 in U.S. currency, measured in terms of Canadian currency. Clearly, exchange rates can move up and down substantially. A U.S. dollar traded for \$1.17 Canadian in 1980. The U.S. dollar appreciated or strengthened to \$1.39 Canadian in 1986, depreciated or weakened to \$1.15 Canadian in 1991, and then appreciated or strengthened to \$1.60 Canadian by early in 2002. It then fell to roughly \$1.20 Canadian in 2009, and then had a sharp spike up and decline in 2009 and 2010. In May of 2017, the U.S. dollar stood at \$1.36 Canadian.
The units in which we measure exchange rates can be confusing, because we measure the rate of the U.S. dollar exchange using a different currency—in the example in Figure 17.2, the Canadian dollar. However, exchange rates always measure the price of one unit of currency by using a different currency.
Figure 17.2 Strengthen or Appreciate vs. Weaken or Depreciate
In looking at the exchange rate between two currencies, the appreciation or strengthening of one currency must mean the depreciation or weakening of the other. Figure 17.2 (b) shows the exchange rate for the Canadian dollar, measured in terms of U.S. dollars. The exchange rate of the U.S. dollar measured in Canadian dollars in Figure 17.2 (a), is a perfect mirror image with the Canadian dollar exchange rate measured in U.S. dollars in Figure 17.2 (b). A fall in the Canada \$/U.S. \$ ratio means a rise in the U.S. \$/Canada \$ ratio, and vice versa.
Higher prices of a typical good or service benefit sellers and hurt buyers, while lower prices benefit buyers and hurt sellers. In the case of exchange rates, where the buyers and sellers are not always intuitively obvious, it is useful to trace how a stronger or weaker currency will affect different market participants.
Consider, for example, the impact of a stronger U.S. dollar on six different groups of economic actors, as Figure 17.3 shows:
(1) U.S. exporters selling abroad;
(2) foreign exporters (that is, firms selling imports in the U.S. economy);
(3) U.S. tourists abroad;
(4) foreign tourists visiting the United States;
(5) U.S. investors (either foreign direct investment or portfolio investment) considering opportunities in other countries;
(6) and foreign investors considering opportunities in the U.S. economy.
Figure 17.3 How Do Exchange Rate Movements Affect Each Group?
For a U.S. firm selling abroad, a stronger U.S. dollar is a curse. A strong U.S. dollar means that foreign currencies are correspondingly weak. When this exporting firm earns foreign currencies through its export sales, and then converts them back to U.S. dollars to pay workers, suppliers, and investors, the stronger dollar means that the foreign currency buys fewer U.S. dollars than if the currency had not strengthened, and that the firm's profits (as measured in dollars) fall. As a result, the firm may choose to reduce its exports, or it may raise its selling price, which will also tend to reduce its exports. In this way, a stronger currency reduces a country's exports.
Conversely, for a foreign firm selling in the U.S. economy, a stronger dollar is a blessing. Each dollar earned through export sales, when traded back into the exporting firm's home currency, will now buy more home currency than expected before the dollar had strengthened. As a result, the stronger dollar means that the importing firm will earn higher profits than expected. The firm will seek to expand its sales in the U.S. economy, or it may reduce prices, which will also lead to expanded sales. In this way, a stronger U.S. dollar means that consumers will purchase more from foreign producers, expanding the country's level of imports.
For a U.S. tourist abroad, who is exchanging U.S. dollars for foreign currency as necessary, a stronger U.S. dollar is a benefit. The tourist receives more foreign currency for each U.S. dollar, and consequently the cost of the trip in U.S. dollars is lower. When a country's currency is strong, it is a good time for citizens of that country to tour abroad. Imagine a U.S. tourist who has saved up \$5,000 for a trip to South Africa. In 2010, \$1 bought 7.3 South African rand, so the tourist had 36,500 rand to spend. In 2012, \$1 bought 8.2 rand, so the tourist had 41,000 rand to spend. By 2015, \$1 bought nearly 13 rand. Clearly, more recent years have been better for U.S. tourists to visit South Africa. For foreign visitors to the United States, the opposite pattern holds true. A relatively stronger U.S. dollar means that their own currencies are relatively weaker, so that as they shift from their own currency to U.S. dollars, they have fewer U.S. dollars than previously. When a country's currency is strong, it is not an especially good time for foreign tourists to visit.
A stronger dollar injures the prospects of a U.S. financial investor who has already invested money in another country. A U.S. financial investor abroad must first convert U.S. dollars to a foreign currency, invest in a foreign country, and then later convert that foreign currency back to U.S. dollars. If in the meantime the U.S. dollar becomes stronger and the foreign currency becomes weaker, then when the investor converts back to U.S. dollars, the rate of return on that investment will be less than originally expected at the time it was made.
However, a stronger U.S. dollar boosts the returns of a foreign investor putting money into a U.S. investment. That foreign investor converts from the home currency to U.S. dollars and seeks a U.S. investment, while later planning to switch back to the home currency. If, in the meantime, the dollar grows stronger, then when the time comes to convert from U.S. dollars back to the foreign currency, the investor will receive more foreign currency than expected at the time the original investment was made.
The preceding paragraphs all focus on the case where the U.S. dollar becomes stronger. The first column in Figure 17.3 illustrates the corresponding happy or unhappy economic reactions.
**Table 19.1** How Many Hours It Takes to Produce Oil and Corn
To simplify, let's say that Saudi Arabia and the United States each have 100 worker hours (see **Table 19.2). Figure 19.1** illustrates what each country can produce on its own using a production possibility frontier (PPF) graph. Recall from Choice in a World of Scarcity that the production possibilities frontier shows the maximum amount that each country can produce given its limited resources, in this case workers, and its level of technology.
| Country | Oil Production using 100 worker hours (barrels) | Corn Production using 100 worker hours (bushels) |
| ------------- | ----------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------ |
| Saudi Arabia | 100 | 25 |
| United States | 50 | 100 |
**Table 19.2** Production Possibilities before Trade
![](figure/21fb3efe453afaa62eb2b2cf2e46a134458df581.png)
**Figure 19.1** Production Possibilities Frontiers
(a) Saudi Arabia can produce 100 barrels of oil at maximum and zero corn
(point A), or 25 bushels of corn and zero oil (point B). It can also produce
other combinations of oil and corn if it wants to consume both goods, such
as at point C. Here it chooses to produce/consume 60 barrels of oil, leaving
40 work hours that to allocate to produce 10 bushels of corn, using the data
in **Table 19.1**.
(b) If the United States produces only oil, it can produce, at maximum, 50
barrels and zero corn (point A'), or at the other extreme, it can produce a
maximum of 100 bushels of corn and no oil (point B'). Other combinations of
both oil and corn are possible, such as point C'. All points above the
frontiers are impossible to produce given the current level of resources and
technology.
Arguably Saudi and U.S. consumers desire both oil and corn to live. Let's say that before trade occurs, both countries produce and consume at point C or C'. Thus, before trade, the Saudi Arabian economy will devote 60 worker hours to produce oil, as **Table 19.3** shows. Given the information in **Table 19.1**, this choice implies that it produces/consumes 60 barrels of oil. With the remaining 40 worker hours, since it needs four hours to produce a bushel of corn, it can produce only 10 bushels. To be at point C', the U.S. economy devotes 40 worker hours to produce 20 barrels of oil and it can allocate the remaining worker hours to produce 60 bushels of corn.
| Country | Oil Production (barrels) | Corn Production (bushels) |
| ---------------------- | ------------------------ | ------------------------- |
| Saudi Arabia (C) | 60 | 10 |
| United States (C') | 20 | 60 |
| Total World Production | 80 | 70 |
**Table 19.3** Production before Trade
The slope of the production possibility frontier illustrates the opportunity cost of producing oil in terms of corn. Using all its resources, the United States can produce 50 barrels of oil or 100 bushels of corn; therefore, the opportunity cost of one barrel of oil is two bushels of corn—or a slope of 1/2. Thus, in the U.S. production possibility frontier graph, every increase in oil production of one barrel implies a decrease of two bushels of corn. Saudi Arabia can produce 100 barrels of oil or 25 bushels of corn. The opportunity cost of producing one barrel of oil is the loss of 1/4 of a bushel of corn that Saudi workers could otherwise have produced. In terms of corn, notice that Saudi Arabia gives up the least to produce a barrel of oil.
**Table 19.4** summarizes these calculations. Recall that we defined comparative advantage as the opportunity cost of producing goods. Since Saudi Arabia gives up the least to produce a barrel of oil, (1/4 < 2 in **Table 19.4**) it has a comparative advantage in oil production. The United States gives up the least to produce a bushel of corn, so it has a comparative advantage in corn production.
| Country | Opportunity cost of one unit — Oil (in terms of corn) | Opportunity cost of one unit — Corn (in terms of oil) |
| ------------- | ----------------------------------------------------- | ----------------------------------------------------- |
| Saudi Arabia | 1/4 | 4 |
| United States | 2 | 1/2 |
**Table 19.4** Opportunity Cost and Comparative Advantage
In this example, there is symmetry between absolute and comparative advantage. Saudi Arabia needs fewer worker hours to produce oil (absolute advantage, see **Table 19.1**), and also gives up the least in terms of other goods to produce oil (comparative advantage, see **Table 19.4**). Such symmetry is not always the case, as we will show. First, read the following section to make sure you understand why the PPF line in the graphs is straight.","Consider a hypothetical world with two countries, Saudi Arabia and the United States, and two products, oil and corn. Also assume that consumers in both countries desire both these goods. These goods are homogeneous, meaning that consumers/producers cannot differentiate between corn or oil from either country. There is only one resource available in both countries, labor hours. Saudi Arabia can produce oil with fewer resources, while the United States can produce corn with fewer resources.
Table 19.1 illustrates the advantages of the two countries, expressed in terms of how many hours it takes to produce one unit of each good. Saudi Arabia has an absolute advantage in producing oil because it only takes an hour to produce a barrel of oil compared to two hours in the United States. The United States has an absolute advantage in producing corn, as it only takes them an hour to produce a bushel of corn compared to four hours in Saudi Arabia.
Table 19.1 How Many Hours It Takes to Produce Oil and Corn
To simplify, let's say that Saudi Arabia and the United States each have 100 worker hours (see Table 19.2). Figure 19.1 illustrates what each country can produce on its own using a production possibility frontier (PPF) graph. Recall from Choice in a World of Scarcity that the production possibilities frontier shows the maximum amount that each country can produce given its limited resources, in this case workers, and its level of technology.
Table 19.2 Production Possibilities before Trade