Datasets:

Svngoku

/

African-History-Extra-11-30-24

like 0

a brief note on contacts between ancient African kingdoms and Rome.

finding the lost city of Rhapta on the east African coast.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between

Few classical civilizations were as impactful to the foreign contacts of ancient African states and societies like the Roman Empire. Shortly after Augustus became emperor of Rome, his armies undertook a series of campaigns into the African mainland south of the Mediterranean coast. The first of the Roman campaigns was directed into Nubia around 25BC, [but was defeated by the armies of Kush in 22BC](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-meroitic-empire-queen-amanirenas). While the Roman defeat in Nubia permanently ended its ambitions in this region and was concluded with a treaty between Kush's envoys and the emperor on the Greek island Samos in 21BC, Roman campaigns into central Libya beginning in 20BC were relatively successful and the region was gradually incorporated into the empire. The succeeding era, which is often referred to as '_Pax Romana_', was a dynamic period of trade and cultural exchanges between Rome and the rest of the world, including north-eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean world. The increase in commercial and diplomatic exchanges between Kush and Roman Egypt contributed to the expansion of the economy of Meroitic Kush, which was one of the sources of gold and ivory exported to Meditteranean markets.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-1-145467894) By the 1st century CE, Meroe had entered a period of prosperity, with monumental building activity across the cities of the kingdom, as well as a high level of intellectual and artistic production. [The appearance of envoys from Meroe and Roman Egypt in the documentary record of both regions](https://www.patreon.com/posts/africans-in-rome-75714077) demonstrates the close relationship between the two state’s diplomatic and economic interests. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffeff442e-413c-48ef-9ce1-434a670fece3_705x517.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc02237f-7fef-439d-9587-0ecb3514de08_640x433.png) _**the shrine of Hathor (also called the 'Roman kiosk') at Naqa, Sudan. ca. 1st century CE**_. _It was constructed by the Meroitic co-rulers Natakamani and Amanitore and served as a ‘transitory’ shrine in front of the larger temple of the Nubian god Apedemak (seen in the background). Its nickname is derived from its mix of Meroitic architecture (like the style used for the Apedemak temple) with Classical elements (like the decoration of the shrine’s columns and arched windows). The Meroitic inscriptions found on the walls of the shrine indicate that it was built by local masons who were likely familiar with aspects of the construction styles of Roman-Egypt or assisted by a few masons from the latter._[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-2-145467894) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) The patterns of exchange and trade that characterized _Pax Romana_ would also contribute to the expansion of Aksumite commercial and political activities in the Red Sea region, which was a conduit for the lucrative trade in silk and spices from the Indian Ocean world as well as ivory from the Aksumite hinterland. At the close of the 2nd century, the armies of Aksum were campaigning on the Arabian peninsula and the kingdom’s port city of Adulis had become an important anchorage for merchant ships traveling from Roman-Egypt to the Indian Ocean littoral. These activities would lay the foundation for the success of [Aksumite merchants as intermediaries in the trade between India and Rome](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-aksumite-empire-between-rome). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8bf2919f-6977-4011-a801-9fcc425c13be_794x447.gif) _**Dungur Palace, Aksum, Ethiopia - Reconstruction, by World History Encyclopedia.**_ _This large, multi-story complex was one of several structures that dominated the Aksumite capital and regional towns across the kingdom, and its architectural style was a product of centuries of local developments. The material culture of these elite houses indicates that their occupants had access to luxury goods imported from Rome, including glassware, amphorae, and Roman coins._[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-3-145467894) The significance of the relationship between Rome and the kingdoms of Kush and Aksum can be gleaned from Roman accounts of world geography in which the cities of Meroe and Aksum are each considered to be a '_**Metropolis**_' —a term reserved for large political and commercial capitals. This term had been used for Meroe since the 5th century BC and Aksum since the 1st century CE, since they were the largest African cities known to the classical writers[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-4-145467894). However, by the time Ptolemy composed his monumental work on world geography in 150 CE, another African city had been elevated to the status of a Metropolis. This new African metropolis was the **city of Rhapta,** located on the coast of East Africa known as _‘Azania’_, and it was the southernmost center of trade in a chain of port towns that stretched from the eastern coast of Somalia to the northern coast of Mozambique. **The history of the ancient East African coast and its links to the Roman world are the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **Please subscribe to read about it here:** [ANCIENT EAST AFRICA AND THE ROMANS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/105868178) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa02dc2b6-500a-4e26-bafe-28947296eeef_1102x623.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F361130f0-63cc-4739-ba0e-841ca6726865_820x704.png) _**Fresco with an aithiopian woman presenting ivory to a seated figure (Dido of Carthage) as a personified Africa overlooks**_, from House of Meleager at Pompeii, MAN Napoli 8898, Museo Archaeologico Nazionale, Naples

2024-06-09T16:20:45+00:00

A complete history of Abomey: capital of Dahomey (ca. 1650-1894)

Journal of African cities chapter 10.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital

Abomey was one of the largest cities in the "forest region" of west-Africa; a broad belt of kingdoms extending from Ivory coast to southern Nigeria. Like many of the urban settlements in the region whose settlement was associated with royal power, the city of Abomey served as the capital of the kingdom of Dahomey. Home to an estimated 30,000 inhabitants at its height in the mid-19th century, the walled city of Abomey was the political and religious center of the kingdom. Inside its walls was a vast royal palace complex, dozens of temples and residential quarters occupied by specialist craftsmen who made the kingdom's iconic artworks. This article outlines the history of Abomey from its founding in the 17th century to the fall of Dahomey in 1894. **Map of modern benin showing Abomey and other cities in the kingdom of Dahomey.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-1-136876141)** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F15e9b90d-c29e-44ee-9d7e-ee851cd2300c_846x481.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The early history of Abomey: from the ancient town of Sodohome to the founding of Dahomey’s capital.** The plateau region of southern Benin was home to a number of small-scale complex societies prior to the founding of Dahomey and its capital. Like in other parts of west-Africa, urbanism in this region was part of the diverse settlement patterns which predated the emergence of centralized states. The Abomey plateau was home to several nucleated iron-age settlements since the 1st millennium BC, many of which flourished during the early 2nd millennium. The largest of these early urban settlements was Sodohome, an ancient iron age dated to the 6th century BC which at its peak in the 11th century, housed an estimated 5,700 inhabitants. Sodohome was part of a regional cluster of towns in southern Benin that were centers of iron production and trade, making an estimated 20 tonnes of iron each year in the 15th/16th century.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-2-136876141) The early settlement at Abomey was likely established at the very founding of Dahomey and the construction of the first Kings' residences. Traditions recorded in the 18th century attribute the city's creation to the Dahomey founder chief Dakodonu (d. 1645) who reportedly captured the area that became the city of Abomey after defeating a local chieftain named Dan using a _Kpatin_ tree. Other accounts attribute Abomey's founding to Houegbadja the "first" king of Dahomey (r. 1645-1685) who suceeded Dakodonu. Houegbadja's palace at Abomey, which is called _Kpatissa_, (under the kpatin tree), is the oldest surviving royal residence in the complex and was built following preexisting architectural styles.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-3-136876141) (read more about [Dahomey’s history in my previous article on the kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-dahomey-and-the-atlantic)) The pre-existing royal residences of the rulers who preceeded Dahomey’s kings likely included a _hounwa_ (entrance hall) and an _ajalala_ (reception hall), flanked by an _adoxo_ (tomb) of the deceased ruler. The palace of Dan (called _Dan-Home_) which his sucessor, King Houegbadja (or his son) took over, likely followed this basic architectural plan. Houegbadja was suceeded by Akaba (r. 1685-1708) who constructed his palace slightly outside what would later become the palace complex. In addition to the primary features, it included two large courtyards; the _kpododji_ (initial courtyard), an _ajalalahennu_ (inner/second courtyard), a _djeho_ (soul-house) and a large two-story building built by Akaba's sucessor; Agaja.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-4-136876141) Agaja greatly expanded the kingdom's borders beyond the vicinity of the capital. After nearly a century of expansion and consolidation by his predecessors across the Abomey Plateau, Agaja's armies marched south and captured the kingdoms of Allada in 1724 and Hueda in 1727. In this complex series of interstate battles, Abomey was sacked by Oyo's armies in 1726, and Agaja begun a reconstruction program to restore the old palaces, formalize the city's layout (palaces, roads, public spaces, markets, quarters) and build a defensive system of walls and moats. The capital of Dahomey thus acquired its name of Agbomey (Abomey = inside the moat) during Agaja's reign.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-5-136876141) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feeb6450f-b9df-4165-a9de-1a2a4f1d71eb_898x431.png) Ruins of an unidentified palace in Abomey, ca. 1894-1902. Quai branly most likely to be the simbodji palace of Gezo. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8d3f1332-6516-4d52-bcf2-57df3e78fb8c_893x573.jpeg) _**Section of the Abomey Palace complex in 1895**_, Quai branly. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6929ad14-36cd-4e60-875e-fd72d0ce2a70_838x745.png) The royal palace complex at Abomey, map by J. C. Monroe [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea838214-b87e-4e86-926e-5d0ce5006918_870x658.png) _**Section of the ruined palace of Agaja**_ in 1911. The double-storey structure was built next to the palace of Akaba [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc8eec93-993c-47c1-a4f9-9a08a01d5111_745x546.png) _**Section of Agaja’s palace**_ in 1925, Quai branly. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The royal capital of Abomey during the early 18th century** The administration of Dahomey occurred within and around a series of royal palace sites that materialized the various domestic, ritual, political, and economic activities of the royal elite at Abomey. The Abomey palace complex alone comprised about a dozen royal residences as well as many auxiliary buildings. Such palace complexes were also built in other the regional capitals across the kingdom, with as many as 18 palaces across 12 towns being built between the 17th and 19th century of which Abomey was the largest. By the late 19th century, Abomey's palace complex covered over a hundred acres, surrounded by a massive city wall about 30ft tall extending over 2.5 miles.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-6-136876141) These structures served as residences for the king and his dependents, who numbered 2-8,000 at Abomey alone. Their interior courtyards served as stages on which powerful courtiers vied to tip the balance of royal favor in their direction. Agaja's two story palace near the palace of Akba, and his own two-story palace within the royal complex next to Houegbadja's, exemplified the centrality of Abomey and its palaces in royal continuity and legitimation. Sections of the palaces were decorated with paintings and bas-reliefs, which were transformed by each suceeding king into an elaborate system of royal "communication" along with other visual arts.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-7-136876141) Abomey grew outwardly from the palace complex into the outlying areas, and was organized into quarters delimited by the square city-wall.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-8-136876141) Some of the quarters grew around the private palaces of the kings, which were the residences of each crown-prince before they took the throne. Added to these were the quarters occupied by the guilds/familes such as; blacksmiths (Houtondji), artists (Yemadji), weavers, masons, soldiers, merchants, etc. These palace quarters include Agaja's at Zassa, Tegbesu’s at Adandokpodji, Kpengla’s at Hodja, Agonglo’s at Gbècon Hwégbo, Gezo’s at Gbècon Hunli, Glele's at Djègbè and Behanzin's at Djime.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-9-136876141) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf46c7f9-85a3-4e65-ad6b-581dca1d772c_550x369.jpeg) _**illustration of Abomey in the 19th century**_. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff7e86a41-0314-4b04-9e0c-3d471ed79b8f_760x631.jpeg) _**illustration of Abomey’s city gates and walls**_, ca. 1851 [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7cc5e89b-a951-4dab-9dc6-89fcb44d3b6c_600x421.jpeg) _**interior section in the ‘private palace’ of Prince Aho Gléglé (grandson of Glele)**_, Abomey, ca. 1930, Archives nationales d'outre-mer [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4e1c90a3-86fa-488a-bb9b-f064fff70728_890x562.png) _**Tomb of Behanzin in Abomey**_, early 20th century, Imagesdefence, built with the characteristic low hanging steep roof. **Abomey in the late 18th century: Religion, industry and art.** Between the end of Agaja's reign and the beginning of Tegbesu's, Dahomey became a tributary of the Oyo empire (in south-western Nigeria), paying annual tribute at the city of Cana. In the seven decades of Oyo's suzeranity over Dahomey, Abomey gradually lost its function as the main administrative capital, but retained its importance as a major urban center in the kingdom. The kings of this period; Tegbesu (r. 1740-1774), Kpengla (r. 1774-1789) and Agonglo (r. 1789-1797) resided in Agadja’s palace in Abomey, while constructing individual palaces at Cana. But each added their own entrance and reception halls, as well as their own honga (third courtyard).[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-10-136876141) Abomey continued to flourish as a major center of religion, arts and crafts production. The city's population grew by a combination of natural increase from established families, as well as the resettlement of dependents and skilled artisans that served the royal court. Significant among these non-royal inhabitants of Dahomey were the communities of priests/diviners, smiths, and artists whose work depended on royal patronage. The religion of Dahomey centered on the worship of thousands of vodun (deities) who inhabited the Kutome (land of the dead) which mirrored and influenced the world of the living. Some of these deities were localized (including deified ancestors belonging to the lineages), some were national (including deified royal ancestors) and others were transnational; (shared/foreign deities like creator vodun, Mawu and Lisa, the iron and war god Gu, the trickster god Legba, the python god Dangbe, the earth and health deity Sakpata, etc).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-11-136876141) Each congregation of vodun was directed by a pair of priests, the most influencial of whom were found in Abomey and Cana. These included practitioners of the cult of tohosu that was introduced in Tegbesu's reign. Closely associated with the royal family and active participants in court politics, Tohosu priests built temples in Abomey alongside prexisting temples like those of Mawu and Lisa, as well as the shrines dedicated to divination systems such as the Fa (Ifa of Yoruba country). The various temples of Abomey, with their elaborated decorated facades and elegantly clad tohosu priests were thus a visible feature of the city's architecture and its function as a religious center.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-12-136876141) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fffc11894-eae0-4c16-8c34-456ba34fb482_878x586.jpeg) _**Temple courtyard dedicated to Gu in the palace ground of king Gezo**_, ca. 1900, library of congress [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F87ab0fa6-05cb-48a7-9d23-6915f5d975f7_833x573.jpeg) _**entrance to the temple of Dangbe**_, Abomey, ca. 1945, Quai branly (the original roofing was replaced) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc69820b6-88f0-4f45-b52c-2d77df1608c6_1024x555.png) _**Practicioners of Gu and Tohusu**_ _**in Abomey**_, ca. 1950, Quai branly Besides the communities of priests were the groups of craftsmen such as the Hountondji families of smiths. These were originally settled at Cana in the 18th century and expanded into Abomey in the early 19th century, setting in the city quarter named after them. They were expert silversmiths, goldsmiths and blacksmiths who supplied the royal court with the abundance of ornaments and jewelery described in external accounts about Abomey. Such was their demand that their family head, Kpahissou was given a prestigious royal title due to his followers' ability to make any item both local and foreign including; guns, swords and a wheeled carriage described as a "square with four glass windows on wheels".[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-13-136876141) The settlement of specialist groups such as the Hountondji was a feature of Abomey's urban layout. Such craftsmen and artists were commisioned to create the various objects of royal regalia including the iconic thrones, carved doors, zoomorphic statues, 'Asen' sculptures, musical instruments and figures of deities. Occupying a similar hierachy as the smiths were the weavers and embroiderers who made Dahomey's iconic textiles. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f302bff-c74c-4030-9f3c-959d5f837438_836x573.jpeg) Carved blade from 19th century Abomey, Quai branly. made by the Hountondji smiths. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7dd017eb-29d0-4942-bb64-3aecd428e931_764x573.jpeg) _**Pistol modified with copper-alloy plates**_, 1892, made by the Hountondji smiths. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1f803d6b-48dd-4fe5-baab-d11df08780a6_1029x618.png) _**Asen staff from Ouidah**_, mid-19th cent., Musée Barbier-Mueller, _**Hunter and Dog with man spearing a leopard**_, ca. 1934, Abomey museum. _**Brass sculpture of a royal procession**_, ca 1931, Fowler museum [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe83c8cb2-0a79-47da-99f4-b452b320a3c2_1134x499.png) Collection of old jewelery and Asen staffs in the Abomey museum, photos from 1944. Cloth making in Abomey was part of the broader textile producing region and is likely to have predated the kingdom's founding. But applique textiles of which Abomey is famous was a uniquely Dahomean invention dated to around the early 18th century reign of Agadja, who is said to have borrowed the idea from vodun practitioners. Specialist families of embroiders, primarily the Yemaje, the Hantan and the Zinflu, entered the service of various kings, notably Gezo and Glele, and resided in the Azali quarter, while most cloth weavers reside in the gbekon houegbo.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-14-136876141) The picto-ideograms depicted on the applique cloths that portray figures of animals, objects and humans, are cut of plain weave cotton and sewn to a cotton fabric background. They depict particular kings, their "strong names" (royal name), their great achievements, and notable historical events. The appliques were primary used as wall hangings decorating the interior of elite buildings but also featured on other cloth items and hammocks. Applique motifs were part of a shared media of Dahomey's visual arts that are featured on wall paintings, makpo (scepters), carved gourds and the palace bas-reliefs.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-15-136876141) Red and crimson were the preferred colour of self-representation by Dahomey's elite (and thus its subjects), while enemies were depicted as white, pink, or dark-blue (all often with scarifications associated with Dahomey’s foe: the Yoruba of Oyo).[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-16-136876141) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1029ab69-2981-496f-bd97-139949fece38_760x554.jpeg) _**Illustration showing a weaver at their loom in Abomey**_, ca. 1851 [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F80a525c4-7951-437c-9af5-0db933d902ff_787x572.png) _**Cotton tunics from Abomey, 19th century**_, Quai branly. The second includes a red figure in profile. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F613e0ca3-cc26-4ec8-9d29-ea0362fb0649_1027x507.png) _**Applique cloths from Abomey depicting war scenes**_, _**Quai branly**_. Both show Dahomey soldiers (in crimson with guns) attacking and capturing enemy soldiers (in dark blue/pink with facial scarification). The first is dated to 1856, and the second is from the mid-20th cent. The bas-reliefs of Dahomey are ornamental low-relief sculptures on sections of the palaces with figurative scenes that recounted legends, commemorated historic battles and enhanced the power of the rulers. Many were narrative representations of specific historical events, motifs of "strong-names" representing the character of individual kings, and as mnemonic devices that allude to different traditions.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-17-136876141) The royal bas-relief tradition in its complete form likely dates to the 18th century during the reign of Agonglo and would have been derived from similar representations on temples, although most of the oldest surviving reliefs were made by the 19th century kings Gezo and Glele. Like the extensions of old palaces, and building of tombs and new soul-houses, many of the older reliefs were modified and/or added during the reigns of successive kings. Most were added to the two entry halls and protected from the elements by the high-pitched low hanging thatch roof which characterized Abomey's architecture.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-18-136876141) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf2607e1-b67c-4c11-a9a1-2338fb71cc6b_1302x472.png) _**Reliefs on an old Temple in Abomey**_, ca. 1940, Quai branly. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F680ec5a3-a516-457f-be34-e8caa2198ed5_912x564.png) _**Bas-reliefs on the reception hall of king Gezo**_, ca. 1900. Metropolitan Museum of Art, [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf8c5cd7-6a55-4791-8a95-0e3975b88ef7_818x573.jpeg) _**Reconstruction of the reception hall**_, ca. 1925, Quai branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F77659f46-8054-436c-aaf7-0f59240ab3fe_668x573.jpeg) _**Bas-reliefs from the palace of King Behanzin**_, ca. 1894-1909, Quai branly **Abomey in the 19th century from Gezo to Behanzin.** Royal construction activity at Abomey was revived by Adandozan, who constructed his palace south of Agonglo's extension of Agaja's palace. However, this palace was taken over by his sucessor; King Gezo, who, in his erasure of Adandozan's from the king list, removed all physical traces of his reign. The reigns of the 19th century kings Gezo (r. 1818-1858) and Glele (r.1858-1889) are remembered as a golden age of Dahomey. Gezo was also a prolific builder, constructing multiple palaces and temples across Dahomey. However, he chose to retain Adandozan's palace at Abomey as his primary residence, but enlarged it by adding a two-story entrance hall and soul-houses for each of his predecessors.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-19-136876141) Gezo used his crowned prince’s palace and the area surrounding it to make architectural assertions of power and ingenuity. In 1828 he constructed the Hounjlo market which became the main market center for Abomey, positioned adjacent and to the west of his crowned prince’s palace and directly south of the royal palace. Around this market he built two multi-storied buildings, which occasionally served as receptions for foreign visitors.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-20-136876141) Gezo’s sucessor, King Glele (r. 1858-1889) constructed a large palace just south of Gezo's palace; the _Ouehondji_ (palace of glass windows). This was inturn flanked by several buildings he added later, such as the _adejeho_ (house of courage) -a where weapons were stored, a hall for the _ahosi_ (amazons), and a separate reception room where foreigners were received. His sucessor, Behanzin (r. 1889-1894) resided in Glele's palace as his short 3-year reign at Abomey couldn’t permit him to build one of his own before the French marched on the city in 1893/4.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-21-136876141) As the French army marched on the capital city of Abomey, Behanzin, realizing that continued military resistance was futile, escaped to set up his capital north. Before he left, he ordered the razing of the palace complex, which was preferred to having the sacred tombs and soul-houses falling into enemy hands. Save for the roof thatching, most of the palace buildings remained relatively undamaged. Behanzin's brother Agoli-Agbo (1894-1900) assumed the throne and was later recognized by the French who hoped to retain popular support through indirect rule. Subsquently, Agoli-Agbo partially restored some of the palaces for their symbolic and political significance to him and the new colonial occupiers, who raised a French flag over them, making the end of Abomey autonomy.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-22-136876141) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5108f71d-93f4-4a87-8194-fa0c048ffd9f_760x464.png) Section of Gezo’s Simbodji Palace, illustration from 1851. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F20e7daa2-062b-4154-b7fa-15a598778bfc_848x565.png) Simbodji in 1894 [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe82f83d5-c043-45b5-b82f-9c9fa401aa83_970x477.jpeg) Simbodji in 1894-1909 [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6a57af92-675b-4534-8801-916cea83eb37_1039x376.png) _**Palace complex**_ in 1896, BNF. East of the kingdom of Dahomey was the Yoruba country of Oyo and Ife, two kingdoms that were **home to a vibrant intellectual culture where cultural innovations were recorded and transmitted orally**; read more about it here in my latest Patreon article; [EDUCATION IN AN ORAL SOCIETY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/88655364?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F79abab6d-dc4e-4f86-ab4a-8d00c5911415_637x1086.png)

2023-09-10T16:07:18+00:00

A history of Women's political power and matriliny in the kingdom of Kongo.

In the 19th century, anthropologists were fascinated by the concept of matrilineal descent in which kinship is traced through the female line.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power

In the 19th century, anthropologists were fascinated by the concept of matrilineal descent in which kinship is traced through the female line. Matriliny was often confounded with matriarchy as a supposedly earlier stage of social evolution than patriarchy. Matriliny thus became a discrete object of exaggerated importance, particulary in central Africa, where scholars claimed to have identified a "matrilineal belt" of societies from the D.R. Congo to Mozambique, and wondered how they came into being. This importance of matriliny appeared to be supported by the relatively elevated position of women in the societies of central Africa compared to western Europe, with one 17th century visitor to the Kongo kingdom remarking that _"the government was held by the women and the man is at her side only to help her"_. In many of the central African kingdoms, women could be heads of elite lineages, participate directly in political life, and occasionally served in positions of independent political authority. And in the early 20th century, many speakers of the Kongo language claimed to be members of matrilineal clans known as ‘Kanda’. Its not difficult to see why a number of scholars would assume that Kongo may have originally been a matrilineal —or even matriarchal— society, that over time became male dominated. And how this matrilineal African society seems to vindicate the colonial-era theories of social evolution in which “less complex” matriarchal societies grow into “more complex” patriarchal states. As is often the case with most social histories of Africa however, the contribution of women to Kongo’s history was far from this simplistic colonial imaginary. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8598fe1d-9f97-49e7-8a9b-20249dcc18a2_666x566.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) Scholars have often approached the concept of matriliny in central Africa from an athropological rather than historical perspective. Focusing on how societies are presently structured rather than how these structures changed through time. One such prominent scholar of west-central Africa, Jan Vansina, observed that matrilineal groups were rare among the foragers of south-west Angola but common among the neighboring agro-pastoralists, indicating an influence of the latter on the former. Vansina postulated that as the agro-pastoral economy became more established in the late 1st millennium, the items and tools associated with it became highly valued property —a means to accumulate wealth and pass it on through inheritance. Matrilineal groups were then formed in response to the increased importance of goods, claims, and statuses, and hence of their inheritance or succession. As leadership and sucession were formalised, social alliances based on claims to common clanship, and stratified social groups of different status were created.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-1-137752120) According to Vansina, only descent through the mother’s line was used to establish corporate lineages headed by the oldest man of the group, but that wives lived patrilocally (ie: in their husband's residence). He argues that the sheer diversity of kinship systems in the region indicates that matriliny may have developed in different centers along other systems. For example among the Ambundu, the Kongo and the Tio —whose populations dominated the old kingdoms of the region— matrilineages competed with bilateral descent groups. This diverse framework, he suggests, was constantly remodeled by changes in demographics and political development.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-2-137752120) Yet despite their apparent ubiquity, matrilineal societies were not the majority of societies in the so-called matrilineal belt. Studies by other scholars looking at societies in the Lower Congo basin show that most of them are basically bilateral; they are never unequivocally patrilineal or matrilineal and may “oscillate” between the two.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-3-137752120) More recent studies by other specialists such as Wyatt MacGaffey, argue that there were never really any matrilineal or patrilineal societies in the region, but there were instead several complex and overlapping forms of social organization (regarding inheritance and residency) that were consistently changed depending on what seemed advantageous to a give social group.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-4-137752120) Moving past contemporary debates on the existance of Matriliny, most scholars agree that the kinship systems in the so-called matrilineal belt was a product of a long and complex history. Focusing on the lower congo river basin, systems of mobilizing people often relied on fictive kinship or non-kinship organizations. In the Kongo kingdom, these groups first appear in internal documents of the 16th-17th century as political factions associated with powerful figures, and they expanded not just through kinship but also by clientage and other dependents. In this period, political loyalty took precedence over kinship in the emerging factions, thus leading to situations where rivaling groups could include people closely related by descent.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-5-137752120) Kongo's social organization at the turn of the 16th-17th century did not include any known matrilineal descent groups, and that the word _**'kanda**_' —which first appears in the late 19th/early 20th century, is a generic word for any group or category of people or things[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-6-137752120). The longstanding illusion that _**'kanda'**_ solely meant matrilineage was based on the linguistic error of supposing that, because in the 20th century the word kanda could mean “matriclan” its occurrence in early Kongo was evidence of matrilineal descent.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-7-137752120) In documents written by Kongo elites, the various political and social groupings were rendered in Portuguese as _**geracao**_, signifying ‘lineage’ or ‘clan’ as early as 1550. But the context in which it was used, shows that it wasn’t simply an umbrella term but a social grouping that was associated with a powerful person, and which could be a rival of another group despite both containing closely related persons.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-8-137752120) In Kongo, kinship was re-organized to accommodate centralized authority and offices of administration were often elective or appointive rather than hereditary. Kings were elected by a royal council comprised of provincial nobles, many of whom were themselves appointed by the elected Kings, alongside other officials. The kingdom's centralized political system —where even the King was elected— left a great deal of discretion for the placement of people in positions of power, thus leaving relatively more room for women to hold offices than if sucession to office was purely hereditary. But it also might weaken some women's power when it was determined by their position in kinship systems.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-9-137752120) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1bafc76-fb25-49ac-a484-0d66584ecab5_696x557.png) _**Aristocratic women of Kongo, ca. 1663, [the Parma Watercolors](https://mavcor.yale.edu/mavcor-journal/nature-culture-and-faith-seventeenth-century-kongo-and-angola).**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) Kongo's elite women could thus access and exercise power through two channels. The first of these is appointment into office by the king to grow their core group of supporters, the second is playing the strategic role of power brokers, mediating disputes between rivalling kanda or rivaling royals. Elite women appear early in Kongo's documented history in the late 15th century when the adoption of Christianity by King Nzinga Joao's court was opposed by some of his wives but openly embraced by others, most notably the Queen Leonor Nzinga a Nlaza. Leonor became an important patron for the nascent Kongo church, and was closely involved in ensuring the sucession of her son Nzinga Afonso to the throne, as well as Afonso's defeat of his rival brother Mpanzu a Nzinga.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-10-137752120) Leonor held an important role in Kongo’s politics, not only as a person who controlled wealth through rendas (revenue assignments) held in her own right, but also as a “daughter and mother of a king”, a position that according to a 1530 document such a woman _**“by that custom commands everything in Kongo”**_. Her prominent position in Kongo's politics indicates that she wielded significant political power, and was attimes left in charge of the kingdom while Afonso was campaigning.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-11-137752120) Not long after Leonor Nzinga’s demise appeared another prominent woman named dona Caterina, who also bore the title of '_**mwene Lukeni**_' as the head of the royal _**kanda**_/lineage of the Kongo kingdom's founder Lukeni lua Nimi (ca. 1380). This Caterina was related to Afonso's son and sucessor Pedro, who was installed in 1542 but later deposed and arrested by his nephew Garcia in 1545. Unlike Leonor however, Caterina was unsuccessful in mediating the factious rivary between the two kings and their supporters, being detained along with Pedro.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-12-137752120) In the suceeding years, kings drawn from different factions of the _lukeni_ lineage continued to rule Kongo until the emergence of another powerful woman named Izabel Lukeni lua Mvemba, managed to get her son Alvaro I (r. 1568-1587) elected to the throne. Alvaro was the son of Izabel and a Kongo nobleman before Izabel later married Alvaro's predecessor, king Henrique, who was at the time still a prince. But after king Henrique died trying to crush a _jaga_ rebellion in the east, Alvaro was installed, but was briefly forced to flee the capital which was invaded by the _jaga_s before a Kongo-Portugal army drove them off. Facing stiff opposition internally, Alvaro relied greatly on his mother; Izabel and his daughter; Leonor Afonso, to placate the rivaling factions. The three thereafter represented the founders of the new royal _**kanda**_/house of _kwilu_, which would rule Kongo until 1624.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-13-137752120) Following in the tradition of Kongo's royal women, Leonor Afonso was a patron of the church. But since only men could be involved in clerical capacities, Leonor tried to form an order of nuns in Kongo, following the model of the Carmelite nuns of Spain. She thus sent letters to the prioress of the Carmelites to that end. While the leader of the Carmelite mission in Kongo and other important members of the order did their best to establish the nunnery in Kongo, the attempt was ultimately fruitless. Leonor neverthless remained active in Kongo's Church, funding the construction of churches, and assisting the various missions active in the kingdom. Additionally, the Kongo elite created female lay associations alongside those of men that formed a significant locus of religiosity and social prestige for women in Kongo.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-14-137752120) As late as 1648, Leonor continued to play an important role in Kongo's politics, she represented the House of _kwilu_ started by king Alvaro and was thus a bridge, ally or plotter to the many descendants of Alvaro still in Kongo. One visiting missionary described her as _**“a woman**_ _**of very few words, but much judgment and government, and because of her sage experience and prudent counsel the king Garcia and his predecessor Alvaro always venerate and greatly esteem her and consult her for the best outcome of affairs"**_. This was despite both kings being drawn from a different lineage, as more factions had appeared in the intervening period.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-15-137752120) The early 17th century was one of the best documented periods in Kongo's history, and in highlighting the role of women in the kingdom's politics and society. Alvaro's sucessors, especially Alvaro II and III, appointed women in positions of administration and relied on them as brokers between the various factions. When Alvaro III died without an heir, a different faction managed to get their candidate elected as King Pedro II (1622-1624). Active at Pedro's royal council were a number of powerful women who also included women of the _Kwilu_ house such as Leonor Afonso, and Alvaro II's wife Escolastica. Both of them played an important role in mediating the transition from Alvaro III and Pedro II, at a critical time when Portugual invaded Kongo but was defeated at Mbanda Kasi.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-16-137752120) Besides these was Pedro II's wife Luiza, who was now a daughter and mother of a King upon the election of her son Garcia I to suceed the short-lived Pedro. However, Garcia I fell out of favour with the other royal women of the coucil (presumably Leonor and Escolastica), who were evidently now weary of the compromise of electing Pedro that had effectively removed the house of Kwilu from power. The royal women, who were known as “the matrons”, sat on the royal council and participated in decision making. They thus used the forces of an official appointed by Alvaro III, to depose Garcia I and install the former's nephew Ambrosio as king of Kongo.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-17-137752120) However, the _kwilu_ restoration was short-lived as kings from new houses suceeded them, These included Alvaro V of the _'kimpanzu'_ house, who was then deposed by another house; the ‘_kinlaza’_, represented by kings Alvaro VI (r. 1636-1641) and Garcia II (r. 1641-1661) . Yet throughout this period, the royal women retained a prominent position on Kongo's coucil, with Leonor in particular continuing to appear in Garcia II's court. Besides Leonor Afonso was Garcia II's sister Isabel who was an important patron of Kongo's church and funded the construction of a number of mission churches. Another was a second Leonor da Silva who was the sister of the count of Soyo (a rebellious province in the north), and was involved in an attempt to depose Garcia II.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-18-137752120) In some cases, women ruled provinces in Kongo during the 17th century and possessed armies which they directed. The province of Mpemba Kasi, just north of the capital, was ruled by a woman with the title of _'mother of the King of Kongo'_, while the province of Nsundi was jointly ruled by a duchess named Dona Lucia and her husband Pedro, the latter of whom at one point directed her armies against her husband due to his infidelity. According to a visiting priest in 1664, the power exercised by women wasn't just symbolic, _**"the government was held by the women and the man is at her side only to help her"**_. However, the conflict between Garcia II and the count of Soyo which led to the arrest of the two Leonors in 1652 and undermined their role as mediators, was part of the internal processes which eventually weakened the kingdom that descended into civil war after 1665.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-19-137752120) In the post-civil war period, women assumed a more direct role in Kongo's politics as kingmakers and as rulers of semi-autonomous provinces. After the capital was abandoned, effective power lay in regional capitals such as Mbanza Nkondo which was controlled by Ana Afonso de Leao, and Luvota which was controlled by Suzanna de Nobrega. The former was the sister of Garcia II and head of his royal house of _kinlaza_, while the latter was head of the _kimpanzu_ house, both of these houses would produce the majority of Kongo's kings during their lifetimes, and continuing until 1914. Both women exercised executive power in their respective realms, they were recognized as independent authorities during negotiations to end the civil war, and their kinsmen were appointed into important offices.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-20-137752120) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc1dab79-44d0-4827-8b85-8d012dcad5e5_497x566.png) _**Map of Kongo around 1700.**_ The significance of Kongo's women in the church increased in the late 17th to early 18th century. Queen Ana had a reputation for piety, and even obtained the right to wear the habit of a Capuchin monk, and an unamed Queen who suceeded Suzanna at Luvota was also noted for her devotion. It was in this context that the religious movement led by a [princess Beatriz Kimpa Vita](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/one-womans-mission-to-unite-a-divided), which ultimately led to the restoration of the kingdom in 1709. Her movement further "indigenized" the Kongo church and elevated the role of women in Kongo's society much like the royal women had been doing. [21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-21-137752120) For the rest of the 18th century, many women dominated the political landscape of Kongo. Some of them, such as Violante Mwene Samba Nlaza, ruled as Queen regnant of the 'kingdom' of Wadu. The latter was one of the four provinces of Kongo but its ruler, Queen Violante, was virtually autonomous. She appointed dukes, commanded armies which in 1764 attempted to install a favorable king on Kongo's throne and in 1765 invaded Portuguese Angola. Violante was later suceeded as Queen of Wadu by Brites Afonso da Silva, another royal woman who continued the line of women sovereigns in the kingdom.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-22-137752120) Women in Kongo continued to appear in positions of power during the 19th century, albeit less directly involved in the kingdom's politics as consorts of powerful merchants, but many of them were prominent traders in their own right[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-23-137752120). Excavations of burials from sites like Kindoki indicate that close social groups of elites were interred in the same cemetery complex alongside rich grave goods as well as Christian insignia of royalty. Among these elites were women who were likely consorts or matriarchs of the male relatives buried alongside them. The presence of initiatory items of _kimpasi_ society as well as long distance trade goods next to the women indicates their relatively high status.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-24-137752120) It’s during this period that the matrilineal ‘kandas’ first emerged near the coastal regions, and were most likely associated with the commercial revolutions of the period as well as contests of legitimacy and land rights in the early colonial era.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-25-137752120) The social histories of these clans were then synthesized in traditional accounts of the kingdom’s history at the turn of the 20th century, and uncritically reused by later scholars as accurate reconstructions of Kongo’s early history. While a few of the clans were descended from the old royal houses (which were infact patrilineal), the majority of the modern clans were relatively recent inventions.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-26-137752120) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6d8348c2-d9fe-4495-82fe-074416d02150_712x505.png) _**17th century illustration of Kongo titled “[Palm tree that gives wine”](https://mavcor.yale.edu/slice/palm-tree-gives-wine-october-may)**_, showing a woman with a gourd of palm wine. During the later centuries, women dominated the domestic trade in palm wine especially along important carravan routes in the kingdom.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-27-137752120) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) The above overview of women in Kongo's history shows that elite women were deeply and decisively involved in the political and social organization of the Kongo kingdom. In a phenomenon that is quite exceptional for the era, the political careers of several women can be readily identified; ranging from shadowy but powerful figures in the early period, to independent authorities during the later period. This outline also reveals that the organization of social relationships in Kongo were significantly influenced by the kingdom's political history. The kingdom’s loose political factions and social groups which; could be headed by powerful women or men; could be created upon the ascension of a new king; and didn't necessary contain close relatives, fail to meet the criteria of a historically 'matrilineal society'. Ultimately, the various contributions of women to Kongo's history were the accomplishments of individual actors working against the limitations of male-dominated political and religious spaces to create one of Africa’s most powerful kingdoms. The ancient libraries of Africa contain many scientific manuscripts written by African scholars. **Among the most significant collections of Africa’s scientific literature are medical manuscripts written by west African physicians** between the 15th and 19th century. **Read more about them here:** [HISTORY OF MEDICINE IN AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-of-in-on-90073735) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa3148824-fad8-40e5-9044-16ed62cc4c6d_654x1001.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc5ee477e-1306-46af-857b-0c593e75c4d2_964x964.jpeg)

2023-10-08T14:31:04+00:00

A history of the Loango kingdom (ca.1500-1883) : Power, Ivory and Art in west-central Africa.

Africa's past carved in ivory

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500

For more than five centuries, the kingdom of Loango dominated the coastal region of west central Africa between the modern countries of Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville. As a major regional power, Loango controlled lucrative trade routes that funneled African commodities into local and international markets, chief among which was ivory. Loango artists created intricately carved ivory sculptures which reflected their sophisticated skill and profound cultural values, making their artworks a testament to the region's artistic and historical heritage. Loango ivories rank among the most immediate primary sources that offer direct African perspectives from an era of social and political change in west-central Africa on the eve of colonialism This article explores the political and economic history of Loango, focusing on the kingdom's ivory trade and its ivory-carving tradition. _**Map of west-central Africa in 1650 showing the kingdom of Loango**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea1ef028-8254-43ec-8cf9-26acaef01d55_625x473.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The government in Loango** Beginning in the early 2nd millennium, the lower Congo river valley was divided into political and territorial units of varying sizes whose influence over their neighbors changed over time. The earliest state to emerge in the region was the kingdom of Kongo by the end of the 14th century, and it appears in external accounts as a fully centralized state in the 1480s. The polity of Loango would have emerged not long after Kongo's ascendance but wouldn't appear in the earliest accounts of west-central Africa.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-1-119689450) Loango was likely under the control of Kongo in the early 16th century, since the latter of which was nominally the suzerain of several early states in the lower Congo valley where its first rulers had themselves originated. Around the end of his reign, the Kongo king Diogo I (r. 1545-1561) sent a priest to named Sebastião de Souto to the court of the ruler of loango. Traditions documented in the 17th century credit a nobleman named Njimbe for establishing the independent kingdom of Loango.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-2-119689450) Njimbe built his power through the skillful use of force and alliances, conquering the neighboring polities of Wansi, Kilongo and Piri, the last of which become the home of his capital; Buali (_**Mbanza loango**_) near the coast. In the Kikongo language, a person from Piri would be called a _**Muvili**_, hence the origin of the term Vili as an ethnonym for people from the Kingdom of Loango[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-3-119689450). But the Vili "ethnicity" came to include anyone from the so-called Loango coast which included territories controlled by other states.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-4-119689450) Kongo lost any claims of suzerainty over Loango by 1584, as the latter was then fully independent, and had disappeared from the royal titles of Kongo's kings. In the 1580s, caravans coming from Loango regularly went inland to purchase copper, ivory and cloth. And increasing external demand for items from the interior augmented the pre-existing commercial configurations to the benefit of Loango, which extended its cultural and political influence along the coast as far as cape Lopez.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-5-119689450) Once a vassal of Kongo, Loango became a competitor of its former overlord as a supplier of Atlantic commodities. After the death of Njimbe in 1565, power passed to another king who ruled over sixty years until 1625. Loango had since consolidated its control over a large stretch of coastline, established the ports of Loango and Mayumba, and was expanding southward. The pattern of conquest and consolidation had given Loango a complex government, centered in a core province ruled directly by the king and royals, while outlying provinces remained under their pre-conquest dynasties who were supervised by appointed officials.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-6-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe7d28453-2714-41a6-b8e0-803cb4c6c4f5_1962x1407.jpeg) _**Colorized illustration of Olfert Dapper’s drawing of the Loango Capital, ca. 1686**_ By 1624, Loango expanded eastwards, using a network of military alliances to attack the eastern polities of Vungu and Wansi. These overtures were partly intended to monopolize the trade in copper and ivory in Bukkameale, a region that lay within the textile-producing belt of west-central Africa. This frontier region of Bukkameale located between Loango and Tio/Makoko kingdom, contained the copper mines of Mindouli/Mingole, and was the destination of most Vili carravans which regulary travelled through the interior both on foot and by canoe.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-7-119689450) The importance of Ivory, Cloth and Copper to Loango's rulers can be gleaned from this account by an early 17th century Dutch observer; _**"**_\[The king\] _**has tremendous income, with houses full of elephant’s tusks, some of them full of copper, and many of them with lebongos**_ \[raphia cloth\]_**, which are common currency here… During my stay, more than 50,000 lbs.**_ \[of ivory\] _**were traded each year. … There is also much beautiful red copper, most of which comes from the kingdom of the Isiques**_ \[Makoko\] _**in the form of large copper arm-rings weighing between 1½ and 14 lb., which are smuggled out of the**_ \[Makoko\] _**country".**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-8-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F06e0ac8a-3d98-4719-9388-081b98cf92c0_431x677.png) _**detail on a carved ivory tusk from Loango, depicting figures traveling by canoe and on foot. 1830-1887, No. TM-A-11083, Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_ Before the unnamed king's death in 1625, he instituted a rotation system of sucession in which each of the rulers of the four districts (Kaye, Boke, Selage, and Kabongo) within the core province would take the title of king. The first selected was Yambi ka Mbirisi from Kaye, who suceeded to the throne but had to face a brief sucession crisis from his rival candidates. The tenuous sucession system held for a while but evidently couldn't be maintained for long. In 1663, Loango was ruled by a king who, following a diplomatic and religious exchange with Kongo's province of Soyo, had taken up the name 'Afonso' after the famous king of Kongo.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-9-119689450) Afonso hoped his connection to Soyo would increase his power at the expense of the four other nobles meant to suceed him in rotation, since he’d expect to be suceeded by his sons instead. But this plan failed and Afonso was deposed by rival claimant who was himself deposed by another king in 1665. This started a civil war that ended in the 1670s, and when the king died, the rotation system was replaced by a state council (similar to the one in Kongo and other kingdoms), which elected kings. _**“they could raise one king up and replace him with another to their pleasure.”**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-10-119689450) For most of the 18th century, the king's power was reduced as that of the councilors grew with each election. These councilors included the Magovo and the Mapouto who managed foreign affairs, the Makaka who commanded the army, the Mfuka who was in charge of trade, and the Makimba who had authority over the coast and interior. The king's role was confined to judicial matters such as resolving disputes and hearing cases.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-11-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F511fed62-2c13-45c7-be6b-528f976f8c0e_561x670.png) _**Detail of 19th century tusk, showing the emblem of the “Prime Minister of Loango ‘Mafuka Peter’” in the form of a coat of arms consisting of two seated animals in semi-rampant posture holding a perforated object between them. No. 11.10.83.2 -National Museums Liverpool.**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-12-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9d33d51-99e9-4f99-8f17-5d84cb8a545f_794x599.jpeg) _**“Audience of the King of Loango”, ca. 1756, Thomas Salmon**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) After the death of a king, the election period often extended for some time while the country was nominally led by a 'Mani Boman' (regent) chosen by the king before his death. In 1701, no king had been elected despite the previous one having died nine months earlier, the kingdom was in the regency of Makunda in the interim. After the death of a king named Makossa in 1766, none was elected to succeed him in the 6 years that followed during which time the kingdom was led by two "regents". In 1772, Buatu was finally elected king, but when he died in 1787, no king was elected for nearly a century.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-13-119689450) From 1787 to 1870, executive power in Loango was held by the Nganga Mvumbi (priest of the corpse), another pre-existing official figure whose duty was to oversee the body of the king as he awaited burial. During the century-long interregnum, seven people holding this title acted as the leaders of the state. Their legitimacy lay in the claim that there was no suitable sucessor in the pool of candidates for the throne. The Nganga Mvumbi became part of the royal council which thus preserved its power by indefinitely postponing the election of the king. But the kingdom remained centralized in the hands of this bureaucracy, who exercised power in the name of the (deceased) king, collecting taxes, regulating trade, waging war and engaging with regional and foreign states.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-14-119689450) Descriptions of Loango in 1874 show a country firmly in the hands of the Nganga Mvumbi and his officers, although in the coastal areas, local officials begun to usurp official titles such as the Mafuk, which was sold to prominent families. New merchant classes also emerged among the low ranking nobles called the Mfumu Nsi, who built up power by attracting followers, dependents and slaves, as a consequence of increasing wealth from the commodities trade.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-15-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c2c8a20-f7bb-476b-b6b4-80f2c6377444_442x662.png) _**detail of a 19th century Loango tusk depicting pipe-smoking figures being carried on a litter, No. TM-6049-29 -Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_ **External Ivory trade from Loango** Loango, like most of its peers in central Africa had a mostly agricultural economy with some crafts industries for making textiles, iron and copper working, ivory and wood carving, etc. They had regular markets and used commodity currencies like cloth and copper and were marginally engaged in export trade. External trade items varied depending on demand and cost of purchase, but they primarily consisted of ivory, copper, captives, and cloth. These were acquired by private Vili merchants who were active in the segmented regional exchanges across regional trade routes, some extending as far as central Angola.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-16-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F10ca3d45-ea9d-40c3-b5e7-c5888a1c3e8e_458x622.png) _**detail on a 19th century Loango tusk depicting an elephant pinning down a hunter while another hunter aims a rifle at its head.**_ No. 96-28-1 _**\-**_Smithsonian Museum The Vili's external trade was an extension of regional trade routes, no single state and no single item continuously dominated the entire region's external trade from the 16th to the 19th century. Cloth and salt was used as a means of exchange in caravans leaving Loango to trade in the interior. Among the goods acquired on these trade routes were ivory, copper, redwood and others. Most products were used for local consumption or intermediary exchange to facilitate acquisition of ivory and copper. Ivory was mostly acquired from the frontier regions, which were occupied by various groups including foragers ("pygmies"). The latter obtained the ivory using traps, and competitively sold it to both Loango and Makoko traders.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-17-119689450) The earliest external demand for Loango's ivory came from Portuguese traders. The Portuguese crown had attempted to monopolize trade between its own agents active along Loango's coast but this proved difficult to enforce as the Loango king refused the establishment of a Portuguese post in his region. This confined the Portuguese to the south and effectively edged them out of the ivory trade in favor of other buyers like the Dutch.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-18-119689450) Such was Loango's commitment to open trade that when the Dutch ship of the ivory trader Van den Broecke was captured by a Portuguese ship in 1608, armed forces from Loango intercepted the Portuguese ship, executed its crew and freed the Dutch prisoners.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-19-119689450) The Portuguese didn't entirely abandon trade with loango, and would maintain a token presence well in to the 1600s. They also used other European agents as intermediaries. Eg from 1590-1610, the English trader Andrew Battell who had been detained in Luanda, visited Loango as an agent for the governor of Luanda. He mentions trading some fabric for three 120-pound tusks and cloth.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-20-119689450) The Dutch become the most active traders on the Loango coast beginning in the early 17th century. The account of the Dutch ivory trader Pieter van den Broecke who was active in Loango between 1610 and 1612 provides some of the most detailed descriptions of this early trade. Broecke operated trading stations in the ports of Loango and Maiomba, where he specialized in camwood, raffia cloth and ivory, items that were cheaper and easier to store than the main external trade of the time which was captives. The camwood (used for dyeing cloth) and the raffia cloth (used in local trade) were mostly intermediaries commodities used to purchase ivory.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-21-119689450) Broecke and his agents acquired about 311,000 pounds of ivory after several trading seasons in Loango across a 5-year period. Most of the ivory came from private traders in the kingdom with a few coming from the Loango king himself. At the same time, Loango continued to be a major exporter of other items including cloth called makuta, of which up to 80,000 meters were traded with Luanda in 1611.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-22-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fed00d656-d491-4921-88ff-f2f891cf95dd_599x386.jpeg) _**work made by ivory carvers in Loango, ca. 1910**_ The Dutch activities in Loango must have threatened Portuguese interests in the region, since the kings of Kongo and Ndongo sucessfully exploited the Dutch-Portuguese rivalry for their own interests. In 1624 the Luanda governor Fernão de Souza requested the Loango King to close the Dutch trading post, in exchange for buying all supplies of ivory, military assistance and a delegation of priests. But the Loango king rejected all offers, and continued to trade with the Dutch.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-23-119689450) Loango's ivory exports continued in significant quantities well into the late 17th century, but some observers noted that the advancement of the ivory frontier inland. Basing on information received from merchants active in Loango, the Ducth writer Olfert Dapper indicated that by the 1660s, supplies of ivory at the coast were decreasing because of the great difficulties in obtaining it.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-24-119689450) The gradual decline in external ivory trade coincided with the rise in demand of slaves.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-25-119689450) In the last decades of the 17th century, the Loango port briefly became a major embarkation point for captives from the interior, as several routes converged at the port.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-26-119689450) But Loango's port was soon displaced by Malemba, (a port of Kakongo kingdom) and later by Cabinda (a port of Ngoyo kingdom) in the 18th century, and lastly by Boma in the early 19th century, the first three of which were located on the so-called 'Loango coast'. Mentions of Loango in external accounts therefore don't exclusively refer to the kingdom, anymore than 'the bight of Benin' refers to areas controlled by the Benin kingdom.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-27-119689450) External Ivory trade continued in the 18th century, with records of significant exports in 1787, and the trade had fully recovered in the 19th century as the main export of Loango and its immediate neighbors after the decline of slave trade. The rising demand for commodities such as palm oil, rubber, camwood and ivory, reinvigorated established systems of trade and more than 78 factories were established along Loango's coast. Large exports of ivory were noted by visitors and traders in Loango and the kakongo kingdoms as early as 1817 and 1820, especially through the port of Mayumba.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-28-119689450) Vili carravans crossed territorial boundaries in different polities protected by toll points, and shrines with armed escorts provided by local rulers. Rising prices compensated the distances and capital invested by traders in acquiring the ivory whose frontier continued to expand inland. The wealth and dependents accumulated by the traders and the 'Mafuk' authorities at the coast gradually eroded the power of the central authorities in the capital. Factory communities created new markets for Vili entrepreneurs including ivory carvers who found new demand beyond their usual royal clientele. Its these carvers that created the iconic ivory artworks of Loango.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-29-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F89b9ec82-7e3a-4792-be31-6c3f74b703c4_630x620.png) Detail on a carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1890, No. 71.1973.24.1 -Quai branly, depicting a European coastal ‘factory’ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F087c069c-5cd2-4012-b775-36a0a60440cb_862x556.png) _**Carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1906, No. IIIC20534, Berlin Ethnological Museum**_. depicting traders negotiating and giving tribute, and a procession of porters carrying merchandise. **The Ivory Art tradition of Loango** The carving of ivory in Loango was part of an old art tradition attested across many kingdoms in west central Africa. For example, the earliest records of the Kongo kingdom mention the existence of carved ivory artworks that were given as gifts in diplomatic exchanges with foreign rulers. A 1492 account by the Portuguese chronicler Rui de Pina narrates the conversion of Caçuta (called a “fidalgo” of the Kongo kingdom) and the gifts he brought to Portugal which included _**“elephant tusks, and carved ivory things…”**_ Another account by Garcia de Resende in the 1530s describes _**“a gift of many elephant tusks and carved ivory things..”**_ among other items. Ivory trumpets and bracelets are also mentioned as part of the royal regalia of the king of Kongo.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-30-119689450) In Loango, the account of the abovementioned English trader Andrew Battell also refers to the ivory trumpets (called pongo or mpunga) at the King's court. He describes these royal trumpets as instruments made with an elephant's tusk, hollow inside, measuring a yard and a half, with an opening like that of a flute. He also mentions a royal burial ground near the capital that was encompassed by elephant tusks set into the ground.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-31-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdbc3fd12-c278-43de-beb1-03d659f03974_1000x601.png) _**side-blown ivory Oliphant from the kingdom of Kongo, ca. 1552, Treasury of the Grand Dukes, italy**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffd8e53ed-967b-4d14-84fb-2d398ac1394f_599x387.jpeg) _**Ivory sculptors in Loango, ca. 1910**_ More detailed descriptions of Loango's ivory carving tradition were recorded in the 19th century. These include the account of Pechuël-Loesche's 1873 visit of Loango which includes mentions of ivory and wood carvings depicting the Loango king riding an elephant, that was a popular motif carved onto many private pieces, especially trumpets. Such instruments were costly and only used in festivals after which they were carefully stored away. Pechuël-Loesche believed these royal carvings inspired the pieces carved by private artists of whom he wrote _**"many have an outstanding skill in meticulously carving free hand”.**_[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-32-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F717497cc-28fe-4293-a882-57d7bd5ff3a8_1172x406.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6ec271bd-d84b-4d9d-a531-428110148291_740x588.png) _**Carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1875, no. III C 429, Berlin Ethnological Museum.**_ It depicts a succession of genre-like scenes arranged in rows spiraling around the longitudinal axis, it shows activities associated with coastal trading stations as well as hunting and processions of porters. Artists in Loango were commisioned by both domestic and foreign clients to create artworks based on the client's preferences. For European clients, the carvers would reproduce a paper sketch on alternative surfaces such as wood using charcoal as ink, and then carefully render the artwork on ivory using different tools One visitor in 1884 describes the process as such; _**"On a spiral going all around the large tusk like the arrangement upon the column of trajan, there were depicted a multitude of figures (40 to 100) first incised with a sharp piece of metal; then, by means of two small chisels, sometimes also nails, a bas-relief was produced with a wooden mallet; and then the whole thing was smoothed off with a small knife.**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-33-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd5195451-1001-424b-a1de-8e8dfd412f15_620x784.png) _**Elaborately carved ivory tusk depicting human and animal figures in various scenes, ca. 1890, No. 71.1966.26.16, 71.1966.26.15, 71.1890.67.1 Quai branly**_ The main motifs were human and animal figures depicted in scenes that revolve around specific themes. The human figures include both local and foreign individuals, who are slightly differentiated by clothing, activities and facial hair.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-34-119689450) The figures are always viewed from the side, in profile while the top often has a three-dimensional figure. Themes depicted include trade, travel, hunting in the countryside as well as activities around the factory communities. The latter scenes in particular reflect the semi-colonial contexts in which they were made, with artists exerting subversive criticism through selected imagery.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-35-119689450) While most of the extant Loango tusks in western institutions were evidently commissioned for European clients, the artists who carved the tusks asserted control over the narratives they depicted.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-36-119689450) Despite the de-centralized nature of the artists’ workshops across nearly a century, the narratives depicted remained remarkably consistent. The collector Carl Stecklemann who visisted Loango before 1889 suggests that the vignettes on the carved tusks chronicled “stirring events” in a great man’s career and were “carefully studied”, while another account from the 1880s suggests that they were “intended to tell stories and to point morals,” [37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-37-119689450) One particulary exceptional tusk recreates four postcard images that were photographed by the commissioner of the tusk, German collector Robert Visser. In this tusk, the Loango artist skillfully returned his German surveyors’ surveillance by including a carving showing the latter taking a photo of the site.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-38-119689450) The Loango kingdom formally ended in 1883 when its capital was occupied by the French, but its art tradition would continue throughout the colonial and post-colonial era, with Vili artists creating some of the most exquisite tourist souvenirs on the continent. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe6c11a64-4e52-40c7-821a-b483f4fcce2f_856x541.png) _**detail of a 19th century Loango ivory tusk depicting the harvesting of palm oil, on the right is a postcard by Robert Visser in Loango**_, photos by Smithsonian[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-39-119689450) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7081462c-c130-48b6-90be-6a841cae3729_1032x389.png) _**Carved ivory tusk, made by a congolese artist, ca. 1927, No. TM-5969-203 Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_ The African religion of Bori and its Maguzawa Hausa practitioners, are some of the best-documented traditional african practices described by pre-colonial African historians. **Kano's Muslim elite recognized the significance of the traditional Bori faith and the Maguzawa in the city-state's history and ensured that their contributions were documented.** Read more about it here: [KANO'S MAGUZAWA AND THE BORI RELIGION](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82189267?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F01f6330e-3f4e-4087-8908-cc1f4e821489_615x1207.jpeg) _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE)

2023-05-07T12:45:51+00:00

Life and works of Africa's most famous Woman scholar: Nana Asmau (1793-1864)

On the contribution of Muslim women in African history.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous

Throughout its history, Africa has produced many notable women scholars who contributed greatly to its intellectual heritage.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-1-144303681) But few are as prominent as the 19th-century scholar Nana Asmau from the Sokoto empire in what is today northern Nigeria. Nana Asmau was one of Africa's most prolific writers, with over eighty extant works to her name and many still being discovered. She was a popular teacher, a multilingual author, and an eloquent ideologue, able to speak informedly on a wide range of topics including religion, medicine, politics, history, and issues of social concern. Her legacy as a community leader for the women of Sokoto survives in the institutions created out of her social activism, and the voluminous works of poetry still circulated by students. This article explores the life and works of Nana Asmau, highlighting some of her most important written works in the context of the political and social history of west Africa. _**Map of the Sokoto Caliphate in 1850, by Paul Lovejoy**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F064fa669-fee3-44ec-8a70-ede71cb0f8e0_1200x909.jpeg) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Early life of Nana Asmau and the foundation of the Sokoto state.** Born Nana Asma'u bint Usman 'dan Fodio in 1793 into a family of scholars in the town of Degel within the Hausa city-state of Gobir, she composed the first of her approximately eighty known works in 1820. Many of these works have been translated and studied in the recent publications of Jean Boyd and other historians. The fact that Nana Asmau needed no male pseudonym, unlike most of her Western peers, says a lot about the intellectual and social milieu in which she operated. While Asmau was extraordinary in her prolific poetic output and activism, she was not an exception but was instead one in a long line of women scholars that came before and continued after her. Asmau was typical of her time and place with regard to the degree to which women pursued knowledge, and could trace eight generations of female scholars both before and after her lifetime. At least twenty of these women scholars can be identified from her family alone between the 18th and 19th centuries based on works written during this period, seven of whom were mentioned in Asmau’s compilation of women scholars, and at least four of whose works survive.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-2-144303681) These women were often related to men who were also accomplished scholars, the most prominent of whom was Asmau's father Uthman dan Fodio who founded the Sokoto state. One of the major preoccupations of  Uthman and his successors was the abolition of "innovation" and a return to Islamic "orthodoxy". Among the main criticisms that he leveled against the established rulers (and his own community) was their marginalization of women in Education. Disregarding centuries of hadiths and scholarly commentaries on the message of the Prophet, the shaykh emphasized the need to recognize the fact that Islam, in its pristine form, didn’t tolerate for any minimalization of women’s civic rights.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-3-144303681) He writes that _**“Most of our educated men leave their wives, their daughters and their female relatives ... to vegetate, like beasts, without teaching them what Allah prescribes they should be taught and without instructing them in the articles of Law that concern them. This is a loathsome crime. How can they allow their wives, daughters, and female dependents to remain prisoners of ignorance, while they share their knowledge with students every day? In truth, they are acting out of self-interest”**_.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-4-144303681) He adds; _**“One of the root causes of the misfortunes of this country is the attitude taken by Malams who neglect the welfare of the women. they \[Women\] are not taught what they ought to know about trading transactions; this is quite wrong and a forbidden innovation. It is obligatory to teach wives, daughters, and female dependants: the teaching of \[male\] pupils is optional and what is obligatory has priority over what is optional.”**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-5-144303681) And in another text critical of some of the 'pagan' practices he saw among some of his own community, he writes that _**"They do not teach their wives nor do they allow them to be educated, All these things stem from ignorance. They are not the Way of the Prophet"**_.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-6-144303681) Asmau’s creative talents were cultivated in the [school system of Islamic West Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship), in which learning was individualized under a specific teacher for an individual subject, relying on reference material from their vast personal libraries. Asmau was taught by multiple teachers throughout her life even as she taught other students, and was especially fortunate as her own family included highly accomplished scholars who were teachers in Degel. These teachers included her sister, Khadija, her father, Shaykh Uthman, and her half-brother, Muhammad Bello, all of whom wrote several hundred works combined, many of which survived to the present day.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-7-144303681) Nana Asma'u mastered the key Islamic sciences, acquired fluency in writing the languages of Hausa, Arabic, and Tamasheq, in addition to her native language Fulfulde, and became well-versed in legal matters, fiqh (which regulates religious conduct), and tawhid(dogma). Following in the footsteps of her father, she became deeply immersed in the dominant Qadriyya order of Sufi mysticism. The first ten years of her life were devoted to scholarly study, before the beginning of Uthman’s movement to establish the Sokoto state. There followed a decade of itinerancy and warfare, through which Asma’u continued her studies, married, and wrote poetic works.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-8-144303681) Around 1807, Asmau married Gidado dan Laima (1776-1850 ), a friend of Muhammad Bello who later served as wazir (‘prime minister’) of Sokoto during the latter's reign. Gidado encouraged Asmau’s intellectual endeavors and, as Bello’s closest companion, was able to foster the convergence of his wife’s interests with her brother’s. In Asmaus elegy for Gidado titled; _Sonnore Gid'ad'o_ (1848), she lists his personal qualities and duties to the state, mentioning that he _**"protected the rights of everyone regardless of their rank or status… stopped corruption and wrongdoing in the city and … honoured the Shehu's womenfolk."**_[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-9-144303681) **Asmau’s role in documenting the history and personalities of Sokoto** Asmau was a major historian of Sokoto, and an important witness of many of the accounts she described, some of which she may have participated in as she is known to have ridden her horse publically while traveling between the cities of Sokoto, Kano, and Wurno[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-10-144303681). Asmau wrote many historical works about the early years of Uthman Fodio's movement and battles, the various campaigns of Muhammad Bello (r. 1817-1837) eg his defeat of the Tuaregs at Gawakuke in 1836, and the campaigns of Aliyu (r. 1842-1859) eg his defeat of the combined forces of Gobir and Kebbi. She also wrote about the reign and character of Muhammad Bello, and composed various elegies for many of her peers, including at least four women scholars; Fadima (d. 1838), Halima (d. 1844), Zaharatu (d. 1857), Fadima (d. 1863) and Hawa’u (1858) —the last of whom was one of her appointed women leaders[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-11-144303681). All of these were of significant historical value for reconstructing not just the political and military history of Sokoto, but also its society, especially on the role of women in shaping its religious and social institutions[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-12-144303681). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5abab2b2-dfc8-481b-8c3e-ca6e1481c66b_480x696.png) folio from the fulfulde manuscript _**Fa'inna ma'al Asur Yasuran**_ (So Verily), 1822, SOAS One notable battle described by Asmau was the fall of the Gobir capital Alƙalawa in 1808, which was arguably the most decisive event in the foundation of Sokoto. Folklore attributes to Asmau a leading role in the taking of the capital. She is said to have thrown a burning brand to Bello who used the torch to set fire to the capital, and this became the most famous story about her. However, this wasn’t included in her own account, and the only likely mention of her participation in the early wars comes from the Battle of Alwasa in 1805 when the armies of Uthman defeated the forces of the Tuareg chief Chief of Adar, Tambari Agunbulu, "_**And the women added to it by stoning \[enemies\] - and leaving them exposed to the sun."**_[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-13-144303681) After the first campaigns, the newly established state still faced major threats, not just from the deposed rulers who had fled north but also from the latter's Tuareg allies. One of the first works written by Asmau was an acrostic poem titled, _**Fa'inna ma'a al-'usrin yusra**_ (1822), which she composed in response to a similar poem written by Bello who was faced with an invasion by the combined forces of the Tuareg Chief Ibrahim of Adar, and the Gobir sultan Ali. [14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-14-144303681) This work was the first in the literary collaboration between Asma'u and Muhammad Bello, highlighting their equal status as intellectual peers. The Scottish traveler Hugh Clapperton, who visited Sokoto in 1827, noted that women were _**“allowed more liberty than the generality of Muslim women”**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-15-144303681). The above observation doubtlessly reveals itself in the collaborative work of Asmau and Bello titled; Kitab al-Nasihah (book of women) written in 1835 and translated to Fulfulde and Hausa by Asmau 1836. It lists thirty seven sufi women from across the Muslim world until the 13th century, as well as seven from Sokoto who were eminent scholars.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-16-144303681) Asmau provided brief descriptions of the Sokoto women she listed, who included; Joda Kowuuri, _**"a Qur'anic scholar who used her scholarship everywhere,"**_ Habiba, the most revered _**"teacher of women,"**_ Yahinde Limam, who was _**"diligent at solving disputes"**_, and others including Inna Garka, Aisha, lyya Garka and Aminatu bint Ade, in addition to "as many as a hundred" who she did not list for the sake of brevity.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-17-144303681) The poem on Sufi Women emphasizes that pious women are to be seen in the mainstream of Islam, and could be memorized by teachers for instructional purposes.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-18-144303681) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd5bd4011-d183-4207-a0be-450da7bacab2_838x576.png) folios from the _**‘kitab al-nasiha’**_ (Book of Women), 1835/6, SOAS Library [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Asmau’s role in women’s education and social activism.** The above work on sufi women wasn’t intended to be read as a mere work of literature, but as a mnemonic device, a formula to help her students remember these important names. It was meant to be interpreted by a teacher (jaji) who would have received her instructions from Asmau directly. Asmau devoted herself to extensive work with the teachers, as it was their job to learn from Asma'u what was necessary to teach to other teachers of women, whose work involved the interpretations of very difficult and lengthy material about Islamic theology and practices.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-19-144303681) Asma'u was particularly distinguished as the mentor and tutor of a community of jajis through whom the key tenets of Sufi teachings about spirituality, ethics, and morality in the handling of social responsibilities spread across all sections of the society.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-20-144303681) The importance of providing the appropriate Islamic education for both elite and non-elite women and girls was reinforced by the growing popularity [non-Islamic Bori religion](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82189267?pr=true), which competed for their allegiance.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-21-144303681) One of Asmau’s writings addressed to her coreligionists who were appealing to Bori diviners during a period of drought, reveals the extent of this ideological competition.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-22-144303681) Groups of women, who became known as the ‘Yan Taru (the Associates) began to visit Asma’u under the leadership of representatives appointed by her. The Yan Taru became the most important instrument for the social mobilization, these _**"bands of women students"**_ were given a large malfa hat that's usually worn by men and the _Inna (_chief of women in Gobir) who led the bori religion in Gobir. By giving each jaji such a hat, Asmau transformed it into an emblem of Islamic learning, and a symbol of the wearer’s authority.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-23-144303681) Asmau’s aim in creating the ‘Yan Taru was to educate and socialize women. Asmau's writings also encouraged women's free movement in public, and were addressed to both her students and their male relatives, writing that: _**"In Islam, it is a religious duty to seek knowledge Women may leave their homes freely for this."**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-24-144303681) The education network of the ‘Yan Taru was already widespread as early as the 1840s, as evidenced in some of her writings such as the elegy for one of her students, Hauwa which read; _**"\[I\] remember Hauwa who loved me, a fact well known to everybody. During the hot season, the rains, harvest time, when the harmattan blows, And the beginning of the rains, she was on the road bringing people to me… The women students and their children are well known for their good works and peaceful behaviour in the community."**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-25-144303681) Many of Asmau's writings appear to have been intended for her students[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-26-144303681), with many being written in Fulfulde and Hausa specifically for the majority of Sokoto’s population that was unfamiliar with Arabic. These include her trilingual work titled _‘Sunago’_, which was a nmemonic device used for teaching beginners the names of the suras of the Qur'an.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-27-144303681) Other works such as the _Tabshir al-Ikhwan_ (1839) was meant to be read and acted upon by the malarns who specialized in the ‘medicine of the prophet’[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-28-144303681), while the Hausa poem _Dalilin Samuwar Allah_ (1861) is another work intended for use as a teaching device.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-29-144303681) Asmau also wrote over eighteen elegies, at least six of which were about important women in Sokoto. Each is praised in remembrance of the positive contributions she made to the community, with emphasis on how her actions defined the depth of her character. These elegies reveal the qualities that were valued among both elite and non-elite women in Sokoto. In the elegy for her sister Fadima (1838), Asmau writes; _**“Relatives and strangers alike, she showed no discrimination. she gave generously; she urged people to study. She produced provisions when an expedition was mounted, she had many responsibilities. She sorted conflicts, urged people to live peacefully, and forbade squabbling. She had studied a great deal and had deep understanding of what she had read.”**_[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-30-144303681) Asma’u did not just confine her praise to women such as Fadima who performed prodigious tasks, but, also those who did more ordinary tasks. In her elegy for Zaharatu (d. 1857), Asmau writes: _**“She gave religious instruction to the ignorant and helped everyone in their daily affairs. Whenever called upon to help, she came, responding to layout the dead without hesitation. With the same willingness she attended women in childbirth. All kinds of good works were performed by Zaharatu. She was pious and most persevering: she delighted in giving and was patient and forbearing.”**_[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-31-144303681) A list of her students in specific localities, which was likely written not long after her death, mentions nearly a hundred homes.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-32-144303681) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4f07babc-aa01-451d-83f1-5d053e83af5d_915x589.png) Folio from the fulfulde manuscript _‘Sunago’_ 1829, [BNF Paris](https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9065795d/f49.item.r=Arabe%206112.zoom). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd79a887e-9bed-4ea3-b6f7-92a82e8fefbd_929x575.png) folios from the Hausa manuscript '_**Qasidar na Rokon Allah**_', early 19th century, SOAS Library **Asmau’s role in the political and intellectual exchanges of West Africa.** After the death of Muhammad Bello, Asmau’s husband Gidado met with the senior councilors of Sokoto in his capacity as the wazir, and they elected Atiku to the office of Caliph. Gidado then relinquished the office of Wazir but stayed in the capital. Asmau and her husband then begun to write historical accounts of the lives of the Shehu and Bello for posterity, including the places they had lived in, their relatives and dependants, the judges they had appointed, the principal imams of the mosques, the scholars who had supported them, and the various offices they created.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-33-144303681) Besides writing extensively about the history of Sokoto's foundation, the reign of Bello, and 'text-books' for her students,  Asmau was from time to time invited to advise some emirs and sultans on emergent matters of state and rules of conduct. One of her works titled '_Tabbat Hakiya_' (1831), is a text about politics, informs people at all levels of government about their duties and responsibilities. She writes that; _**"Rulers must persevere to improve affairs, Do you hear? And you who are ruled, do not stray: Do not be too anxious to get what you want. Those who oppress the people in the name of authority Will be crushed in their graves… Instruct your people to seek redress in the law, Whether you are a minor official or the Imam himself. Even if you are learned, do not stop them."**_[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-34-144303681) Asmau, like many West African scholars who could voice their criticism of politicians, also authored critiques of corrupt leaders. An example of this was the regional governor called ɗan Yalli, who was dismissed from office for misconduct, and about whom she wrote; _**"Thanks be to God who empowered us to overthrow ɗan Yalli. Who has caused so much trouble. He behaved unlawfully, he did wanton harm.. We can ourselves testify to the Robberies and extortion in the markets, on the Highways and at the city gateways".**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-35-144303681) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb34d58b8-7381-4645-b733-94ad8b854a62_985x699.png) folios from the Fulfulde poem _**‘Gikku Bello’**_ 1838/9. [BNF Paris](https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9065795d/f54.item.r=Arabe%206112.zoom) As an established scholar, Asmau corresponded widely with her peers across West Africa. She had built up a reputation as an intellectual leader in Sokoto and was recognized as such by many of her peers such as the Sokoto scholar Sheikh Sa'ad who wrote this of her; _**"Greetings to you, O woman of excellence and fine traits! In every century there appears one who excels. The proof of her merit has become well known, east and west, near and far. She is marked by wisdom and kind deeds; her knowledge is like the wide sea."**_[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-36-144303681) Asmau’s fame extended beyond Sokoto, for example, the scholar Ali Ibrahim from Masina (in modern Mali) wrote: _**"She \[Asma’u\] is famous for her erudition and saintliness which are as a bubbling spring to scholars. Her knowledge, patience, and sagacity she puts to good use as did her forebears"**_ and she replied: **"It would be fitting to reward you: you are worthy of recognition. Your work is not inferior and is similar in all respects to the poetry you mention."**[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-37-144303681) She also exchanged letters with a scholar from [Chinguetti (Shinqit in Mauritania)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan) named Alhaji Ahmad bin Muhammad al-Shinqiti, and welcomed him to Sokoto during his pilgrimage to Mecca, writing: _**"Honour to the erudite scholar who has left his home To journey to Medina. Our noble, handsome brother, the hem of whose scholarship others cannot hope to touch. He came bearing evidence of his learning, and the universality of his knowledge.**_[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-38-144303681)_**"**_ Asm’u died in 1864­ at the age of 73, and was laid to rest next to the tomb of the Shehu. Her brother and students composed elegies for her, one of which read that _**"At the end of the year 1280 Nana left us, Having received the call of the Lord of Truth.**_ _**When I went to the open space in front of Giɗaɗo’s house I found it too crowded to pass through Men were crying, everyone without exception Even animals uttered cries of grief they say.**_ _**Let us fling aside the useless deceptive world, We will not abide in it forever; we must die. The benevolent one, Nana was a peacemaker. She healed almost all hurt."**_[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-39-144303681) After Nana Asma’u’s death, her student and sister Maryam Uwar Deji succeeded her as the leader of the ‘Yan Taru, and became an important figure in the politics of Kano, an emirate in Sokoto.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-40-144303681) Asmau’s students, followers, and descendants carried on her education work among the women of Sokoto which continued into the colonial and post-colonial era of northern Nigeria. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9bb3cba9-747d-45fb-affb-f50bb6001af0_873x573.png) Folios from the Hausa poem titled ‘Begore’ and a poem in Fulfulde titled ‘Allah Jaalnam’.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-41-144303681) **Conclusion: Asmau’s career and Muslim women in African history.** Nana Asmau was a highly versatile and polymathic writer who played a salient role in the history of West Africa. She actively shaped the political structures and intellectual communities across Sokoto and was accepted into positions of power in both the secular and religious contexts by many of her peers without attention to her gender. The career of Asmau and her peers challenge Western preconceptions about Muslim women in Africa (such as those held by Hugh Clapperton and later colonialists) that presume them to be less active in society and more cloistered than non-Muslim women.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous#footnote-42-144303681) The corpus of Asmau provides firsthand testimony to the active participation of women in Sokoto's society that wasn't dissimilar to the [experiences of women in other African societies](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power). Asmau's life and works are yet another example of the complexity of African history, and how it was constantly reshaped by its agents --both men and women. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F94d24b11-6e2b-4f3a-877d-b3344ee26cea_800x492.jpeg) _**View of Sokoto from its outskirts**_., ca. 1890 To the south of Sokoto was **the old kingdom of Benin, which had for centuries been in close contact with European traders from the coast. These foreigners were carefully and accurately represented in Benin’s art across five centuries as their relationship with Benin evolved.** **read more about the evolution of Europeans in Benin’s art here:** [THE INDIGENOUS AND FOREIGN IN BENIN ART](https://www.patreon.com/posts/103165109) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff8edfc6f-59d4-485d-ab2a-9cd496bf3cb1_664x803.png) Thank you for reading African History Extra. This post is public so feel free to share it. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/life-and-works-of-africas-most-famous?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)

2024-05-05T15:29:26+00:00

The empire of Kong (ca. 1710-1915): a cultural legacy of medieval Mali.

At the close of the 18th century, the West African hosts of the Scottish traveler Mungo Park informed him of a range of mountains situated in "a large and powerful kingdom called Kong".

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a

At the close of the 18th century, the West African hosts of the Scottish traveler Mungo Park informed him of a range of mountains situated in _**"a large and powerful kingdom called Kong".**_ These legendary mountains of Kong subsequently appeared on maps of Africa and became the subject of all kinds of fanciful stories that wouldn't be disproved until a century later when another traveler reached Kong, only to find bustling cities instead of snow-covered ranges[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-1-147064187). The mythical land of Kong would later be relocated to Indonesia for the setting of the story of the famous fictional character King Kong[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-2-147064187). The history of the real kingdom of Kong is no less fascinating than the story of its legendary mountains. For most of the 18th and 19th centuries, the city of Kong was the capital of a vast inland empire populated by the cultural heirs of medieval Mali, who introduced a unique architectural and scholarly tradition in the regions between modern Cote D'Ivoire and Burkina Faso. This article explores the history of the Kong empire, focusing on the social groups that contributed to its distinctive cultural heritage. _**approximate extent of the ‘Kong empire’ in 1740.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6aaf171a-ac39-44c8-862e-1e2a5b68d723_1303x582.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The early history of Kong and Dyula expansion from medieval Mali.** The region around Kong was at the crossroads of long-distance routes established by the Dyula/Juula traders who were part of the [Wangara commercial diaspora associated with medieval Mali](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education) during the late Middle Ages. These trade routes, which connected the [old city of Jenne](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc) and Begho to later cities like Kong, Bobo-Dioulasso, and Bonduku, were conduits for lucrative commerce in gold, textiles, salt, and kola for societies between the river basins of the Niger and the Volta (see map above).[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-3-147064187) The hinterland of Kong was predominantly settled by speakers of the Senufu languages who likely established a small kingdom centered on what would later become the town of Kong. According to later accounts, there were several small Senufu polities in the region extending from Kong to Korhogo in the west, and northward to Bobo-Dioulasso, between the Bandama and Volta rivers. These polities interacted closely, and some, such as the chiefdom of Korohogo, would continue to flourish despite the profound cultural changes of the later periods.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-4-147064187) These non-Muslim agriculturalists welcomed the Mande-speaking Dyula traders primarily because of the latter's access to external trade items like textiles (mostly used as burial shrouds) and acculturated the Dyula as ritual specialists (Muslim teachers) who made protective amulets. It was in this context that the city of Kong emerged as a large cosmopolitan center attracting warrior groups such as the Mande-speaking **Sonongui**, and diverse groups of craftsmen including the Hausa, who joined the pre-existing Senufu and Dyula population.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-5-147064187) Throughout the 16th century, the growing influence of external trade and internal competition between different social groups among the warrior classes greatly shaped political developments in Kong. By 1710, a wealthy Sonongui merchant named Seku Umar who bore the Mande patronymic of "**Watara**" took power in Kong with support from the Dyula, and would reign until 1744. Seku Umar Watara’s new state came to be known as **Kpon** or K'pon in internal accounts, which would later be rendered as “Kong” in Western literature. After pacifying the hinterland of Kong, Seku's forces campaigned along the route to Bobo-Dioulassao, whose local Dyula merchants welcomed his rule.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-6-147064187) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F96b27ba9-a9a8-46d9-8b02-4f6807761f5b_760x559.jpeg) _**view of Kong, ca. 1892**_, by Louis Binger. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa2f094b6-d55a-4748-8688-821bd792c9af_1225x521.png) _**a section of Kong**_, ca. 1889, Binger & Molteni. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f131b87-5b89-4d53-886c-0ecc99691427_1030x490.png) _**Palace of the Senufu king Gbon Coulibaly at Korhogo**_, ca. 1920, Quia Branly. Despite the Dyula presence in Korhogo and the town’s proximity to Kong, it was outside the latter’s direct control. **The states of Kong during the 18th century and the houses of Watara.** Seku Watara expanded his power rapidly across the region, thanks to his powerful army made up of local allies serving under Sonongui officers. Seku Watara and his commanders, such as his brother Famagan, his son Kere-Moi, and his general Bamba, conquered the regions between the Bandama and Volta rivers (northern Cote d’Ivoire) in the south, to Minyaka and Macina (southern Mali) in the north. They even got as far as the hinterland of Jenne in November 1739 according to a local chronicle. Sections of the army under Seku Umar and Kere Moi then campaigned west to the Bambara capital of Segu and the region of Sikasso (also in southern Mali), before retiring to Kong while Famagan settled near Bobo.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-7-147064187) The expansion of the Kong empire was partly driven by the need to protect trade routes, but no centralized administration was installed in conquered territories despite Famagan and Kere Moi recognizing Seku Umar as the head of the state. After the deaths of Seku (1744) and Famagan (1749) the breach between the two collateral branches issuing from each royal house grew deeper, resulting in the formation of semi-autonomous kingdoms primarily at Kong and Bobo-Dioulasso (originally known as Sya), but also in many smaller towns like Nzan, all of which had rulers with the title of _**Fagama**_.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-8-147064187) The empire of Kong, which is more accurately referred to as _“the states of Kong”_, consisted of a collection of polities centered in walled capitals that were ruled by dynastic _‘war houses’_ which had overlapping zones of influence. These houses consisted of their _**Fagama**_'s kin and dependents, who controlled a labyrinthine patchwork of allied settlements and towns from whom they received tribute and men for their armies.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-9-147064187) The heads of different houses at times recognized a paramount ruler, but remained mostly independent, each conducting their campaigns and preserving their own dynastic histories.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-10-147064187) In this complex social mosaic, many elites adopted the **Watara** patronymic through descent, alliance, or dependency, and there were thus numerous “Watara houses” scattered across the entire region between the northern Ivory Coast, southern Mali, and western Burkina Faso. At least four houses in the core regions of Kong claimed descent from Seku Umar; there were several houses in the Mouhoun plateau (western Burkina Faso) that claimed descent from both Famagan and Kere Moi. Other houses were located in the region of Bobo-Dioulasso, in Tiefo near the North-western border of Ghana, and as far east as the old town of Loropeni in southern Burkina Faso.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-11-147064187) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8336e9d-ac92-4e00-a9e1-395a33949bb1_1011x576.png) _**Friday Mosque of Kong**_, ca. 1920, Quai Branly. The mosque was built in the late 18th century. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e16778a-aba6-49c8-85cd-bb8968a48e9c_600x485.jpeg) _**Street scene in the Marabassou quarter of Kong**_, ca. 1892, ANOM. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1fcd240f-6fb8-4334-8bcb-54ea505bd423_815x533.png) _**Bobo Dioulasso’s Friday Mosque**_, ca. 1904, Quai Branly. The mosque was built in the late 19th century. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0b25031b-0eac-41ac-8eba-2139fd3c77f1_897x471.png) _**section of Bobo-Dioulasso**_, ca. 1904, Quai Branly. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The influence of Dyula on architecture and scholarship in the states of Kong.** The dispersed Watara houses often competed for political and commercial influence, relying on external mediators such as the Dyula traders to negotiate alliances[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-12-147064187). Although nominally Muslim, the Watara elites stood in contrast to the Dyula, as the former were known to have retained many pre-Islamic practices. They nevertheless acknowledged the importance of Dyula clerics as providers of protective amulets, integrated them into the kingdom's administration, and invited them to construct mosques and schools.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-13-147064187) The cities of Kong and Bobo became major centers of scholarship whose influence extended as far as the upper Volta to the Mande heartlands in the upper Niger region. The movement of students and teachers between towns created a scholarship 'network' that corresponded in large part to their trading network.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-14-147064187) Influential Dyula lineages such as the Saganogo (or Saganugu) acquired a far-ranging reputation for scholarship by the late 18th century. They introduced the distinctive style of architecture found in the region[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-15-147064187), and are credited with constructing the main mosque at Kong in 1785, as well as in cities not under direct Watara control such as at Buna in 1795, at Bonduku in 1797, and at Wa in 1801. Their members were imams of Kong, Bobo-Dioulasso, and many surrounding towns. The Dyula shunned warfare and lived in urban settlements away from the warrior elite’s capitals, but provided horses, textiles, and amulets to the latter in exchange for protecting trade routes.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-16-147064187) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1fbe3693-a5e9-44ad-b85b-cdb5922326cd_1130x489.png) _**mosque in Kong**_, by Louis Binger, ca. 1892. The Saganogo scholars of Kong (also known as _**karamokos**_ : men of knowledge) are among the most renowned figures in the region’s intellectual history, being part of a chain of learning that extends back to the famous 15th-century scholar al-Hajj Salim Suware of medieval Mali.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-17-147064187) The most prominent of these was Mustafa Saganogo (d. 1776) and his son Abbas b. Muhammad al-Mustafa (d. 1801), who appear in the autobiographies of virtually all the region’s scholars[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-18-147064187). The former promoted historical writing, and, in 1765, built a mosque bearing his name, which attracted many students. His son became the imam of Kong and, according to later accounts, _**"brought his brothers to stay there, and then the 'ulama gathered around him to learn from him, and the news spread to other places, and the people of Bonduku and Wala came to him, and the people of the land of Ghayagha and also Banda came to study with him."**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-19-147064187) Descendants of Mustafa Saganogo, who included Seydou and Ibrahim Saganogo, were invited to Bobo-Dioulasso by its Watara rulers to serve as advisors. They arrived in 1764 and established themselves in the oldest quarters of the city where they constructed mosques, of which they were the first imams. Around 1840, a section of scholars from Bobo-Dioulasso led by Bassaraba Saganogo, the grandson of the abovementioned brothers, established another town 15 km south at Darsalamy (Dār as-Salām).[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-20-147064187) The Saganogo teachers were also associated with several well-connected merchant-scholars with the patronymic of Watara who gained prominence across the region, between the cities of Kong, Bonduku, and Buna.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-21-147064187) Among these were the gold-trading family of five brothers, including; Karamo Sa Watara, who was the eldest of the brothers and did business in the Hausaland and Bornu; Abd aI-Rahman, who was married to the daughter of Soma Ali Watara of Nzan; Idris, who lived at Ja in Massina; Mahmud who lived in Buna and was married to a local ruler. Karamo's son, Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, who provided a record of his family’s activities, later became a prominent scholar in Buna where he studied with his cousin Kotoko Watara who later became ruler of Nzan. The head of the Buna school was Abdallah b. al-Hajj Muhammad Watara, himself a student of Mustafa Saganogo. Buna was a renowned center of learning attracting students from as far as Futa Jallon (in modern Guinea), and the explorer Heinrich Barth heard of it as _**"a place of great celebrity for its learning and its schools."**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-22-147064187) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdce8f2a7-68f1-442e-99c9-0ec969bb45c4_982x480.png) _**An important marabout (teacher/scholar) in Kong, ca. 1920, Quai Branly. Neighborhood mosque in Kong**_, ca. 1892, ANOM. **The states of Kong during the 19th century** In the later period, the Dyula scholars would come to play an even more central political role in both Kong and Bobo, at the expense of the warrior elites. When the traveler Louis Binger visited Kong in 1888, he noted that the ‘king’ of the city was Soukoulou Mori, but that real power lay with Karamoko Oule, a prominent merchant-scholar, as well as the imam Mustafa Saganogo, who he likened to a minister of public education because he managed many schools. He estimated the city’s population at around 15,000, and referred to its inhabitants’ religious tolerance —characteristic of the Dyula— especially highlighting their _**"instinctive horror of war, which they consider dishonorable unless in defense of their territorial integrity."**_ He described how merchant scholars proselytized by forming alliances with local rulers after which they'd open schools and invite students to study.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-23-147064187) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F38d9ea57-a867-44f3-aa8e-902d80869c13_760x533.jpeg) _**Arrival in Kong**_ by Louis-Gustave Binger, ca. 1892 [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc9cb7c7-297c-4007-84e3-2da91060aa2b_349x428.png) _**copy of the safe conduct issued to Binger by the notables of Kong**_, ca. 1892, British Library. The main Watara houses largely kept to themselves, but would occasionally form alliances which later broke up during periods of extended conflict. The most dramatic instance of the shattering of old alliances occurred in the last decade of the 19th century when [the expansion of Samori Ture’s empire](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the) coincided with the advance of the French colonial forces.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-24-147064187) Samori Ture reached this region in 1885 and was initially welcomed by the Dyula of Kong who also sent letters to their peers in Buna and Bonduku, informing them that Samori didn't wish to attack them. However, relations between the Dyula and Samori later deteriorated and he sacked Buna in late 1896.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-25-147064187) In May of 1897, the armies of Samori marched against Kong, which he suspected of entering into collusion with his enemy; Babemba of Sikasso, by supplying the latter with horses and trade goods. Samori sacked Kong and pursued its rulers upto Bobo, with many of Kong's inhabitants fleeing to the town of Kotedugu whose Watara ruler was Pentyeba. Hoping to stall Samori's advance, Pentyeba allied with the French, who then seized Bobo from one of Samori's garrisons. They later occupied Kong in 1898, and after briefly restoring the Watara rulers, they ultimately abolished the kingdom by 1915, marking the end of its history.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-kong-ca-1710-1915-a#footnote-26-147064187) The historical legacy of Kong is preserved in the distinctive architectural style and intellectual traditions of modern Burkina Faso and Cote d'Ivoire, whose diverse communities of Watara elites and Dyula merchants represent the southernmost cultural expansion of Medieval Mali. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F50ee0416-f4ce-4fbf-80bb-3b401759a828_1000x646.jpeg) _Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso._ **The kingdom of Bamum created West Africa’s largest corpus of Graphics Art during the early 20th century, which included detailed maps of the kingdom and capital, drawings of historical events and fables, images of the kingdom's architecture, and illustrations depicting artisans, royals, and daily life in the kingdom.** **Please subscribe to read about the Art of Bamum in this article where I explore more than 30 drawings preserved in various museums and private collections.** [THEMES IN WEST AFRICAN ART OF BAMUM](https://www.patreon.com/posts/108431007) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F994a859c-4aea-4dc0-a328-98607403b9e3_678x836.png)

2024-07-28T14:49:07+00:00

A history of the Massina empire (1818-1862)

the sucessor of Songhai

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818

Buried in the pages of an old west African chronicle is a strange prophecy foretelling the emergence of a charismatic leader from the region of Massina in central Mali. According to the chronicle, the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad was transported into a spiritual realm where he was told that he would be suceeded as ‘Caliph’ of west Africa by one of his descendants named Ahmadu from Massina. The empire of Massina emerged in 1818 and conquered most of the former territories of Songhai, ending the two centuries of political fragmentation that had followed Songhai's collapse. From its capital of Hamdullahi, the armies of Massina created a centralized government over a vast region extending from the ancient city of Jenne to Timbuktu, and nurtured a vibrant intellectual community whose scholars composed many writings including the chronicle containing the 'prophesy' related above. This article explores the political history of the Massina empire, and its half a century long attempt to restore the power of Songhai. _**Map of central Mali showing the extent of the Massina empire.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-1-133913518)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F49d6ce9b-eaa3-43f0-9c2f-ce9f9df7f30b_859x503.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **West Africa from the fall of Songhai to the rise of the revolution movements.** After the collapse of Songhai in 1591, the empire’s territories reverted to their pre-existing authorities as the remaining Moroccan soldiers (Arma) were confined to the cities of Djenne and Timbuktu where they established a weak city-state regime that was independent of Morocco. This state of political fragmentation continued until the early 18th century, when the Bambara empire expanded from its capital of Segu, and came to control much of the Niger river valley from Jenne to Timbuktu during the reign of N'golo Diara (1766-1795). At the turn of the 19th century, most of the region was under the Bambara empire’s suzeranity, but wasn’t fully centralized as local authorities were allowed to retain their pre-conquest status, these included the Arma of Jenne and Timbuktu, and the Fulbe/Fulani aristocracy of Massina.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-2-133913518) A reciprocal relationship existed between the (muslim) elites Djenné, the Arma, the Fulani, and their (non-Muslim) Bambara overlords, all of whom supported and legitimized each other to maintain the status quo. By the late 1810s the rising discontent over the political situation of Massina, characterized by the dominion of the powerful Bambara emperors and the local Fulani aristocracy, led an increasingly large number of followers to rally around Ahmadu Lobbo, a charismatic teacher who had spent part of his early life near Djenne where he had established a school.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-3-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc47948c4-e133-4c33-bdf2-3ac185cf1d95_1000x618.jpeg) Djenne street scene, ca.1905/6 The antagonistic relationship between the elites of Djenne allied with the local Fulbe prince named Ardo Guidado against Ahmadu Lobbo and his followers eventually descended into open confrontation between the two groups that ended with prince Guidado's death. Ahmad Lobbo had by then written a polemic treatise titled _Kitab al-Idtirar_, in which he outlined his religious and political grivancies against the local authorities and against what he considered blameworthy practices of Jenne's scholary community.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-4-133913518) The political-religious movement of Ahmadu was part of a series of revolutions which emerged across west Africa’s political landscape in the 18th and 19th century. Prior to these revolutions, political power was in the hands of “warrior elites,” such as the Bambara of Segu, the Fulani aristocracy of Massina, and the Arma in Jenne and Timbuktu. while scholars/clerics occupied a high position in the region’s social hierachy, they were often barred from holding the highest political office. But as the power of the warrior-elites weakened, more assertive political theologies were popularized among the scholars who advocated political reform and made it permissible for their peers to hold the highest office. The scholars then seized power and established distinct forms of clerical rule in Futa Jallon (1725), Futa Toro (1776), Sokoto (1804) Massina (1818), and Tukulor (1861), where religious authorities become the government and attempt to exercise secular power with the weapons of religious ideology.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-5-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F33766965-3e20-4708-8035-6d16c6bbb94b_1200x657.jpeg) _**Map of the 19th century ‘revolution’ states in west Africa.**_ (map by LegendesCarto) Having openly defied the authorities, Ahmad Lobbo's followers prepared for war. The local Fulbe chief Ardo Amadou, whose son (prince Guidado) had been killed by Lobbo's followers, successfully sought the support of the Bambara king Da Diarra (r. 1808-1827), as well as other Fulbe warriors, including Gelaajo, the chief of Kounari. Their combined army moved against Ahmad Lobbo and his followers, who had retreated to Noukouma. The battle between Lobbo's followers and the Bambara army occurred in March 1818, ended with the defeat of the Bambara who had attacked before the arrival of Arɗo Amadou and Gelaajo. Discouraged by this, the latter decided to abandon the war. By contrast, the ranks of Ahmad Lobbo swelled substantially after the victory at Noukouma, such that by mid-May 1818 Ahmad Lobbo emerged as the leader of a new state centered in Masina.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-6-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbbf86bdf-979a-44d2-8f5d-32989c40d8ad_686x509.png) copy of the _**Kitab al-Idtirar**_ by Amhadu Lobbo [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Empire building and Government in Massina during the reign of Ahmadu I (1818-1845)** Like the Songhai armies centuries earlier, Lobbo's expansion was primarily conducted along the middle section of the Niger river between Djenne and Timbuktu, where he could combine overland and riverine warfare to capture the region's main cities. The city of Djenné was conquered twice, in 1819 and 1821 after some minimal resistance, and Ahmadu's son, named Ahmadu Cheikou was appointed its governor.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-7-133913518) By 1823, Ahmadu had defeated the armies of al-Husayn Koita at Fittuga, where a competing Fulbe movement had emerged, instigated by Sokoto’s rivary with Massina.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-8-133913518) Lobbo's armies also advanced northwards beginning in 1818, when they were initially defeated by a Tuareg force which controlled the area. But by 1825, Massina's army crushed the Tuareg forces at the battle of Ndukkuwal and incorporated the region from Timbuktu to the city of Gao into the Massina empire. An insurrection in Timbuktu was crushed in 1826 and Lobbo appointed Pasha Uthman al-rimi as governor, while San Shirfi became the imam of the Djinguereber Mosque.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-9-133913518) Internal challenges to Ahmadu's rule came primarily from the deposed Fulbe aristocracy such as Buubu Arɗo Galo of Dikko whose army was defeated in 1825. More threatening was the rebellion of Gelaajo of Kounari who controlled the region extending upto Goundaka in the bandiagara cliffs of Dogon country. After around seven years of intense fighting, Gelaajo was defeated and forced to flee to Sokoto.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-10-133913518) By the mid-1820s Ahmadu Lobbo had consolidated his control over most of the Middle section of the Niger river upto the Bandiagara cliffs, as well as the region extending northwards to Timbuktu. He established his capital at Hamdullahi, which was founded around 1821, and developed as the administrative center of the state. The walled city was divided into 18 quarters with a large central mosque next to Lobbo's palace, it also included a “parliament” building (called 'Hall of seven doors'), a court, a market, 600 schools and the residences of Massina's elite.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-11-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5783c3c5-9abb-4459-a64a-7045a804b895_775x497.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fad8c1af9-7660-4880-82b7-197d19172c57_800x535.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbb067e3e-ca27-4c7d-b35f-efca3a69be3b_796x470.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03092400-8227-4414-a8ea-7df2cbb99994_795x263.png) Ruins of Hamdullahi’s walls, the third photo includes the mausoleum of Ahmad I and Nuh al-Tahir, and a roofed structure where the ‘Hall of seven doors’ was located. [12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-12-133913518) The administration of Massina was undertaken by the Great Council (batu mawɗo), an institution composed of 100 scholars that ruled the empire along with Ahmad Lobbo. This council was the official state assembly/parliament, and it was further dived into a 40-person house of permanent members headed by 2 scholars closest to Ahmad Lobbo, named Nuh al-Tahir and Hambarké Samatata. The council oversaw the governance of the empire's five major provinces and appointed provincial governors that were inturn assisted by their own smaller councils. The Great council made their rulings after consulting various (Maliki) legal and political texts used across the wider Muslim world including those written by west African scholars such as the Fodiyawa family of Sokoto. The council permanently resided in the capital, they regulary assembled in the parliament building, and also oversaw the policing of the capital.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-13-133913518) The administrative units of Massina were towns and villages called ngenndis, an conglomeration of these formed a canton (lefol leydi), which were inturn grouped together to form provinces (leyde). Each province was governed by an amir chosen by the Great Council, and was to be in charge of collecting taxes, overseeing the forces of each province. He was assisted by a Qadi appointed by the Great council to oversee provincial judicial matters that didn’t need to be sent to the Qadi in the capital.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-14-133913518) **The intellectual tradition of Massina** The centralization of Massina was possible due to the substantial development of literacy in the region. literacy became the crucial tool for the development of an administrative apparatus based on orders that emanated from the capital and circulated through a capillary system of letters and dispatches to the different local administrative units. Members of the Great coucil were all highly accomplished scholars in their own right, and all provincial governors down to the lowest village were required to be literate.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-15-133913518) The scholary community of Massina produced many prominent figures and reinvigorated the region’s intellectual production as evidenced by the manuscript collections of Djenne. In Hamdullahi, most notable scholar from Massina was Nuh al-Tahir al-Fulani, one of the two leaders of the Great council, and the author of the famous west-African chronicle; _the tarikh al-Fattash_. Nuh al-Tahir was in charge of Hamdullahi's education system that managed the over 600 schools in the capital. Like most contemporary education systems in Muslim west-Africa, the schools of Hamdullahi were individualized, led by highly learned scholars who received authorization from Nuh al-Tahir to teach various subjects ranging from theology to grammar and the sciences.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-16-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F97cd783f-7259-4cc9-bda8-ba7b0380c944_736x565.png) Nuh al-Tahir’s commentary on the _**Lamiyyat al-af‘al of Ibn Malik**_ (d. 1274), and a short treatise titled _**Khasa’is al-Nabi**_, manuscripts found at the Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Learning and Islamic Research, photos by M. Nobili. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdb2a7e37-3cb3-4471-bffd-ef454bcacc7c_745x494.png) _**Kitāb fī al-fiqh by Sīdī Abūbakr b. ‘Iyāḍ b. ‘Abd al-Jalīl al-Māsinī**_ written in 1852, now at Djenné Manuscript Library.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-17-133913518) **Intellectual disputes between Massina and Sokoto, and the creation of a west African chronicle** Both the political movement of Ahmadu, and the scholary community at Hamdullahi were in close contact with the Sokoto movement of Uthman Fodio in northern nigeria. Uthman Fodio had intended to expand his political influence over the middle Niger region, especially through his connection with the Kunta clerics and the scholars of Masina. Although Lobbo and Uthman never met, the influence of the latter's movement on the former can be gleaned from the correspondence exchanged between the Fodiyawa family of Uthman Fodio that closely corresponded with Ahmadu before and after Massina was founded.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-18-133913518) Ahmadu Lobbo reportedly sent a delegation to Uthman requesting the latter's support in his impending war against Segu, and the delegation came back with a flag representing his authority. But Lobbo's eventual military success and Uthman's death obfuscated any need for him to derive authority from Sokoto, and following the sucession disputes in Sokoto, Lobbo even made attempts to request that Sokoto submits to Massina prompting the then Sokoto leader Muhammad Bello (sucessor of Uthman Fodio) to inspire the abovementioned rival movement of al-Husayn Koita at Fittuga. The ideological and intellectual disputes between the two states eventually led to the creation of the _Tarikh al-Fattash_ by Nuh al-Tahir, which contained sections which legitimated Lobbo's claim of being a Caliph and a sucessor of the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-19-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F07a39dd6-e3d0-4f24-8b46-90f8cdc4abf9_854x562.png) _**Letters by Sokoto ruler Muhammad Bello to the Massina ruler Ahmadu Lobbo on various questions of government including that of Massina’s allegiance to Sokoto,**_ copy from 1840 now at National Archives Kaduna, Nigeria.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-20-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5af2aa7b-8369-4c5e-94f7-db0781b2df58_542x596.png) _**Letter on the Appearance of the Twelfth Caliph**_ by Nuh b. al-Tahir, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Ms. Arabe 6756. (Photo by M. Nobili) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff28e8f48-7898-4cd4-ba7e-b25a241325fe_710x467.png) Nuh al-Tahir’s _**Tarikh al-Fattash**_ (Photo by DeAgostini/Getty Images) **The expansion of Massina under Amhadu I and the city of Timbuktu.** Massina owed much of its expansion to its armies, divided into the five major provinces of the empire. It was led by five generals (_**amiraabe**_), below whom were the pre-conquest war chiefs that had submited to Lobbo's rule. The soldiers were divided into infantry, cavalry and a river-navy, and their equipment, horses and rations were largely supplied by the state. Most of the soldiers were recruited by the individual war-chiefs, but a permanent cavalry corps was also maintained in garrisons on the outskirts of important cities such as Hamdullahi, Ténenkou, Dienné, and Timbuktu. Owing to the nature of its formation as an outgrowth of Lobbo's movement, the army's command structure was relatively less centralized with each unit fighting more or less independently under their leader albeit with the same goals.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-21-133913518) Massina's conflict with Segu continued on its western and southwestern fronts, with several battles fought around Djenne especially with the Bambara provinces of Sarro and Nyansanari. While Sarro largely remained at war with Massina, Nyansanari eventually surrendered to Massina and was incorporated into the state, with its leader being formally installed by Amhad Lobbo.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-22-133913518) Massina's expansion into the region between the Mali-Niger border and north-eastern Burkina Faso was more sucessful, and marked the southernmost limit of the empire, which it shared with the Sokoto empire. The various chiefdoms of the region, most notably Baraboullé and Djilgodji, were subsumed in the late 1820s after a serious of disastrous battles for the Massina army that ultimately ended when threats from the Yatenga kingdom forced the local chieftains to place themselves under Massina's protection. The conflict that emerged with the Bambara state of Kaarta, however, was more serious, with Massina's army suffering heavy casualties, especially in 1843–44. every attempt by to expand westward proved equally futile.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-23-133913518) After the first conquest of the north-eastern regions between Timbuktu and Gao in 1818-1826, Arma and the Tuareg who controlled the region rebelled several times, trying to escape the imposition of direct rule by Lobbo’s appointed governor Abd al-Qādir (who took over from Pasha Uthman al-rimi). This prompted Massina to firmly control the town in 1833 when a Fulbe governor was appointed that controlled the entire region upto Gao.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-24-133913518) A Tuareg force drove off the Massina garrison in 1840 but were in the following year defeated and expelled. The Tuareg then regrouped in 1842-1844 and managed to defeat the Massina forces and drive them from Timbuktu, but the city was later besieged by Massina and its inhabitants were starved into resubmitting to Massina's rule by 1846. Disputes between Massina and Timbuktu were often mediated by the Kunta scholary family led by Muhammad al-Kunti and his son al-Mukhtar al-Saghir .[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-25-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91f05e20-8b98-4dc8-88a9-523f5a97bcfc_480x640.jpeg) A letter from Mawlāy ‘Abd al-Qādir to Aḥmad Lobbo, which includes at the bottom the response of the caliph of Ḥamdallāhi. Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Learning and Islamic Research, photo by Mohamed Diagayété [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a0cd1e7-4025-4fd1-a564-77e6fdb91d60_788x512.png) Folios from two letters sent by Muhammad al-Kunti addressed to Ahmadu Lobbo, advising the latter on good governance, written around 1818-1820, now at the Djenné Manuscript Library.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-26-133913518) **The reign of Ahmadu II and the consolidation of Massina (1845-1853)** In the later years of Ahmadu's reign, the ageing ruler asked the Great Council to nominate his sucessor. The choice for the next ‘Caliph’ of Massina was narrowed down to two equally qualified candidates; an accomplished general named BaaLobbo, and the Caliph’s son, Ahmadu Cheikou who was a renowned scholar and administrator. The Great council picked Ahmadu Cheikou, who suceeded his father in March 1845 as Ahmadu II, and they chose BaaLobbo as the head of the military inorder to placate him and avoid a sucession dispute.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-27-133913518) Throughout his reign, Ahmadu II had to fight against the Tuaregs in the region of the Niger river’s bend near Timbuktu, as well as the Bambara empire of Segu which had resumed hostilities with Massina. However, none of the expansionist wars of Ahmadu’s reign were undertaken by Ahmadu II, who chose to retain the status quo especially between the Segu empire and the rebellious Tuareg-Kunta alliance near Timbuktu. This was partly done to prevent BaaLobbo from accumulating too much power, but it may have undermined Massina’s ability to project its power in the region. [28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-28-133913518) In 1847, Ahmadu II re-imposed the ruinous blockade of Timbuktu to weaken the Tuareg-Kunta alliance which had resumed its revolt against Massina soon after Ahmadu’s death. This blockade partially sucessful politically, as some of the Kunta allied with Massina against their peers led by Ahmad al-Bakkai al-Kunti who suceeded al-Mukhtar al-Saghir. al-Bakkai later travelled to Hamdullahi, negotiated a truce and Timbuktu resubmitted to Massina. But commercially, the blockade, which lasted nearly the entirety of Ahmadu II’s reign, ruined Timbuktu and drained the old city of its already declining fortunes.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-29-133913518) When the German explorer Heinrich Barth visisted Timbuktu and Gao around 1853-4, he provided a detailed description of both cities which were now long past their glory days, with Gao having been reduced to a village, while Timbuktu was a shadow of its former self.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-30-133913518) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F760b4faf-0486-4a6e-a2ba-d32bcda7bb1d_1024x655.jpeg) Illustration of Timbuktu by Heinrich Barth (1853) **The reign of Amhadu III and the collapse of Massina** (1853-1862) Ahmadu II died in 1853, and the problem of succession reemerged even more strongly than before. The best candidates to succeed him were, again, BaaLobbo and another of Ahmad Lobbo’s sons named Abdoulay, as well as Ahmad II’s son named Amadou Amadou. Feeling sidelined again, BaaLobbo quickly formed an alliance with Amadou Amadou who had been close to him and he considered easy to influence than Abdoullay. BaaLobbo then requested his allies on the Great council to consider his proposition, which was accepted by the majority and Amadou Amadou was installed as Ahmadu III.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-31-133913518) Ahmadu III inaugurated a less austere form of government in Massina that was harshly criticized by his contemporaries, and was immediately faced with rebellion from Abadulay which was only diffused after a lengthy seige of the capital and negotiation[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-32-133913518). He also centralized all the power that had been divided between the caliph and the Great Council. In this way, he alienated the veteran leaders of the empire, transforming the Great Council into a mere mechanism for approving his decisions. Hence, most of its members abandoned both Ahmadu III and the Great Council shortly after his ascension. Ahmadu III lost the support of the Kunta when Ahmad al-Bakkai broke off his relationship with Hamdullahi. With little support from inside the capital or from Timbuktu, Ahmadu III initiated a policy of rapprochement with the Bambara rulers of Segou who became allies of Massina.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-33-133913518) This open alliance between a clerical Muslim state and a non-Muslim state was soon challenged by the Futanke movement of al-Hajj Umar Tal, a powerful cleric whose nascent empire of Tukulor had expanded from Futa jallon in Guinea to take over the kingdom of Kaarta in 1855 that had eluded Massina. The capture of Kaarta opened the road for the Tukulor armies to conquer Kaarta’s suzerain; the Segu empire, which threatened Massina despite both Umar and Amhadu III drawing legitimacy from the same political-religious teachings. Ahmadu III moved Massina’s armies to confront Tukulor’s forces in 1856 at Kasakary and in 1860 at Sansanding, all while exchanging letters justifying each other’s expansionism and challenging the legitimacy of either’s authority. Segu was eventually conquered by Umar in March 1861 forcing its ruler to flee to Hamdullahi for protection.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-34-133913518) After a series of diplomatic exchanges between Umar Tal and Ahmadu failed to secure the release of Segu’s deposed ruler, Umar decided to declare war against Massina. The Tukulor marched on Massina in April 1862 and the empire’s capital was occupied in the following month after Ahmadu III’s divided forces had treacherously abandoned him and the beleaguered leader had died from wounds sustained during the battle. The ever ambitious BaaLobbo had surrendered to Umar Tal hoping the latter would retain him as ruler of Hamdullahi, but Umar instead appointed his son (also called Ahmadu). Enraged by Umar’s duplicity, BaaLobbo raised a rebellion, laid siege on Hamdullahi, and forced Umar to flee to his death in 1864.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-35-133913518) The capital of Massina would be reduced to ruins after several battles as it switched between Umar’s sucessors and the “rebels”. The empire of Massina was erased from west-Africa’s political landscape, ending the nearly half a century long experiment to restore Songhai. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8e588407-c3e3-42c1-8fff-203d65fa997a_768x612.png) When Europe was engulfed in one of the history’s deadliest conflicts in the early 17th century, **the African kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo took advantage of the European rivaries to settle their own feud with the Portuguese colonialists in Angola**. **Kongo’s envoys traveled to the Netherlands, forged military alliances with the Dutch and halted Portugal’s colonial advance**. Read more about this in my recent Patreon post: [HOW KONGO EXPLOITED EUROPEAN RIVARIES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F18f2c1a1-d6b5-4a4a-be08-7ef756f64cd2_782x605.png)

2023-07-09T15:05:06+00:00

a brief note on the origin of African civilizations

plus, the Nok Neolithic culture.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-origin-of-african

Beginning around 12,000 years ago, a wide-ranging set of developments emerged independently in several societies across the world. Plants and animals were domesticated, pottery and advanced tools appeared, and settlements were established. This archeological period, often refered to as the 'Neolithic' or 'Late stone Age', was protracted and diverse, with different features appearing in different regions at different time periods —and no region exhibits this diversity more than Africa. The earliest domesticates, advanced tools and permanent settlements in Africa first appear in the Upper and Middle Nile Valley in what is today Egypt and Sudan between 9,000-5,000 BC. This region was home to [several ancient cultures that were part of a shared Neolithic tradition](https://www.patreon.com/posts/75102957?pr=true) that eventually gave rise to the first states, with dynastic Egypt around 3,000BC and the Kerma kingdom around 2,500BC. A similar process in the Northern Horn of Africa saw [Neolithic cultures emerging around 2,700BC](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of), prior to the rise of the D'MT polity around 900BC and the Aksumite kingdom by the turn of the common era. In West Africa, Neolithic cultures emerged between the 3rd and 2nd millennium BC. This was a dynamic period with substantial changes of settlement systems, economy, technology, and land use. Due to increasing aridity, human occupation gradually shifted from the drying Sahara into the more humid areas of West Africa. There was considerable variability in these developments, with pottery, livestock and cereal agriculture appearing as early as the 6th millennium BC, thus preceeding permanent settlements and iron tools by several millennia. The period was later suceeded by the emergence of large sedentary communities, the first cities (eg; Jenne-Jeno) and early states (eg; the Ghana empire) during the 1st millennium BC and 1st millennium CE. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F230d3127-753e-4cf1-b49c-79e7f38f5db2_1048x548.png) _**Map showing Africa’s oldest Neolithic cultures as well as sites with early archaeobotanical evidence for the spread of major African crops. (**_original map by Dorian Fuller & Elisabeth Hildebrand_**)**_ Only a few West African Neolithic cultures with complete archaeological traditions, including material culture, settlement and socio-economic systems, have been studied for this period. The most distinctive are the [Tichitt tradition of southern Mauritania](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-building-in-ancient-west-africa) (2200-400 BC), the Kintampo culture of Ghana (2100–1400 BC), the Gajiganna culture of North-east Nigeria (1800–800 BC), and the Nok culture of central Nigeria (1500–1 BC). The Nok culture is unique and renowned because of its elaborate terracotta sculptures, as well as providing the earliest evidence of iron smelting in west Africa. My latest Patreon article explores the history and significance of the Nok culture in the origins of African kingdoms, institutions and inventions: [THE ANCIENT NOK CIVILIZATION](https://www.patreon.com/posts/91819837) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe954ab68-a8c4-49f5-bc03-11a364f32b94_595x1255.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdac928fe-1629-4c7e-878f-2f5e5392e92d_709x469.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1f264bba-fe2e-47fe-8b33-647bb5fdd787_567x376.jpeg) Ruins of the ancient town of Dakhlet el Atrouss-I in south-eastern Mauritania, that was built during the classic Tichitt phase (1600BC-1000BC). Measuring over 300ha and with an estimated population of 10,000 at its height, the town is one of Africa’s oldest urban settlements. (photos by Robert Vernet) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-origin-of-african?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) Thank you for reading African History Extra. This post is public so feel free to share it. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-origin-of-african?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)

2023-10-28T16:17:55+00:00

Demystifying the land of Punt and locating ancient Egypt's place in African History

On early state formation in the northern Horn of Africa (2700BC-800BC)

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of

_**“Why have you come here in this land, which the people do not know? Did you come down on this way from the sky, or did you sail upon the waters, upon the sea of God’s Land?" (**_The ruler of Punt welcoming an Egyptian trade expedition into his country[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-1-86964540)_**)**_ Egyptologists have been enthralled with the land Punt since the 19th century, a fascination that was partly fueled by a theory made by Flinders Petrie —the father of modern Egyptology— that Punt was the origin of the founding kings of ancient Egypt. Many scholars have proposed dozens of places as Punt’s probable location, with most arguing for its placement in areas as close to Egypt as Sudan and the Red sea region[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-2-86964540), and a few exotic theories placing it as far as Indonesia[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-3-86964540) and Uganda.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-4-86964540) A lot of the confusion comes down to the way in which ancient Egyptian descriptions and depictions of foreign lands are uncritically interpreted in modern scholarship, especially with regards to Egypt’s southern neighbors.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-5-86964540) Recent archeological discoveries on the Egyptian red-sea coast and its relationship to the Neolithic cultures of the northern Horn of Africa, as well as a re-examination of descriptions of Punt in ancient Egyptian records, strongly suggests that the semi-legendary land of Punt constituted most —if not all— of the early states that emerged between the Eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea during the early 3rd millennium BC. This article demystifies the “land of Punt by exploring its history within the context of North-East Africa’s political history during the 2nd millennium BC. _**North-East africa during the 2nd millennium BC showing; Middle Kingdom Egypt, the Kerma kingdom, and the location of the early states that constituted the land of Punt**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d45d84a-5f78-43f8-a7cd-9e1cac3d9991_455x571.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Travelling to the land Punt: contested trade routes between Egypt and the kingdom of Kerma** During the mid-2nd millennium BC, changes in the geo-political landscape of north-east Africa altered the dynamic nature of over-land and maritime exchange between Middle Kingdom Egypt (c. 2055–1650BC) and its southern neighbors. The emergence of the Kingdom of Kerma (ie ancient Kush) in the region of upper Nubia (northern Sudan) as a formidable competitor, altered the organization of overland trading routes which funneled valued commodities into the Nile valley civilizations from central Sudan and the Sudan-Eritea lowlands. This change prompted the Middle kingdom kings to expand their maritime trade in the red-sea in order to bypass Kerma. [6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-6-86964540) The land of Punt first appears in ancient Egyptian texts during the reign of King Sahura (r 2487–2475BC, 5th dynasty, Old kingdom era), on a document called "The Palermo Stone" which records the king receiving goods from Punt that included myrrh and electrum.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-7-86964540) Records about the expeditions of the Old kingdom kings; Djedkara (r. 2414–2375BC) and Pepy II (r. 2278– 2247BC) into Upper Nubia (around the time of Kerma's emergence), also mention them receiving a "pygmy" among other “ gifts of the mining-region of Punt”. From the 25th century BC to the 11th century BC, ancient Egyptian trading expeditions acquired goods from Punt indirectly and later directly, that included; electrum, gold, panther skins, ebony, throw-sticks, ivory, myrrh, eye paint, apes and baboons. The importance of Punt’s luxuries in ancient Egyptian royal iconography and religion was such that it was also considered part of “god’s land”; a generalized location south and east of Egypt that also contained the lands of Irem and Amau [8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-8-86964540) According to descriptions of Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom trading expeditions to its southern neighbors, the land of Punt could be reached via an inland route via Upper Nubia as well as by a sea route, but by the time of Mentuhotep III around 1996BC, trading expeditions were no longer sent through Upper Nubia despite Egypt's expansion into lower Nubia. Possibly reflecting the formidable power of imperial Kerma, which at its height in the mid-2nd millennium Bc, would lead a major invasion deep into Egypt with a coalition of forces that included soldiers from Punt and many of Egypt's southern neighbors.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-9-86964540) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F80eb8762-8b74-4306-a190-f2ae97f42e11_874x596.png) _**Stela of King Amenemhat III found at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis that include description of two expeditions to Punt and Bia-Punt under the brothers; Nebsu and Amenhotep.**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-10-86964540) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdcdf9daa-5666-4203-906c-d4619af50cc7_829x618.png) _**Men from Punt Carrying Gifts, Tomb of Rekhmire, ca. 1479–1420 B.C, met museum.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0fd27f6e-1332-4adf-b236-880da623d405_746x1136.png) _**Probable locations of Punt (and Irem) based on their proximity to Kerma, and their direction from Middle kingdom Egypt's red-sea port of Saww**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-11-86964540) **Maritime trade to Punt: the Egyptian red sea port of Saww (Mersa Gawasis)** The ancient red-sea port of Saww was established around the late 3rd millennium BC, and by the reign of Senusret i (ca. 1956–1911 BC), and Amenemhat ii (ca. 1911–1877 BC) had become the main port from which expeditions to punt were sent. The discovery of 28 inscribed stelae at the site of Mersa/Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea coast in Egypt, that contained records of these expeditions to Punt, as well as; several man-made caves containing cargo boxes inscribed with the labels “wonderful things of Punt”; and well-preserved ship timbers and sailing equipment --all of which were securely dated to the first half of the 2nd millennium BC-- left no doubt that Mersa was the ancient port of Saww. The enormous outlay of effort and manpower needed to build ships on the Nile, dismantle them, and rebuild them on the red sea just to obtain Punt's goods attests to their high value, and the formidable threat that Kerma's control of the southern trade routes presented to Egypt.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-12-86964540) Most of the inscribed stela record the organization of the expeditions but include little information about the land of Punt, save for mentioning items Egypt exported to Punt including perfumed oils, cosmetics, personal ornaments and weapons.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-13-86964540) We therefore turn to the archeological evidence recovered from Mersa to determine the origin of the items from Punt. Besides the Egyptian ceramics, the assemblage at Mersa includes some ceramic fragments from various Neolithic cultures of the Eastern Sudan-Eritrea region including the Pan-grave culture (c.2000–1500 bc) from the Eastern Desert in Sudan, as well as the Gash group (c.2700–1800 bc) and the Jebel Mokram Group (c.1800–800 bc) cultures straddling the Sudan-Eritrea lowlands. The majority of non-Egyptian ceramics at Mersa however, were from classic Kerma and C-group in upper and lower Nubia, reflecting the political dominance of Kerma during the early 2nd millennium BC.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-14-86964540) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd9333c09-d0ff-4275-b5f3-94a033226334_1045x683.png) _**Middle kingdom materials from Mersa**_. On the left half; _**Cargo boxes in situ, coiled ropes for ship riggings**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-15-86964540), on the right half; _**Inscription on cargo box 21; “…of wonderful things of Punt, the royal scribe Djedy” with a cartouche of king Amenemhat IV**_.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-16-86964540) **Finding Egyptian materials in Punt: The Neolithic cultures of Eastern Sudan/Northern Eritrea.** According to Egyptian textual and iconographic sources, Punt was the southernmost region included in the commercial network of the Pharaonic state, and was regarded as a distinct country from the other southern regions within the Egyptian sphere of political and economic influence. In the New Kingdom era, Punt encompassed several districts, suggesting that its land included different regions broadly stretching along the Red Sea coast and the African hinterland.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-17-86964540) Using the textural references about the land of Punt given in Middle kingdom texts provides its approximate geographic location within the northern Horn of Africa region and possibly south-western Arabia. This region is where all the products that the Egyptians considered typical of Punt, such as aromatic resins (myrrh and frankincense), ebony, ivory, baboons and gold, could be actually obtained.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-18-86964540) Although the variety of these goods need not be limited to those available only from the country itself if the Puntites also acted as middlemen for goods from elsewhere.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-19-86964540) Isotopic analysis of Baboon mummies from Punt that were preserved in ancient Egyptian tombs conclusively placed the location of Punt in the northern horn of Africa[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-20-86964540). Beginning in the mid-3rd millennium BC, the lowlands of eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea were occupied by semi-sedentary pastoral groups that are identified in the archaeological record with the Gash Group (ca. 2700–1800 BC) and Jebel Mokram Group (ca. 1800 – 800 BC).[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-21-86964540) The Gash group shows all indicators of an emerging centralized state, with nucleated settlements such as its capital at Mahal Teglinos; elaborate elite burials surmounted by tall funerary steale; administrative devices including clay-seals ; monumental architecture including large mudbrick structures, and long distance trade with the red-sea coast and Nile valley.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-22-86964540) Jebel Mokram also appears to have been an incipient state with a large nucleated settlement at Jebel Abu Gamal, and possessed similar but less elaborated features as the Gash group, as well as ceramics produced in the nile valley.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-23-86964540) Several ancient Egyptian ceramics from the 11th-12th dynasty (early Middle Kingdom)[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-24-86964540) and a stela from the Middle Kingdom have been recovered from the assemblages of the Gash group capital of Mahal teglinos in all sequences from (c.2300-1800 bc). The presence of cowrie shells (Cyprea moneta) from the Red Sea, and two armlets made of Lambis shells, that were made in the Sinai region suggests that herders from the Gash delta frequented the Red sea coast, possibly the bay of Aqiq.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-25-86964540) After the collapse of the Gash group culture and the emergence of the Jebel Mokram group, Egyptian ceramics, faience objects and kohl sticks appear in the assemblage from many of its sites in the 2nd millennium BC, particularly important is the Egyptian pottery at the sites, that was made during the 18th dynasty (ie; New kingdom Egypt), reflecting the political changes in the Nile valley during this time.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-26-86964540) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff966a470-9147-465b-882e-881624c4d323_773x473.png) _**Stele field of Mahal Teglinos, Gash Group, Kassala, Eastern Sudan.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8b4a9946-9d00-4184-9b8b-aeff101177ba_958x582.png) (a)_**Faience bead necklace from a Gash Group tomb,**_ (b) _**Egyptian wheel-thrown pottery from Mahal Teglinos**_ (d) _**Bronze kohl stick**_, (e) _**bangles from Mahal Teglinos obtained from shells of Lambis truncata**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-27-86964540) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F76dce652-e20e-4aa1-99b6-1fdaddbc0b18_1341x571.png) _**Map showing the location of the various Neolithic cultures in Eastern sudan-Northern eritrea including; Butana Group (c. 3800–3000 BC), Gash Group (c. 2700–1500 BC) and Jebel Mokram Group (c. 1500–800 BC), and Hagiz group (1st millennium BC)**_[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-28-86964540) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F686aa935-695d-492f-982c-2c60c0c89e7e_722x541.png) _**Houses or Stores in Punt, Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari**_ **New Kingdom Egypt ‘s expeditions to “God’s Land”** Following a long series of wars with Kerma, the restored kingdom of Egypt (called the New kingdom) managed to subdue its southern foe; the kingdom of Kerma, and re-establish trade with Punt, beginning in the reign of 18th dynasty Queen Hatshepsut (1473-1458 BC.). The political impact of the re-establishment of trade with Punt after a long hiatus was closely tied to the unusual circumstance of her ascent and became an important legitimating device, leading the queen to “monumentalize” this event, as one of the political milestones of her reign through a decorative programmed at her funerary temple of Deir el-Bahri in Thebes, initiating a tradition that would continue until the 20th dynasty.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-29-86964540) For much of the New kingdom era, Egyptian expeditions to Punt were depicted in various Pharaonic temples and tombs, showing the people, dwellings, fauna and flora of Punt's countryside. The importance of Punt's aromatic products in Egyptian cosmology; in which they were considered as signs of favour of the gods towards the Pharaoh[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-30-86964540), also explains Punt's elevated position in New kingdom Egyptian iconography[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-31-86964540) and how it acquired a specific divine character as _**bi3w Pwnt,**_ translating to “marvelous”/”wonderous” Punt.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-32-86964540) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb0f0c780-8aec-4abc-a56f-7539feadc5d5_1163x544.png) _**King and Queen of Punt leading a procession of men bearing gifs,**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a6fd29a-b94b-413d-83a8-eb7e7ea13c5a_700x395.jpeg) _**Procession of Puntities led by their King and Queen, shown meeting an Egyptian trading party (on the right), Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fef77298a-fc80-4812-bcee-47007772d9b3_789x539.png) _**Men from Punt Transporting incense trees, Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F051c31f0-689e-4f7e-95f5-4d96a1e94eb4_800x450.png) _**Relief scene from Tomb-143 in Thebes, Depicting a trading encounter between a New Kingdom Egyptian trading expedition led by Thutmose II’s chief treasurer named Min (on the left) with traders from Punt (on the right) who arrived on rafts. This exchange most likely at a river-port rather than at a sea-port.**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-33-86964540) In contrast to the Middle Kingdom dependency on maritime trade routes, the New kingdom's control of trade routes in Upper Nubia enabled it to conduct over-land trade as well, which possibly terminated on the banks of the Nile at a riverport near Kurgus on the 4th cataract, where traders from Punt met those from Egypt. (although the latter occasionally travelled directly to Punt)[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-34-86964540) This switch from maritime to overland routes is reflected in the archeological record of the Gash group and Jebel Mokram sites, whereby the former often contained Egyptian objects that weren't common in upper Nubia, but the Jebel Mokram Group assemblages included not just Egyptian objects common in Upper Nubia, but also objects made in Nubia itself.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-35-86964540) Additionally, the contrast between the titles used to describe the ruler of Punt in the Middle kingdom texts, where they were called hekaw (ruler), versus in the New kingdom texts, where they are called werew (chieftain), may be also be inferred archeologically when comparing the more hierarchical/centralized nature of the Gash group compared to the Jebel Mokram group.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-36-86964540) The last expedition to Punt was sent by king Ramses III 1198-1167BC, one of the last strong rulers before the collapse of New kingdom Egypt, An inscription tells of galleys and barges returning from Punt, "laden with the products of God's land"[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-37-86964540). The Neolithic culture of Jebel Mokram outlasted New kingdom Egypt's decline, continuing to flourish in the early-mid 1st millennium BC around the time when the centralized state of D'Mt emerged to its south, becoming the new regional power and anteceding the rise of Aksum.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-38-86964540) **Conclusion: What Punt says about Ancient Egypt’s place in african History** The growing evidence for the emergence of social complexity in the northern horn of Africa in the 3rd millennium BC, reveals a much deeper connection of the region in the broad network of commercial and political relationships of North East Africa; supporting the longstanding hypothesis that the region of Eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea is identified with the Land of Punt or at least —a part of it. The essentialist nature in which ancient Egyptian descriptions and depictions of Punt are commonly interpreted reflects a general trend in Egyptology which often shows a blind spot in understanding Egypt's relationship with its neighbors. In particular, the continued reliance of 19th century racial theories in interpreting 4,000 year old artwork of foreign groups in ancient Egypt (such as the now-discredited "Dynastic race theory" in which Punt was supposedly the origin of Egypt's dynasties[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-39-86964540)) obscures a more critical interpretation of ancient Egyptians' own complex forms of self-depiction (eg the depiction of New kingdom Queen Ahmose Nefertari as "black"[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-40-86964540)) The people of Punt were depicted in the same reddish brown color the ancient Egyptians' used to depict themselves, not because Egyptian artists wanted to show that the Puntites shared the same "race" (a clearly anachronistic concept), nor was it even a realistic portrait of the country and its people,[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-41-86964540)Instead, just like the depictions of reddish-brown foreigners Aegeans from Greece, the Puntite foreigners' proximity to the Egyptian self-depiction was determined by Punt's role in legitimation of Pharaonic power and the importance of Punt's products in ancient Egyptian cosmology.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-42-86964540) Looking beyond the aura of mystery surrounding the "God's land" of ancient Egyptian lore, enables us to demystify the history Punt, and opens a new window into our understanding of early state development in the northern Horn of africa, and locating Egypt's place in African History. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5c8d5b19-4043-4ede-a16f-50076a5f25a1_672x480.jpeg) _**Sailing to punt**_ The **“Ancient Egyptian Race controversy”** is most divisive topic in modern Egyptology, in this article, i explore **ancient Egypt’s definition of “ethnicity”** and their relationship with the kingdoms and people of Nubia; [WERE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS BLACK?](https://www.patreon.com/posts/75102957?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb0b1328e-06cb-41d5-b64c-7d808cea4821_680x403.png) Read about the **Kingdom of Kerma**, the powerful southern neighbour of Egypt [THE ANCIENT STATE OF KERMA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/59674298) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F51fbfd24-cca7-438d-98d8-f76196930e60_996x540.png)

2022-11-27T15:01:03+00:00

a brief note on the history of Music in Africa

plus an overview of Ethiopian musical traditions

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-history-of-music

The continent of Africa is home to some of the oldest and most diverse range of musical traditions, instruments and performances in world history Evidence of music in Africa appears long before the emergence of complex societies and states. The stone age paintings of tassili n'Ajjer in southern Algeria, which was occupied during the green-Sahara period, include depictions of figures dancing and playing musical instruments that are dated to around 6,000-4,000 BC. In Eastern Africa, the earliest evidence of music appears in the rock art paintings from Kondoa in Tanzania dated to around 4,000-1,000BC, which include depictions of figures playing musical instruments. By the time the first states emerged in the Nile Valley, the northern Horn of Africa, and the West African Sahel, Music had become a salient feature of political and social in Africa. A combination of archeological evidence, oral traditions, and written sources attest to the broad range of instruments, dances and performances of music across much of the African continent, demonstrating the connection between music and other aspects of daily life. Representations of musicians and musical instruments abound in many African artworks, from the wall paintings of Ancient Kush and medieval Nubia, to the illustrated manuscripts of Ethiopia, to the sculptural art of the west African kingdoms of Ife and Benin. Processions of musicians and dancers populate the painted scenes on the temple walls in Kush and the monasteries of medieval Nubia, representations of musical instruments appear frequently in the vast corpus of sculptural art produced by the artists of Benin and ife, while manuscripts written by Ethiopian scribes include illustrations of biblical figures playing local musical instruments. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F49b0a35f-d87e-4a77-a3f9-4a4decb1a061_953x607.png) _**Painting depicting a dance scene, Kom H monastery, ca. 12th-14th century, Old Dongola, Sudan.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9e9cc185-c6fc-469f-9c8f-00328f4cef28_600x407.webp) _**18th century Illustration showing Mandinka dancers at a festival in Dramanet, Kingdom of Galam (upper Senegal River)**_ Written documents of poetry and songs in African societies date back to the earliest internal and external accounts about the continent since antiquity. From the musical manuscripts of Ethiopia to the written poetry of the Swahili coast and Islamic west Africa, these internal accounts document how music was conceived and transmitted by Africans in various contexts. External accounts written by classical writers such as Hanno, medieval Arab travelers like Ibn Battuta and later European explorers, leave little doubt about the centrality of Music to various African cultures. Increased interactions between various African regions and external societies brought together a diverse range of cultures and traditions, which were then dispersed by the African diaspora across parts of the Old world and the Americas. New music forms, instruments, and dances emerged as different societies interacted with one another, influencing their practices of religion, political institutions, cultural festivals and identities. Nowhere is this dynamism in Africa’s musical history more evident than in the musical traditions of Ethiopia. The 'Solomonic' state of Ethiopia which flourished from 1270-1974 was home to some of Africa's oldest music traditions and a unique notation system for recording music that is one of a few of its kind in the world. The musical history of Ethiopia is the subject of my latest Patreon article, **Please read more about it here:** [HISTORY OF MUSIC IN ETHIOPIA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-of-music-92740278) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe6044f50-dbd8-4659-bca7-80abd44ef424_662x1100.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb8821c4d-ce9d-4344-95b5-641a23feaeb4_612x390.jpeg) King Munza of the Mangbetu kingdom (in North-eastern D.R.C) dancing before his wives and courtiers in the royal hall. _**"every musical accompaniment to which the resources of the court could reach had all been summoned and here was a melee of gongs and kettle drums, timbres and trumpets, horns and bells, Dancing there in the midst of all, a wondrous sight was the king himself"**_ Georg August Schweinfurth, 1874

2023-11-12T16:25:14+00:00

A political history of the Kotoko city states (ca. 1000-1900)

Urbanism and state building in the lake chad basin..

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko

The parched floodplains of the lake chad basin were home to Africa's most enigmatic urban societies. Enclosed within monumental walls was a maze of palaces, towering fortresses, flat-roofed houses, and vibrant markets intersected by narrow streets. The cities of Kotoko were organized into state-level societies in which urbanism played an essential role. Situated at the center of regional exchange systems but on the frontier of expansionist empires, the city states flourished within a contested political environment. This article outlines the history of the Kotoko city-states. Beginning with the emergence of the oldest urban state at Houlouf, to the consolidation of the cities under the kingdom of Logone. _**Map of the Lake chad basin in the 16th century showing the location of the Kotoko city-states.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-1-104848619)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0aaf01bb-9310-4092-bca9-2211836716db_1192x628.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The early history of Kotoko: from incipient states to the Houlouf chiefdom** The south-eastern margins of lake chad were settled by speakers of Central Chadic languages around the early 2nd millennium BC and established a number of Neolithic settlements and incipient states. Among these were speakers of the proto-Kotoko language who occupied the floodplains of the Logone river basin.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-2-104848619) The earliest settlements along the Logone river are dated to the Deguesse Phase which begun in 1900BC to the turn of the common era. The region was home to mobile herders who set up semi-permanent pastoral camps at Deguesse and Krenak that were contemporaneous with the Gajigana Neolithic on the western shores of the lake.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-3-104848619) In the succeeding Krenak and Mishiskwa settlement phases that ended around 1000 AD, the iron-age settlements at the sites of Deguesse, Krenak and Houlouf grew into autonomous self-sustaining communities, and later into the centers of small polities. They had a mixed agro-pastoral economy, with access of aquatic resources of the logone delta.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-4-104848619) The site of Houlouf became the largest among the urban clusters of the Ble phase (1000-1400 CE) when a 16-hectare earthen rampart was built around it. The emerging urban settlement at Houlouf became the capital of local chiefdom, following a period of increased warfare due to peer-polity competition among the small polities, and the formation of a "warrior-horsemen" class, which necessitated the construction of defensive walls. As a major political center of substantial polity, Houlouf had a rich royal cemetery, a large palace and an extensive city wall.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-5-104848619) At its height in the 16th century the Houlouf polity had a hierarchical political system headed by a chieftain (_**Mra**_/Sultan), and a diverse political system of elite groups comprising administrators and tribute collectors such as the chief of the land (_**galadima**_), military heads for horsemen and archers, and ritual specialists for religious events and rites. These were organized into factions that also controlled access to long-distance luxury goods obtained from regional markets and across the Sahara.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-6-104848619) The city of Houlouf is the most likely candidate for the city of Quamaco/Quamoco mentioned by the 16th century geographer Lorenzo d'Anania. His informant on the trade routes of the lake chad basin wrote that, “_**at Quamaco, there is a great traffic of iron that is carried from Mandrà \[Mandara\]"**_ —Mandara being the kingdom in northern Cameroon, thus placing Quamaco south of lake chad in Kotoko country. [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-7-104848619) The capital of Houlouf was a large urban settlement, divided into six quarters each with a gate named after the different rulers of the chiefdom. It domestic space was built with the typical rectangular mud-brick houses with flat roofs, organized into walled compounds within the city quarters.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-8-104848619) It had a substantial crafts industry that included cloth production and dyeing, metallurgy and smithing, fish processing, as well as salt mining and trade.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-9-104848619) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3e99815f-e5c4-483a-ac04-db57446f989a_466x566.png) _**The ramparts of Houlouf, ca 1930,**_ photo by A. Holl [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f921595-1cdb-43ef-9e84-d7b0e858db91_495x653.png) _**Holouf cemetery and a copper-alloy figurine of a horseman, 11th-15th century,**_ photos by A. Holl **The Kotoko city-states.** All across the Logone river basin, city-states emerged whose political trajectory mirrored that of Holouf; beginning as small walled communities and growing into the walled capitals of autonomous chiefdoms. Like Holouf, they were predominantly settled by Kotoko/Lagwan speakers of Chadic languages, although each spoke a different dialect.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-10-104848619) They had a mixed agro-pastoral and fishing economy with a substantial crafts industry, and were marginally engaged in long distance trade both regionally and across the sahara. More than 20 Kotoko city-states are known from this period, including Logone-Birni, Waza, Zgague, Zgue, Djilbe, Tilde, Kala-Kafra, and Kabe as well as; Goulfey, Makari, Afade, Maltam, Kusseri, Sao, Woulki, Waza, Midigué, Tago, Gawi, Amkoundjo, and Messo. [11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-11-104848619) The biggest of these Kotoko cities are mentioned by both the 16th century Bornu scholar Ibn Furtu and the Italian geographer Lorenzo d'Anania. For the latter's account in particular; the best known cities include; Makari (Macari) , Gulfey (Calfe) , Afade (Afadena) , Wulki (Ulchi) , Kusseri (Uncusciuri) , Sao (Sauo) and Logone (Lagone).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-12-104848619) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5c81b828-de1c-427d-8101-95e294fc888e_1012x603.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9b2434c7-efa6-4578-b484-b400f0631ea0_811x605.png) _**Aerial photo of Gulfey, and the mosque of Kusseri in the early 20th century,**_ quai branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fce494998-1ec4-40c9-a35b-e718ebecf31d_1350x534.png) _**Walled sections of Afade and Wulki, 1936,**_ quai branly **Kotoko cities between the empire of Bornu and the emergence of the Logone kingdom (16th century-18th century)** Begining in the 16th century, the social and political landscape of south-eastern chad was profoundly altered by the expansion of the state of Bornu and the arrival of nomadic shuwa-Arab pastoralists. The Bornu empire had been active in the south-eastern chad region since the mid-16th century. In the 1560s, Mai Idris Alooma's armies campaigned in the region as part of Bornu's attempt to retake control of the region east of lake Chad. Bornu's armies only reached the northern Kotoko cities, capturing the ruler of Kusuri (Kusseri) whose chiefdom was turned into a vassal, and sacking the city of Sabalgutu.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-13-104848619) The threat posed by Bornu empire resulted in the formation of two main confederations. The northern cities were under the ruler of Makari, who is reported to have joined the Bornu armies in campaigning directed against other polities on the frontiers of Bornu. While the southern city-states were under the ruler Logone. It's during this period that Houlouf was subsumed under the expanding kingdom centered at Logone along with the first eight city-states listed above.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-14-104848619) Its through this process of political consolidation that the two major dialects of Makari and Lagwan (Logone) were created, with the former spoken in the northern cities, while the latter was spoken in the southern cities. But since the northern cities were often under the suzerainty of Bornu, both the language and the independent southern kingdom were commonly known in external accounts as Kotoko, following the exonymous term "Katakuwā" used in Bornu.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-15-104848619) Conversely the nomadic Shuwa-Arab groups became subordinate to the Kotoko kingdom in a broad range of tribute payments where they submitted pastoral products to the rulers of Kotoko city-states in exchange for grazing rights. This subordinate relationship between the Shuwa Arabs and the various kingdoms of the Sahel belt is also attested in the neighboring states of Bornu, Bargimi, Wadai, and Darfur.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-16-104848619) The pre-existing social-political institutions of Holouf were maintained by the Logone rulers who left Holouf as a nearly autonomous vassal. According to the traditions about the expansion of Logone, the process of subsuming the neighboring city-states (especially Holouf and Kabe) involved a complex series of matrimonial alliances and diplomacy rather than outright military conquest.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-17-104848619) The government at Logone was headed by the King and a state council of hereditary officials below which were numerous elites in a complex inflationary title system. The council was in charge of administration and policy, and it comprised high-ranking officials in the city and regional chiefs such as the pre-existing rulers of Holouf and other city-states. There was a permanent body of army officials led by the _Mra Zina_ who was in charge of warfare, and an elaborate palace institution where subordinate chiefs were required to send their princes to the Logone palace to be raised by the king.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-18-104848619) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc7e295e-76bc-403d-a6e0-00627a314c91_748x507.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F39015c6d-baa7-4a69-980b-5663cd27b774_782x490.png) _**The palaces at Logone-birni, and Gulfey**_ **Kotoko cities in the 19th century: Trade, warfare and colonization.** Besides the traditional economic activities and exchanges involving agricultural, pastoral and marine products, the kingdom at Logone had a substantial textile industry inherited from the pre-existing polities it had subsumed. Cloth dyeing was a significant economic activity especially for the production of the tobe; a large prestige garment that was tinted with a shining black or blue color, and found high demand in Bornu.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-19-104848619) The city of Logone was visited by Major Denham in 1824 and by Heinrich Barth in 1852. Denham described the characteristic walled cities of Kotoko including Alph (Houlouf) and Kussery (Kusseri) as ruled by sultans that were at the time mostly independent of both Bornu and its emerging southern neighbor Bagirmi. Denham describes Logone (Loggun) as the capital of a large kingdom, it had a population of about 15,000 Kotoko speakers surrounded by countless shuwa-Arab dependents, and was neutral of the wars between Bornu and Bagirmi. The city had a vibrant cloth-making industry (with almost every house having a weaving loom), a busy market for regional and long-distance trade items that were exchanged using local metal currency. [20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-20-104848619) In between Denham and Barth's visit, probably around 1830, Logone became a tributary of Bornu, paying a token tribute of 100 tobes and 10 captives to the Bornu ruler. Barth's account mentions the presence of Kotoko traders from Makari, Gulfeil, Kusseri, and Logone in the trading city of Angornu in Bornu, who exchanged dyed tobes for alloyed copper.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-21-104848619) By the 1870s, Kotoko confederations had grown into significant regional powers. The explorer Gustav Nachitgal describes the Kotoko cities as well built urban settlements that were relatively populous, with Kala Kafra's population at 6,000, Alph (Houlouf) at 7,000, and logon (Logone) at 12-15,000. Sultan Ma'aruf, the ruler of Logon at the time, was under the suzerainty of Bornu's ruler sheikh Omar (Umar I r. 1837-1881) in alliance with Makari, against the Bagirmi ruler Abd ar-Rahman II (r. 1870-1871) who was allied to Goulfey, Kusseri, and Wulki. The entire kingdom centered at Logone was estimated to cover about 8,000 sqkm comprising of several walled cities and towns of about 5,000 inhabitants for a total population of 250,000. Gustav observed that Logone’s urban population _**"devote themselves diligently to farming, fishing and industry"**_ describing their vibrant cloth-dyeing industry, construction, and boat-building. [22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-22-104848619) Over the late 19th century, the emergence of new expansionist states which greatly reduced the autonomy of the Kotoko cities. While the threat of Bagirmi was reduced by the southern expansion of the Wadai kingdom, the decline of Bornu enabled the ascendance of the warlord Rabeh, who carved up his own state based at Dikwa. Rabeh's forces occupied Kusseri and Logone in 1893, on his way to conquering Bornu. He established a short-lived state before he was ultimately defeated by the French in 1900.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-23-104848619) The Kotoko city-states remained a contested territory within the German and French spheres but ultimately fell to the latter in the early 20th century. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd19666de-47bb-42ad-907b-90023c70795c_692x585.png) _**Aerial view of Logone-Birni, 1936,**_ quai branly The kingdom of Kush in ancient Nubia was home to one of the world’s oldest and most dynamic religions. **The pantheon of Kush boasts dozens of gods and goddesses, many of which were Nubian in origin**. [GODS OF THE NILE: NUBIA'S PANTHEON](https://www.patreon.com/posts/78797811) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe720cdad-cbd0-408f-9a7f-362c6adc0571_600x1200.jpeg)

2023-02-26T13:20:14+00:00

Voices of Africa's past: a brief note on the autobiographies of itinerant scholars.

an african description of turn-of-the-century Europe.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/voices-of-africas-past-a-brief-note

Among the most significant works of African literature produced during the pre-colonial era were the autobiographies of itinerant scholars which included descriptions of important social institutions and recorded key events in the continent’s history. The autobiography of the Hausa ethnographer [Umaru al-Kanawi contains one of the most detailed first-hand accounts of the education system of Islamic West Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship) during the 19th century. al-Kanawi’s detailed account includes the amount of tuition paid to teachers, the length of time spent at each level of learning, as well as the core curriculum and textbooks used by students across the region. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3433cf80-771d-45b9-ad9a-0d7364458ef3_1320x611.png) _**"al-Sarha al-wariqa fi'ilm al-wathiqa"**_ (_The thornless leafy tree concerning the knowledge of letter writing_), by Umaru al-Kanawi. ca. 1877, Kaduna National Archives, Nigeria. The autobiography of the [17th-century Ethiopian philosopher Zara Yacob](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-radical-philosophy-of-the-hatata) provides a first-hand account of the social upheaval in the kingdom brought about by the presence of Portuguese priests and their Catholic converts at the capital. Zara Yacob describes the ideological conflicts between the various political and religious factions, which influenced his radical philosophy that rejected received wisdom in favor of rational proofs. The autobiography of [the 18th-century Katsina Mathematician Muhammad al-Kashnāwī](https://www.patreon.com/posts/102321250?pr=true) includes important information on the scholars who taught him in West Africa before his career as a teacher at the Egyptian College of al-Azhar. The Mathematician lists at least five of his West African teachers whose level of scholarship and intellectual influence contradicts [the colonial myth of sub-Saharan Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F684782ec-ab09-4bbd-b247-62ef1f471db4_820x376.png) _Folios from a copy of Muhammad al-Kashnāwī's mathematical treatise, titled **'Bahjat al- āfāq',** completed on 29th, January 1733_. Bibliothèque nationale de France . The careers of many African scholars often involved traveling between different cities and regions in their capacity as teachers, merchants, or diplomatic liaisons. Umaru al-Kanawi's account documents the conduct of trade along the complex commercial networks that linked the Asante kingdom (in modern Ghana) to the Sokoto empire (in northern Nigeria). Zara Yacob’s description of his flight from Aksum through various localities until the town of Emfraz is a precious first-hand account of asceticism in Gondarine Ethiopia. The travelogue of Muhammad al-Kashnāwī provides one of the earliest internal accounts documenting the journey of West African pilgrims to the cities of the Hejaz. The autobiographies of Africa's itinerant scholars therefore constitute important sources of Africa's past. In the second half of the 19th century, the emergence of scholarly communities in the East African kingdom of Buganda led to the production of some of the most remarkable accounts documenting the voices of Africa's past. In the late 19th century, one of the kingdom's most prolific scholars, Ham Mukasa, wrote an autobiography that documents many key events in the kingdom's history. He also wrote a lengthy travelogue of his journey to England in 1902, describing the various societies and peoples he met along the way in meticulous detail: from the Somali boatmen of Yemen, to the mistreatment of Jewish traders, to the "shameful" dances of the Europeans, to the coronation of king Edward, to medieval torture devices. He met with the Ethiopian envoy Ras Mokonnen, the Chinese prince Chun Zaifeng, the Lozi king Lewanika from Zambia, and Prince Ali of Zanzibar. **The autobiography of Ham Mukasa and his travelogue describing turn-of-the-century Europe are the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **please subscribe to read about it here:** [AN AFRICAN DESCRIPTION OF EUROPE IN 1902](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4b1cd8d4-9ddf-4f10-ad97-250242adf41a_680x1032.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9c545789-a066-4b91-9850-c7757eca066d_600x456.png) _**Timbuktu, Mali, ca. 1895**_, Archives nationales d'outre-mer.

2024-06-23T16:44:47+00:00

a brief note on the African exploration of the Old world

plus: the African discovery of north-western Europe.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-african-exploration

Africans have been travelling and exploring the world beyond their continent since antiquity. Documentation of the African presence outside the continent begun as soon as the kingdom of Kush expanded into western Asia in the 7th century BC, and would continue into the early centuries of the common era when Kushite envoys were a regular presence in eastern Rome. In the suceeding period, African travelers from across many parts of the continent reached the [Arabian penisula](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora), explored the [Indian subcontinent](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia), and [travelled to as far as China](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true). The rulers of Aksum and Ethiopia sent their embassies and merchants across the western Indian ocean, the city-states of the Swahili coast established contacts with India and China, and West African royals and scholars created disporic communities in Arabia and Jerusalem. While the African presence in Asia is better documented, African journeys into Europe also occurred fairly regulary since the early 1st millennium. African royals, students and pilgrims from the kingdoms of Nubia and Ethiopia explored the capitals and pilgrimage sites of Eastern and Southern Europe. [West African scholars and mercenaries visited Islamic Spain](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82902179), and a few joined their North-African peers to create [an African kingdom in southern Italy](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87931499). After the fall of the Byzantines, African embassies and scholars from as far as Mali to Bornu and Chad begun making an appearance at the Ottoman capital Istanbul. By the early modern era, the presence of African travelers in southern Europe was far from a novelty. Gradually, the journeys of African travelers took them beyond the more familiar regions of southern Europe and into the lesser known societies of north-western Europe. Travelling across the Alps and the northern Atlantic, Africans of varying statuses, including envoys, scholars and students, arrived in the capitals of north-western European kingdoms of Britain, France, the Holy Roman Empire and the low countries. **The history of African exploration and discovery of North-western Europe is the subject of my latest Patreon article**; Read about it here: [AFRICAN EXPLORATION OF N.W EUROPE](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F57a5510b-e64d-4fe9-ba1d-a9ca25821b01_613x1202.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F36fd6d36-0984-4c06-bdaf-c748814bf7a5_729x486.png) Detail of a Westminster Tournament Roll from 1511, showing an African trumpeter named John Blanke, who was active at the court of King Henry VIII in Tudor England.

2023-09-16T16:31:14+00:00

a brief note on the ancient Herders and Foragers of South Africa.

a social history of the KhoiKhoi community (2000BP - 1880)

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-ancient-herders

At the start of the common era, much of southwestern Africa was populated by an ancient group of foragers and herders collectively known as the Khoe-San; a diverse community that is often divided into the hunter-gatherers (San) and herder (Khoekhoe) populations. The Khoe-San have a complex and enigmatic history that spans thousands of years and isn’t well recorded, but recent advances in archeological, linguistic, and genetic research have begun to clarify their history. Popular historiography of southern Africa is often biased in favor of the more complex societies established by sedentary farmers, as is often the case for most of the world. In this region, such states are often associated with the sedentary Bantu-speaking agro-pastoralists in south-eastern Africa, such as [the Zulu kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history) and [the Swazi Kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-swazi-kingdom-and-its-neighbours). While the history of the later periods largely focuses on these kingdoms’ interactions with the colonial states founded by the Dutch and British settlers, which were also predominantly farming societies. Scholars who perpetuate this bias unknowingly legitimize the myth of the 'empty land' which served as the main rationale for colonial expansion. In this historically inaccurate but politically convenient myth, the nomadic Khoe-san communities supposedly did not utilize the land they lived on, and it was thus left vacant for European expansion and settlement. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F772b8ad3-6297-410d-a8c2-9d81eee6cf60_752x551.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fde0e86ad-18ea-4106-b044-19196071be90_1234x463.png) _**Narudas ruins in Namibia, built by the Nama-speaking Khoe-San.**_ Parallel to this myth was the claim that the kingdoms dominated by the Bantu-speaking sedentarists (whom the Europeans considered to be utilizing their land) were supposedly recent arrivals in the 18th and 19th centuries. The colonialists thus legitimized their expansion by claiming to be protecting the rights of the ‘indigenous’ Khoe-San communities —the very same groups whom they were displacing. At the heart of this myth is the notion that only large, sedentary communities organized as kingdoms possessed the capacity to utilize the land they lived on, and that the nomadic Khoe-San populations were too small to utilize their land, nor form complex societies that could defend their claims. But like all colonial myths, this falsity isn't grounded in the historical realities of the Khoe-San. When European ships landed on the South African coast in November 1497, their leader, Vasco Da Gama, found the Khoe-San living along the shores of the Atlantic. He quickly learned that the Khoe-San didn't take kindly to strangers who took their resources without permission when an initially peaceful encounter turned violent and he was chased back to his ship by the Khoe-San. In 1510, his successor, Francisco de Almeida was killed in battle with the Khoe warriors, along with 50 of his crew, after they had invaded a coastal community of the Khoe-San and kidnapped some of their children. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5070d310-08bc-4fb7-99be-cc0afa16c173_622x446.jpeg) _**Death of Francisco d’Almeida, engraving by Pieter van der Aa, ca 1700.**_ In the background is a Khoe-San settlement. In the succeeding centuries, Khoe-San communities fought a seemingly never-ending series of wars against waves of colonial invasions by the Dutch and later by the British. Some of the Khoe-San succeeded in establishing much larger and more complex societies across southern Africa, including [Namibia's oldest town at khauxanas](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa), and several constitutional monarchies in South Africa that would last until the 1870s. My latest Patreon article focuses on the history of the Khoe community of South Africa, from its earliest appearance in the archeological record around 2,000 years ago to the collapse of the last independent Khoe kingdom in 1880. **Please subscribe and read more about it here:** [SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE KHOIKHOI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/social-history-96031188) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ed5c2bd-8f56-4409-b272-101ff4ce2e9c_669x1203.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a1da911-e734-4d1a-8d08-8fedd8a3bc30_600x343.png) _**18th-century drawing of a village in the Khoe Kingdom of Gonaqua,**_ by François le Vaillant

2024-01-07T16:17:33+00:00

Self-representation in African art: the wall paintings of medieval Nubia. (ca. 700-1400)

an African portrait of an African society

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art

Many of the representations of Africans in popular art history were made by non-Africans, such as the landmark publication series, _'The Image of the Black in Western Art'_ which contains thousands of images of Africans drawn by artists living outside the continent. However, most of these artists' representation of Africans reflect an external perspective of African society that doesn't capture authentic African forms of self-representation. The region of ancient Nubia in what is now northern Sudan was home to some of Africa's oldest art traditions. African artists in the kingdoms of Kerma and Kush, adorned the walls of their temples with paintings of various personalities across Nubian society, from royals to priests to subjects. After the fall of Kush, the kingdom of Makuria dominated medieval Nubia and developed its own art traditions. Makuria's artists created one of Africa's largest corpus of wall paintings depicting Africans from across the kingdom's social hierarchy. This unique collection of African self-representation provides us with an internal perspective of how Africans perceived their own society. From the paintings of royals and clergy to common subjects, the wall paintings of Makuria are a portrait of a medieval African society as drawn by an African. This article outlines the history of African self-representation in the wall paintings of medieval Nubia. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9d5f9d1-6e25-4dc0-8e87-59fb95cbe648_453x589.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Brief history on the foundation of Nubian art traditions** Beginning in the 8th century, the kingdom of Makuria developed a dynamic art tradition in the form of vibrant murals which adorned the walls of ecclesiastical buildings. The number of paintings varied according to the size and the religious and political importance of the buildings, and many of the painted scenes located in specific places in the churches and monasteries bear witness to the existence of a basic iconographic program followed by Nubian artists.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-1-127386816) Nubian artists relied in part on iconographic models from the eastern Mediterranean world. These basic models which were widely used throughout the Christian world, were adopted in Nubia during the mid-1st millennium and subsequently modified in the development of local art styles. Arguably the most influential iconographic models during the early centuries of the development of Nubian Christian art came from the Byzantine empire, with which the region was in close contact.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-2-127386816) Recent archeological research indicates that the initial adoption of Christianity by the royal courts of Nubia (Noubadia, Makuria and Alwa) was a protracted process involving the gradual integration of the region into the Mediterranean world[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-3-127386816). On the other hand, external accounts explain that Nubia’s Christianization was the result of a competition between the orthodox Byzantine Emperor Justinian and his miaphysite wife Theodora. A priest named Julian who'd been sent by Theodora, reached Nobadia first, then the king of Alwa sent an embassy to Nobadia requesting that Noubadia sends a priest to the southern kingdom. A bishop named Longinus eventually reached Alwa after some difficulty crossing Makuria. The adoption of Christianity in Makuria on the other hand, was a result of an embassy that the kingdom had sent to Constantinople in the reign of Justin II.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-4-127386816) Around the 7th century, the northern kingdoms of Noubadia and Makuria united both their governments and their churches, with Makuria becoming miaphysite. Byzantine Egypt was conquered by the Arabs, which cuts off direct relations between Constantinople and Makuria’s capital Old Dongola, but also closely ties the latter with the seat of the miaphysite/coptic church in Alexandria and the churches of Upper Egypt.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-5-127386816) Beginning in the 8th century, the spread of Christianity across Makuria is a result of the Nubian church, its priests and the royals. The kings of Makuria retain significant influence over the organization of the church, from its archbishops to the rest of the clergy who are often selected by the King at Old Dongola from local monasteries and were of Nubian origin. Churches in Noubadia are rebuilt in Makurian style by local architects such as the cathedral of Faras, and their walls are painted by local artists with various saintly and political figures, in an iconographic program that appears across all Makurian churches.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-6-127386816) The Makurian church became more “naturalized” beginning in the 10th century and by the 11th century, a marriage alliance between the royal families of Makuria and Alwa resulted in the unification of the two states into the kingdom of Dotawo. The same period sees an indigenization of Nubian church and court practices. This includes the widespread introduction of religious texts and documentary forms written in an indigenous Old Nubian script and the adoption of new royal regalia in preference to the older Byzantine styles. These changes are also reflected in the wall paintings of the churches across the region of Makuria, with the innovation of new art styles, and the invention of new motifs and forms of self-representation.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-7-127386816) **Basics of Nubian wall painting** Paintings of royals figures are the most commonly attested among Nubian self-representations, followed by depictions of the church elite. However, many of the painted figures in Nubian art also included divine Christian figures such as the Trinity, angels and saints, and while many of these were initially based on Byzantine and Coptic models, they acquired a distinctly Nubian character based on the requirements of Nubian court ceremonies and their perception of the heavenly court[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-8-127386816). Depictions of the Trinity, the Archangels and the Nubian saint Anna are based on local religious traditions.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-9-127386816) But the initial use of Byzantine art styles may explain why saints continued to be depicted as “colorless” while the portraits of (living) Nubians and(non-Nubian) biblical figures were depicted with a dark-brown complexion[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-10-127386816). For example, biblical figures such as the Magi (three wise men) and the shepherds from the nativity story, and other characters like Tobias are depicted as Nubians.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-11-127386816) Nubian art tended towards stylization and ornamentalism, in which images were essentially reduced to the attributes of the depicted archetype. Actual physical distinctions of individual figures weren't supposed to be portrayed as only general types were preferred. As a result, facial features and parts of the body are relatively 'synthetic', being based on specific models used by the different groups of artists from the same workshops.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-12-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F80deefb0-2b18-49ea-a50f-8f9b412232eb_970x524.png) _**Detail of the 10th century nativity scene at Faras depicting the Magi on horseback**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61195071-2678-47af-a684-b697a407b71f_864x602.png) _**Detail of Nativity scenes from Kom H monastery at Old Dongola, showing the Magi (top left) and shepherds**_, photos by Małgorzata Martens-Czarnecka [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Representing Royals in Nubian art: Protection scenes, Symbols of power and Regalia** Among the most common paitings of royal figures in Nubian art were the ‘protection’ scenes, in which royals such as Kings, Queen Mothers, princes and princesses are depicted under the protection of holy figures. Although this type of representation had its precursors both in early Byzantine designs, it was greatly transformed in Nubia art where it became a particularly popular theme of murals from the ninth century up to the 14th century[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-13-127386816). While portraying kings in the church interiors was relatively common in Byzantine art, representations of the ruler in the area of the sanctuary were extremely rare. On the other hand, the Nubian type of the official royal portrait in the apse of the Church represents a new innovation.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-14-127386816) Scenes depicting Nubian dignitaries protected by saints do not feature in the mural programs prior to the 9th-10th century when the oldest surviving examples of protection scenes of royals were found in the Cathedral of Faras and are first attested.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-15-127386816) These official representations mainly portray Nubian dignitaries under the protection of the Trinity, angels or saints, by depicting the latter standing behind or beside the royal, with their hands touching the shoulder of the royal. Such portraiture developed into an iconographic type that became popular in the wall decoration of Nubian Churches.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-16-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc2aa3423-2a0f-49f8-a7f4-7eba2098eb86_967x1220.png) _**14th century painting from Church NB.2.2 in Dongola depicting a Makurian king under the protection of Christ and two archangels, Michael and Raphael**_. photo by W. Godlewski [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F43c9e8bd-66da-4528-aca4-1f1d5b38d66e_898x566.png) _**Portraits of King Georgios II and King Raphael, from the Church of Sonqi Tino, now at the Sudan National Museum.**_[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-17-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc4e28394-207e-4748-8889-1a6698cdec06_936x552.png) _**11th century paiting of a Nubian king under the holy patronage of an archangel, surrounded by Apostles.**_ Chapel 3, Banganarti.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-18-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F80ed47b1-49a6-4d09-9680-4ec567f3590d_375x578.png) _**14th century mural of a Nubian royal protected by Christ, from Faras Cathedral now in the National Museum in Warsaw**_ These protection scenes played an important role in the expression of royal ideology in the iconographic program of the churches. the Nubian ruler, who is depicted under the protection of the Archangel and/or the Apostles, becomes the main figure of the composition under heavenly protection.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-19-127386816) Such Portraits of individuals protected by divine figures can also be regarded also as private expressions of piety. In a symbolic way, the ruler transformed his mortal body into a visual representation. In consequence, the painting becomes not only a medium between image and viewer but also a perfect manifestation of the person’s individual existence as his eternal life in heaven.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-20-127386816) The kings are also depicted wearing the symbols of royal power in Makuria. These include the horned crown often surmounted by a cross on top, a scepter surmounted by a cross or a figure of Christ, and they are shown wearing rich robes that signify their authority. Makurian crowns are of diverse types and were based on a combination of Nubian and Byzantine styles, most of these crowns were worn by Kings but a few appear to have belonged to eparchs and other subordinate officials (although this distinction is still debated).[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-21-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd83b926e-daea-4b7a-9575-243c656a7a8e_1074x530.png) _**12th century portrait of a King in Chapel 2 of Banganarti, the so called Eparch from Abd-el-Gadir Church**_, now at National Museum of Sudan, Khartoum. The royal portraits also display another aspect of Nubian self-representation with regards to the clothes worn by the people of Nubia and the Makurian royal fashion. A comparative study of the royal costumes can be divided into two major groups: with early paintings often depicting kings dressed in clothes similar to Byzantine emperors whereas in later paitings, the kings' garments are worn in a Nubian fashion.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-22-127386816) The clothes worn by the 9th-10th century kings; Zacharias III and Georgios II are the most similar to Byzantine imperial attire. The king are depicted wearing a long dress tied with a belt and a cloak which covers his shoulders and left arm. But while Byzantine art differentiates the emperor from the other figures in the paiting using attributes like the crown and the richness of his clothing, In Nubian royal iconography, the costume, like the attributes, is worn only by the king.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-23-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff7d7e919-9d29-42cf-a05c-9dcf7465838e_821x567.png) _**9th-10th century painting of King Zacharias III from Faras**_ now at the Poland National Museum_**, and King Georgios II from Sonqi Tino,**_ now at the Sudan National Museum. However, beginning in the 11th-12th century, there was a noticeable evolution of the royal attire in Nubian royal portraits. The king's costume is still comprised of a combined dress and cloak attire, but arranged and styled differently. The kings' dress is often depicted with two sleeves on the wrist and arm, and the whole costume is decorated with geometric motifs. The cloaks are worn diagonally across the torso, folded on one shoulder with the cloak-tail being wrapped around the arm. The king also wears a second dress; in contrast to the portraits of the first group. It appears at the ankles under the “outer” dress, its edges are white, either straight or pleated.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-24-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6783dbef-7b92-4777-9364-7657a210c74d_350x530.png) _**10th century painting of an unidentified king in the Nativity scene at Faras, now in the Sudan National Museum**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd7c6af1b-56ba-4a5f-9dd8-0c363aa08263_746x560.png) _**12th century painting of King David, in the southern wall of Chapel 1 at Banganarti**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-25-127386816) There are also a number of murals depicting high ranking royal figures, often standing alone. Some of these come from the church of Banganarti which was a pilgrimage site that included a sanctuary dedicated to the reigning King. The painting of an unamed royal/hegemon at Banganarti depicts him wearing a horned crown like the Nubian kings but holding a plain stick in the right hand instead of a sceptre.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-26-127386816) A few other paintings of royals come from the Church of Raphael in Old Dongola, where two royals are depicted, one of whom is named Abakuri. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F014386ce-bb4f-40c6-bc65-849826d23b17_943x605.png) _**11th century paiting of a Nubian dignitary ( hegemon ?) on the eastern wall of Room 20, Banganarti.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F010ceaae-402d-487d-bf8f-5b5f91455f6c_802x704.png) _**8th-9th century paintings, Representations of members of the royal court in the southeastern part of the naos of the Church of Raphael in Old Dongola.**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-27-127386816) Besides the portraits of the male royals were depictions of prominent women in the Makurian royal court such as Queen mothers and princesses. In the northern nave of the Faras Cathedral, a group of paintings has been identified as representations of the mothers of the kings. This identification was based on the legend accompanying one of these representations, which describes a woman portrayed as a ‘_Martha, Mother of the King_’ and the similarities of the iconographic features of this painting with other female portraits across the kingdom. Like the depictions of kings, depictions of royal women in Nubian art are closely associated with the ecclesiastical paintings of Nubian female saints, the most prominent of whom was the Virgin Mary.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-28-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F786000a5-519d-46aa-b09e-9755e1a78c5a_736x1189.jpeg) _**11th century painting of The Queen mother (left) protected by the Virgin Mary and child (right) from the Petros Cathedral at Faras, Sudan National Museum**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5fa5ef9f-de99-403e-a541-9c17f3899a14_219x623.png) _**12th century painting of a Makurian princess under the protection of the virgin Mary, Faras cathedral**_ Depictions of Makurian women reveal more aspects of Nubian self-representation that reflect medieval Makuria’s social structure. The office of King Mother is well attested across the history of ancient and medieval Nubia including in the kingdom of Makuria. Nubian women enjoyed a relatively high social and economic status, they owned churches as patrons, they commissioned wall paintings, and owned property. Besides the office of the Queen Mother, an inscription from Faras also shows that some were deaconesses, making them prestigious members of the clerical staff of the Nubian church.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-29-127386816) Both the office and the representations of Queen Mothers in Nubian art have no equivalent in the Byzantine Empire nor in Coptic Egypt. Nubian depictions of royal women thus constitute a unique official iconographical program that depicted an unconventional ‘succession’ line: from Mary – mother of Christ, to the Mother of the King. By setting the image of the holy mothers and of the kings’ mothers beside each other, a parallel between the queen mother and the Virgin Mary is created: just as Mary was the mother of Christ, the Queen mother was the mother of a future Makurian ruler, Christ’s deputy on earth. It can thus be inferred from the special role of the king and his mother in the mural decoration of Nubian churches that this iconographical custom mirrored a specific social reality in Makuria.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-30-127386816) **Representing Ecclesiastical figures in Nubian art** The institution of the Church in Makuria was closely associated with “secular” authority at the Royal court. Some of the most prominent Nubian Church leaders such as the 11th century Archbishop Georgios were of royal birth, other bishops such as Marianos had royal ambitions. Church officials in Makuria commissioned paintings, contributed to the construction of churches and monasteries, owned property and engaged in political and religious matters within the kingdom and with its foreign partners.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-31-127386816) Like the royals, the Nubia clergy were also represented under the protection of saints and holy figures, but were more often depicted alone. They are shown holding items that indicate their office such as headdresses with crosses, long staffs terminating in a cross, gospel books, and censers. These ecclesiastical garmets and symbols of authority were often adopted by the wider Eastern Christian world, with which Makuria closely interacted. For example, staffs were not common parts of the Makurian episcopal garments, as they don't appear in some of the paitings of bishops, the item was likely based on early representations of monastic saints in 6th century Egypt. Depictions of Books on the other hand, would have been based on gospel books that were commonly composed within Nubia itself.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-32-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3a007797-8a7a-48d6-8657-446dcdf75aeb_359x580.jpeg) _**12th century painting of Bishop Georgios of Faras protected by the virgin Mary and Christ**_ (upper left corner)_**, Sudan National Museum, Khartoum**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe6538ec9-d6d6-4080-8e75-9134e2ab5772_306x623.png) _**10th century painting of Bishop Petros protected by St. Peter the Apostle, from Faras Cathedral now in the National Museum in Warsaw**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fac57861a-c8ed-4e6f-abcf-f1074e57a8a8_690x620.png) _**11th century painting of Bishop Marianos of Faras with virgin Mary and child, from Faras cathedral now at the national museum Warsaw**_ Members of the Nubian clergy were depicted in ecclesiastical vestments which represented local fashion traditions. Bishops and presbyters are shown wearing vestments that were commonly used by the liturgy of the Eastern Church and reflect the ecclesiastical influences of the eastern meditteranean. These influences led to the evolution of an original fashion style that characterized Makuria’s clerical society.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-33-127386816) All painted figures in Nubian art are clad in garments that indicate their position in the Nubian social hierarchy. Certain rules governed the choice of garmets for specific figures and the type of decoration featured on them. Some figures were portrayed with a wealth of imperial splendor (especially the Archangles and Royals), others are shown in religious vestments, while others were depicted in modest attire of monks and common subjects.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-34-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F08435dd3-0047-494f-b531-e60676348356_748x548.png) _**11th century portrait of arch presbyter Marianos, from Old Dongola, Portrait of an unknown bishop from Old Dongola.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2e0fa00b-8922-452d-bcb8-a7c0ad80961b_1070x575.png) _**12th century painting of Georgios from Old Dongola, 9th century painting of a group of Nubian clergymen, National Museum in Warsaw**_ **Representing subjects in Nubian art: A portrait of a cosmopolitan society** Representations of Nubian subjects are relatively few in the corpus of wall paintings of Makuria. The majority of Nubian murals described above were commisioned by donors including royals and clergy. These donors hired local artists (often monks from monasteries) to decorate the walls of churches and other buildings whose construction some of them had sponsored. They often appear in paintings as smaller figures of the larger figure which they commisioned, that is drawn beside them. While most of the donors were secular and religious elites, a few donors were drawn from the rest of the Makurian population.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-35-127386816) For example, the paintings below depict donors who were possibly clergymen, and are depicted wearing clothes that are slightly different from those worn by Bishops and royals. One of the donors is depicted holding a book in his left hand and a staff in his right hand rather than a scepter. Another donor is depicted standing with raised hands in a gesture of prayer, his clothing is similar to the garments worn by monks in both Nubia and Egypt.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-36-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F488e1c84-df1c-46b9-93b6-c69fcaf68254_883x531.png) _**12th-13th century paintings of an archpresbyter depicted as a donor, and Two figures depicted as deacons, from Old Dongola**_, photos by Małgorzata Martens-Czarnecka Conversely, there are also depictions of female donors in Southwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola. These women’s position in the church hierarchy is unclear, they could have been deaconesses such as the one recently discovered from an inscription at Faras,[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-37-127386816) or were related to the royals and clergy depicted in church murals (either as wives or mothers). These female donors are often shown holding a distaff or a palm leaf. They wear voluminous robes that are richly decorated and their heads are often veiled.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-38-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F69e7fb5a-0ded-436b-b086-78ce5d227bbc_727x497.png) _**12th-13th century paintings of female donors from Southwest Annex**_, photos by Małgorzata Martens-Czarnecka The Southwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola has a number of features that indicate a relation with womanhood. These include the many depictions of the Virgin Mary, the wall paitings donated by women, and the graffito which were written by women.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-39-127386816) One painting in particular depicts a dance scene whose accompanying inscriptions show that involves that its donor invokes the virgin Mary in the context of the Queen sister’s pregnancy.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-40-127386816) The painting includes two groups of men dancing next to an image of the Virgin Mary and child. The men constitute two types of figures in different attires, some have animal masks on their faces, the others are clad in sleeveless chitons and long galigaskins, skirts, shawls and turbans with bands. In the scene of dance, and the attires of men and their folk dance give evidence that the Nubian society was multicultural, reflecting its African roots and contemporary Islamic influences.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-41-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F29a6d199-9724-465d-8115-79974d8e027e_726x591.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa75f5af5-40a8-450b-bbbb-8ff185a3c1cd_698x622.png) _**12th-13th century painting of a dance scene from Old Dongola**_. Photos by Małgorzata Martens-Czarnecka Representation of Nubian subjects in church murals was a product of the broader social changes and innovations in the kingdom of Makuria. As indicated by the painting above, the Nubian art styles of the post-11th century included less homogenous paiting themes, allowing greater freedom in selection of subjects, smaller sizes of portraits and different compositions of the representations. Its during this period that a few 'Islamic' influences begun to appear in Nubian art.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-42-127386816) Another exceptional painting depicting what appears to be Nubian subjects comes from the Southwestern Annex from Old Dongola. It depicts two men seated on the wide bed in the interior behind a folded curtain, behind the two men (or between them) is another standing figure (likely a servant). Below that composition, another servant skins a lamb, while more lambs are shown enclosed within a round fence. Above the main scene is another man seated on the semi-round sofa with his hand outstretched as if in a gesture of greeting towards an approaching couple, a man and woman clad in white robes.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-43-127386816) Like all Nubian paintings, this mural was inspired by biblical stories but depicted them in a contemporary Nubian setting. Local painters understood the purposes of the paintings that were being commissioned, often taken from Christian dogma as conveyed in the scriptures, as well as from the teachings of the Church fathers and from the Apocrypha.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-44-127386816) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf00afb6-233c-4dc3-aff6-1e2d3d32214c_684x456.png) _**12th-13th century painting from Southwestern Annex from Old Dongola Monastery**_, photo by Małgorzata Martens-Czarnecka [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F29851bbb-bb7d-40ce-866c-510503749351_850x668.png) _**Detail of the above painting showing a financial transaction between the two seated men, with one giving the other a handful of gold coins**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa15186db-8c51-4d40-b7a2-b0eba9cfa119_686x402.png) _**Detail of the painting showing two figures (likely Tobias and Sara) being greeted by a seated figure (likely Raguel)**_ This mural is most likely based on the biblical story of Tobias in the ‘Book of Tobit’. In one of the episodes, Tobias travels with a friend named Azarias to claim payment for a debt owed to his father by a man named Gabael. Tobias recovers the debt, and he meets and marries Gabael's niece Sarah. Azarias turns out to be the archangel Raphael sent by God to answer the prayers of Sarah as well as Tobias’ father. The families of the newlyweds then celebrate with a sumptuous feast. The theological message of this story expressing God's care, the archangel's protection, the payment of debts and the marriage bond, likely inspired a donor to commission the painting.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-45-127386816) The depiction of the figures in the contemporary Nubian style and its influences reflects local forms of self-representation. The increasing Islamic influences as shown by the clothing which also appears in the abovementioned dance scene, were a prelude to the gradual Islamization of Nubian society. As the political and social life in the kingdom of Makuria became increasingly intertwined with Mamluk Egypt, Nubian society gradually lost its Christian character and took on a new Islamic character that is seen in modern Sudan.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art#footnote-46-127386816) Beginning in the 1500s, African states acquired guns from the Ottomans and the Portuguese to create their own gun-powder empires. **The west african empire of Bornu obtained guns and European slave-soldiers whom it used extensively in its campaigns**. Read more about it here: [GUNS & EUROPEAN SLAVE-SOLDIERS IN AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/first-guns-and-84319870) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9047e10c-443e-4711-8fa9-96ac6dabceef_611x1200.jpeg)

2023-06-11T16:33:45+00:00

How Africans wrote their own history: Debates and dialogues between four west African historians in the 16th and 19th century.

Facts, myths and royal propaganda.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/how-africans-wrote-their-own-history

The nineteenth-century in West Africa was a time of revolution and intellectual renaissance. A political movement that had begun a century before in the region of modern Senegal fanned out along the banks of the Niger river to the shores of lake Chad, overthrowing old governments and replacing them with clerical authorities of high intellectual caliber. The movement expanded rapidly east into the region of northern Nigeria, conquering the pre-existing kingdoms and subsuming them under the empire of Sokoto in 1804. But the newly formed Sokoto empire soon met its match further east when its advance was halted by the old empire of Bornu on the shores of lake Chad. Having failed to expand east, a splinter movement advanced west into central Mali, it quickly overwhelmed the divided aristocracies of the region and subsumed them under the empire of Massina in 1818. Having run out of new lands to conquer, the three empires of Massina, Sokoto and Bornu became embroiled in an ideological conflict; one that produced some of Africa's most remarkable accounts of written history. _**Map showing the empires of Massina, Sokoto and Bornu in the 19th century.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1e9a9a0-eb6b-4da7-8624-c987cb37bf55_796x567.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) The Massina empire was founded by Ahmad Lobbo, a charismatic leader who rose from relative obscurity in the intellectual community of Jenne, an ancient city in Mali. Extending from Jenne to the old city of Timbuktu, the Massina state was one of the largest empires in West Africa since the collapse of Songhai in 1591, and its establishment reversed the political fragmentation of the preceding centuries. [The government in Massina](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818) was led by a parliament known as the 'Great council', which consisted of about a hundred scholar-administrators who assisted Ahmad Lobbo. The most prominent figure on the 'Great council' was Nuh al-Tahir, a prolific man of letters who is one of Africa's most influencial historians. The year is 1838 in the walled city of Hamdullahi, capital of the Massina Empire in central Mali. One of the city's founding residents and administrators is writing a short text whose opening paragraph reads _**"This is the chronicle of the needful one, Nuh ibn al-Tahir ibn Musa”**_ Once he was finished writing it, he gave it the title _'Tarikh al-Fattash'_ (_The chronicle of the inquisitive researcher_). As a scholar, Nuh al-Tahir was a prominent figure who is credited as a teacher of several important scholars in the intellectual communities of Jenne and Hamdullahi. Among his students was a particulary excellent scholar named Uthman dan Fodio who'd later became the founder of the Sokoto Empire in what is now nothern Nigeria. Nuh al-Tahir specialized in history and grammar, the latter of which earned him the honorific title 'master of literacy'. As an administrator, Nuh al-Tahir was a top member of Massina's 'Great council' for much of its early history. The Great council of a hundred scholars was divided into two houses, the more powerful of which comprised about forty permanent members and was in turn led by two councilors of whom Nuh al-Tahir was one. His office at the head of Massina's government placed him in charge of mediating disputes between the council and the military, electing provincial governors for the empire's various districts, and leading the school system of Hamdullahi. Nuh al-Tahir's position made him one of the foremost scholar-administrators in revolutionary West Africa, and incidentally, the unofficial spokesperson of the Massina Empire and its ruler Amhad Lobbo. Nuh al-Tahir’s partisan career is echoed throughout his extant writings, including the '_Tarikh al-Fattash_'. Initially, Nuh al-Tahir wrote the _Tarikh al-Fattash_ as a [short chronicle](https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/sultan-caliph-and-the-renewer-of-the-faith/tarikh-alfattash-a-nineteenthcentury-chronicle/BE7269772AA5496CCCAF298A6AC96852) focusing on the life of the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad who reigned from 1493 to 1528. First, he presents the Askiya as a 'Caliph' —a powerful title only claimed by rulers of the largest Muslim empires in history who styled themselves as the political and religious sucessors of the prophet. He then writes about the prominent Muslim figures of the 16th century who recognized the Askiya as a caliph while he was on pilgrimage to mecca. In the semi-fictional account that follows, Nuh al-Tahir describes many prophetic and miraculous events that the Askiya witnessed on his pilgrimage journey through Mamluk Egypt and Mecca. The most significant of these prophetic encounters was one which the Askiya had with the sixteenth century Egyptian scholar Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti. According to the chronicle, Al-Suyuti is said to have told Askiya Muhammad that one of the latter's distant descendants named ‘Ahmad of Massina’ will inherit the title of Caliph. Evidently, this inexplicably prophesied figure of 'Ahmad of Massina' was none other than Nuh al-Tahir's patron, Amhad Lobbo. According to Nuh al-Tahir's short chronicle, all events surrounding Askiya Muhammad's pilgrimage and reign shared one thing in common; that the Askiya was the eleventh Caliph in the list of Muslim emperors who suceeded the prophet Muhammad, and that there would be a twelfth caliph named ‘Ahmad of Massina’ who will come after him. Nuh al-Tahir would then greatly expand the chronicle, to provide more context of the political and social life in Songhai during Askiya's reign. Fortunately for his bold project, the vibrant intellectual community of Songhai had produced several remarkable scholars who composed detailed chronicles about its history. After Songhai's fall to forces from the Saadi dynasty of Morocco in 1591, the deposed Songhai emperors who retained the title of Askiya, established themselves in Dendi in what is now northern Benin. The Askiyas then begun a decades-long reconquest of Songhai territories, pushing the Moroccans out of many provinces and confining them to the large cities such as Jenne and Timbuktu. After losing thousands of men but failing to pacify the fallen empire's provinces, the Moroccans pulled out of the region, abandoning the remaining soldiers to their fate. These remaining soldiers were known as the Arma, and they began a long series of peaceful negotiations with the Askiyas in Dendi that were mediated by Songhai's scholary families. Among these peace-making Songhai scholars living in the seventeenth century was one named Ibn al-Mukhtar, who was based in Dendi, and another named Al-Sa'di who was based in Jenne. [These two scholars composed some of the oldest chronicles in West Africa's history](https://dataspace.princeton.edu/handle/88435/dsp01bc386n02r). Al-Sa'di completed his chronicle on Songhai's history in 1656 while Ibn al-Mukhtar finished his in 1664, the two documents were original compositions which relied on different sources to reconstruct a similar story. Al-Sa'di's chronicle was widely circulated in nineteenth century West Africa and survived in complete form with its title as _Tarikh al-Sudan_ (_The chronicle on West Africa_). On the other hand Ibn al-Mukhtar's chronicle wasn't widely circulated, it only survived in a fragmentary form that had no title. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6883dea6-3c7f-4fe8-9453-2ff73bdc296b_894x599.png) _**Copies of the [Tarikh al-Sudan](https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/760066) of Al-Sa’adi, and the untitled [Tarikh of Ibn al-Mukhtar](https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/760065), both at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. images from the met museum**_. Nuh al-Tahir utilized information from the two seventeenth century chronicles to reconstruct the history of Songhai, which he then embellished with his own semi-fictional account about Askiya Muhammad. One particular historical figure he focused on was Mahmud Ka‘ti, a sixteenth century scholar who was close to the Askiya Muhammad, and who also happened to be the grandfather of Ibn al-Mukhtar. Then, taking advantage of Ibn al-Mukhtar's untitled chronicle, Nuh al-Tahir gave his own chronicle the title Tarikh al-Fattash and intentionally misattributed its authorship to Mahmud Ka‘ti. The final version of the Tarikh al-Fattash chronicle was a very lengthy document, covering over a hundred leaves. Nuh al-Tahir therefore wrote a short summary of the chronicle for wider circulation which he titled _'Letter on the Appearance of the Twelfth Caliph'_ (or _'Risala'_). This summary document outlined the main claims contained in the Tarikh al-Fattash which it attributed not to Nuh al-Tahir, but to the sixteenth century scholar Mahmud Ka‘ti. The original short chronicle which Nuh al-Tahir wrote with his name in the title was hidden away in his personal library, while the _'Risala'_ was circulated widely circulated throughout West Africa and North Africa. This ingenious process of textural manipulation has long eluded modern researchers who worked on the _Tarikh al-Fattash_, but has since been meticulously uncovered by the historian [Mauro Nobili](https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/sultan-caliph-and-the-renewer-of-the-faith/F8EE443BBA7D86C99983E5BAE6799C74). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff28e8f48-7898-4cd4-ba7e-b25a241325fe_710x467.png) Folios from a copy of Nuh al-Tahir’s _**Tarikh al-Fattash**_ (Photo by DeAgostini/Getty Images). [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/how-africans-wrote-their-own-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) In the study of Africa's past, modern historians bewailed the paucity of internal accounts written by Africans, and they were often forced to rely on biased and inadequate external sources written by non-Africans who were unfamiliar with the internal dynamics of the continent. But the recent discovery of countless African manuscripts from thousands of archives and private libraries across the continent has created an invaluable wealth of information on Africa's past. The cities of Timbuktu and Jenne are among the dozens of intellectual capitals across the continent whose corpus of old manuscripts have been catalogued and digitized by several institutions over the last few decades. However, as scholars rushed to translate these precious documents and mine them for hard evidence on Africa’s past, they soon discovered another challenge —Africa's internal sources contained their own unique biases and perspectives. The existence of biases in primary sources isn't unique to African history, it is a [fundamental commonality of all history accounts](https://www.jstor.org/stable/270041) by all societies across the world. Writers of history in many regions of the world since antiquity, were cognizant of their own biases and a few of them strived to appear non-partisan in their works. As such, part of the work done by modern historians and philologists is to critically examine historical works for such biases inorder to reconstruct a more objective account of history. What makes the internal biases in African accounts relatively unique was that since African documents had only recently been discovered, the process of translating and analyzing them to resolve the biases is still in its early stages. Such was the case with the _Tarikh al-Fattash_, which contains a contested account about the life of a historical personality that was hotly debated by West African intellectuals of the nineteenth century. In debating the accuracy of the _Tarikh al-Fattash_'s interpretation of Songhai's history, Nuh al-Tahir's fiercest critic was Dan Tafa, a scholar from the Sokoto Empire in what is now northern Nigeria. Dan Tafa, who is formally known as Abd al-Qādir al-Turūdī, was a prolific intellectual who ranks among Africa's polymaths. His literary production includes over seventy two extant books covering a broad range of subjects from [Philosophy, to Geography to History](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher). Unlike Nuh al-Tahir who was an administrator, Dan Tafa didn't serve in the Sokoto government and he briefly alludes to this lack of a government office his 1855 philosophical apologia titled _'Covenants and Treaties'_. While Dan Tafa wasn't an administrator, he was in all respects Nuh al-Tahir's intellectual peer when it came to being an accomplished scholar. Dan Tafa was the most prominent member of Sokoto's intellectual community, he run an important school, and was the unofficial advisor of several provincial governors in Sokoto. Dan Tafa's reputation proceeded him, such that by the time the German explorer Heinrich Barth visited Sokoto in 1853, Dan Tafa was considered by his peers and by Barth as _**"the most learned of the present generations of the inhabitants of Sokoto… The man was Abde Kader dan Tafa, on whose stores of knowledge I drew eagerly"**_. In short, Dan Tafa wasn't the type of person to easily give into Nuh al-Tahir's craftily written claims. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faf95df82-c85c-43e8-9883-fde3f24e4200_796x601.png) _**Map of Sokoto by Paul E. Lovejoy**_ Dan Tafa had received a copy of the _'Risala'_ in 1842, after a series of diplomatic exchanges between Ahmad Lobbo and the rulers of the Sokoto Empire. The political history of Massina and Sokoto were closely intertwined. Early in his career, Ahmad Lobbo had accepted the nominal suzeranity of Sokoto's founder Uthman dan Fodio, but Ahmad Lobbo later decided to create the Massina state by his own effort. In Massina, Ahmad Lobbo's authority rested on a complex network of political and religious claims that didn't require any connection with the more respected founder of Sokoto. After Uthman's death in 1817, there was a brief sucession crisis in Sokoto that pitted Uthman’s brother Abdullahi dan Fodio against his son Muhammad Bello. Eventually, Muhammad Bello suceeded his father and forced his uncle, Abdullahi, to submit after a series of negotiations between the two. [Ahmad Lobbo followed the events of this interregnum closely](https://www.jstor.org/stable/180736) but didn’t intervene. So when Bello challenged Ahmad Lobbo's authority in a series of letters that demanded he resubmits to Sokoto, the latter argued that Bello’s sucession crisis had rendered Massina independent of Sokoto. After failed attempts to foment rebellions in Massina and a heated exchange of letters, Bello eventually reached a settlement with Ahmad Lobbo and withdrew his claims. Bello was suceeded by AbuBakr Atiku in 1838 after a brief interregnum during which AbuBakr Atiku's brother, named Muhammad al-Bakhari, had initially been elected by Sokoto's state council before he was later deposed. This Muhammad al-Bakhari also happened to be a friend of Ahmad Lobbo. Exploiting the brief unrest, Lobbo requested that the Sokoto elite recognize him as the leader of both Massina and Sokoto, sending two written requests to that end between the years 1838 and 1841. Understandably, the Sokoto elite rejected Lobbo's overtures in writing, and it was on the second occasion in particular that Dan Tafa explicitly cuts into the heart of Lobbo's legitimacy by critiquing the Tarikh al-Fattash and its author, Nuh al-Tahir. Addressing Nuh al-Tahir directly, Dan Tafa writes that _**"We read what you wrote in it concerning the issue of the twelve caliphs mentioned in the hadith and that you claim al-Shaykh Ahmad Lobbo is the twelfth of them according to what is written in the Tarikh al-Fattash".**_ Dan Tafa then proceeds to provide a point-by-point refutation of Nuh al-Tahir's in a treatise he titled _‘Abd al-Qādir al-Turūdī's response to Nuh al-Tahir'_. Using the works of many respected Islamic scholars, Dan Tafa flatly rejects the claim that Ahmad Lobbo was the last of the twelve prophesied caliphs. More importantly, Dan Tafa denies any connection between Askiya Muhammad and Ahmad Lobbo, writing that even if the title of Caliph was bestowed onto the Askiya, _**"Where did you get the idea that what applied to him could apply to someone else?"**_. Dan Tafa's sharp critique of the _Tarikh-al Fattash_ shows that while Nuh al-Tahir's chronicle was intended to equip Ahmad Lobbo with unassailable legitimacy as a Caliph based on the prophecy about Askiya Muhammad purportedly recorded by Mahmud Ka‘ti, it was roundly rejected in Sokoto. However, the chronicle was well received within Massina itself and in other parts of West Africa, and most of its claims were accepted. The _Tarikh al-Fattash_ was therefore as much a work of historical literature as it was a partisan text intended by its author to advance the political agenda of his royal patron. It’s thus very similar to its predecessors such as al-Sa'di's Tarikh al-Sudan whose political objective was to reconcile the Askiya and Arma elites. **The** _**Tarikh al-Fattash**_ **shows that West African chronicles were not mere agglutinative repositories of information waiting to be mined by modern researchers for hard facts, but were instead products of complex intellectual traditions that were heavily influenced by their authors' social and political context.** The chronicles contain carefully crafted discourses interweaving past realities with contemporary concerns, and were products of a dynamic scholary culture where concepts of power and legitimacy were imposed, engaged and contested. Approaching them from this perspective allows us to construct a more comprehensive picture of African history as presented in the chronicles, not just as a series of events, but as the author's interpretation of the events. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/how-africans-wrote-their-own-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) Some years before his critique of Nuh al-Tahir's interpretation of Songhai's history, Dan Tafa had in 1824 completed a work on the history titled [‘](http://siiasi.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/English-Rawd-al-Afkaar.pdf)_[Rawdat al-afkar](http://siiasi.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/English-Rawd-al-Afkaar.pdf)_[’](http://siiasi.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/English-Rawd-al-Afkaar.pdf) _(The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation)_. This text contains a general history of West Africa, but was especially focused on the Hausaland -a region in nothern Nigeria dominated by Hausa speakers whose kingdoms were subsumed by Sokoto when the empire was founded in 1808. Dan Tafa opens with the explanation for his writing the chronicle that: _**"I decided then to collect together here some of the historical narratives of these lands of the Sudan in general and the lands of the Hausa in particular"**_. He then adds that _**"the science of historiography serves to sharpen one's intellect and awaken in some the resolution to conduct historical research"**_. To compile his account on the kingdoms of the Hausa before Sokoto, Dan Tafa utilized pre-existing accounts, both oral and written, which included semi-legendary tales of immigrant kings who founded the Hausa states. According to Dan Tafa, the immigrant founders of the Hausa states were sons of an obscure figure named Bawu, about whom he says was a slave official appointed by the ruler of Bornu. The empire of Bornu was a large state in the Lake Chad basin along the eastern frontier of the Hausalands, and was also the suzerain of most of the Hausa kingdoms. After he provides a brief account of West African history including an account of the Songhai Empire, Dan Tafa then narrows down his focus to the founding of the Hausa states such as the kingdoms of Kano and Gobir. Writing that _**"All of the rulers of these lands** (ie : the Hausalands) **were originally the political captives of the ruler of Bornu"**_ and that they used to pay tribute to Bornu _**"until the establishment of our present government".**_ Curiously, Dan Tafa excludes the kingdom of Gobir from the Hausa dynasties which he claimed were founded by political captives from Bornu. He explains that Gobir's ruler refused to pay tribute to Bornu and remained independent of it, reportedly because his dynasty was of noble origin and had no ties to Bawu. Dan Tafa then narrows down his account to focus on the history of the Gobir kingdom; from its founding until it fell in war with the forces of Uthman dan Fodio in 1804. The decisive defeat of Gobir was the central event in the founding of the Sokoto Empire and a precursor to the fall of the remaining Hausa states. Dan Tafa's interpretation of early Hausa history was evidently partisan, and the reason why had a lot to do with the contemporary political relationship between Bornu and Sokoto. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F023b7073-56e6-41b9-9449-489ab3c7f8f1_485x623.png) _**Folio from Dan Tafa’s ‘Rawdat al-afkar’, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan. Similar copy found here at the [Kaduna National Archives.](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP535-1-4-8-1)**_ In the decades prior to Dan Tafa's writing of his chronicle, the old empire of Bornu had concluded several major battles with newly founded Sokoto, after the forces of Uthman dan Fodio attacked it in three failed invasions from 1808 to 1810. To justify its war with Bornu, Sokoto had used the pretext that the former was supporting the deposed Hausa rulers and that its society was polytheistic. While the physical battle had been lost, the ideological battle continued between the rulers of Bornu and Sokoto. In 1812, Uthman's sucessor Muhammad Bello, who was also an accomplished scholar, completed a chronicle on West African history titled _[‘Infaq al-Maysur’](https://siiasi.org/digital-archive/sultan-muhammad-bello/infaql-maysuur/)_ _(Easy Expenditure on the History of the Lands of Takrur)_. This lengthy chronicle had a broad geographical scope that included the history of most of West Africa as well as the Hausalands. It was in this chronicle that Bello first advanced the theory that the legendary Hausa founder; Bawu, was a royal slave of Bornu rulers. An assertion that Dan Tafa would later copy. Over in Bornu, the empire's defacto ruler at the time was a highly accomplished scholar named Muhammad al-Kanemi who had gathered a large following prior to his rise in Bornu's government. Al-Kanemi's followers had saved Bornu from Sokoto's attacks in 1809 and 1810, and he later authored several works defending Bornu from the accusations levelled by both Uthman Dan Fodio and Muhammad Bello. Al-Kanemi charged the Sokoto government with the same accusations it had leveled against Bornu, revealing the flaws in the legitimacy of Sokoto's invasion. Al-Kanemi and Bello would then continue to exchange counter-accusations, basing their arguments on the written histories of their states. This [ideological war between Bornu and Sokoto](https://www.jstor.org/stable/41971160) reinvigorated the ongoing intellectual renaissance in Sokoto, especially regarding the re-discovery and translation of the written history of the region. Among the most notable intellectual products of the ideological war between Bornu and Sokoto was the abovementioned chronicle written by Bello. In his chronicle, Bello mentioned that he received his information on the Hausa kingdoms' origins from a non-Hausa scholar named Muhammad al-Baqiri, the latter of whom was ethnically Songhai —the dominant ethnic group in what is today eastern Mali and after whom the empire of Songhai was named. Muhammad al-Baqiri would later become the ruler of the neighboring sultanate of Asben which lay along the nothern border of Sokoto, just north of where the Gobir kingdom had been located. [It was this non-Hausa informant](https://www.editions-harmattan.fr/livre-l_islam_au_soudan_central_histoire_de_l_islam_au_niger_du_viie_au_xixe_siecle_hamani_djibo-9782296029712-23637.html) who claimed that Bawu, the legendary Hausa founding figure, was a slave official of Bornu, and that the Gobir kingdom was ruled by a dynasty of noble origin. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F69d5f388-fe1c-4965-81ca-749828548fe4_819x600.png) _**Map showing the Hausa kingdoms, as well as the kingdoms of Gobir and Asben**_ The figure of Bawu was likely a mischaracterized version of the legendary Hausa founder Bajayidda. However, Bajayidda was widely recalled in Hausa traditions to be of noble origin rather than a slave official in Bornu. The suspiciously Gobir-centric elements in both Dan Tafa and Bello’s chronicles may have been current within Gobir itself, since the kingdom had been at war with the other Hausa states before it was defeated by Sokoto. However, the choice made by Muhammad Bello to use this specific interpretation in his chronicle was doubtlessly also informed by contemporary politics. By assuming the mantle of Gobir's noble dynasty after defeating them in battle, and "liberating" the rest of Hausa's supposedly slave dynasties from Bornu's oppression, the [Sokoto government of Bello could present itself as a legitimate authority](https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110675276/html?lang=en) in the region. Dan Tafa's chronicle was therefore historicizing contemporary political dynamics inorder to legitimize the continued presence of the Sokoto government in Hausaland. Despite Dan Tafa’s sharp critique of Nuh al-Tahir, even he agreed that the interpretation of historical events took precedence over a simple outline of historical ‘facts’. However, Hausa scholars in Sokoto rejected Dan Tafa’s version of their history that was centered on their subservience to Bornu. The Hausa chronicler Malam Bakar, who served as an official in the Sokoto province of Kano during the 1880s, composed a monumental work on [the history of the Kano](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999) state known as the _'Kano chronicle'_. In this chronicle, Malam Bakar centered the origins of Kano's founders within Hausaland rather than Bornu, adding that they were all of noble origins and ruled their states independently of any external power. He highlighted the role of the autochtonous groups in Kano's early history, and attributed the Islamic institutions of the Hausa to migrant scholars from the Songhai Empire rather than from Bornu. He also clarified that Kano's tributary relationship with Bornu begun around 1450, which was many centuries after the city-state had been established, adding that it ended around 1550, when Kano's defiant king refused to bow to Bornu's demands. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F042e84ca-567a-47f5-a823-567c3f0f0f13_403x618.png) _**Folio from a copy of Malam Barka’s Kano chronicle**_ [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) In writing his chronicle, Malam Bakar relied on [information provided by the royal Hausa genealogists and praise singers](https://www.jstor.org/stable/3171883) living at the time. These genealogists and praise singers occupied important offices in the Hausa kingdoms and were retained under the Sokoto government. They were tasked with carefully preserving the kingdom’s oral history, often in the form of poetry, which was later transcribed into writing during the Sokoto era. Malam Bakar's chronicle therefore records an account of Kano's history in an unbroken fashion from the Hausa era to the Sokoto era. It treats each ruler of Kano as equally legitimate, even if Kano under Sokoto was only a province governed by an appointed official rather than an independent state ruled by a King as it had been about a half a century prior to the chronicle’s composition. As an active official in the Kano administration, Malam Bakar's reasons for compiling the chronicle were likely [influenced by contemporary politics in Kano](https://brill.com/display/book/edcoll/9789004380189/BP000025.xml), since its governor was at the time seeking further autonomy from Sokoto. Bakar's interpretation of early Hausa history therefore strives to represent both the Hausa and Sokoto accounts of Kano's history in equal measure inorder to reconcile the two eras, just like the seventeenth century scholar al-Sa'di had done in reconciling the Askiya dynasty and the Arma. This choice was also likely informed by the fact that unlike Dan Tafa and Nuh al-Tahir who represented the new elite, Malam Bakar was part of the established elite, and was thus more supportive of the deposed rulers than the “revolutionaries”. In Malam Bakar's chronicle, the kingdom of Kano during the pre-Sokoto era is depicted as a defiant upstart [wedged between the empires of Bornu and Songhai](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/negotiating-power-in-medieval-west). Although briefly tributary to Bornu, the chronicle mentions that a king of Kano named Kisoki who reigned from 1509 to 1565, defiantly refused to pay tribute to Bornu. When Bornu's ruler asked him _**"What do you mean by making war"**_ Kisoki replied: _**"I do not know, but the cause of war is the ordinance of Allah."**_ Bornu's army then attacked Kano but failed to take it, thus assenting to Kano's independence. This victory over Bornu allowed Kisoki to take on the boastful title _**"physic of Bornu"**_, and no further king of Kano is mentioned giving tribute to Bornu after Kisoki. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffefc75c6-a7a3-4bd2-be7a-74e27025b44d_1000x663.jpeg) _**Kano in the early 20th century, with the inselberg of Dalla in the background.**_ While the above account was carefully preserved in oral traditions at Kano, it was only recorded in the nineteenth century and says little about Bornu's perspective of the same events. Over in Bornu, the empire had nurtured a [large intellectual community that produced some of Africa's most remarkable scholars](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual). One of these was the court historian Aḥmad ibn Furṭu who in 1576 wrote a chronicle titled _‘Ghazawāt Barnū’_ _(The Bornu conquests)_, nearly a century before the Songhai chroniclers got to work on theirs. Ibn Furtu's chronicle was one of two monumental works which documented the military campaigns of his patron; the Bornu emperor Mai Idris Alooma who reigned from 1564 to 1596. Idris Alooma, formally known as Idris ibn Ali, was one of Africa’s most accomplished empire builders. His armies campaigned extensively over a vast region extending from the Fezzan region of southern Libya, to the Kawar region of northern Niger to the Kanem region of eastern Chad, to the Mandara region of nothern Cameroon, and to the Hausalands in nothern Nigeria, where they went as far as Kano. Ibn Furtu personally accompanied his patron on several of these campaigns, providing a first-hand account of the relationship between Kano and Bornu from the perspective of the latter. Idris Alooma was undertaking a restoration of Bornu's power over the territories it had lost during a lengthy dynastic conflict, but had been regaining since the reign of his grandfather Mai Ali who reigned from 1497 to 1519. Idris Alooma was by all accounts a shrewd figure, he began his career by blocking the southern advance of the Ottomans in the Fezzan, sending his embassies to the Ottoman capital Istanbul and courting regional powers. Alooma also acquired thousands of [guns and European slave-soldiers for his own army](https://www.patreon.com/posts/first-guns-and-84319870), and initiated diplomatic contacts with the Saadis of Morocco to form an alliance of convenience against the Ottomans, a few decades before the Saadis would march their forces south against Songhai. Inorder to document Idris Alooma's conquests, Ibn Furtu borrowed themes from the chronicle of Mai Ali's court historian Masfarma Umar titled _‘The conquests of Njimi'_. Ibn Furtu explains the reason for writing his chronicle; that _**“the cause of our engaging in this work at this time, is the perusal of the compilation of Masfarma Umar concerning the epoch of his Sultan”**_. Adding that _**“When we studied that work concerning the war in Njimi describing its battles and phases, we determined to compose a similar work on the age of our Sultan”**_ and that he _**“employed the materials from the past, working on and imitating models of the past”**_. Importantly, Ibn Furtu mentions that _**“We have ceased to doubt that our Sultan al Haj Idris ibn Ali accomplished much more than his grandfather”**_. [Ibn Furtu had therefore composed a chronicle that legitimized Mai Idris' reign](https://www.amazon.fr/Du-lac-Tchad-Mecque-XVIe-XVIIe/dp/B072ZLG4R6) and conquests, and portrayed him as the rightful heir to Mai Ali's legacy in the eyes of Bornu's divided elite. He portrayed Bornu as the cultural and political center of West Africa where all regions, including Kano, were at the periphery. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F447a7b4d-ea6f-4b8b-9b55-ef505f6b1f34_1052x682.png) _**Copies of Ibn Furtu’s Ghazawāt Barnū at the [SOAS](https://digital.soas.ac.uk/AA00000742/00001)**_ Ibn Furtu's chronicle says little about Kano's subservience to Bornu but instead describes the former as one of only two neighboring states whose political structure was similar to Bornu's. He describes Kano as a kingdom within which were many walled towns, adding that the forces of Kano utilized these fortified towns to attack Bornu, but would then quickly retreat behind the safety of their walls. He then proceeds to recount the various campaigns that Idris Alooma's armies undertook against Kano and its surrounding walled towns in retaliation for Kano's attacks on Bornu. He concludes the account of Bornu's victorious campaigns over Kano, that _**"the people of Kano became downcast in the present and fearful of the future"**_. Ibn Furtu then moves on to the next campaign without elaborating on the political ramifications of Bornu's victories over Kano besides mentioning that its walled towns were reduced to _**"clouds of dust"**_ save for the fortification of ‘_Dalla_’ (in Kano itself) which remained standing. In Ibn Furtu's chronicle, Kano wasn't included among the vassals of Bornu unlike the other enemies that had been defeated by Alooma's armies, but was instead recognized as an independent state occupying a clearly defined territory. Alooma's campaign against Kano wasn't perceived as a restoration of Bornu's power over Kano but as a response to Kano's aggression. Once Bornu's army had suceeded in destroying the walled towns of Kano, its army marched on victoriously to fight against other foes, many of whom eventually submitted to Bornu, unlike Kano. Despite Furtu having lived closer to the purported date of Kano's founding than both Dan Tafa and Malam Bakar, the Bornu chronicler felt not need to expound on Kano's early history. And while Furtu may have been aware of Kano's earlier tributary relationship that had only ended a few decades prior to the writing of his chronicle, he chose not to include it. Adding the chronicles of Bornu to the corpus of documents on Africa's past reveals yet another aspect in African works of history; some of them say more about the times they were produced than about earlier dynamics. Unlike most of the abovementioned chronicles which were more concerned with the past than with the present inorder to reconcile the former with the latter, Ibn Furtu's chronicle is evidently concerned with contemporary events. Ibn Furtu was pre-occupied with elevating the stature of his patron, the "Caliph" [Idris Alooma, whom he ranked higher than the Ottoman sultan](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman), while reducing the latter to a mere 'King'. He was thus less concerned with expounding on the history of Kano, which he considered a periphery state _**"at the borders of Islam"**_, than he was with Bornu which he considered to be the center of the world, and its ruler, to be the only _**"commander of the faithful"**_. Ibn Furtu’s account therefore only includes the victorious actions of Idris Alooma against Kano, and downplays the realities of Kano's autonomy which would have undermined his authorial intentions. And like all chronicles explored above, his document was evidently a partisan account with a clear political objective. The four west African chroniclers; **Nuh al-Tahir, Dan Tafa, Malam Bakar** and **Ibn Furtu,** offer us important insights into how Africans wrote their own history. Their chronicles are revealed to be more than just an archival collection of past events recorded by literate witnesses. [Examining these written works of African history](https://brill.com/display/book/9789004380189/BP000001.xml) requires the usual care which scholars are expected to exercise to ensure that the chronicler's political biases and perspectives are considered before the documents can be accurately utilized. **Scholars looking for ‘hard facts’ about early West African history in these chronicles have attimes failed to recognize the authorial biases that had modified narratives and interpretations of the past.** The writing of history is after all, closely associated with the need to legitimize political power, and the imperative need for each community to weave links towards its past. **West African chroniclers were engaged in creative and artful reconstructions of their past. Their works of history were sophisticated products of African intellectuals with precise rhetorical plans and authorial intentions. Approaching them as such allows up to appreciate the complex intellectual pasts and historical engagements of members of the African intelligentsia who have shaped current historiographical overviews of the African past.** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F106155c2-2f3b-486b-9f98-9cbba3e12470_931x600.jpeg) _**19th century engraving titled ‘The Interior of the Chief Malem's House’ showing the ruler of the Opanda kingdom (just south of the Zaria kingdom) with his ‘Malems’ (Islamic scholars)**_ Africans have been travelling and exploring the world beyond their continent since antiquity; from the more proximate regions of western Asia and Southern Europe, to the far-off lands of India and China. **Beginning in the 17th century, African travelers crossed the Alps to discover the lands of western Europe.** **Read more about this fascinating age of African exploration on my Patreon**: [AFRICAN EXPLORATION OF N.W EUROPE](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F57a5510b-e64d-4fe9-ba1d-a9ca25821b01_613x1202.png)

2023-09-24T13:56:10+00:00

The Mali empire: A complete history (ca. 1250-1650)

At its height in the 14th century, the Mali empire was one of Africa's largest states, extending over an estimated 1.2 million square kilometers in West Africa.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history

At its height in the 14th century, the Mali empire was one of Africa's largest states, extending over an estimated 1.2 million square kilometers in West Africa. Encompassing at least five modern African states, the empire produced some of the continent's most renowned historical figures like Mansa Musa and enabled the growth and expansion of many of the region's oldest cities like Timbuktu. From the 13th century to the 17th century, the rulers, armies, and scholars of Mali shaped the political and social history of West Africa, leaving an indelible mark on internal and external accounts about the region, and greatly influenced the emergence of successor states and dynasties which claimed its mantle. This article outlines the history of Mali from its founding in the early 13th century to its decline in the late 17th century, highlighting key events and personalities who played important roles in the rise and demise of Mali. _**Map of Imperial Mali in the 14th century**_.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-1-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe58bd3d7-f053-40f4-99aa-545487092712_698x558.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Background to the emergence of Mali: west Africa during the early 2nd millennium and the Sudiata epic.** The region where the Mali empire would emerge appears in some of the earliest accounts about West Africa, which locate it along the southern fringes of the Ghana empire. The 11th-century account of Al-Bakri mentions the **“great kingdom”** of Daw/Do along the southern banks of the Niger River, and another kingdom further to its south named Malal. He adds that the king of Malal adopted Islam from a local teacher, took on the name of al-Muslimânî and renounced the beliefs of his subjects, who **“remained polytheists”**.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-2-141995491) This short account provides a brief background on the diverse social landscape in which Mali emerged, between the emerging Muslim communities in the cities such as Jenne, and the largely non-Muslim societies in its hinterland. Archeological discoveries of terracotta sculptures from Jenne-Jeno and textiles from the Bandiagara plateau dated to between the 11th-15th centuries, in an area dotted with mosques and inscribed stele, attest to the cultural diversity of the region[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-3-141995491). The complementary and at times conflicting accounts about Mali's early history were shaped by the divergent world views of both communities and their role in the emergence of Mali. Written accounts penned by local West African scribes (especially in Timbuktu) and external writers offer abundant information on the kingdom’s Muslim provinces in its north and east but ignore the largely non-Muslim regions. Conversely, the oral accounts preserved by the non-Muslim _**jeli**_ (griots), who were the spokespersons for the heads of aristocratic lineages and transmitted their histories in a consistent form, have very little to say about Muslim society of Mali, but more to say about its southern provinces. Both accounts however emphasize their importance to the royal court and the Mansas, leaving little doubt about their equal roles in Mali's political life.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-4-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1ac378b1-f1d9-42ed-94f9-956026adf02e_1321x515.png) _**Equestrian figures of elite horsemen from Jenne-Jeno, ca 12th-14th century**_, _Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Werner Forman_, _**Reclining figure from Jenne-Jeno, ca. 12th–14th century**, Musée National du Mali_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F78a55819-4826-4541-8309-86325266f8bb_703x885.png) _**Tunic and Textile fragments from the "Tellem", 11th-12th century**_, Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen, and Musée National du Mali, Bamako The foundational epic of Mali as recounted by the griots mentions several popular characters and places in the traditions of Mande-speaking groups, with a special focus on Sudianta, who was born to a king of Manden (a region straddling the border between modern Mali and Guniea) and a woman from the state of Do (Daw) named Sogolon. The succession of a different son of the king forced Sogolon and Sudianta to move from Manden to the region of Mema (in the central region of modern Mali), just as Manden was conquered by a king named Sumanguru. Sudianta later travels back to Manden, allies with neighboring chieftains, defeats Sumanguru, and assumes the throne as the first _Mansa_ ( Sultan/King ) of Mali. Sunjata and his allies then undertake a series of campaigns that expand the embryonic empire.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-5-141995491) The cultural landscape of the epic is indisputably that of traditional Mandinka society which, for seven centuries, has developed, worked on, and transmitted to the present day a story relating to events of the 13th century. Despite the authoritative estimates provided in many recent accounts about Mali's history, the dates associated with the events in Sudianta's epic are heavily disputed and are at best vaguely assigned to the first half of the 13th century. However, the association of Sudianta with the creation of the empire's institutions such as the ‘Grand council’ of allied lineage heads, represents a historical reality of early Mali’s political history.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-6-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6c5db0d3-f0ad-4834-a255-700945900113_801x506.png) _**Some of the archeological zones of the west African ‘sudan’ between the mid-3rd millennium BC and mid 2nd millennium AD.**_[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-7-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F088a6677-5f3b-4094-9481-9cbb81035a5e_656x506.png) _**Map of early Mali in the 13th century**_ **Mali in the 14th century: from Sudiata to Mansa Musa** That the founding and history of Mâli were remembered in what became its southwestern province of Manden was likely due to the province’s close relationship with the ruling dynasty, both in its early rise and its later demise. Outside the core of Manden, the ruler of Mâli was recognized as an overlord/suzerain of diverse societies that were incorporated into the empire but retained some of their pre-existing power. These traditional rulers found their authority closely checked by Mali officers called _farba/farma/fari_ (governors), who regulated trade, security, and taxation. Because sovereignty was exercised at multiple scales, Mali is best described as an empire, with core regions such as Mande and Mema, and outlying provinces that included the former Ghana empire.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-8-141995491) It was from the region of the former Ghana empire that a scholar named Shaykh Uthman, who was on a pilgrimage to Cairo, met with and provided a detailed account of the _Mansas_ to the historian Ibn Khaldun about a century and a half later. Uthman’s account credits the founding of the empire to Mârî Djâta, who, according to the description of his reign and his name, is to be identified with Sundiata.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-9-141995491) Sudianta was succeeded by Mansa Walī (Ali), who is described as _**"one of the greatest of their Kings"**_, as he made the pilgrimage during the time of al-Zâhir Baybars (r. 1260-1277). Mansa Walī was later succeeded by his brothers Wâtî and Khalîfa, but the latter was deposed and succeeded by their nephew Mansa Abû Bakr. After him came Mansa Sakura, a freed slave who seized power and greatly extended the empire's borders from the ocean to the city of Gao. He also embarked on a pilgrimage between 1299-1309 but died on his way back. He was succeeded by Mansa Qû who was in turn succeeded by his son Mansa Muhammad b. Qû, before the throne was assumed by Mansa Musa (r. 1312–37), whose reign is better documented as a result of his famous pilgrimage to Mecca.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-10-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F64f29f32-1ac9-44bd-8bd2-52c461781cbe_544x700.png) _**Detail of the Catalan Atlas ca. 1375, showing King Mûsâ of Mâli represented in majesty carrying a golden ball in his hand. The legend in Catalan describes him as “the richest and noblest lord of all these regions”.**_ The royal pilgrimage has always been considered a vector of integration and legitimization of power in the Islamic world, fulfilling multiple objectives for both the pilgrims and their hosts. In West Africa, it was simultaneously a tool of internal and external legitimation as well as a tool for expanding commercial and intellectual links with the rest of the Muslim world. In Mali, the royal pilgrimage had its ascendants in the pre-existing traditions of legitimation and the creation of political alliances through traveling across a ‘sacred geography’.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-11-141995491) The famous account of Mansa Musa's predecessor failing at his own expedition across the Atlantic is to be contrasted with Mansa Musa's successful expedition to Mecca which was equally extravagant but was also deemed pious. More importantly, Mansa Musa's story of his predecessor's demise explains a major dynastic change that allowed his 'house' —descended from Sudianta's brother Abû Bakr— to take the throne.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-12-141995491) Mansa Musa returned to Mali through the city of Gao which had been conquered by Mali during Mansa Sakura’s reign, but is nonetheless presented in later internal sources as having submitted peacefully. Mansa Musa constructed the Jingereber mosque of Timbuktu as well as a palace at the still unidentified capital of the empire. His entourage included scholars and merchants from Egypt and the Hejaz who settled in the intellectual capitals of Mali.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-13-141995491) Some of the Malian companions of Musa on his pilgrimage returned to occupy important offices in Mali, and at least four prominent ‘Hajjs’ were met by the globe-trotter Ibn Battuta during his visit to Mali about 30 years later .[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-14-141995491) According to an account provided to al-‘Umarī by a merchant who lived in Mali during the reign of Mansa Musa and his successors, the empire was organized into fourteen provinces that included Ghana, Zafun (Diafunu), Kawkaw (Gao), Dia (Diakha), Kābara, and Mali among others. Adding that in the northern provinces of Mali **“are tribes of ‘white’ Berbers under the rule of its sultan, namely: the Yantaṣar, Tīn Gharās, Madūsa, and Lamtūna”** and that **“The province of Mali is where the king’s capital, ‘Byty’, is situated. All these provinces are subordinate to it and the same name Mālī, that of the chief province of this kingdom, is given to them collectively.**[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-15-141995491)**”** Later internal accounts from Timbuktu corroborate this account, describing provinces and towns as the basis of Mali's administration under the control of different officers, with a particular focus on cities such as Walata, Jenne, Timbuktu, and Gao.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-16-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff59c01dd-5d6c-4cc9-a37e-abd55faaaf7a_800x533.png) _**The Djinguereber Mosque in Timbuktu, the original structure was commissioned by Mansa Musa in 1325**_[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-17-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3232f488-d045-4106-a94e-e9b2028fc931_600x442.png) _**The city of Gao, ca. 1920, archives nationales d'outre mer.**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Mali under Mansa Musa and Mansa Sulayman** It’s from Gao that another Malian informant of Ibn Khaldun named Abû AbdAllah, a qadi of the city, provided an account of the 14th-century rulers of Mali that ended with the 'restoration' of the old house and the deposition of Abu Bakr's house. The rivalry between the two dynastic houses may explain the relative 'silence' in oral accounts regarding the reigns of the Abu Bakr house, especially Mansa Musa and his later successor Mansa Sulayman (r. 1341–60), who was visited by Ibn Battuta in 1352.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-18-141995491) Ibn Battuta’s account includes a description of Mansa Sulayman's court and an outline of the administrative structure of the empire, mentioning offices and institutions that appear in the later Timbuktu chronicles about Mali's successor, the Songhai empire. He mentions the role of the Queen, who is ranked equal to the emperor, the _**nâ'ib**_, who is a deputy of the emperor, a royal guard that included mamluks (slaves bought from Egypt), the griots who recounted the history of his predecessors, the _**farba**_ (governors), the _**farâriyy**_a, a term for both civil administrators and military officers, as well as a litany of offices such as the _**qadis**_ (judges), the _**mushrif/manshājū**_ who regulated markets, and the _**faqihs**_ (juriconsult) who represented the different constituencies.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-19-141995491) Ibn Battuta's account also highlights the duality of Mali's social-political structure when the King who had earlier been celebrating the Eid festival as both a political and religious event in the presence of his Muslim subjects and courtiers, but was later a central figure of another important festival by Mali's non-Muslim griots and other subjects, the former of whom wore facemasks in honor of the ancestral kings and their associated histories. The seemingly contradictory facets of Mali's political spaces were in fact complementary.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-20-141995491) Mansa Musa initiated diplomatic relations with the Marinid sultanate of Fez (Morocco) during the reign of Abū ’l-Ḥasan (r. 1331–1348) that would be continued by his successors. During Mansa Musa’s reign, _**“high ranking statesmen of the two kingdoms were exchanged as ambassadors”**_. and Abū ‘l-Ḥasan sent back _**“novelties of his kingdom as people spoke of for long after”**_. The latter’s embassy was received by Mansa Sulayman, who reciprocated by sending a delegation in 1349, shortly before Ibn Battuta departed from Fez to arrive at his court in 1852.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-21-141995491) Ibn Battuta remarked about an internal conflict between Sulaymân and his wife, Queen Qâsâ, who attempted to depose Sulayman and install a rival named Djâtil, who unlike Mansa Musa and Sulayman, was a direct descendant of Sudianta. The Queen's plot may have failed to depose the house of Abu Bakr whose candidates remained on the throne until 1390, but this dynastic conflict prefigured the succession crises that would plague later rulers.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-22-141995491) After his death in 1360, Sulayman was briefly succeeded by Qāsā b. Sulaymān, who was possibly the king's son or the queen herself acting as a regent. Qasa was succeeded by Mārī Jāṭā b. Mansā Maghā (r. 1360-1373), who sent an embassy to the Marinid sultan in 1360 with gifts that included a **“huge creature which provoked astonishment in the Magrib, known as the giraffe”**[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-23-141995491). He reportedly ruined the empire before his son and successor Mansa Mūsā II (r. 1373-1387) restored it. Musa II’s _**wazir**_ (high-ranking minister) named Mārī Jāṭā campaigned extensively in the eastern regions of Gao and Takedda. After he died in 1387, Mūsā II was briefly succeeded by Mansā Maghā before the latter was deposed by his wazir named Sandakī. The latter was later deposed by Mansa Maḥmūd who restored the house of Sudiata with support from Mali’s non-Muslim provinces in the south.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-24-141995491) **The intellectual landscape of Mali.** Regarding the early 15th century, most accounts about Mali focus on the activities of its merchants and scholars across Mali's territories, especially the Juula/Dyuula who'd remain prominent in West Africa's intellectual traditions The Mali empire had emerged within an already established intellectual network evidenced by the inscribed stele found across the region from Ghana's capital Kumbi Saleh to the city of Gao beginning in the 12th century. Mali's elites and subjects could produce written documents, some of which were preserved in the region's private libraries, such as Djenne's oldest manuscript dated to 1394.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-25-141995491) Additionally, the Juula/Jakhanke/Wangara scholars whose intellectual centers of Diakha and Kabara were located within the Mali empire’s heartland spread their scholarly traditions to Timbuktu, producing prominent scholars like Modibo Muḥammad al-Kābarī, whose oldest work is dated to 1450[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-26-141995491). While writing wasn’t extensively used in administrative correspondence within Mali, the rulers of Mali were familiar with the standard practices of written correspondence between royals which required a chancery with a secretary. For example, al-‘Umarī mentions a letter from Mansa Mūsā to the Mamluk ruler of Cairo, that was **“written in the Maghribī style… it follows** **its own rules of composition although observing the demands of propriety”**. **It was written by the hand of one of his courtiers who had come of the pilgrimage. Its contents comprised of greetings and a recommendation for the bearer,”** and a gift of five thousand mithqāls of gold.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-27-141995491) About a century later, another ruler of Mali sent an ambassador to Cairo in order to inform the latter’s ruler of his intention to travel to Mecca via Egypt. After the ambassador had completed his pilgrimage, he returned to Cairo in July 1440 to receive a written response from the Mamluk sultan. The Mamluk letter to Mali, which has recently been studied, indicates that the sultan granted Mansa Yusuf's requests, writing: **"For all his requests, we have responded to his Excellency and we have issued him a noble decree for this purpose."**According to the manual of al-Saḥmāwī, who wrote in 1442, the ruler of Mali at the time was Mansa Yūsuf b. Mūsā b. ʿAlī b. Ibrahim**.**[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-28-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc36d1070-5867-4040-b35f-ca7c98517108_844x557.png) _**'Garden of Excellences and Benefits in the Science of Medicine and Secrets' by Modibbo Muhammad al-Kābarī, ca. 1450, Timbuktu, [Northwestern University](https://dc.library.northwestern.edu/items/455393f4-853d-4932-98ae-c6d0d5f22d3d)**_ **An empire in decline: Mali during the rise of Songhai in the 16th century.** It’s unclear whether Mansa Yusuf succeeded in undertaking the pilgrimage since the last of the royal pilgrimages from Takrur (either Mali or Bornu) during the 15th century occurred in 1431[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-29-141995491). Mali had lost control of Timbuktu to the Maghsharan Tuareg around 1433 according to _Ta’rīkh as-sūdān_, a 17th century Timbuktu chronicle. Most local authorities from the Mali era were nevertheless retained such as the qadis and imams. The Tuareg control of Timbuktu ended with the expansion of the Songhai empire under Sunni Ali (r. 1464-1492), who rapidly conquered the eastern and northern provinces of Mali, including Gao, Timbuktu, Jenne, and Walata.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-30-141995491) The account of the Genoese traveler Antonio Malfante who was in Tuwat (southern Algeria) around 1447 indicates that Gao, Timbuktu, and Jenne were separate polities from Mali which was **“said to have nine towns.”** A Portuguese account from 1455-56 indicates that the **“Emperor of Melli”** still controlled parts of the region along the Atlantic coast, but mentions reports of war in Mali's eastern provinces involving the rulers of Gao and Jenne.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-31-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9bc4caf5-328a-4994-bcc9-c6e142a916ee_755x486.png) _**Mali in the 16th century**_ Between 1481 and 1495, King John II of Portugal sent embassies to the king of Timbuktu (presumably Songhai), and the king of Takrur (Mali). The first embassy departed from the Gambia region but failed to reach Timbuktu, with only one among the 8-member team surviving the journey. A second embassy was sent from the Portuguese fort at El-Mina (in modern Ghana), destined for Mali, after the [gold exports from Mali’s Juula traders at El-mina had alerted the Portuguese to the empire’s importance.](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-mali-empire-76281818) The sovereign who received the Portuguese delegation was Mansa Maḥmūd b. Walī b. Mūsā, the grandson of the Mansa Musa II (r. I373/4 to I387). According to the Portuguese account; **"This Moorish king, in reply to our King's message, amazed at this novelty** \[of the embassy\] **said that none of the four thousand four hundred and four kings from whom he descended, had received a message or had seen a messenger of a Christian king, nor had he heard of more powerful kings than these four: the King of Alimaem** \[Yemen\]**, the King of Baldac** \[Baghdad\]**, the King of Cairo, and the King of Tucurol** \[Takrur, ie; Mali itself\]"[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-32-141995491) While no account of the envoys' negotiations at the capital of Mali was recorded, it seems that later Malian rulers weren’t too receptive to the overtures of the Portuguese, as no further delegations were sent by the crown, but instead, one embassy was sent by the El-mina captain Joao Da Barros in 1534 to the grandson of the abovementioned Mansa. By then, the gold trade of the Juula to el-Mina had declined from 22,500 ounces a year in 1494, to 6,000 ounces a year by 1550, as much of it was redirected northwards.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-33-141995491) Between the late 15th and mid 16th century, the emergence of independent dynasties such as the Askiya of Songhai and the Tengella of Futa Toro challenged Mali's control of its northern provinces, and several battles were fought in the region between the three powers. Between 1501 and 1507, Mali lost its northern provinces of Baghana, Dialan, and Kalanbut to Songhai, just as the regions of Masina and Futa Toro in the northwest fell to the Tengella rulers and other local potentates.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-34-141995491) Mali became a refuge for rebellious Songhai royals such as Askiya Muḥammad Bonkana Kirya who was deposed in 1537. He moved to Mali’s domains where his son was later married. But the deposed Aksiya and his family were reportedly treated poorly in Mali, forcing some of his companions to depart for Walata (which was under Songhai control) while the Bonkana himself remained within Mali’s confines in the region of Kala, west of Jenne[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-35-141995491). It’s shortly after this that in 1534 Mansa Mahmud III received a mission from the Elmina captain Joâo de Barros, to negotiate with the Mali ruler on various questions concerning trade on the River Gambia.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-36-141995491) Mali remained a major threat to Songhai and often undertook campaigns against it in the region west of Jenne. In 1544 the Songhai general (and later Askiya) Dawud, led an expedition against Mali but found the capital deserted, so his armies occupied it for a week. Dawud's armies would clash with Mali's forces repeatedly in 1558 and 1570, resulting in a significant weakening of Mali and ending its threat to Songhai. The ruler of Mali married off his princess to the Askiya in acknowledgment of Songhai’s suzerainty over Mali[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-37-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0508cd26-ead1-4bb6-851c-34b07134d6e0_2185x1376.jpeg) _**Jenne street scene, ca. 1906.**_ **From empire to kingdom: the fall of Mali in the 17th century.** Songhai’s brief suzerainty over Mali ended after the collapse of Songhai in 1591, to the Moroccan forces of al-Mansur. The latter attempted to pacify Jenne and its hinterland, but their attacks were repelled by the rulers of Kala (a Bambara state) and Massina, who had thrown off Mali’s suzerainty. The Mali ruler Mahmud IV invaded Jenne in 1599 with a coalition that included the rulers of Masina and Kala, but Mali's forces were driven back by a coalition of forces led by the Arma and the Jenne-koi as well as a ruler of Kala, the last of whom betrayed Mahmud but spared his life..[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-38-141995491) While Mali had long held onto its western provinces along the Gambia River, the emergence of the growth of the kingdom of Salum as a semi-autonomous polity in the 16th century eroded Mali's control over the region and led to the emergence of other independent polities. By 1620, a visiting merchant reported that the Malian province had been replaced by the kingdoms of Salum, Wuli, and Cayor.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-39-141995491) Over the course of the early 17th century, Mali lost its suzerainty over the remaining provinces and was reduced to a small kingdom made up of five provinces that were largely autonomous. Mali’s power was eventually eclipsed by the Bambara empire of Segu which subsumed the region of Manden in the late 17th century, marking the end of the empire.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history#footnote-40-141995491) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd169a75e-7dcb-46e6-8212-f91091d242ab_1024x681.png) _**The Palace of Amadu Tal in Segou, late 19th century illustration after it was taken by the French**_ **In the Hausaland region (east of Mali) two ambitious Hausa travelers explored Western Europe from 1852-1856, journeying through Malta, France, England, and Prussia (Germany). Read about their fascinating account of European society here** [The Hausa explorer of western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fda222985-3fda-4ee6-b56a-f61be1fc91a2_848x687.png)

2024-02-25T15:43:05+00:00

a complete history of Mombasa ca. 600-1895.

Journal of African cities: chapter 13

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca

The island of Mombasa is home to one of the oldest cities on the East African coast and is today the largest seaport in the region. Mombasa’s strategic position on the Swahili Coast and its excellent harbours were key factors in its emergence as a prosperous city-state linking the East African mainland to the Indian Ocean world. Its cosmopolitan community of interrelated social groups played a significant role in the region's history from the classical period of Swahili history to the era of the Portuguese and Oman suzerainty, contributing to the intellectual and cultural heritage of the East African coast. This article outlines the history of Mombasa, exploring the main historical events and social groups that shaped its history. _**Map of Mombasa and the Swahili coast.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4588e6bb-242c-4f3a-b945-cff55fd44aa8_894x591.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The early history of Mombasa: 6th-16th century.** The island of Mombasa was home to one of the oldest Swahili settlements on the East African coast. Excavations on Mombasa Island reveal that it was settled as early as the 6th-9th century by ironworking groups who used ‘TT’/’TIW’ ceramics characteristic of other Swahili settlements. An extensive settlement dating from 1000CE to the early 16th century was uncovered at Ras Kiberamni and the Hospital site to its south, with the latter site containing more imported pottery and the earliest coral-stone constructions dated to the early 13th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-1-148613286) The first documentary reference to Mombasa comes from the 12th-century geographer Al-Idrisi, who notes that it was located two days sailing from Malindi, and adds that _**“It is a small town of the Zanj and its inhabitants are engaged in the extraction of iron from their mines… in this town is the residence of the king of the Zanj.”**_ The globe-trotter Ibn Battuta, who visited Mombasa in 1332, described it as a large island inhabited by Muslim Zanj, among whom were pious Sunni Muslims who built well-constructed mosques, and that it obtained much of its grain from the mainland.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-2-148613286) The 19th-century chronicle of Mombasa and other contemporary accounts divide its early history into two periods associated with two dynasties and old towns. It notes that the original site known as Kongowea was a pre-Islamic town ruled by Queen Mwana Mkisi. She/her dynasty was succeeded by Shehe Mvita, a Muslim ‘shirazi’ at the town of Mvita which overlapped with Kongowea and was more engaged in the Indian Ocean trade. Such traditions compress a complex history of political evolution, alliances, and conflicts between the various social groups of Mombasa which mirrors similar accounts of the [evolution of the Swahili's social history](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the?utm_source=publication-search).[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-3-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c3d2ade-b2a5-45ef-902c-42b13ea6e296_600x516.webp) _**street in Mombasa Kenya showing the 16th-century Mandhry Mosque**_, ca. 1940, Mary Evans Picture Library. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7b84443b-18a8-49a3-976e-532e34bae306_1134x579.png) _**types of ‘Souahheili’ from Zanzibar, Lamu, Mombasa, Pate**_; ca. 1846-48, Lithograph by A. Bayot & Charles Guillain. “_**Highbred Swahili” in Mombasa**_, Kenya, ca.1900-1914, USC Libraries. _**Street in Mombasa**_, Kenya, ca.1900-1914. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F585831e0-4cdc-4e27-9411-5a5a23f05b2e_1345x596.png) _**Sections of Old town Mombasa and other streets**_, ca. 1927-1940, Mary Evans Picture Library. Like most Swahili cities, Mombasa was governed like a "republic" led by a tamim (erroneously translated as King or Sultan) chosen by a council of sheikhs and elders (wazee). Between the 15th and 17th century, Mombasa’s residents gradually began forming into two confederations (_**Miji**_), consisting of twelve clans/tribes (_**Taifa**_) that included pre-existing social groups and others from the Swahili coast and mainland. One of the confederations that came to be known as _**Tissia Taifa**_ (nine clans[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-4-148613286)) occupied the site of Mvita, and were affiliated with groups from [the Lamu archipelago.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city) The second confederation had three clans[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-5-148613286), _**Thelatha Taifa**_, and is associated with the sites of Kilindini and Tuaca.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-6-148613286) Archeological surveys at the site of Tuaca revealed remains of coral walls with two phases of construction, as well as local pottery and imported wares from the Islamic world and China. A gravestone possibly associated with a ruined mosque in the town bore the inscription ‘1462’. Other features of Tuaca include a demolished ruin of the Kilindini mosque, also known as _Mskiti wa Thelatha Taita_ (Mosque of the Three Tribes); the remains of the town wall and a concentration of baobab trees.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-7-148613286) Later accounts and maps from the 17th century identify ‘Tuaca’ as a large forested settlement with a harbor known as _‘Barra de Tuaca’_, next to a pillar locally known as Mbaraki. Excavations at the mosque next to the Mbaraki pillar indicate that the mosque was built in the 15th century before it was turned into a site for veneration in the 16th century, with the pillar being constructed by 1700.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-8-148613286) A much older pillar which is noted in the earliest Portuguese account of Mombasa may have been the minaret of the Basheikh mosque.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-9-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c48aa44-6b76-47ad-a4de-a85f3a584e0c_1118x594.png) _**The Basheikh Mosque and Minaret**_, ca. 1910, _**The Mbaraki Pillar**_, ca. 1909-1921, Mary Evans Picture Library. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F60a973f1-cb39-4451-8b4a-43fef6774f6f_690x597.png) Mombasa, ca. 1572 by Georg Braun and Frans Hogenberg [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc6b6f9d-ddbe-4dbd-bd47-abb77047de36_439x510.png) _**1462 epitaph of 'Mwana wa Bwana binti mwidani', from the Tuaca town in Mombasa**_, Kenya, Fort Jesus Museum[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-10-148613286) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Mombasa during the 16th century: Conflict with Portugal and the ascendancy of Malindi.** In April 1498 Vasco da Gama arrived at Mombasa but the encounter quickly turned violent once Mombasa’s rulers became aware of his actions on Mozambique island, so his crew were forced to sail to Malindi. This encounter soured relations between Mombasa and the Portuguese, and the latter’s alliance with Malindi would result in three major invasions of the city in 1505, 1526, 1589, and define much of the early [Luso-Swahili history](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from?utm_source=publication-search). At the time of the Portuguese encounter, Mombasa was described as the biggest of the three main Swahili city-states; the other two being Kilwa and Malindi. It had an estimated population of 10,000 who lived in stone houses some up to three stories high with balconies and flat roofs, interspaced between these were houses of wood and narrow streets with stone seats (_baraza_). Mombasa was considered to be the finest Swahili town, importing silk and gold from Cambay and Sofala.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-11-148613286) According to Duarte Barbosa the king of Mombasa was _**"the richest and most powerful"**_ of the entire coast, with rights over the coastal towns between Kilifi and Mutondwe. A later account from the 1580s notes that the chief of Kilifi was a "relative" of the king of Mombasa. Barbosa also mentions that _**"Mombasa is a place of great traffic and a good harbour where small crafts and great ships were moored, bound to Sofala, Cambay, Malindi and other ports."**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-12-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F36a10b21-27e1-4cfa-9a6a-cbaded6c7773_954x633.png) _**the 15th-century ruins of Mnarani, one of the three towns that formed the city of Kilifi**_.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-13-148613286) An account from 1507 notes the presence of merchants from Mombasa as far south as the Kerimba archipelago off the coast of Mozambique. They formed a large community that was supported by the local population and even had a kind of factory where ivory was stored. Another account from 1515 mentions Mombasa among the list of Swahili cities whose ships were sighted in the Malaysian port city of Malacca, along with ships from Mogadishu, Malindi, and Kilwa.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-14-148613286) The rulers of Mombasa and [the city-state of Kilwa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological?utm_source=publication-search) maintained links through intermarriage and the former may have been recognized as the suzerain of Zanzibar (stone-town). The power of Mombasa and the city-state's conflict with Malindi over the region of Kilifi compelled the Malindi sultan to ally with the Portuguese and break the power of Mombasa and its southern allies. Malindi thus contributed forces to the sack of Mombasa in 1505, and again in 1528-1529 when a coalition of forces that included Pemba and Zanzibar attacked Mombasa and its allies in the Kerimba islands.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-15-148613286) Despite the extent of the damage suffered during the two assaults, the city retained its power as most of its population often retreated during the invasions. It was rebuilt in a few years and even further fortified enough to withstand a failed attack in 1541. Tensions between Mombasa and the Portuguese subsided as the latter became commercial allies, but the appearance of Ottomans in the southern read sea during this period provided the Swahili a powerful ally against the Portuguese.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-16-148613286) Around 1585, the Ottoman captain Ali Bey sailed down the coast from Aden and managed to obtain an alliance with many Swahili cities, with Mombasa and Kilifi sending their envoys in 1586 just before he went back to Aden. Informed by Malindi on the actions of Ali Bey, the Portuguese retaliated by attacking Mombasa in 1587 and forcing its ruler to submit. When Ali Bey's second fleet returned in 1589, it occupied Mombasa and fortified it.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-17-148613286) Shortly after Ali Bey's occupation of Mombasa, the Zimba, an enigmatic group from the mainland that had fought the Portuguese at Tete in Mozambique, arrived at Mombasa and besieged the city. In the ensuing chaos, the Zimba killed the Mombasa sultan and Ottomans surrendered to the Portuguese, before the Zimba proceeded to attack Malindi but were repelled by the Segeju, a mainland group allied to Malindi. In 1589 the Segeju attacked both Kilifi and Mombasa, and handed over the latter to the Sultan Mohammed of Malindi. The Portuguese then made Mombasa the seat of the East African possessions in 1593, completed Fort Jesus in 1597, and granted the Malindi sultan 1/3rd of its customs.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-18-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdccd37fc-35f9-487c-a885-e6f8efe4cb46_1119x616.png) _**Fort Jesus & Mombasa Harbour**_, Northwestern University Libraries, ca. 1890-1939. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe248a829-d981-489d-8313-9ece7a2bb4df_630x488.jpeg) _**The Horse-shoe fort and the ruin of the Portuguese Chapel at the left**_, ca. 1910. **Mombasa during the Portuguese period: 1593-1698.** The Portuguese established a settler colony populated with about 100 Portuguese adults and their families at the site known as Gavana. These colonists included a few officers, priests who ran mission churches, soldiers garrisoned in the fort, and _**casados**_ (men with families). The Swahili and Portuguese of Mombasa were engaged in ivory and rice trade with the mainland communities of the Mijikenda (who appear in Portuguese documents as the "Nyika" or as the "mozungulos"), which they exchanged for textiles with Indian merchants from Gujarat and Goa, with some wealthy Swahili from Mombasa such as Mwinyi Zago even visiting Goa in 1661.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-19-148613286) Relations between the Malindi sultans and the Portuguese became strained in the early 17th century due to succession disputes and regulation of trade and taxes, in a complex pattern of events that involved the Mijikenda who acted as military allies of some factions and the primary supplier of ivory from the mainland.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-20-148613286) This state of affairs culminated in the rebellion of Prince Yusuf Hasan (formerly Dom Jeronimo Chingulia) who assassinated the captain of Mombasa and decimated the entire colony by 1631. His reign was shortlived, as the Portuguese returned to the city by 1632, forcing Yusuf to flee to the red sea region, marking the end of the Malindi dynasty at Mombasa.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-21-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F70d5af8c-6483-4de8-8793-6909923932af_1000x635.png) _**Old Mombasa Harbour**_, ca. 1890-1939, Northwestern University. Near the close of the 17th century however, the Portuguese mismanagement of the ivory trade from the mainland forced a section of the Swahili of Mombasa to request military aid from Oman. Contemporary accounts identify a wealthy Swahili merchant named Bwana Gogo of the _**Tisa Taifa**_ faction associated with Lamu, and his Mijikenda suppliers led by 'king' Mwana Dzombo, as the leaders of the uprising, while most of the _**Thelatha Taifa**_ and other groups from Faza and Zanzibar allied with the Portuguese.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-22-148613286) A coalition of Swahili and Omani forces who'd been attacking Portuguese stations along the coast eventually besieged Mombasa in 1696. After 33 months, the Fort was breached and the Portuguese were expelled. The Omani sultans placed garrisons in Mombasa, appointing the Mazrui as local administrators.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-23-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf993770-c19c-4aea-90ba-910a3665b6cb_930x630.png) _**Plan of the fort of Monbaco**_, _**ca. 1646, [British Library.](https://imagesonline.bl.uk/asset/5734/) showing Tuaca (above Fort Jesus), the forested section of Kilindi in the middle, the Portuguese colony (Gavana) next to Fort jesus, and Mvita/‘Old Town’ next to it.**_ **Mombasa during the Mazrui era (1735-1837)** Conflicts between the Swahili and Omanis in Pate and Mombasa eventually compelled the former to request Portuguese aid in 1727 to expel the Omanis. By March of 1729, the Portuguese had reoccupied Fort Jesus with support from Mwinyi Ahmed of Mombasa and the Mijikenda. However, the Portuguese clashed with their erstwhile allies over the ivory and textile trade, prompting Mwinyi Ahmed and the Mijikenda to expel them by November 1729. He then sent a delegation to Muscat with the Mijikenda leader Mwana Jombo to invite the Yarubi sultan of Oman back to Mombasa. The Yarubi Omanis thereafter appointed Mohammed bin Othman al-Mazrui as governor (_**liwali**_) in 1730, but a civil war in Oman brought the Busaidi into power and the Mazrui refused to recognize their new suzerains and continued to rule Mombasa autonomously.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-24-148613286) During the Mazrui period, most of the population was concentrated at Mvita and Kilindini while Gavana and Tuaca were largely abandoned. The Mazrui family integrated into Swahili society but, aside from arbitrating disputes, their power was quite limited and they governed with the consent of the main Swahili lineages. For example in 1745 after the Busaidi and their allies among the _**Tisa Taifa**_ assassinated and replaced the Mazrui governor of Mombasa, sections of the _**Thelatha Taifa**_ and a section of the Mijikenda executed the briefly-installed Busaidi governor and restored the Mazrui.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-25-148613286) Persistent rivalries between the governing Mazrui and the _**Tisa Taifa**_ forced the Mazrui to get into alot of debt to honour the multiple gifts required by their status. Some of the Mazrui governors competed with the sultans of Pate, who thus allied with the _**Tisa Taifa**_ against the _**Thelatha Taifa**_. Both sides installed and deposed favorable rulers in Mombasa and Pate, fought for control over the island of Pemba, and leveraged alliances with the diverse communities of the Mijikenda.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-26-148613286) Mombasa continued to expand its links with the Mijikenda, who provided grain to the city in exchange for textiles and an annual custom/tribute that in the 1630s constituted a third of the revenue from the customs of Fort Jesus. The Mijikenda also provided the bulk of Mombasa's army, and the city's rulers were often heavily dependent on them, allowing the Mijikenda to exert significant influence over Mombasa's politics and social life, especially during the 18th century when they played kingmaker between rival governors and also haboured belligerents. Some of them, eg the Duruma, settled in Pemba where they acted as clients of the Mazrui.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-27-148613286) Some of the earliest Swahili-origin traditions were recorded in Mombasa in 1847 and 1848, they refer to the migration of the Swahili from the city/region of Shungwaya (which appears in 16th-17th century Portuguese accounts and corresponds to the site of Bur Gao on the Kenya/Somalia border) after it was overrun by Oromo-speaking herders allied with Pate. These Swahili then moved to Malindi, Kilifi, and finally to Mombasa, revealing the extent of interactions between the mainland and the island and the fluidity of Mombasa’s social groups. At least four of the clans of Mombasa, especially among the _**Thelatha Taifa**_ claim to have been settled on the Kenyan mainland before moving to the island.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-28-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F715cc636-09d6-40b0-8256-7038e77bdcc3_1103x624.png) _**Mombasa and environs in the 19th century**_. **Mvita**: TisaTaifa settlement. **Kilindini**: Thelatha Taifa settlement. **Likoni**: Kilindini clan of Thelatha Taifa; **Mtongwe**: Tangana clan of Thelatha Taifa; **Ngare**: Changamwe clan of Thelatha Taifa; **Jomvu kwa Shehe, Maunguja,** and **Junda**: Jomvu clan of Tisa Taifa.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-29-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99f056d2-bcda-4950-9960-10cced490658_933x611.png) Mombasa, ca. 1903, OldEastAfricaPostcards. Mombasa under the Mazrui expanded its control from Tanga to the Bajun islands and increased its agricultural tribute from Pemba, which in the 16th-17th century period amounted to over 600 _**makanda**_ of rice, among other items, (compared to just 20 _makanda_ from the Mijikenda).[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-30-148613286) This led to a period of economic prosperity that was expressed in contemporary works by Mombasa’s scholars. Internal trade utilized silver coins (thalers) as well as bronze coins that were minted during the governorship of Salim ibn Ahmad al-Mazrui (1826–1835).[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-31-148613286) In the late 18th century, Mombasa's external trade continued to be dominated by ivory and other commodities like rice, that were exported to south Arabian ports. However, Mombasa's outbound trade was less than that carried out by Kilwa, Pemba, and Zanzibar, whose trade was directed to the Omans of Muscat, who were hostile to the Mazrui. Mombasa also prohibited trade with the French who wanted captives for their colony in the Mascarenes, as they were allied with the Portuguese, leaving only the English who purchased most of Mombasa's ivory for their possessions in India.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-32-148613286) The city was part of the intellectual currents and wealth of the 18th century and early 19th century, which contributed to a [Swahili ‘renaissance,’ that marked the apex of classical Swahili poetry](https://www.patreon.com/posts/74519541) with scholars from Pate and Mombasa such as Seyyid Ali bin Nassir (1720–1820), Mwana Kupona (d. 1865) and Muyaka bin Haji (1776–1840), some of whose writings preserve elements of Mombasa’s early history[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-33-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa0d1d711-b0c7-49f8-99fd-7a1ccd90b97e_1146x529.png) _**Hamziyya, copied by Abī Bakr bin Sulṭān Aḥmad in 1894 CE**_, with annotations in Swahili and Arabic. Private collection of Sayyid Ahmad Badawy al-Hussainy (1932-2012) and Bi Tume Shee, Mombasa. _**The Mombasa chronicle, written by Khamis al-Mambasi in the 19th century**_. SOAS library. **Mombasa in the 19th century: from Mazrui to the Busaid era (1837-1895)** At the start of the 19th century, internal and regional rivalries between the elites of Mombasa, Pate, and Lamu, supported by various groups on the mainland culminated in a series of battles between 1807 and 1813, in which Lamu emerged as the victor, and invited the Busaidi sultan of Oman, Seyyid Said as their protector, who later moved his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-34-148613286) Internecine conflicts among the Mazrui resulted in a breakup of their alliance with the _**Thelatha Taifa**_, some of whom shifted their alliance to the Zanzibar sultan Sayyid Said, culminating in the latter’s invasion of Mombasa in 1837, and the burning of Kilindini town. The _**Thelatha Taifa**_ then established their own area in _Mvita_ known as Kibokoni, adjacent to the Mjua Kale of the _**Tissa Taifa**_ to form what is now the ‘Old Town’ section of the city.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-35-148613286) Under the rule of the Zanzibar sultans, the Swahili of Mombasa retained most of their political autonomy. They elected their own leaders, had their own courts that settled most disputes within the section, and they only paid some of the port taxes and tariffs to Zanzibar.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-36-148613286) By the late 19th century, the expansion of British colonialism on the East African coast eroded the Zanzibar sultan’s authority, with Mombasa eventually becoming part of the British protectorate in 1895. Economic and political changes as well as the arrival of new groups from India, Yemen, and the Kenyan mainland during the colonial period would profoundly alter the social mosaic of the cosmopolitan city, transforming it into modern Kenya’s second-largest city.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-37-148613286) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1d199177-b10d-4f81-8290-4f5992adafb4_930x599.png) Mombasa, Kenya, ca. 1890, Northwestern University **Mombasa derived part of its wealth from re-exporting the gold of Sofala, which was ultimately obtained from Great Zimbabwe and the other stone-walled capitals of Southeast Africa** **Please subscribe to read about the history of the Gold trade of Sofala and the internal dynamics of gold demand within Southeast Africa and the Swahili coast here:** [THE GOLD TRADE OF SOFALA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/dynamics-of-gold-111163742?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=postshare_creator&utm_content=join_link) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6a52d61-fe50-4be0-a461-be4f733af8ce_675x1090.png)

2024-09-08T16:15:58+00:00

Reversing the Sail: a brief note on African travelers in the western Indian Ocean

The Swahili in Arabia and the Persian gulf

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/reversing-the-sail-a-brief-note-on

In December of 2000, a team of researchers exploring the island of Socotra off the coast of Yemen made a startling discovery. Hidden in the limestone caves of the island was a massive corpus of inscriptions and drawings left by ancient visitors from India, Africa, and the Middle East. At least eight of the inscriptions they found were written in the Ge'ez script associated with the kingdom of Aksum in the northern horn of Africa. The remarkable discovery of the epigraphic material from Socotra is of extraordinary significance for elucidating the extent and scale of the Indo-Roman trade of late antiquity, which linked the Indian Ocean world to the Meditterean world. Unfortunately, most historiography regarding this period overlooks the role played by intermediaries such as the [Aksumites who greatly facilitated this trade](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-aksumite-empire-between-rome), as evidenced by Aksumite material culture spread across the region from the Jordanian city of Aqaba to the city of Karur in south-Eastern India. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F80e75c7d-7988-4304-9990-58379ffd4773_874x612.png) The Aksumite Empire and the island of Socotra [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9f4f5e84-a848-42f0-a364-4f442853a065_677x488.png) _**one of the stalagmites bearing Aksumite, Brāhmī, and Arabian inscriptions.**_ The limited interest in the role of African societies in ancient exchanges reifies the misconception of the continent as one that was isolated in global processes. As one historian remarks; _**"Narratives of Africa’s relation to global processes have yet to take full account of mutuality in Africa’s global exchanges. One of the most complicated questions analysts of African pasts have faced is how African interests figure into an equation of global interfaces historiographically weighted toward the effects of outsiders’ actions."[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/reversing-the-sail-a-brief-note-on#footnote-1-140887587)**_ For the northern Horn of Africa in particular, ancient societies such as the Aksumites were actively involved in the political processes of the western Indian Ocean. Aksumite armies sent several expeditions into western Arabia from the 3rd to 6th century to support local allies and later to subsume the region as part of the Aksumite state. [For nearly a century before the birth of the prophet Muhammad, much of modern Saudi Arabia was under the control of the Aksumite general Abraha and his successors](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632). The recent discovery of royal inscriptions in Ge'ez commissioned by Abraha across central, eastern, northern, and western Arabia indicates that Aksumite control of Arabia was more extensive than previously imagined. A few centuries later, the red-sea archipelago of Dahlak off the coast of Eritrea served as the base for the [Mamluk dynasty of Yemen that was of 'Abyssinian' origin](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african). From 1022 to 1159, this dynasty founded by an Abyssinian administrator named Najah controlled one of the most lucrative trade routes between the Red Sea and the western Indian Ocean. The Najahid rulers established their capital at Zabid in Yemen, struck their own coinage, and received the recognition of the Abbasid Caliph. Around the same time the Abyssinians controlled western Yemen, another African community established itself along the southern coast of Yemen. These were the Swahili of the East African coast, a cosmopolitan community whose activities in the Indian Ocean world were extensive. The Swahili presence in Portuguese India in particular is well-documented, but relatively little is known about their presence in south-western Asia. Cultural exchanges between East Africa and southwestern Asia are thought to have played a significant role in the development of Swahili culture, and resident East Africans in Arabia and the Persian Gulf were likely the agents of these cultural developments. **My latest Patreon article focuses on the Swahili presence in Arabia and the Persian Gulf from 1000 CE to 1900.** **subscribe and read about it here:** [EAST AFRICANS IN ARABIA AND PERSIA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/96900062) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff790103-f823-43b7-863e-c2097a151004_847x615.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe924fffb-a8a9-4dc5-9fec-8251265dd2f4_700x892.jpeg) Illustration of a ship engaged in the East African trade in the Persian Gulf. 1237, Maqamat al-Hariri, The passengers are Arab, and the crew and pilot are East African and/or Indian. while the illustration doesn’t represent a specific type of ship, it is broadly similar to the sewn ships of the western Indian Ocean such as the mtepe of the Swahili.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/reversing-the-sail-a-brief-note-on#footnote-2-140887587)

2024-01-21T16:12:26+00:00

The role of firearms in African military history, and the guns of the Benin kingdom.

"The Zulus appeared almost to grow out of the earth.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-role-of-firearms-in-african-military

_**"The Zulus appeared almost to grow out of the earth. From rock and bush on the heights above started scores of men armed, some with rifles others with shields and spears. Gradually their main body; an immense column: opened out in splendid order upon each rank and firmly encircled the camp from their heights above."**_ The significance of firearms in the military systems of pre-colonial African societies has been the subject of much scholarly interest since the emergence of modern African historiography. From the collapse of medieval Songhai to the rise of the kingdoms of the Atlantic coast to the Ethiopian defeat of the Italians, firearms have acquired an outsized importance in mainstream discourse on African military history. In most popular narratives of African military history, the apparent lack (or abundance) of firearms is thought to have been decisive in the outcome of any historical battle. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd5b68314-1ab2-44df-adbd-4dae48ee24cd_867x614.png) _**The Battle of Adwa (1896), oil on canvas painting by an Ethiopian artist, ca. 1940-1949**_. British Museum. However, the history of firearms in African military history is a lot more complex than this superficial but popular view of pre-colonial war. As indicated by the above quote about the Zulu victory over the British at Insandlwana in 1879, firearms were added to the pre-existing arsenal of weapons and fighting formations whose evolution in [the military history of the Zulu kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history) was determined by multiple cultural and political factors. At Maputo Bay about 300km north of Isandlwana in 1554[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-role-of-firearms-in-african-military#footnote-1-150803123), another African army had defeated a band of shipwrecked Portuguese sailors in the open by _**“throwing so many spears that the air was darkened by a cloud of them."**_ A similar fighting formation was utilized further north by the Rozvi army of Changamire Dombo at the pitched battle of Mahungwe in 1684, where the Rozvi bowmen defeated the Portuguese by showering arrows at them.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-role-of-firearms-in-african-military#footnote-2-150803123) By the 19th century, it wasn't a hail of arrows nor a set-piece battle that the British would encounter, but a large Zulu force armed with tens of thousands of guns and spears, taking advantage of the bush cover to creep up the hill at Isandlwana before a final charge. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0eb70fdf-b869-4883-b78a-83a175bd337a_997x311.png) _**Flintlock smooth bore long-barrelled gun captured in South Africa in 1878**_. British Museum. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F74912f97-370f-495a-bde2-9c170c5ac0f0_837x513.png) _**Man on horseback with a gun, Lesotho, ca. 1936**_. British Museum. While firearms could sometimes decide the fate of battles, they were insufficient to win a campaign by themselves, nor were they solely decisive in influencing the evolution of African military systems. The 16th-century account of the chronicler Ibn Furtu for example, includes descriptions of several [campaigns by armies of the Bornu sultan Idris Alooma against the walled towns of the Lake Chad region in which firearms played an important role](https://www.patreon.com/posts/first-guns-and-84319870). For example, during Bornu's siege of the town of Amsaka, the latter's forces _**"fired arrows and darts like heavy rain"**_ and poured _**"pots of boiling ordure"**_ on Bornu’s army until the latter constructed a siege platform on the town’s walls and its gunmen shot Amsaka's archers such that the latter ran out of arrows just as Bornu's forces were breaking through their walls. However, only four out of the dozens of battles in Ibn Furtu's account were decided by firearms, leading one historian to conclude that Bornu’s military success _**“owed more to other devices than to guns."**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-role-of-firearms-in-african-military#footnote-3-150803123) This observation is corroborated in a much later account from the mid-19th century by the explorer Heinrich Barth, about Bornu soldiers opening fire against a group of island-dwelling Musgo warriors with almost no success. _**"It was astonishing to see that none of this small band of heroes was wounded, notwithstanding the repeated firing of a number of Kanuri people. Either the balls missed their aim entirely, or else, striking upon the shields of these poor pagans, which consisted of nothing but wicker-work, were unable to pierce this slight defence."**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-role-of-firearms-in-african-military#footnote-4-150803123) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6b5fd08-5108-4b15-bee6-dac83e9107b0_743x517.png) _**Walled town in the Lake Chad region**_, ca. 1936, Quai Branly. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff025ada-b286-419e-8557-b88af274b95d_1241x349.png) _**Rifle from Bornu, Nigeria, collected in 1905**_. American Museum of Natural History. A brief overview of pre-colonial African warfare provides several other examples of 16th-century African armies with no firearms defeating gun-wielding Portuguese armies —from large kingdoms like [Mutapa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese) to smaller societies like the [Khoe-san warriors](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-ancient-herders?utm_source=publication-search). At the same time, the musketeers of [Bornu, Morocco](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/morocco-songhai-bornu-and-the-quest?utm_source=publication-search), and the Portuguese were conducting successful campaigns in [other parts of the continent](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from?utm_source=publication-search). Even after firearms were more widely adopted by the 19th century, with kingdoms such as [Zinder making their own cannons](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate), and [Samory's empire which manufactured modern rifles](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the?utm_source=publication-search), successful campaigns were determined by multiple factors of which gun technology was only one among many, for example in [the century-long Anglo-Asante wars](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn?utm_source=publication-search). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F50a429ba-c664-4449-a7a3-a1c8df862eca_676x596.png) _**The 1874 Battle of Amoaful between the British and the Asante kingdom**, British Library._ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F64799faf-7aca-447a-84cb-eab486b73d12_996x577.png) _**Statuette of a man aiming a musket**_, _**ca. 1909**_, Dahomey, Benin. Smithsonian. _**Flintlock pistol covered with local copper alloy plates. ca. 1892**_ .Dahomey, Benin, Quai Branly. The incorporation of firearms into African military systems was therefore a protracted process whose impact on the evolution of African military technologies, fighting formations, and warfare varied greatly between different societies in different time periods. Additionally, the function of firearms was at times ceremonial, they were considered a symbol of power and were displayed during important festivals, included in diplomatic exchanges, and depicted in royal iconography. This dual function of firearms in the military and cultural spheres is best demonstrated in the West African kingdom of Benin whose armies were among the first on the continent to adopt firearms. From the manufacture of bronze cannons to the creation of artworks depicting armed soldiers to the trade in rifles, the Benin kingdom provides one of the best case studies for the evolution of firearms in pre-colonial Africa. **The history of firearms in the Benin kingdom is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read about it here:** [THE GUNS OF BENIN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/114754735) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8bb92fa1-33cd-4590-90e5-6d5426fae26b_651x1226.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F215369b6-5d7a-4535-bd4e-9db2218ed93a_599x655.png) _**Smocking pipe in the form of a rifle covered with brass studs with a leather strap**_, late 19th century, Chokwe artist, Angola/D.R.Congo, Met Museum. ### Subscribe to African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past

2024-10-27T17:10:49+00:00

A muslim kingdom in the Ethiopian highlands: the history of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520.

During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian

During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape. The history of one of these dynasties, often referred to as the Solomonids, has been sufficiently explored in many works of African history. However, the history of their biggest political rivals, known as the Walasma dynasty of Ifat, has received less scholarly and public attention, despite their contribution to the region’s cultural heritage. This article outlines the history of the Walasma kingdoms of Ifat and Adal, which influenced the emergence and growth of many Muslim societies in the northern Horn of Africa. _**Map of the northern Horn of Africa during the early 16th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-1-145667530)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F145af03f-2d38-4807-b120-ad8bec20f787_491x553.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Background to the Ifat kingdom: the enigmatic polity of Šawah.** Near the end of the 13th century, an anonymous scholar in the northern Horn of Africa composed a short chronicle titled _**Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ**_ (ie: “the Annals”), that primarily dealt with the rise and demise of a polity called ‘Šawah’ which flourished from 1063 to 1290 CE. The text describes the sultanate of Šawah as comprised of several urban settlements, with the capital at Walalah, and outlying towns like Kālḥwr, and Ḥādbayah, that were controlled by semi-autonomous rulers of a dynasty called the Maḫzūmī.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-2-145667530) The author of the _**Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ's**_ notes the presence of a scholarly elite in Šawah, was aware of the sack of Baghdad in 1258 by the _**‘Tatars’**_ (Mongols) , and mentions that the state’s judicial system was headed by a _**‘qāḍī al-quḍā’**_ (ie: “cadi of the cadis”). The text also mentions a few neighboring Muslim societies like Mūrah, ʿAdal, and Hūbat. The information provided in the chronicle is corroborated by a Mumluk-Egyptian text describing an Ethiopian embassy in 1292, which notes that _**“Among the kings of Abyssinia is Yūsuf b. Arsmāya, master of the territory of Ḥadāya, Šawā, Kalǧur, and their districts, which are dominated by Muslim kings.”**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-3-145667530) The composition of the chronicle of Šawah represents an important period in the emergence of Muslim societies in north-eastern regions of modern Ethiopia, which also appears extensively across the region’s archeological record, where many inscribed tombs, mosques, and imported goods were found dated between the 11th and 15th century, particularly [in the region of Harlaa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city). While the towns of Šawah are yet to be found, the remains of contemporaneous Muslim societies were generally urbanized and were associated with long-distance trade that terminated at the coastal city of Zayla. It’s in this context that the kingdom of Ifāt (ኢፋት) emerged under its founder Wālī ʾAsmaʿ (1285–1289), whose state eclipsed and subsumed most of the Muslim polities across the region including Šawā.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-4-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F923da5d0-ca0c-4d1b-a6b2-704cb7d91fab_608x557.png) _**Important polities in the northern Horn during the late middle ages, including the Muslim states of Ifat, Adal, Hadya and Sawah.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-5-145667530) **The Walasma kingdom of Ifat during the 14th century.** In the late 13th century, Wālī Asma established an alliance with Yǝkunno Amlak —founder of the Solomonic dynasty of the medieval Christian kingdom of Ethiopia— acknowledging the suzerainty of the latter in exchange for military support. Wālī ʾAsma’s growing power threatened the last ruler of Šawah; Sultan Dilmārrah, who attempted to appease the former through a marital alliance in 1271. Ultimately, the armies of Wālī Asma attacked Šawah in 1277, deposed its Maḫzūmī rulers, and imposed their power on the whole region, including the polities at Mūrah, ʿAdal, and Hūbat, which were conquered by 1288.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-6-145667530) The establishment of the Ifat kingdom coincided with the expansion of the power of the Solomonids, who subsumed many neighboring states including Christian kingdoms like Zagwe, as well as Muslim and 'pagan' kingdoms. By the 14th century, the balance of power between the Solomonids and the Walasma favored the former. The rulers of Ifat were listed among the several tributaries mentioned in the chronicle of the ʿAmdä Ṣǝyon (r. 1314-1344), whose armies greatly expanded the Solomonid state. The Walasma sultan then sent an embassy to Mamluk Egypt’s sultan al-Nasir in 1322 to intercede with Amdä Ṣǝyon on behalf of the Muslims.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-7-145667530) It’s during this period that detailed descriptions of Ifat appear in external texts, primarily written by the Mamluks, such as the accounts of Abū al-Fidā' (1273-1331) and later al-Umari in the 1330s. According to al-Fidā' the capital of Ifat was _**"one of the largest cities in the Ḥabašā \[Ethiopia\]. There are about twenty stages between this town and Zayla. The buildings of Wafāt are scattered. The abode of royalty is on one hill and the citadel is on another hill"**_. Al-Umari writes that Ifat was the most important of the _**"seven kingdoms of Muslim Abyssinia.**_" He adds that _**"Awfāt is closest to Egyptian territory and the shores facing Yemen and has the largest territory. Its king reigns over Zaylaʿ; it is the name of the port where merchants going to this kingdom approach."**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-8-145667530) The Sultanate of Ifat is the best documented among the Muslim societies of the northern Horn during the Middle Ages, and its archeological sites are the best studied. The account of the 14th-century account of al-Umari and the 15th-century chronicle of Amdä Ṣeyon (r. 1314-1344) both describe several cities in the territory of Ifat that refer to the provincial capitals of the kingdom. These textural accounts are corroborated by the archeological record, with at least five ruined cities —Asbari, Masal, Rassa Guba, Nora, and Beri-Ifat— having been identified in its former territory and firmly dated to the 14th century.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-9-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F971ab563-b468-4a24-b65b-49e72c2999c5_1000x664.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4bb6de08-618e-49a1-a8ca-8595ed4a4267_1000x664.jpeg) _**ruins of the mosques at Beri-Ifat and Nora.**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-10-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fae1778ba-3537-4207-99b3-28ca4c9bd0af_806x607.png) _**Location of the archeological sites of Ifat and the kingdom’s center.**_ The largest archeological sites at Nora, Beri-Ifat, and Asbari had city walls, remains of residential buildings preserved to a height of over 2-3 meters, and an urban layout with streets and cemeteries, set within a terraced landscape. The material culture of the sites includes some imported wares from the Islamic world, but was predominantly local, and included iron rods that were used as currency. Each of the cities and towns possessed a main mosque in addition to neighborhood mosques (or oratories) in larger cities like Nora, built in a distinctive architectural style that characterized most of the settlements in Ifat.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-11-145667530) The above archeological discoveries corroborate al-ʿUmarī’s account, which notes that _**“there are, in these seven kingdoms, cathedral mosques, ordinary mosques and oratories.”,**_ and the city layout of Beri-Ifat is similar to the account provided by al-Fidā', who notes that the capital’s buildings were scattered. The discovery of inscribed tombs of a _**“sheikh of the Walasmaʿ”**_ of Šāfiʿite school who died in 1364, also corroborates al-Umari's accounts of this school's importance in Ifat, as well as the providing evidence for the origin of the [diasporic scholarly community known as the](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282) _**[Zaylāiʿ](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282)**_ [at the important Shāfiʿī college of al-Azhar in Cairo](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-12-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F59804888-1c64-46ba-9c3e-c1eb5b68e0bf_1000x664.jpeg) _**Mosque of Ferewanda, part of the city of Beri-Ifat.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F730f8a72-7660-4950-8229-0cbbd69552b0_1000x667.jpeg) _**Square house with a wall niche at the site of Nora**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F11ce4133-3605-4967-98e2-7e79ae7be3bb_580x439.png) _**Tomb T8 near the sultan’s residence close to the mosque of Beri-Ifat. It belongs to sultan al-Naṣrī b. ʿAlī \[Naṣr\] b. Ṣabr al-Dīn b. Wālāsma, and is dated Saturday 15 ṣafar 775 h., \[i.e. August 6, 1373\]**_ **Trade, warfare, and the decline of Ifat.** According to Al-ʿUmarī, the kingdom of Ifat dominated trade because of its geographical position near the coast and its control of Zayla, from where imports of _**“silk and linen fabrics"**_ were obtained. Later accounts describe trading cities like “Manadeley” where one could _**"find every kind of merchandise that there is in the world, and merchants of all nations, also all the languages of the Moors, from Giada, from Morocco, Fez, Bugia, Tunis, Turks, Roumes from Greece, Moors of India, Ormuz and Cairo"**_.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-13-145667530) Another important trading city of Ifat was Gendevelu, which appears in internal accounts as Gendabelo since the 14th century and likely corresponds to the archeological site of Asbari. External descriptions of the city mention _**"caravans of camels unload their merchandise"**_ and _**"the currency is Hungarian and Venetian ducats, and the silver coins of the Moors."**_ While the rulers of Ifat didn’t mint their own coins, most sources note the use of imported silver coins, as well as commodity currencies like cloth and iron rods.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-14-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7342bf6a-67de-41a1-afd1-5deb517e3cd4_1408x594.jpeg) _**The main mosque of Asbari.**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-15-145667530) Much of the political history of Ifat was provided in an internal chronicle titled _**'Taʾrīḫ al-Walasmaʿ**_ written in the 16th century, as well as an external account by the Mamluk historian al-Maqrīzī in 1438. Both texts describe a major dynastic split in the Walasma family of Ifat that occurred in the late 14th century, between those who wanted to continue recognizing the suzerainty of the Solomonids, and those who rejected it. According to al-Maqrizi, the Solomonids could install and depose the Walasma rulers at will, retain some of the Ifat royals at their court, and often provided military aid to those allied with them.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-16-145667530) In the 1370s, sultan Ali of Ifat was aided by the armies of the Ethiopian emperor in fighting a rebellion led by Ali's rival Ḥaqq al-Dīn (r. 1376–1386), who established a separate kingdom away from the capital. After the destruction of the Ifat capital during the dynastic conflict, and the death of Ḥaqq al-Dīn in a war with the Solomonids, his brother Saʿd al-Dīn continued the rebellion but was defeated near Zayla around 1409[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-17-145667530). In response to the continuous conflict, the Solomonids formerly incorporated the territories of Ifat, appointed Christian governors who adopted the name Walasmaʿ (in Gǝʿǝz, _wäläšma_), deployed garrisons of their own soldiers, and established royal capitals in Ifat territory.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-18-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f9bdf20-2176-4412-b314-d34868c88023_1051x587.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbacdbb7c-e896-4335-9a4c-d5de0a949ff3_1053x590.png) _**The mosque of Jéʾértu**_.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-19-145667530) **The re-establishment of Walasma power in the 15th century until their demise in 1520.** After the death of Saʿd al-Dīn, his family took refuge in Yemen, at the court of the Rasūlid sultan Aḥmad b. al-Ašraf Ismāʿil (r. 1400–1424). Saʿd al-Dīn's oldest son, Ṣabr al-Dīn (r. 1415–1422), later came back to Ethiopia, to a place called al-Sayāra, in the eastern frontier of the province of Ifat, where the soldiers who had served under his father joined him. They established a new sultanate, called Barr Saʿd al-Dīn (“Land of Saʿd al-Dīn”) which appears as Adal in the chronicles of the Solomonid rulers, who were by then in control of the territory of Ifat.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-20-145667530) Beginning in 1433, the Walasma rulers of Barr Saʿd al-Dīn established their capital at Dakar, which likely corresponds to the ruined sites of Derbiga and Nur Abdoche located near the old city of Harar. They imposed their power over many pre-existing Muslim polities including Hūbat, the city of Zaylaʿ, the Ḥārla region surrounding Harar, and parts of northern Somalia. An emir was appointed by the sultan to head each territory, with the prerogative of levying taxes (ḫarāǧ and zakāt) on the population.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-21-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feecb3ed4-62e3-415d-91e5-22c5027c4c9c_580x404.png) _**The Derbiga mosque in 1922**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-22-145667530) The Walasma rulers at Dakar reportedly maintained fairly cordial relations with the Solomonids in order to facilitate trade, but wars between their two states continued especially during the reigns of the sultans Ṣabr al-Dīn (r. 1415–1422), Manṣūr (r. 1422–1424), Ǧamāl al-Dīn (r. 1424–1433) and Badlāy (r. 1433–1445). Repeated incursions into 'Adal' by the armies of the Solomonid monarchs compelled some of the former's dependents to pay tribute to the latter, and in 1480, Dakar itself was sacked by the armies of Eskender (r. 1478-1494).[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-23-145667530) However, by the early 16th century, the armies of the Walasma begun conducting their own incursions into the Solomonid state. The sultan Muḥammad b. Saʿd ad-Dıˉn, who had the longest reign from 1488 to around 1517, is known to have undertaken annual expeditions against the territories controlled by the Solomonids. After the death of Sultan Muḥammad, the kingdom experienced a period of instability during which several illegitimate rulers followed each other in close succession and a figure named Imām Aḥmad rose to prominence.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-24-145667530) The tumultuous politics of this period are described in detail by two internal chronicles written during this period. The first one, titled _**Taʾrıkh al-Walasmaʿ**_, was in favor of Sultan Muḥammad’s only legitimate successor, Sultan Abū Bakr (r. 1518-1526), while the other chronicle, _**Taʾrıkh al-muluk**_, favored Imām Aḥmad’s camp. Both agree on the shift of the sultanate’s capital from Dakar to the city of Harar in July 1520, but the former text ends with this event while the latter begins with it. This shift marked the decline of Sultan Abū Bakr’s power and was followed by his death at the hands of Imām Aḥmad who effectively became the real authority in the sultanate, while the Walasma lost their authority[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-25-145667530). Imām Aḥmad would then undertake a series of campaigns that eventually brought most of the territory controlled by the Solomonids under his control, briefly creating one of Africa’s largest empires at the time, and beginning a new era in the region’s history. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F49401fa3-c82f-4e06-bcd2-aa7f5056b011_1348x559.png) _Panorama of Harar and its hinterland in 1944, quai branly_ **The ancient coast of East Africa was part of an old trading system linking the Roman world to the Indian Ocean world, with the metropolis of Rhapta in Tanzania being one of the major African cities known to classical geographers.** **Read more about the ancient East African coast and its links to the Roman world here:** [ANCIENT EAST AFRICA AND THE ROMANS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/105868178) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa02dc2b6-500a-4e26-bafe-28947296eeef_1102x623.png)

2024-06-16T14:54:37+00:00

Empire building and Government in the Yorubaland: a history of Oyo (1600-1836)

Why Africa's internal political processes explain African history better than external actors.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in

For over two centuries, the region of south-western Nigeria populated by Yoruba-speakers was home to one of the largest states in west Africa after the fall of Songhai. The rise of Oyo empire as the dominant state of the Yorubaland owed much to its complex political structure, whose elaborate system of government that distributed authority among different institutions, enabled Oyo to project its power across a relatively vast region covering nearly 150,000 sqkm. The gradual evolution of these same political structures that enabled Oyo’s success, eventually led to the empire’s decline. This article outlines the political history of Oyo from the rise of the empire to its collapse, including a description of its internal political organization, in order to explain why pre-colonial Africa’s internal politics explain the trajectory of Africa’s history better than external actors. _**Map showing the maximum extent of the Oyo empire at its height in the late 18th century**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03c3f27a-90ec-4761-9a35-7dd1c23f4b55_841x687.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Origins of Oyo; from the city-state to kingdom to empire. (12th-16th century)** The early history of Oyo is inextricably entwined with the settlement of the Yoruba-speakers in what is now south-western Nigeria and their creation of monarchical forms of government in this region between the late 1st and early 2nd millennium. The emergence of Imperial Oyo in the 17th century is predated by the establishment of the kingdom of Oyo during the 14th century around its capital Oyo-ile, which was itself first occupied between the 8th and 12th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-1-91226295) The city of Oyo-ile was at the center of the much of Oyo’s political and cultural history, and like many cities in the Yorubaland, Oyo's urban settlement was closely associated with political power. It consisted of a relatively dense but dispersed settlement pattern divided into the built-up area with its palaces, religious buildings, specialist workshops, houses, and the agricultural area, all of which were enclosed in a series of concentric system of walls and ditches as new additions were made after a significant increase in the city's population[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-2-91226295). Covering over 52 sqkm, Oyo-ile was among the largest cities of west-africa due to the nature of its settlement which housed an estimated 100,000 at its height from the 17th and 19th century. Accounts from the 1820s described the city as a large cosmopolitan city surrounded by multiple walls over 20ft in height.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-3-91226295) Early in the 16th century, the kingdom of Oyo had been subjected in dramatic fashion to the influence of its northern neighbors in events that were distantly related to the political transformations that followed the displacement of the Mali empire by Songhai (whose power extended to **Borgu**/Ìbàrìbá in the north of the modern Benin republic) and the establishment of the Bornu empire west of lake chad (whose power extended to the Hausalands in northern Nigeria). Oyo was overrun by invaders from **Nupe** to its north-east, forcing parts of its royal dynasty to seek temporary refuge in Ibariba in the north-west and others to relocate their capital southwards to the city of Igboho, from where they eventually managed to defeat the Nupe.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-4-91226295) Oyo remained a state of minor importance until the early 17th century when its ruler Aláàfin Abípa re-established and resettled the old capital Oyo-ile. The state then underwent a period of expansion under Abípa's successors Obalokun and Ajagbo during which it extended its political influence southwards over large parts of the Yorubaland at an imperial scale, and greatly transformed its institutions of governance which were then spread across much of the region.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-5-91226295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d2e7f20-8fc6-48d2-a316-5a82d1f768e8_663x692.png) _**Perimeter walls of Òyó-Ilé**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-6-91226295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2bebaf6f-7b64-4595-b5d5-6d9f9d335e9a_768x508.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8cac64b2-d53f-4016-bb62-da4194c3b082_1051x782.jpeg) _**a few of the ruined sections of Oyo-ile’s walls still standing at just under 4 meters, the city was sacked and abandoned in the 1830s and most of its ruined structures quickly deteriorated in the humid climate**_ **The government in Imperial Oyo: political intuitions in the 17th century** From the 17th century, Oyo had a system of government in which the power of the king, or Aláàfin, was balanced by the _**òyómèsì**_ , a seven-person state council comprised of the heads of prominent lineages in the capital Oyo-ile that acted as a check on the Aláàfin’s power. Their offices in order of seniority were; _**Basorun**, Agbakin, Samu, Alapini, Laguna, Akiniku_ and _Asipa_. They met with the Alaafin in the palace to make all laws and take the highest decisions of government including the election of a new Alaafin from a pool of royal candidates, and when dissatisfied with the reigning Alaafin could order his deposition by instructing him to take his own life.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-7-91226295) The Alaafin was in charge of approving the state's offices of administration and acted as the highest judicial authority, while the _Basorun_ served as the commander of the army, who also nominated war chiefs serving under him called _Eso_, that supplied the cavalry forces of the army. Relations between the state council and the Alaafin were in turn mediated by the priestly leaders of the _**Ogboni**_ cult of the earth of whom the state councilors were members but held little power over.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-8-91226295) Below these were several administrative offices and councils, especially the palace offices often populated by eunuchs, most notably; the _Ona Efa_ (Eunuch of the Middle), the _Otun Efa_ (Eunuch of the Right), and the _Osi Efa_ ('Eunuch of the Left). Below the eunuchs were the _ajele_ who were drawn from the palace by the Alaafin and appointed as provincial governors of Oyo settlements. Below these were the royal messengers called _ilari_, some of whom served as envoys to foreign kingdoms, relayed requests from the capital to the provinces, and collected tribute from vassal states.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-9-91226295) Within the army, the cavalry forces became the backbone of Oyo military strength and sustained its imperial expansion. While Oyo wasn't self-sufficient in horse breeding --being located along the margin of the tsetse-infested forest zone-- it could replenish its horses through trade with its northern neighbors, most notably the Nupe at the market town of Ogodo, as well as from Borgu and the Hausalands. Horses could survive in the northern provinces of Oyo where they were primarily kept and tended to by servants from the north (often Hausa), the latter of whom are also introduced horse-equipment to Oyo including horse-bits, saddles and stirrups.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-10-91226295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6bace2c-047f-46fb-bd3f-f89c9e721f37_609x480.png) _**The Alaafin of Oyo and his officers on horseback, surrounded by attendants, National archives U.K, 1911**_ **Strategies of Oyo expansion and settlement until the late 17th century** Oyo’s imperial expansion proceeded in a number of ways including; the creation of **Oyo settlements** in the frontier that were populated by loyal elites and subjects from the capital; the creation of **client states** through both diplomacy and warfare; and the creation of **vassal states** often through warfare. Oyo's authority was primarily expressed indirectly; in the Oyo settlements it was done through resident provincial governors who were inturn supervised by the royal messengers, in the client states it was done through the preexisting rulers (_oba_/king or _baale_/chief) that were approved by the Alaafin, and in vassal states it was exercised through the royal messengers who collected tribute[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-11-91226295). For the core territories of Oyo, the system of government at the capital was repeated on smaller scale in the provincial towns from which taxes and duties were collected from traders in exchange for increased security through military protection. The expansion of Oyo utilized a mixture in the use of these different strategies.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-12-91226295) An example is in the upper-osun region that was contested between Oyo and the kingdom of Ilésà. The forces of Oyo moved against Ilesa during the reigns of 17th century Alaafins; Obalókun and Àjàgbó, ostensibly to punish Ilesa for brigandage activities in the region, but more likely to extend Oyo's hegemony over the emergent kingdom. This conflict ultimately ended with a stalemate as Ilesa was at best only a client state of Oyo, the latter of which was allowed by the former to establish an Oyo settlement at Ede-ilé.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-13-91226295) Recent archeological excavations indicate that the 82ha town of Ede-ile was established in the early 17th century, the presence of Oyo-ile ceramics, spindle whorls, cowries, as well as iron and cloth dyeing workshops, horse remains, and baobab trees indicate that the town was established by settlers from Oyo-ile.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-14-91226295) Similar Oyo settlements were established across the empire including as far north as at Okuta and as far south as at Ifonyin in Egbado.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-15-91226295)(see blue lines on the map below) Conversely, Oyo's attempts at military-driven expansion during this early stage produced mixed results. Its attempts to conquer regions to its south-east especially in Ijesha, during the reign of the Alaafin Obalókun, were met with defeat when the cavalry forces failed to take the forested regions; "the Oyos being then unaccustomed to bush fighting".[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-16-91226295) Oyo's forces saw better success northwards in parts of Borgu approaching town of Bussa, as well as in the north-east where the towns of Ògòdò and Jebba were taken from the Nupe and westwards where it established suzerainty over Sábe kingdom.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-17-91226295) Oyo’s most important institutions crystalized during this period (in the 1st half of the 17th century). Most of these changes were influenced by the decisive role played by the alliances made between the exiled Oyo dynasties of the 15th century and the various groups which harbored them[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-18-91226295). These included the elevation of the office of the state council’s leader the _Basorun_ who was also the head of the army and often of Ibariba origin, and the _Alapini_ was from the allied Nupe factions.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-19-91226295) But to counteract the power of the state council and to discontinue personal command of the army, the Alaafin Ajagbo also instituted the title of _Are ona Kakamfo_, who served as the commander-in-chief of the provincial forces.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-20-91226295) The long reign of Alaafin Ajagbo which ended in the late 1680s was followed by a succession of 9 short-lived rulers who were often deposed by the state council, and their campaigns of expansion were mostly unsuccessful. This period produced the first recorded instance of an Alaafin (Odarawu) being forced by the council to abdicate and take his life, the first instance of Oyo's army storming its capital to fight its own Alaafin (Karan) after he deposed the council, and the increasing importance of the crown prince's office called Aremo. This interregnum of internal political turmoil in Oyo ended with the ascension of Alaafin Ojigi in the mid-1720s, who is credited for Oyo's greatest expansion.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-21-91226295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F25386289-28b6-45ff-bcc1-7d9a4ad6a7ef_575x667.png) _**Map showing the settlements and military conquests of Oyo between the 17th and 18th century**_ **The era of military expansion in the early 18th century** For its south-western expansion, Oyo utilized a mix of diplomacy and military intimidation, enabling it to turn the kingdoms of Sabe and Kétu into client-states by the early 17th century, and opening the way for a further expansion south into the Egbado polities by 1625 (shown as 'Gbado' in the map above). Oyo settlements were also established in this region at Ìlarò, and Ifonyin among others, of which Ìlarò became the most dominant under its founder Òrónà who extended political control over several polities and communities in the region.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-22-91226295) The governors of these Oyo settlements were were typically recalled to the capital after serving 3 years, but by the late 18th century were required to abdicate office upon the ascension of a new Alaafin.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-23-91226295) Further westwards, Oyo expansion relied almost entirely on military conquest. The extension of Oyo's political influence over the rest of Egbado between the 1670s and 1680s had brought it into conflict with the kingdom of Allada, a powerful state whose vassals included Wydah and Dahomey. After some internal political conflicts in Allada, a group of its subjects travelled to Oyo-ile in 1698 and petitioned the Alaafin to intervene against their King's "mis-governance", to which the latter sent envoys to the king of Allada who promptly killed them. Oyo's cavalry invaded Allada in 1698/9 and overrun its capital forcing its king to flee and loosening Allada's suzerainty over its vassals Dahomey and Whydah, but Oyo didn't consolidate its victory over Allada.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-24-91226295) Succession disputes in Allada following Oyo's invasion further degraded its internal politics. A dispute between King Soso of Allada and his brother Hussar, saw the latter seeking the aid of king Agaja of Dahomey to install him, while Soso averted this alliance by allying with Whydah in 1722, this proved ephemeral as Agaja invaded Allada in 1724. Agaja took up residence in Allada's capital, forcing Hussar out.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-25-91226295) Hussar, fled to Oyo-ile and petitioned Alaafin Ojigi to intervene, who then dispatched a cavalry force which invaded and defeated Agaja's army in Allada in May 1726, forcing the king of Dahomey to flee from the capital. But Oyo's forces withdraw shortly after since the horses couldn't survive long in the region, and Agaja re-occupied Allada's capital, leaving Hussar an exile in Whydah. Agaja later conquered Whydah's capital Savi during march 1727 after a political conflict over trade customs with its king Hufon.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-26-91226295) While king Agaja's envoys had sent presents to the Alaafin's court to placate the latter's dreaded cavalry, but the deposed king Hufon of whydah appealed to Oyo for military aid to reinstall him in his capital Savi, even as Agaja was also offering Hufon his throne back in exchange for tribute. Hufon opted to ally with Oyo, which promptly invaded Dahomey's capital Abomey several times nearly every year from 1728-1732.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-27-91226295) In the first of the Oyo invasions led by the _Basorun_ Yau Yamba in 1728[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-28-91226295), Dahomey’s king Agaja evacuated his capital and took his subjects into the forested regions which forced the Oyo armies to turn back, allowing him to return and rebuild. In the 2nd invasion of 1729, Oyo's forces dispatched units to hunt down Agaja in the forests and occupied Dahomey as long as they could (from May to July) to force them into submission[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-29-91226295). Oyo's 3rd invasion of Dahomey in 1730 forced Agaja to negotiate; sending his prince (the future king Tegbesu) to Oyo-ile as a hostage, arranging a royal intermarriage, and gifting the Alaafin Ojigi with many presents/tribute[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-30-91226295) Ojigi also sent Yau Yamba to the eastern frontiers of the empire into the region of Ibolo during the early 1730s. This campaign used the Oyo settlement at Offa as the launching ground for the campaign, but Oyo’s forces were withdrawn after their commander had fallen with his horse.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-31-91226295) Back at the capital, the increased power of Ojigi's crown-prince was strongly opposed by the state council, they therefore instructed both Ojigi and the Aremo to take their life in 1830, and greatly reduced the office of the crown prince.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-32-91226295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd1765f4f-abd1-4eac-ae6b-d338090b808f_901x572.png) _**Entrance to Dahomey’s king Behazin's palace in Abomey, Benin republic, showing the ruins of King Agada’s palace that was built around 1720,**_ photo from quai branly **The era of consolidation in the mid 18th century** Ojigi was succeeded by a relative weak Alaafins; Gberu and Amuniwaiye who were unable to counter internal opposition from the state council. The former attempted to influence the council by appointing an allied lineage head named Jambu as the _Basorun_, but the two didn't get along and both eventually took their lives the latter after the former. Alaafin Amuniwaiye didn't fare any better, being compelled to eliminate the deceased _Basorun_ Jambu's allies in the council before he was himself forced to take his life.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-33-91226295) The campaign against Dahomey in 1730 had reduced the Mahi kingdom (sandwiched between Dahomey and Oyo) into a vassal state that allied with Oyo against Dahomey. Agaja retaliated by besieging Mahi's capital Gbowele in 1731-2 and ceasing the payment of tribute to Oyo, but internal circumstances after Alaafin Ojigi's death in 1730 (exlained above), prevented Oyo from invading Dahomey.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-34-91226295) The ascension of the more capable Alaafin Onísílé in 1746 altered Oyo's relations with Dahomey and the latter was invaded in 1742 and 1743 forcing the king Tegbesu to retreat from Abomey which along with the city of Cana was burned by Oyo's cavalry before they withdraw. Between 1745-7, Tegbesu tried placating Oyo with gifts but neither of the kings could agree on the amount of tribute to be paid, and in 1748 Oyo's forces invaded Dahomey and forced Tegbesu to flee, before the latter negotiated a higher tribute that was acceptable to Oyo.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-35-91226295) However, Onisile was instructed to take his life by the state council after an act of sacrilege to his palace, its during this time that the _Basorun_ Ga (also spelt Gaa/Gaha) rose to prominence. After Onisile, two Alaafins reigned in close succession; Labisi (r. 1754), Awonbioju (r. 1754) and they were both deposed after being compelled to take their lives by Ga who increasingly subjected the crown and government to his personal rule.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-36-91226295) Alaafin Awonbioju was succeeded by Alaafin Agboluaje (r. 1754-1768) who managed to survive relatively longer than his predecessors because he submitted to Ga's authority. As the _Basorun_, Ga had a lot of influence which was enhanced by the circumstances of his rise, he took over collection of tribute and customs from the settlements and provinces using his sons instead of the royal messengers, and reduced the Alaafin to receiving a stipend. Ga was likely an expansionist and he requested the Alaafin Agboluaje to attack the vassal ruler of Ifonyin (the Oyo settlement) named Elehin-Odo, but when the Alaafin refused, Ga instructed him to take his life. Atleast one frontier war occurred under Ga in 1764 when an Oyo army stationed in the area of Atakpame (modern Togo) defeated an Asante army (from modern Ghana).[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-37-91226295) Oyo under Ga underwent a period of consolidation during when there were no major additions to the empire. Its during this time that Dahomey remained a loyal vassal state paying tribute annually and contining to do so for over 70 years (1748-1818/23). Some Oyo institutions were adopted by Dahomey including royal seclusion, use of eunuchs in offices, as well as messengers (_wensagon/lari_), and the master of the horse (_sogan_). Unlike Oyo's more proximate provinces, these institutions weren't introduced to Dahomey by Oyo settlers (since the Oyo messengers only came to collect tribute at Cana) but by the Dahomean elite to enhance their own power.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-38-91226295) The Alaafin Agboluaje was succeeded by Alaafin Abíódún, who bid his time to overthrow the _Basuron_ Ga by raising forces of loyal supporters in the provinces that were opposed to the conduct of Ga's sons. Around 1774, Ga instructed Abiodun to take his life after losing confidence in his short reign, but Abiodun rejected the instruction. The allies of Abiodun led by the provincial commander Oyabi of ajase, battled with Ga's forces who they later defeated and killed.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-39-91226295) The Oyo empire attained its greatest territorial extent under Abiodun with the formal integration of the small coastal polities centered at Badagry and Porto Novo.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-40-91226295) But Oyo's armies were less formidable at the frontier as they had earlier been, an invasion of Borgu in 1783 in order to suppress a rebellion was met with defeat[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-41-91226295), and the Alaafin chose to rely on his dependencies notably Dahomey under Kpengla (1774-1789), whose armies were allowed by Oyo to attack other vassals like Badagry and Wèmè that were perceived to be rebellious, but were restrained from attacking loyal vassals like Arda.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-42-91226295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7199fba5-ef8f-4b2b-8859-bf501bfbaa7d_938x608.png) _**Porto-Novo in the early 20th century. The port settlement was established by exiled Allada royals, was called Àjàsé while under the Oyo empire (not to be confused with the similarly named Ajase of the governor Oyabi mentioned above)**_[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-43-91226295) **The domestic economy of Oyo during the 18th century** There were no major changes made in Oyo's political structure during the reign of Abiodun save for the formation of a short-lived standing army, and the prominence of the offices of the crown prince and provincial commander at the expense of the council. Oyo’s internal economic structure is best understood during this period. State revenues were collected from the extensive use of turnpike tolls, market levies, and taxes that were collected from the capital, the Oyo settlements in the provinces, and as tribute from the client states and vassal states. These taxes and tribute were primarily paid in cowries, but also in commodities such as cloth, and in tribute such as slaves, as well as horses and agricultural products.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-44-91226295) The bulk of Oyo's population —as in most pre-modern societies— was involved in agriculture, but there was also a substantial crafts industry employing specialist laborers who supplied local markets with domestic manufactures. The best described local industry was the production of embroidered and dyed textiles made from the various cotton and indigo fields whose cotton and dyes were worked by specialist weavers in towns across the empire as described by various visitors in the early 19th century. An external account of a visit to the town of Ìjànà in 1826 noted that it had “several manufactories of cloth.” and “three dye-houses, with upwards of twenty vats or large earthen pots in each,” all busy producing excellent indigo and “durable dye,” which formed an important capital in local trade. Other industries include leather goods, iron smelting, ivory and bronze casting, wood carving and pottery.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-45-91226295) (despite the internal turmoil of the early 19th century, explorer accounts of Oyo still describe an empire that was economically vibrant, generally peaceful, and safe for travelers[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-46-91226295)) External trade southwards to the Atlantic coast increased during the 18th century when many of the ports in the ‘_bight of Benin_’ were under Oyo's suzerainty. Like all states along the Atlantic coast, captives from Oyo came from very dispersed sources and were often procured by private merchants, as the state was more focused on taxing trade (in general) rather than creating the supply.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-47-91226295) Since enslaving Oyo subjects was forbidden and often strictly enforced as long as the state was powerful enough to do so, private traders would purchase captives from frontier markets in the north, or would acquire those captured after war, or those enslaved locally or as punishment for crimes.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-48-91226295) Oyo's external trade northwards towards the Hausalands, Borgu and Nupe markets was primarily focused on the acquisition of horses, salt, natron, and captives, as well as manufactures such as leatherworks and dyed-textile clothing to supplement the locally manufactured products.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-49-91226295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4aa6fb4b-d6a3-4610-a066-55f7129aac00_1217x569.png) _**Indigo-dyed cotton textiles from yorubalands**_, early 20th century, quai branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F878999bd-bf2d-42eb-b456-05ff3aee878e_860x608.png) _**Indigo-Dyed cotton wrapper from Oyo**_, early 20th century, British museum Af1991,14.1 [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3d8f072c-f54f-4e3c-99e5-2d3e3fdb3b2b_1246x627.png) _**Embroidered robes made from the city of Ilorin,**_ late19th/early 20th century, State museum Berlin **Breakdown and collapse in the late 18th and early 19th century** The Alaafin Abiodun passed away in 1789 and the state council re-asserted their eroded power in opposition to the crown-prince Adesina who briefly reigned before he was instructed to take his life by the _Basorun_ Asamu. The Alaafin Awólè was elected by the state council which hoped to influence his administration as he was perceived to be weak. But Awole clashed with Asamu over restitution of a Hausa trader's belongings, quarreled with the _Owota_ (an _Eso_ who was one of the top military officers) named Lafianu over an execution, and nearly committed an act of sacrilege by ordering an attack on the city of ile-Ife which harbored a rebel, his forces were also defeated by the Nupe in 1890-1.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-50-91226295) The most significant internal crisis under Awole was the increasing opposition from Afonja, who was the provincial commander and was based in the city of Ilorin. Afonja's grandfather Pasin and father Alagbin had fought in the revolts against the _Basorun_ Ga leading upto 1774, and had been appointed to Ilorin by Awole to keep him away from the capital as Awole feared that Afonja harbored ambitions to succeed him. As relations between the two continued to sour, Awole ordered Afonja to attack the near-impregnable city of Iwere hoping to get rid of him, but Afonja organized a mutiny instead and allied with the disgruntled _Basorun_, the _Owota_ and several other provincial nobles who besieged Alaafin Awole in Oyo-ile and instructed him to take his life, ending his reign in 1796.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-51-91226295) (_**This was the first instance of a Basorun -the head of the armies of Oyo- requiring military aid to depose an Alaafin**_) The Empire begun its long decline following the death of Awole. The Egba provinces broke off in 1797 and Afonja's city Ilorin emerged as a rival center of power after he was betrayed by the _Basuron_ who chose a different candidate as Alaafin because he feared the former’s strength. Afonja replaced many provincial governors in the central regions of Oyo with his own using his own army, during which time 3 Alaafins were elected in close succession between 1897-1802 and a failed attempt was made to dislodge Afonja from Ilorin when the _Basorun_ organized a military alliance with mercenaries from Ibariba. A weak Alaafin Majotu (r. 1802-1830) was elected unleashed centrifugal forces across the empire as powerful vassal states such as Dahomey effectively became independent by 1818-1823, and Afonja's Ilorin fully seceded from Oyo and allied with Sokoto empire (which by then controlled the Hausalands). Effective power in the capital lay with the crown-prince Adewusi who briefly reigned after Majotu's passing in 1830 before he was removed by the _Basorun_.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-52-91226295) By the 1830s, the southern provinces of Egba were fully independent and the northern provinces of Oyo had been overrun by Sokoto’s forces —which also killed Afonja and seized Ilorin—. The last Alaafin of the Oyo empire fell in battle against the Sokoto forces in 1836 and the empire's old capital was abandoned, the kingdom was later reconstructed in a much reduced state with its capital at Ọ̀yọ́-Àtìbà (new-Oyo). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e315ab0-6115-4009-b923-0075a9876ee6_1000x631.png) _**Alaafin's palace at new-Oyo**_, 1911, British museum **The government in Oyo, and how Africa’s internal political institutions determined African history.** The organization of power in the empire of Oyo provides an excellent example of the dynamic nature of political institutions in pre-colonial Africa that allows us to understand the evolution of social complexity within the African context. Oyo's distribution of power between the Alaafin and the state council, was a product of the complex nature that enabled the empire's emergence through alliances between autochthonous and foreign elites.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-53-91226295) This form of distribution of power (which is also attested in a number of African kingdoms from the Hausa and Swahili city-states to the kingdoms of Kongo and Loango) enabled Oyo to overcome initial constraints in territorial expansion by providing it with a demographic and military advantage to establish distant settlements, and build up its formidable cavalry forces. But the equilibrium between the two institutions often shifted during transitional periods of military expansion and election of new Alaafins, and it gradually reinforced the state council's position against the Alaafin, who was inturn forced to secure his authority by creating an alternative military system using provincial nobles. The involvement of militant provincial nobles by the Alaafin could only be sustained when the center was strong, but when the center weakened so much that even the _Basorun_ required military aid, provincial nobles (eg Afonja) used the opportunity to carve out their own states. A similar evolution in government occurred in Kongo, where the shifting balance of power between the Kings, the state council, and the provincial nobles (the daSilvas of Soyo), which had earlier enabled the kingdom's expansion, eventually led to its disintegration. (Its not particularly unique to Africa either, since its a common theme in the rise and fall of empires across the world) The government in Oyo is another case in which internal Africa political processes rather than external actors, provide us with a better understanding of African history in its local context. It was the evolution of political institutions of Oyo that enabled its expansion and decline; **the trajectory of the Oyo empire did not depend on the ebb and flow of the Atlantic world’s economic demands, but on the internal political processes of the Yorubaland.** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F486d3c9b-6360-4bd7-ad82-7443f5c6bcbb_593x907.png) _**The view from Ọ̀yọ́-Àtìbà, 1953**_ During the ancient times; **Africans travelled and lived in the Roman Europe just as Romans travelled into Africa**; read about this and more in; [AFRICANS IN ROME AND ROMANS IN AFRICA](https://patreon.com/posts/75714077) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6112c2fa-cb8d-4ba6-881a-500183991c0b_622x1145.png) _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE) **INCASE YOU HAVEN’T BEEN RECEIVING SOME OF MY POSTS IN YOUR EMAIL INBOX, PLEASE CHECK YOUR “PROMOTIONS” TAB, MOVE IT TO YOUR “PRIMARY” TAB AND CLICK “ACCEPT FOR FUTURE MESSAGES”. Thanks.** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1682adbc-8e39-417a-b528-7421eba7b399_855x357.gif)

2022-12-18T14:01:05+00:00

a brief note on European and African perspectives in travel literature

A Hausa explorer of western Europe.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-and-african

The study of written history is in many ways, a study of perspectives. In the parts of Africa where the most accessible accounts about the region’s past used to be the travel literature of European visitors, the study of African history was a study of European perspectives of Africa. The Eurocentric perspective of travelers such as James Bruce in 18th century Ethiopia, and Heinrich Barth in 19th century West Africa, informed much of their understanding of African societies. However, there are a few sections in these European travelogues in which the African perspective of their guests is reproduced, revealing how the Europeans were seen by their hosts. The Scottish traveler James Bruce, who visited Ethiopia in order to find the source of the Nile, was hospitably received by the ruling Empress Mentewwab at her palace in QwesQwam near Gondar. But the empress found Bruce's reasons for travel to be rather odd; remarking to Bruce that **"life furnishes us with the perverseness and contradiction of human nature!, You have come from Jerusalem, through vile Turkish governments, and hot, unwholesome climates, to see a river and a bog, no part of which you can carry away."** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9b1790c-cff2-4287-a939-cf67c50b6ecc_887x496.png) _**Ruins of Empress Mentewab's QwesQwam complex near Gondar, Ethiopia.**_ It’s interesting that Mentewwab's critique of the main objective of James Bruce's entire adventure was retained. The queen wished to visit Jerusalem, which Bruce and many Ethiopian pilgrims had been to, but the Scottish traveler only wished to see the source of the Nile, which from Mentewwab's perspective was a frivolous goal. While the opinions of the African hosts about the European travelers were mostly positive, such as Heinrich Barth's stay in the west African states of Bornu and Sokoto, some instances of conflict blighted African perceptions of the European visitors, and by extension, of European society. During his stay in Timbuktu around 1851, Heinrich Barth was not so hospitably received by the Fulbe authorities of the [Massina empire](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818), whose control over the city was contested by the Tuaregs. One Massina officer repeatedly pestered the German traveler with "insulting language". Barth writes that this Massina officer **"Spoke of the Christians** \[Europeans\] **in the most contemptuous manner, describing them as sitting like women in the bottom of their steamboats, and doing nothing but eating raw eggs; concluding with the paradoxical statement, which is not very flattering to Europeans, that the idolatrous Bambara** \[of Segu\] **were far better people and much farther advanced in civilization than the Christians."** The conflict between Massina and the Tuaregs near Timbuktu who protected Barth, likely influenced the Massina officer's negative opinion of European society, which he ranked lower than his 'pagan' rivals, the Bambara of Segu. Barth also blamed Mungo Park for propagating the stereotype that Europeans were fond of raw eggs, something that was disliked by their West African guests. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F026216ee-6472-417e-8b14-cbe19064752d_874x552.png) _**Colorized engraving of Heinrich Barth's arrival at Timbuktu in 1853**_ Just like most European writers had formulated their perspective of Africa without actually traveling to the continent, similar perceptions about European society were mostly made by Africans who hadn't been there. Fortunately, a number of African travelers who had been visiting Europe began documenting their accounts in the 19th century, forming a more accurate perspective of European society. One such remarkable account was left by the [Comorian traveler Selim Abakari who visited Germany and Russia in 1896](https://www.patreon.com/posts/66837157), providing both an African perspective of Europe, and his European hosts' perspective of their African guest. For example, Selim notes that after refusing to order wine and pork, the servants of the Hotel where he was staying in st. Petersburg revealed that they were also Muslims to the astonishment of Selim, who wrote of the encounter; **"I remained silent! So in the countries of the whites, there were such Muslims!."** Traveling across the Russian countryside, he encountered people in Kalmykia who revered him as one of their spirits **"who had landed from his mountain,"** He met people in Samara who fled from him **"thinking he was the devil,"** and people in Semipalatinsk who **"acclaimed him as a King"** and thought he was the leader of his white companions. Selim's account is one of a handful of travelogues by Africans who visited Europe, but it’s mostly concerned with northern Europe. A few decades before Selim embarked on his journey, an adventurous African visitor from the Hausalands traveled to England and Germany, providing a rare description of Western European society by an African. The account of this Hausa traveler in Western Europe and his observations of European society are the subject of my latest Patreon article, Please subscribe to read about it here: [The Hausa explorer of western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fda222985-3fda-4ee6-b56a-f61be1fc91a2_848x687.png)

2024-02-18T14:05:06+00:00

Acemoglu in Kongo: a critique of 'Why Nations Fail' and its wilful ignorance of African history.

There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why

There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm. It was therefore a refreshing change when the trio of American economists; Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, whose work includes research on pre-colonial and modern African societies, won the 2024 Nobel Prize in economics. The trio has published several articles which argue that the type of institutions established by European colonialists resulted in the poorer parts of the world before the 1500s becoming some of the richest economies of today; while transforming some of the more prosperous parts of the non-European world of the 1500s into the poorest economies today. Their central argument is that colonies with “inclusive institutions” protected the property rights of European settlers while those with “extractive institutions” prevented investment and the adoption of technology while extracting rents from the indigenous populations.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-1-151079120) While their work was mostly concerned with explaining why the wealthier regions of pre-Columbian America and South Asia became poorer than adjacent regions in North America and Australia after European colonialism,[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-2-151079120) two of the authors; Acemoglu and Robinson, would later include research on pre-colonial and modern African societies in their 2012 book titled: _**'How Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty'**_, using the kingdom of Kongo as their primary case study for how pre-existing extractive institutions were reinforced by European colonialism. Acemoglu and Robinson have faced heavy criticism from scholars who believe their work oversimplifies complex historical and economic processes. A 2008 article by the historian Gareth Austin for example points out that their data wasn't dependent on the inclusion of African countries, suggesting that the evidence from Africa contradicts their general hypothesis and is inapplicable to the continent. He questioned the quality of the evidence they used which was often anecdotal rather than qualitative, he challenged their exaggeration of the influence of Europeans in pre-colonial African history which is unsupported by modern African historiography and minimizes African agency. He concludes with a compelling critique that Acemoglu and Robinson ‘compress history’ in their attempt to create an all-embracing theory[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-3-151079120). One of the most widely shared critiques of Acemoglu and Robinson’s book is a recent opinion piece in the Financial Times by the columnist Brendan Greeley, who noted that while Acemoglu and Robinson are right to see the importance of institutions, they are unable to understand the political and cultural forces that drive institutions. _**"Acemoglu and Robinson read a book called American Slavery, American Freedom, used the bits about American freedom and tossed the bits about American slavery. The new economic institutionalists treat work on institutions by a celebrated historian not as a coherent argument, but as a source of anecdotes."**_ Brendan advises young economists to stop by the history department, grab a book, and _**"read the whole thing"**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-4-151079120). This essay examines Acemoglu and Robinson's analysis of pre-colonial African societies, with a particular focus on the kingdom of Kongo, showing how the two authors only studied Kongo's history to extract evidence that supported their pre-conceived hypothesis but disregarded and misrepresented all evidence which contradicted it. _**Map showing the 17th century kingdoms of Africa’s Atlantic coast including the kingdom of Kongo.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-5-151079120) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F28809f31-c00b-48b0-94e9-676279844ca2_1020x712.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Contradictions in the sources?** In ‘Why Nations Fail’, Acemoglu and Robinson begin their analysis of pre-colonial African societies by claiming that none of them had developed writing (except Ethiopia and Somalia), the plow, or the wheel, despite contacts with European and Asian merchants. They explain Africans’ refusal to adopt these technologies using the example of the kingdom of Kongo, arguing that the Portuguese introduced these three technologies to Kongo but they were rejected, except firearms. Acemoglu and Robinson argue that the people of Kongo rejected these technologies because state taxes were high and arbitrary; that the people’s very existence was threatened by slavery so they moved away from markets; and that the kings, whose power was absolutist, had no incentive to adopt the plow because exporting slaves was more profitable.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-6-151079120) The book’s footnotes reveal the sources of these claims to be Anne Hilton's '_**The Kingdom of Kongo**_' (published in 1985) and John Thornton's '_**The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641–1718**_' (published in 1983). Hilton and Thornton are both specialists on the history of the kingdom of Kongo, especially the latter who has published eight books and over twenty articles about the history of Kongo, Africa, and the Atlantic world.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-7-151079120) John Thornton's works, such as the well-cited and aptly titled '_**Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World**_', often explore themes that highlight African agency in its people's interactions with Europeans. Using the exceptionally plentiful documentary record about the kingdom of Kongo,[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-8-151079120) Thornton's work has dispelled myths about the supposed weakness of the pre-colonial African states and economies.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-9-151079120) He is also a vocal critic of 'dependency theorists' who argue that European merchants had an overwhelming influence on pre-colonial African societies, all of which makes him a rather surprising choice for Acemoglu and Robinson, whose entire argument rests on this exact premise.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-10-151079120) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F78e7c9a2-0461-4cae-bb24-218f308b51aa_776x599.jpeg) _Engraving in Olfer Dapper’s description of Africa, 1668, showing a Dutch delegation at the court of the King of Kongo, in 1641_. This was the cover for Thornton’s _‘Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World’_. The context of this engraving is about how [Kongo exploited Portuguese and Dutch rivalries during the 30-years war](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552). **Rivaling Europe: Agriculture and Textile production in pre-colonial Kongo.** Thornton is one of the few Africanists who have focused on the question of technology and industry in pre-colonial Africa, which Acemoglu and Robinson are preoccupied with. He warns his peers against _**"using a simple piece of technology like the presence or absence of the hoe, as a proxy measure for productivity"**_. He prefers to rely on contemporary accounts, such as those written by European visitors to; Kongo (Giovanni Francesco da Roma in 1645); the Gold Coast (Pieter de Marees and Wilhelm Johann Mulle in 1668); Senegal (Alvise da Mosto in 1455), and several others who observed that African farmers were more productive than European farmers of that period where those authors came from.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-11-151079120) For the kingdom of Kongo in particular, Giovanni Francesco da Roma observed that _**"They do not plow, but only scratch up the soil with a little hoe to cover the seed. In return for this little effort, they reap most abundantly"**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-12-151079120). Quantitative records for yields per hectare from colonial Angola corroborate these observations. Agricultural yields in Angola’s central highlands declined drastically after the imposition of the colonial government; from 1,600 kg/ha in 1887 to just 400 kg/ha in the 1920s, ironically, **AFTER the plow was introduced** by the Portuguese.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-13-151079120) A similar observation of the efficiency of Africa's "simple" technology was demonstrated in the textile industry of Kongo, whose eastern province of Momboares exported 100,000 meters of cloth in 1611 to Luanda, according to a Portuguese customs official. Using fixed looms and village-based subsistence labour, Momboares, which was only a small part of central Africa's great ‘textile belt', had a production capacity that rivaled that of Holland's province of Leiden, which was one of Europe's leading cloth producers.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-14-151079120) The quality of Kongo's luxury cloth was also frequently compared to Italian luxury cloth —itself the best in Europe — including by Italian visitors like Antonio Zucchelli in 1705. The [cloth produced by Kongo’s textile industry](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/textile-trade-and-industry-in-the) served as currency (called _mabongo/ libongo_), it was used in burial shrouds and as wall hangings, making it the main store of wealth for the peasants. Most of the exported cloth was sold along the coast by European traders whose **profits from the cloth trade were four times greater than from the slave trade** according to figures provided by Hilton.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-15-151079120) Some of the Kongo textiles were also exported to Europe to make cushion covers, and the surviving examples leave little doubt regarding their high quality. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdf7192c2-0dc9-43ed-8495-dd4de2fa4e57_738x545.png) _**Kongo luxury cloth: cushion cover, 17th-18th century**_, Polo Museale del Lazio, Museo Preistorico Etnografico Luigi Pigorini Roma. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd81357e0-f7ba-4552-8b07-68d8cd5410af_944x620.png) _**18th century engraving showing the funeral process of Andris Poucouta, a Mafouk of Cabinda on the Loango coast, made by Louis de Grandpre**_. The coffin that carried him was at least 20 feet long by 14 feet high and 8 feet thick, the whole was transported by a wheeled wagon pulled by at least 500 people over a road built for the purpose. Kongo's textile production was also not exceptional, similar quantities of cloth export are noted by 17th-century Dutch traders in the neighboring kingdom of Loango, which exported about 80,000 meters of cloth.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-16-151079120) The West African kingdom of Benin was also a major textile producer **whose quality of cloth was also compared to that found in Leiden and Harlem by the Dutch traders,** who purchased 38,000 meters of it in 1644-46, which they mentioned was less than what the English had bought from Benin**.**[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-17-151079120) 17th-century Portuguese traders on the East African coast praised the quality of cloth produced on the island of Pate (in Kenya), which they used in their ivory trade with the mainland, routinely seized in battle, and some settlers bought it for themselves.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-18-151079120) The relatively high productivity of African agriculture and cloth production contradicts the dependency theories proposed by Acemoglu and Robinson, which are mostly based on conjecture rather than historical evidence. It also strengthens the argument that Africans dictated the terms of their exchanges with coastal merchants. Thornton thus cautions against relying on simple theoretical arguments rather than available documentary sources, observing that _**"all too often comparisons between Africa and Europe in this time period both understate the strength of the African economy and overstate the modernity and productivity of the European economy."**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-19-151079120) **Misrepresenting pre-colonial Africa’s political systems: Acemoglu and Robinson’s myth of absolutism in Kongo.** The above outline is relevant in examining Acemoglu and Robinson’s erroneous description of Kongo's political organization as absolutist. Neither Hilton nor Thornton claim that the King of Kongo had unconstrained power, they instead emphasize that a **council of officials elected him**, and they in fact frequently refer to the king's enthronement as an _**'election'**_. According to Hilton and Thornton, these electors were part of an elite who constituted a corporate group that 'owned' the state's land, with the King only filling a representative role and acting as a senior executive whose office could appoint officials and collect income on their behalf, but was expected to redistribute this income. As stated by Hilton; _**"wars could not be declared, officials named or deprived, roads opened or closed without the consent of the council."**_ She also describes _**"several institutions"**_ that _**"balance the power of the king at the centre"**_, while Thornton provides other examples of similar councils in other parts of Africa which demonstrate that Kongo's political structure wasn't unique[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-20-151079120). Acemoglu and Robinson's description of the absolutist authority of the king of Kongo is therefore contradicted by their own sources. This is also evident in their claim that Kongo's taxes were arbitrary and heavy, which was apparently taken from Thornton's account of the kingdom during the mid-17th century in the years preceding the Civil War. Thornton was describing the kingdom of Kongo during its ‘late period’ when its kings were centralizing their power at the expense of the council, and one of the many ways they did this was to expand their sources of income, especially in the capital. However, Thornton also notes that "_**The head tax of two mabongo in Nsoyo was in any case not a crushing burden ; it is safe to say that even poor families would have been able to raise it, since they would have needed anywhere from 80 to 120 mabongo to marry."**_ \[this 80 to 120 _mabongo_ cloth-currency was given to the priest who officiated the wedding, not to the state\]. Thornton adds that during this period, many peasants were engaged in specialized labour like textile production because of taxes, among other reasons, which contradicts Acemoglu and Robinson's claims that taxes forced the peasants to flee from the markets and curtailed production.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-21-151079120) **Slavery in Africa and early-modern Europe.** Having wilfully misrepresented their sources on Kongo's political structure and taxation, it’s unsurprising that Acemoglu and Robinson misunderstand the nature and dynamics of slavery and slave trade in the kingdom of Kongo. While they claim that Kongo's subjects were at risk of enslavement by their Kings, both Hilton and Thornton repeatedly stress that for most of the kingdom’s history, slaves exported from Kongo were often bought from further inland or acquired as war captives.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-22-151079120) Thornton's other articles on the Kongo-Portugal wars, also highlight two major episodes during the 1580s and the 1620s where Kongo's kings demanded that Portugal repatriate its illegally enslaved citizens from Brazil, with more than a thousand baKongo being successfully tracked down and returned to Kongo after these requests.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-23-151079120) This, and other evidence such as the numerous letters of King Afonso Nzinga (r. 1509-1542) concerning the regulation of slavery in Kongo, prove that there were laws against the enslavement of 'free-born' citizens in the kingdom and that these laws were strictly enforced,[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-24-151079120) contrary to Acemoglu and Robinson's claims. Acemoglu and Robinson's reductive analysis of the dynamics of slavery and 'free labour' in Kongo is also demonstrated in other sections of the book, where they argue that the rise of feudalism and serfdom in medieval Europe led to the decline of slavery, and that similar processes occurred in medieval Ethiopia with the _gult_ system of land tenure extracting the agricultural surpluses produced by serfs rather than slaves, which the authors claim was exceptional in sub-Saharan Africa where only slave institutions prevailed.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-25-151079120) However, this binary between slave labour and free labour (serfs and wage labourers) was very uncommon in world history and was mostly confined to a handful of countries in Western Europe and the Americas specifically during the early modern period. Scholars of internal slavery in late medieval Europe such as Hannah Barker, argue that no such binary existed in the Latin world, where more than nine different social and legal groups of ‘unfreedom’ existed, which were all translated as ‘slaves’ in English literature.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-26-151079120) She discusses the varying theories proposed by different groups of scholars for the apparent decline of slavery in post-Roman Europe, which she says is contradicted by the prevalence and importance of slave trade to the societies of the wealthy cities of southern Europe such as Venice and Genoa where thousands of slaves from northern, eastern and central Europe were sold to Ottoman merchants during the late middle ages.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-27-151079120) Figures for European slavery in the succeeding period from 1500-1700 are provided by the historian Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, who writes that the _**"slave population imported into Ottoman lands from Poland-Lithuania, Muscovy and Circassia, amounted to over 10,000 a year in the period 1500-1650."**_ He estimates that total slave exports from this region alone amounted to about 2,000,000 between 1500-1700, compared to 1,800,000 for the Atlantic slave trade from the entire coastline of West Africa and Central Africa\*.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-28-151079120) \[\*Note that Kongo's main coastal port of Mpinda exported a total of just under 3,100 slaves for the entire period between 1526–1641 according to David Eltis[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-29-151079120)\] **The dynamics of slavery and slave trade across most of Europe were therefore not too different from those in Africa**, at least, as far as feudalism is thought to have led to their decline. It’s for this reason that some forms of slavery persisted in medieval and early modern Ethiopia despite its _gult_ system of land tenure, just as slavery persisted in those European regions that captured and sold European slaves to the Ottomans. Slavery was after all, not incompatible with feudalism as Acemoglu and Robinson believe. **Breaking the myth of Ethiopian exceptionalism: Land tenure and Literacy in pre-colonial Sub-Saharan Africa.** The theme of Ethiopia's supposed exceptionalism in "sub-Saharan" Africa that is touted by Acemoglu and Robinson and many Western writers, has little basis in African historiography. In truth, the _gult_ system that allowed land to be alienated, inherited or sold by private owners wasn't only found in Ethiopia but was similar to the [land tenure of systems of medieval Nubia, the Sudanic kingdoms of Darfur and Funj, the west African empires of Bornu, Sokoto and Masina](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/land-and-property-in-pre-colonial?utm_source=publication-search), as well as in the city of Brava[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-30-151079120) on the southern coast of Somalia. There are many written accounts about land tenure from at least four of these societies (Nubia, Darfur, Sokoto, Bornu) concerning the state's administration of land tenure and rent, land sale documents, and land grants, some of which have been studied by historians such as Donald Crummey in his 2005 book; _‘Land, Literacy and the State in Sudanic Africa’_. According to the land documents of the pre-colonial kingdom of Darfur analyzed by the historian R. S. O'Fahey, a comprehensive listing of a grantees’ rights in his estate is given on one of the documents as such: _**“...as an allodial estate, with full rights of possession and his confirmed property... namely rights of cultivation, causing to be cultivated, sale, donation, purchase, demolition and clearance.”**_[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-31-151079120) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc9274c5a-513b-479b-b56d-9a4a387a821b_494x744.png) _land charter of Nur al-Din, a nobleman from the zaghawa group originally issued by Darfur king Abd al-Rahman in 1801 and renewed in 1803._[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-32-151079120) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) Acemoglu and Robinson’s claims on the apparent rarity of writing in Kongo and in sub-Saharan Africa also reveal their unfamiliarity with the history of writing in Africa, and in world history. The claim that Africans didn’t develop writing (save for Ethiopia and Somalia) is contradicted by the overwhelming evidence of manuscript cultures across the continent, the studies of which were laboriously cataloged for the _‘[Arabic Literature of Africa’](https://brill.com/display/serial/HO1-13ALA?language=en)_ [project, led by the historian John Hunwick, which now boasts five volumes](https://brill.com/display/serial/HO1-13ALA?language=en). Any serious scholar of African history is expected to at least have basic knowledge of the inscriptions of ancient Kush and medieval Nubia, and [the manuscript collections of Timbuktu and Bornu](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africans-wrote-their-own-history?utm_source=publication-search), [Sokoto and the East African coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africans-wrote-their-own-history-314?utm_source=publication-search), because its these documents which provide the primary sources for **[reconstructing the history of Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-general-history-of-africa)**. They should also be familiar with [the scholarly traditions of the Wangara of medieval Mali and Songhai](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education?utm_source=publication-search) who are credited with establishing numerous intellectual centers across West Africa, the Fulbe scholars who played a central role in the revolution movements of 19th-century west-Africa, and [the Jabarti scholarly diaspora from Zeila in northern Somalia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla?utm_source=publication-search) which appears in the biographies of Mamluk Egypt. Its unfortunate that the authors of such a popular book on pre-colonial Africa overlooked this crucial information and refused to do their homework, despite dedicating entire sections providing seemingly authoritative explanations on why Africans apparently lacked writing or didn't use it even when they had access to it. Acemoglu and Robinson’s wilful ignorance of basic information on African history was doubtlessly influenced by their need to buttress the claim that Kongo's “extractive institutions” militated against the spread of writing despite Kongo's elites adopting the Latin script. Acemoglu and Robinson expound on this apparent rarity of African writing in another section of the book about Somalia's lack of centralized polities, which they surmised was because its clan institutions rejected technologies such as writing. They explain Somalia’s apparent lack of writing using the example of the kingdom of Taqali, a small polity in Sudan, where writing in Arabic was apparently only used by royals because the rest of the subjects feared it would be used to control their land and impose heavy taxes on them.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-33-151079120) \[Its a strange choice to use this relatively obscure kingdom in a country like Sudan that boasts over 4,000 years of recorded history\] However, none of Acemoglu and Robinson’s speculations regarding writing in pre-colonial Somalia and Kongo are supported by historical evidence. Their claim that the _**"king of Kongo made no attempt to spread literacy to the great mass of the population"**_ is contradicted by evidence presented by Hilton and Thornton that spreading literacy across the kingdom was exactly what King Nzinga Afonso strove to accomplish with the establishment of schools not just in the capital but also in the provinces, with later kings continuing in this tradition, such that literacy became central to administration and to Kongo's international diplomacy.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-34-151079120) Writing was not confined to the elites but was also spread to the rest of the population who held literacy in high regard, especially in the religious sphere where it was considered necessary by the lay members of Kongo's church. As one 17th-century account describing Kongo's Christian commoners noted: _**“Nearly all of them learn how to read so as to know how to recite the Divine Office; they would sell all they have to buy a manuscript or a book.”**_ Another account from the 1650s, which also describes Kongo’s commoners also mentions that they “_**have a great desire to learn and they are very ambitious to appear literate; in the processions those who have learnt all the letters of the alphabet stick a piece of paper in the form of a card on their forehead so as to be recognized as a student.”**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-35-151079120) These positive descriptions of Kongo’s literacy by European visitors of the 17th century should be placed in the context of early-modern Europe, whose literacy rates were relatively low compared to the present day, just like in every region of the world before the Industrial Revolution. A mere 30% of English men\* were able to read and write in the 1640s —which was the highest literacy rate in Europe— compared to countries like Spain where as recently as 1841, only 17% of adult men\* could read and write[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-36-151079120). \[\*note that these figures are drastically reduced if women and children are included\] Its therefore unsurprising that descriptions of Kongo's literary culture by European visitors in the 16th and 17th century were mostly positive **because literacy rates in Kongo were not too dissimilar to literacy rates in their home countries**. European descriptions of literacy rates in other parts of pre-colonial Africa also indicate that they considered the African societies which they encountered to be just as if not more literate than those in their home countries. For example, Baron Roger, the governor of St. Louis, wrote that there were in Senegal _**“more negroes who could read and write in Arabic in 1828 than French peasants who could read and write French.”**_ The English trader Francis Moore who also visited the Sene-gambia region in 1730-1735 wrote that in _**“every Kingdom and Country on each side of the River of Gambia,”**_ Pulaar-speakers were _**“generally more learned in the Arabick, than the people of Europe are in Latin."**_ The explorer René Caillié, who visited Timbuktu in 1828, also observed that _**“all the negroes of Timbuktu are able to read the Qur’an and even know it by heart.”**_[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-37-151079120) The spread of literacy in Africa followed several different trajectories. While literacy in Kongo was a top to down affair which spread from the royals to the nobility and commoners (similar to Kush, medieval Nubia, Aksum, [the kingdom of Bamum](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-invention-of-writing-in-an-african), and the [Vai of Liberia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system)), literacy in the rest of Africa was spread by itinerant merchant scholars who created education networks that connected different centers of learning, and spearheaded reform movements that challenged the authority of the rulers. Most of these scholars weren't dependent on royal patronage, as the scholars of Timbuktu, Djenne, Ngazargamu, and Salaga were quite eager to prove by challenging Mansa Musa's Arab expatriates,[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-38-151079120) the repression of Askiya Ishaq (r. 1539-1549),[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-39-151079120) and [the injustices caused by the rulers of Bornu and Gonja](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship?utm_source=publication-search).[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-40-151079120) A similar dynamic between the scholarly communities and the political elite existed in Somalia. Contrary to the claims of Acemoglu and Robinson, Somalia was home to several states including the empires of Adal and [Ajuran](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african), the sultanates of Mogadishu, Geledi, [Majerteen](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate), all of which are amply described in the same sources that Acemoglu and Robinson included in their footnotes, such as I. M. Lewis' ‘_**A Modern History of the Somali**_’. (4th ed, 2002, pgs 45-54). Lewis' book was mostly concerned with the mainland of southern Somalia and thus made little mention of the scholarly communities of the coastal cities like Barawa and Zeila where a vibrant literary tradition flourished since the middle ages and spread into the interior[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-41-151079120). He nevertheless published a ground-breaking study of the religious communities of pre-colonial Somalia titled _'Saints and Somalis: Popular Islam in a Clan-based Society'_ (1998), in which he explores the significance of influential sufi orders among whom were prominent scholars like Sheikh Abdirahman Ahmad az-Zayla'i (d. 1882) from Zeila whose was influential across northern Somalia, and Sheikh Uways al-Barawi (d. 1909), a prolific author from Barawa whose influence extended across East Africa. Acemoglu and Robinson's section on Somali history is unusually fixated on the Osmanya alphabet ('Somali script') that was invented by Osman Yusuf Kenadid well into the colonial period in 1920, despite it not being the writing system of pre-colonial Somalia, nor an exceptional invention. There are many other scripts from ‘sub-saharan’ Africa from the pre-colonial era besides the Ge'ez script of Ethiopia and Eritrea, these include the [Meroitic script (ca. 150 BC)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-meroitic-empire-queen-amanirenas?utm_source=publication-search#footnote-anchor-40-46488154), the [Nsibidi script (11th-18th century)](https://www.patreon.com/posts/69082971), the [Vai script (ca. 1830)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system), and [Njoya's script (1897)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-invention-of-writing-in-an-african). Dozens of scripts were also invented during the colonial and post-independence periods, with at least twenty-two being identified in West Africa alone. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd3659401-7811-4a47-b609-366ece7ced29_736x487.png) _**West African script invention, ca. 1832-2011**_. Map by Piers Kelly[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-42-151079120). With a few exceptions, most of the colonial-era scripts were invented for nationalist reasons, but their spread was restricted because pre-existing scripts like Arabic and Ajami were well suited for the literary traditions of Africa, in the same way that the English and most Europeans didn't need to invent a new script after they had adopted the Latin script. Acemoglu and Robinson were either unaware that writing was fairly widespread in pre-colonial Africa, or more likely, they considered the Ge'ez and Osmanya scripts as the only legitimate forms of African writing systems while dismissing the Arabic and Ajami scripts possibly because they were adopted. However, this raises important questions regarding England's lack of an independently invented script, and whether Acemoglu and Robinson think this aided the emergence of the country's supposedly “inclusive institutions” compared to Italy —where the Latin script and its related writing traditions originated. **The ‘effeminate machine’: On the absence of wheeled transportation in Africa and Europe.** The deficiencies in Acemoglu and Robinson’s comparative analysis of African and European history are best illustrated by their claim that the _**"Kongolese learned about the wheel"**_ from the Portuguese but refused to adopt it. This is demonstrably false, as neither Hilton nor Thornton mention anything about wheeled technology being introduced to Kongo by the Portuguese. Hilton specifically mentions that the Portuguese introduced hammocks (basically just fancy beds lifted by people), during the 16th century.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-43-151079120) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf7c5ae5-0e83-48be-8801-c9ded769e437_1127x373.png) _**Method of travel in the Kingdom of Kongo**_, taken from Giulio Ferrario's _‘Il costume antico e moderno’_ (1843) The fact that Europeans introduced this curious ‘technology’ instead of wheeled vehicles, should come as no surprise to any reader familiar with the history of wheeled transportation in Europe and the rest of the old world. The historian Richard W. Bulliet published two of the most cited books on this topic; _‘The Camel and the Wheel_’ (1975) and ‘_The Wheel: Inventions and Reinventions_’ (2016). Bulliet argues that wheeled vehicles were widely adopted across the ancient world, mostly in the form of war chariots, before they were gradually displaced by the mounted warrior in battle around the 8th century BC, and by the camel in trade in the early centuries of the common era, leaving only limited use of wagons in farmwork for short hauls.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-44-151079120) The wheel thus disappeared across much of the old world during the Middle Ages, including in Europe, where royals, nobles, and ordinary merchants used pack animals, and where _**"Kings and knights considered all kinds of carriages as effeminate machines, and scorned to be seen within them . . . As late as the reign of Francis I \[r. 1515–1547\], there were only three coaches in Paris."**_[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-45-151079120) However, cultural attitudes towards wheeled carriages and coaches eventually shifted during the 16th to 17th century. This wasn't because coaches were suddenly considered a more functional means of travel than the horse, but simply because they were later seen as more prestigious \[and they dropped the ‘effeminate’ label\]. The use of coaches remained restricted to the royals and elites, mostly for ceremonial functions, because ordinary transport using such vehicles was heavily constrained by the poor quality of the roads which were only improved in the 18th and 19th centuries just as rail transport was being invented.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-46-151079120) Bulliet also provides other examples across the rest of the world, such as from Persia, where an English visitor in 1883 noted _**“the roads then becoming impracticable to wheelcarriages, we were obliged to perform the rest of the journey on horseback in Persian saddles. . . . I saw no wheel-carriages of any kind in Persia”**_ and Japan in 1870s, where two European visitors noted; _**"Everything is transported from and into the interior by horses and bullocks. I have seen no wheeled vehicles except the \[hand-pulled\] jinrikisha and there are very few of these."**_[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-47-151079120) Bulliet’s analysis of the wheel in world history is generally supported by other scholars of medieval and early-modern travel in Europe including; Julian Munby on the transition from carriages used by royal women in the late Middle Ages to coaches of elite men in the early modern period,[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-48-151079120) Erik Eckermann on the disappearance of wheeled carriages in post-Roman Europe until the 16th century,[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-49-151079120) And Peter Roger Edwards's on the coach's re-introduction in mid-16th century England and its slow spread among the nobility because it was considered “effeminate”.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-50-151079120) Despite the modern obsession with wheeled transport, the wheel’s insignificance in the early-modern period had long been recognized by professional economic historians like William T. Jackman as early as 1916, in his book ‘_The Development of Transportation in Modern England_, where he notes that in the 18th century England, _**“Contemporary evidence points very strongly to the conclusion that by far the larger proportion of the carrying was done by pack-horse. Long trains of these faithful animals, furnished with a great variety of equipment … wended their way along the narrow roads of the time, and provided the chief means by which the exchange of commodities could be carried on.”**_[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-51-151079120) Its relevant to note that both [road building and wheel technology were attested in a number of African societies](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa?utm_source=publication-search) during antiquity and the early modern period. Wheel technology appears extensively in the military, transport, and irrigation systems of ancient Kush, while ceremonial carriages and wagons for mobile field pieces also appear in ceremonial and military contexts in the kingdoms of Dahomey and Loango. In Kongo, the army of its province of Soyo deployed four field pieces mounted on wagons to annihilate the Portuguese army at the battle of Kitombo in 1670[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-52-151079120) which successfully expelled them from the kingdom for the next two centuries before they would return in 1914 to depose the last king of Kongo, Manuel III. **conclusion: Why Theories Fail.** The historical evidence outlined above undermines Acemoglu and Robinson's central argument on pre-colonial African institutions and their presumptions regarding pre-colonial Africa's apparent lack of efficient technologies. Their theories are inapplicable to Africa primarily because Acemoglu and Robinson fundamentally misunderstand basic aspects of pre-colonial African history, and they at times wilfully misrepresent their own sources in order to support their pre-conceived hypothesis. Ironically, the authors dedicate a few paragraphs in their book to discrediting Jared Diamond's theories of geographic determinism, only to fall into the same trap of relying on deficient theoretical formulations. Acemogulu and Robinson therefore follow in the long tradition of [Hegelian writers of Africa, whose wilful ignorance of Africa didn’t stop them from writing authoritatively about the continent](https://roape.net/2023/07/20/how-hegels-deliberate-ignorance-of-african-history-legitimated-the-colonisation-of-africa/). It’s very unfortunate that for most readers of this best-selling book, its erroneous description of Kongo and Somalia will be their first and only encounter with pre-colonial African history. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fddd76c57-d18a-488c-a532-8c04a3fff2c5_1920x1080.jpeg) _**The throne of Kong**_o. Olfert Dapper, 1668. The kingdom of Benin was one of the first African societies to adopt the use of firearms in 1514, However, guns contributed very little to Benin’s military systems during the kingdom’s early history before the 18th century. **My latest patreon article explores the cultural and military functions of firearms in the kingdom of Benin** **please subscribe to read about it here:** [THE GUNS OF BENIN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/114754735) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8bb92fa1-33cd-4590-90e5-6d5426fae26b_651x1226.png)

2024-11-03T12:50:03+00:00

a brief note on African travel literature in history

a Swahili document on south-central Africa.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-african-travel-literature

Travel writing constitutes a major primary source for reconstructing African history, and is especially important in supplementing internal accounts. While much of the African travel literature that historians have access to was written by external visitors, a significant volume of travel literature was composed by African themselves, who were discovering and documenting different parts of their vast continent. In 1338, [the Ethiopian monk Ēwosṭātēwos' traveled through the Nubian kingdom of Makuria](https://www.patreon.com/posts/africans-africa-83663994) in Sudan with his followers, where they assisted the Nubian king Siti in defeating a rival king. This account of the political rivalries in Nubia which is included in Ēwosṭātēwos' hagiography, matches with internal Nubian records from the same decade, which mention a pretender at its capital of Old Dongola named Kanz al-Dawla and another rebel named Anenaka, both of whom challenged King Siti's authority. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4187323-a986-4b0c-866e-b19bcaea3dff_865x617.png) _**13th-century painting in the church of Debra Maryam Qorqor in Ethiopia depicting a Nubian dignitary wearing the horned crown of Makuria.**_ In 1432, a family of [Wangara scholars led by Abd al-Rahmán Jakhite left their home in the West African empire of Mali](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education) against the wishes of its emperor and reached the Hausa city of Kano in the late 15th century. The arrival of the Wangara in Kano and their influence on the city's scholarly community was documented by one of their descendants in the Wangara Chronicle written in 1650. The chronicle mentions that the Wangara were given patronage by the Kano king Muhammad Rumfa (r. 1463-1499), and that Jakhite won an intellectual duel with a visiting Egyptian scholar. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb7819788-05ae-4c8d-ba8e-c4a08fb0facc_784x528.png) _**street scene in Kano, Nigeria, ca. 1925**_, Bristol Archives In 1806, [two Ovimbundu traders from the kingdom of Kasanje in west-central Africa traveled across the territories of the Lunda empire](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/trans-continental-trade-in-central) in order to establish a direct route to the Indian Ocean coast at Mozambique. Like many of their neighbors in the kingdom of Kongo, Ndongo, and [Kahenda which had established written traditions](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-archives-and-scribal-practices), these traders were literate, and they left a detailed description of their journey to the court of the Lunda King Yavu (r. 1800-1820), and his subordinate king of Kazembe in modern Zambia. The above examples come from African regions which had a long history of large centralized states, well-established travel routes, and an old tradition of writing. These three factors were central to the emergence of travel writing in Africa since antiquity, and provide crucial evidence for how Africans explored their continent. In the 19th century, the emergence of large states, trade routes, and literate travelers across south-central Africa led to the production of detailed documentation of the region's societies by other African visitors. The description of south-central Africa written by a traveler from the Swahili coast is the subject of my latest Patreon article, **please subscribe to read about it here:** [A DESCRIPTION OF SOUTH-CENTRAL AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/104845425?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03906fb9-0e31-4d02-8404-125137f49f4d_1183x728.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9bfed6be-f3af-457b-88bf-20e77a5066f3_458x573.png) _**Folio from the Gadl (hagiography) of saint Ēwosṭātēwos**_, monastery of Qorqor Māryām

2024-05-26T16:13:01+00:00

The 'hidden founders' of African studies in Europe: African intellectuals in the Holy Roman Empire and the German Reich ca. 1652-1918.

In June 1652, the Ethiopian scholar Abba Gorgoryos reached the city of Nuremburg in what was then the Holy Roman Empire (modern Germany) where he met Hiob Ludolf, an envoy and linguist whom later generations of ‘Ethiopists’ would regard as the founder of Ethiopian studies in Europe.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies

In June 1652, the Ethiopian scholar Abba Gorgoryos reached the city of Nuremburg in what was then the Holy Roman Empire (modern Germany) where he met Hiob Ludolf, an envoy and linguist whom later generations of ‘Ethiopists’ would regard as the founder of Ethiopian studies in Europe. Ludolf had first met Gorgoryos in Rome, [where a long-established diasporic community of Ethiopian scholars](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051) had sparked his interest in Ethiopian studies. Following an invitation from the Duke of Saxe Gotha (part of the Holy Roman Empire), Gorgoryos was joined by Ludolf and invited to stay at the Duke's Friedenstein Castle. For several weeks, the Ethiopian scholar was involved in extensive discussions on Ethiopian history and culture, while correcting the little available literature they had.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-1-152093943) In his 1681 publication titled 'Historia Aethiopica', Ludolf devoted most of the book's preface to the Ethiopian scholar in recognition of his contribution, referring to him as a _**“person of great credit, and on whose authority anyone may securely rely.”**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-2-152093943) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F828ad012-eaab-4d66-a337-88c7841c176f_382x600.jpeg) _**Portrait of Abba Gorgoryos**_ in the ‘Historia Aethiopica’ by Hiob Ludolf [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F57e3b46d-24bc-4f9b-9d67-f474363e0d70_1400x839.jpeg) _**Ruins of Susenyos’s Palace at Dänqäz, near Gondar, Ethiopia**_. Photo by Metalocus. _Gorgoryos was a high-ranking aristocrat and a close adviser to emperor Susenyos and fled the country after the emperor’s abdication in 1632._[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-3-152093943) A little over two centuries later in 1896, the Hausa scholar Imam Umaru established a school in the small town of Kete-Krachi in what would become the German colony of Togo in west-Africa. One of his students was the German linguist Adam Mischlich, who is counted among the earliest scholars of Hausa studies in Europe. Umaru composed several manuscripts for his students, including a monumental anthropological work on Hausa society titled _'Tarihin Kasar Hausa'_ (History of Hausaland). Mischlich translated this and several other works of Umaru which he published in several journal articles in 1909, and in his 1947 book _Über die Kulturen im Mittel-Sudan_ (About the Cultures of Central Sudan).[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-4-152093943) However, unlike Ludolf, Mischlich tells us nothing about Umaru in his articles, and devotes less than two pages to him in his book. [Imam Umaru wrote more than 130 works on many different topics](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship). Many were preserved in private libraries by his students in West Africa, and at least 40 of them were later transferred to institutions such as the University of Ghana and Nigeria’s National Archives, in the late 1960s and early 1970s. It wasn't until 1977 when Umaru's original manuscripts used in Mischlich's publications were re-translated, that his contributions to modern Hausa historiography and African studies in general would be fully appreciated by a new generation of scholars.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-5-152093943) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff595b65b-27e2-455d-9acf-e452249283d0_1185x472.png) _**Photo of Al-Hajj Umaru al-Kanawi (1858-1934) in Togo and his birthplace of Kano in Nigeria during the early 20th century.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3433cf80-771d-45b9-ad9a-0d7364458ef3_1320x611.png) _**Umaru’s first work in 1877 (at the age of 20); a 20-page letter writing manual; now at Kaduna National Archives, Nigeria (no. L/AR20/1)**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) The broad field of African studies, which includes anthropology, linguistics, and history, has often recognized a number of ‘founding figures’ who are virtually all European scholars of the colonial era, and whose work is considered central to the establishment of the modern study of African societies and cultures. However, later generations of scholars have uncovered the work of African scholars and informants whose invaluable research formed the basis of much of the work published by their European colleagues. While the efforts of these African intellectuals were at times noted, they were not thought of as co-authors and did not receive much praise for their labor. Until recently, little was known about their contributions to the ethnographic and linguistic scholarship of Africa, and their work remained hidden in the footnotes of their more famous European peers who published under their own names what was effectively the work of African intellectuals. Focusing on Germany in particular, a notable example is the linguist Carl Meinhof (1857–1944), who is widely regarded as the founder of African studies**\*** in German universities (_**Afrikanistik**_), beginning in 1887 with the ‘Seminar of Oriental Languages’ (**SOL**) at the University of Berlin and the Hamburg Colonial Institute in 1908, where he took up the first professorial positions in both institutions. Meinhof is renowned for his comprehensive classification scheme for African languages and for his highly influential publications on Bantu languages.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-6-152093943) \[\*_**note that such ‘African studies’ were expressly concerned with serving European colonial interests rather than being purely “scientific” pursuits**_[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-7-152093943)\] The African studies pioneered by Meinhof and his colleagues in Germany, such as the linguists; Carl Gotthilf Büttner (d. 1893) and Carl Velten (d. 1935), were very dependent on several African scholars and informants who provided first-hand information on their own societies. Some of these Africans traveled to Germany to serve as lecturers at the SOL and in Hamburg, but their contribution to the founding of African studies remained largely unknown.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-8-152093943) A list of these hidden African founders includes the Duala prince Njo Dibone, who traveled from Cameroon to Germany in 1885 to teach the then-pastor Carl Meinhof about the Duala language and other related languages. Dibone also taught Meinhof aspects of Duala anthropology and mythology, some of which were compiled by Dibone in his 1889 publication; _Märchen aus Kamerun_ (Fairy Tales from Cameroon).[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-9-152093943) Dibone’s teaching marked the beginning of Meinhof's career as a linguist and ‘ethnographer’ of Africa resulting in Meinhof's publication of such foundational works like “_Preliminary Remarks to a Comparative Dictionary of Bantu_” (1895), and _Bantu Phonology_ (1899), which were the first among the numerous articles and books he published. However, the relationship between Meinhof and Dibone later deteriorated after the latter requested financial compensation for his services.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-10-152093943) Around the same time that Dibone was teaching Meinhof, the latter's peers at the SOL, such as Carl Büttner, were learning the Swahili language from the East African lecturers; Sulaiman bin Said and Amur al-Omeri, who travelled from Zanzibar to Berlin in 1889 and 1891 respectively. The two Swahili lecturers had many famous students at the SOL including the abovementioned Carl Velten, and they also published several works on East African societies, customs, and languages, as well as [a travel account and description of Berlin by Amur al-Omeri](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112049775).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-11-152093943) Büttner was originally a missionary in what is today Namibia and a strong advocate for German colonialism, after which he became the first “teacher” of Swahili at the SOL in 1887 despite having little knowledge of the language prior to the arrival of the two lecturers.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-12-152093943) While Büttner included the manuscripts contributed by Sulaiman and Amur in his 2-volume work on Swahili literature titled; _Anthologie aus der Suaheli-litteratur_ (1894), the rest of the manuscripts he included from other African authors remained uncredited.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-13-152093943) His successor; Carl Velten, also reproduced works written by Swahili authors, only some of which he credited to their African authors.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-14-152093943) The abovementioned African founders had a lasting impact on the emergence and development of African studies in late 19th century Germany, which was at the time the leading center of African studies in Europe (France’s ‘Bureau of Colonial Ethnography’ opened in 1907 while the UK’s SOAS University opened in 1916). In the succeeding years, dozens of African lecturers would travel to Berlin and Hamburg, where they contributed greatly to the creation of the so-called ‘colonial library’ —which was in truth a body of knowledge produced by Africans but subsumed by imperial interests[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-15-152093943). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ac69dfc-6ce1-4da4-a756-83d30129a84f_820x532.png) _**Swahili lecturer at the SOL in Berlin, ca. 1911**_, collection of Carl Velten & Alice _**Carnwath. Rooftop view of Zanzibar, Tanzania, ca. 1936**_, Deutsche Digitale Bibliothek. Many of the experiences of African lecturers in early 20th century Germany resembled those of their predecessors. Examples include the Duala scholar Peter Mukuri Makembe, who arrived in Germany from Cameroon in 1910 and later traveled to Hamburg in 1913 to collaborate with Carl Meinhof. However, after about four years, the relationship between the two soured when Makembe felt that he was not given recognition in Meinhof’s book on the Duala language. This resulted in Makembe leaving the institute in 1917 to pursue his own interests.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-16-152093943) The tenuous relationship between the African intellectuals and their European colleagues explains why most of the pioneering studies written by African scholars about their own societies remained largely unknown. Fortunately, recent efforts to decolonize African studies have begun to uncover the contributions of hidden African founders such as Imam Umaru, as well as a lesser-known East African scholar named Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari (1869-1927). Mtoro traveled from the city of Bagamoyo (in Tanzania) to Berlin in June 1900, and served as a lecturer at the SOL until 1905 and at Hamburg from 1909-1913, after which he returned to Berlin where he settled, married, and lived the rest of his life. In 1903, Mtoro completed an anthropological work on the Swahili, Zaramo, and Nyamwezi of central Tanzania titled _**‘Desturi za Wasuaheli’**_. This work was written in Swahili using the Arabic script, before it was translated into German by Carl Velten and published. In its very short preface, Velten presents the book as a compilation of reports, for which Mtoro only served to ‘point him in the right direction’.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-17-152093943) However, a more recent reexamination and translation of the original Swahili manuscript in 1981 has shown that the bulk of the 210-page book was written by Mtoro himself, and that rather than being a mere collection of reports, the Swahili author **“worked over the whole book and gave to it homogeneity and distinction of style.”**[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-hidden-founders-of-african-studies#footnote-18-152093943) My latest Patreon article explores the life and works of Mtoro Bakari, including excerpts from his study of East African societies. please subscribe to read about it here: [LIFE AND WORKS OF MTORO BAKARI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/116614018?pr=true&forSale=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F65b2cbdf-6363-4037-a283-2be0806b1bac_907x661.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fceb71509-f2c9-49b6-94bb-35f45e00a1fc_705x596.png) ### Subscribe to African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past

2024-11-24T16:08:48+00:00

On Hegel's ignorance of African History

*my article for ROAPE journal

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/on-hegels-ignorance-of-african-history

Please read, share and subscribe [How Hegel’s Deliberate Ignorance of African History Legitimated the Colonisation of Africa.](https://roape.net/2023/07/20/how-hegels-deliberate-ignorance-of-african-history-legitimated-the-colonisation-of-africa/) ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F02a7ae32-8177-402e-8b02-ae6b5e505e70_691x565.png) _**“Made with Natural Earth”**_ frontpiece of Teshale Tibebu’s ‘_Hegel and the third world’_ In the 18th century, **a secret society in the Luba kingdom invented the Lukasa memory board, a sophisticated mnemonic device that encoded and transmitted the history of the Luba.** read more about this fascinating device on Patreon: [LUBA MEMORY DEVICES AND SECRET SOCIETIES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/86482144) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F565c61ca-afc1-4c1b-85e2-68da771fb605_633x1082.jpeg) Thanks for reading African History Extra! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work.

2023-07-23T14:11:00+00:00

A social history of the Lamu city-state (1370-1885)

Journal of African cities chapter 5

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city

Situated off the eastern coast of Kenya, the old city of Lamu, with its narrow alleys, old mosques and coral-stone houses with white-washed façades, is the quintessential Swahili city. Lamu was a Janus-faced city, mediating economic and social interactions between the African mainland and the Indian Ocean world. It was poised at the interface of land and sea, and served to link local, regional and transnational economies and cultural spheres. Its dynamic social institutions created a unique from of government characteristic of the Swahili coast, that was however only preserved in Lamu throughout the turbulent political history of the Indian ocean world. This article outlines the social history of Lamu, from the establishment of the city-state in the 14th century, to its formal colonization in 1885. _**Map showing the location of Lamu island in its archipelago along the coast of Kenya**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc5ac5afd-bc86-4006-904c-bc7b76d94abb_1241x626.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Early history of Lamu archipelago to the rise of the Manda and Ozi confederations (8th-15th century)** The Lamu archipelago is made up of three islands Pate, Manda and Lamu. The island of Pate was home to the cities of; Pate, Faza, Shanga and Siyu, the island Manda hosted the cities of Manda and Takwa, while Lamu island had only the city of Lamu. The archipelago was settled by the mid 1st millennium during the early expansion of Bantu-speakers of the Sabaki subgroup along the east Africa coast, among whom were groups that Swahili speakers. Prior to the emergence of Lamu, some of the the oldest Swahili urban settlements emerged at Shanga on Pate island and Manda in the 8th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-1-99448062) The ruins of Shanga in particular, have the best-preserved stratigraphy in eastern Africa. They reveal the gradual evolution of the Swahili urban society at the turn of the 2nd millennium, from the use of timber and daub to the use of coral stone, the increased participation in maritime trade, the emergence of political institutions, the construction of monumental architecture, and the adoption of Islam.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-2-99448062) While the urban settlement at Lamu was likely established around the 14th century based on an inscription found on the Pwani mosque dated to 1370, it doesn't frequently appear among the Swahili cities mentioned in external accounts before the 15th century --unlike Kilwa, Mogadishu and Malindi which were more actively engaged in maritime trade. There is a brief mention of a qadi from Lamu who met Al-Maqrizi in Mecca in 1441.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-3-99448062) But the apparent invisibility shouldn't be mistaken for its relative insignificance, because dozens of urban settlements within and near the Lamu archipelago emerged between the 12th and 15th century, including Siyu and Faza (on Pate island), as well as; Ungwana, Mwana and Shaka (on the immediate hinterland just south of the Lamu island) and several other ruined towns mostly populated by farmers and fishers less engaged in long-distance trade.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-4-99448062) By the 16th century, two major polities in the form of confederations had emerged on the Lamu archipelago and its immediate hinterland. The city-state of Manda controlled most of the other city-states on the archipelago including Lamu and Pate, while the hinterland city-states were controlled by the sultanate of Ozi whose capital was either at Ungwana or Mwana. Both confederations were ruled by "shirazi" dynasties, a term which is derived from the fictive genealogy made by autochthonous east-African coastal groups who constitute the "Swahili par excellence", in contrast to foreign immigrants who came later such as Hadrami (Yemenis) and Omanis (Arabs) as well as the various groups from the mainland. [5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-5-99448062) The manipulation of identity is a frequent phenomenon in the Swahili world, because established lineage groups in the cities constantly redefine themselves according to interactions and competition with immigrant groups. In a society where wealth is a source of authority and prestige, "foreigners" from the hinterland and the Indian ocean could achieve high status by integrating the kinship of their patron, or by enriching themselves through trade.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-6-99448062) This dynamic became especially critical in Lamu's social relations after the the reorientations of population movements in the Indian ocean world after the coming of the Portuguese. The Portuguese arrival was initially catastrophic to most of the Swahili cities, especially the leaders of the large political confederations such as Mombasa, Kilwa and Ungwana which were repeatedly sacked and looted. Thus, after witnessing the sack of Ungwana in 1506, the sovereign of Lamu quickly sent "tribute" of 600 mithqals of gold and provisions for the Portuguese captain Tristao da Cunha, and received a flag to prove his allegiance. But the early Portuguese hold over the coast proved to be ephemeral and they withdrew southwards to Mozambique island shortly after their puppet in Kilwa had been deposed in 1512.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-7-99448062) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4b262aee-ee10-41b4-b21b-b0796b963f0a_1279x655.png) _**Elite tomb and house in the ruins of Shanga**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa01cee11-a421-4ea2-8e2b-788995811e3a_1200x900.jpeg) _**Ruins of an elite house at Ungwana**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F384db366-bfca-4d0e-9ea2-d036321aadbe_829x620.png) _**Ruins of a Mosque at Mwana**_ **The ‘republican’ government of Lamu and the city-states’ economy (16th century)** Lamu was described in Portuguese accounts from the mid-16th century as a sprawling city with stone buildings and a busy port frequented by large commercial vessels with sewn hulls. Like other Swahili city-states, the political system of Lamu was directed by an assembly of representatives of patrician lineage groups, and an elected head of government. The titles of "King" and "Queen" as used in external sources for the different leaders of Lamu were therefore not accurate descriptors for the political power held by the ruler.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-8-99448062) The political and social life of Lamu was governed as a "republic" according to a dual principle that divided the city into spatial and social halves, constituting two factions (mikao) named **Zena** and **Suudi**, that comprised several different clans made up of patricians (**Waungwana**), lower social classes (wazalia) and foreigners (wageni). These clans were themselves led by an elected leader (mzee) who together constituted a council (Yumbe), which inturn chose the mwenye mui as a revolving office between the two factions.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-9-99448062) The factious nature of Lamu's politics involved the use of many legitimating devices through the ritualized maintenance of antagonisms to unite groups of diverse origins and integrate foreigners whose military and commercial alliances were needed during internal contests of power.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-10-99448062) The political factions of Lamu were also spatially divided, a description that is provided in the 18th century but had gradually formed over the centuries.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-11-99448062) The city comprised two quarters named; Mkomani and Langoni, with the majority of households in Mkomani belonging to the Waungwana, while Langoni was inhabited by the descendants of immigrants including coastal groups (eg the Hadrami and Comorians) and groups from the mainland (eg Bajun, Pokomo and Mijikenda). For the Waungwana of Mkomani, the Langoni inhabitants, including the Hadrami sharifs, lacked political respectability and did not have the right to intervene in the public affairs of the city. These social distinctions were however more fluid in practice and anyone could eventually become part of the Waungwana through accumulation of wealth and forging of kinship ties.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-12-99448062) Like its peers in the archipelago, Lamu’s main exports were mostly derived from the hinterland, they included ivory, mangrove timber, ambergris, civet, candlewax, copal, as well as ropes and straw-mat sails used in shipbuilding and repair. The city’s economic exchanges are based on personal ties because each trader is sponsored by his Swahili counterpart residing in the house of his host and ties of friendship and kinship are created. The same is true with the partners on the hinterland such as the Pokomo and Bajun , who were involved in kinship ties and clientelism with the Swahili elites.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-13-99448062) The subsistence of the city-states in the Lamu archipelago, especially Lamu with its poor soils, was based mainly on the agricultural production of their continental hinterland. The lands were developed in common under the direction of a town-based overseer (jumbe ya wakulima), according to a mode of production which was based on the collaboration with continental groups[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-14-99448062). In Lamu, this fostered an economic and political alliance with the hinterland town of Uziwa/Luziwa, whose rulers established a symbiotic relationship with the rulers of Lamu. The city's main export of ivory and its agricultural supplies were provided by Luziwa, while the latter received imported products from Lamu in exchange, following a common pattern utilized by other Swahili cities. Lamu's political regalia, especially the siwa ivory horn, is also said to have come from Luziwa.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-15-99448062) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F75cb203b-6c5f-42b4-8d5d-166305a8e690_680x468.png) _**17th century Siwa Lamu museum, Kenya**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F913968a6-f705-4939-9387-4fe29b0d4c57_838x593.png) _**Ruined house showing doorways made of carved coral, and niches. Shela, Lamu, Kenya, 16th century,**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcc6704a1-bff1-4902-903d-52b710e39bee_802x629.png) _**patricians Waungwana) sitting in state in a richly decorated reception room in Lamu Town, 1884, National Library of Scotland**_ **The Political history of Lamu from the 16th-17th century** Lamu was ruled by a ‘Queen’ in the mid 16th century who, like the ruler of Malindi, had protected the beleaguered Portuguese against the alliance forged between Mombasa, Pate and the Ottomans during their attempt at breaking Portuguese hold of the Swahili coast in 1546-1554. After the defeat of the Ottomans whose armies had looted and sacked Lamu during the war, its queen was rewarded for the protection by granting her merchants and ships greater freedom of movement. The decision to protect the Portuguese was however, likely driven by an internal political struggles in Lamu and the meteoric rise of the Pate city-state, since the Queen was later deposed between 1571-1585 by an obscure ruler described as a usurper.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-16-99448062) This usurper was named Bwana Bashira, he served as the 'ruler' of Lamu just before the arrival of the Ottoman corsair Ali Bey during the latter's interest in the Swahili coast in 1585-6 and 1588-9. Ali Bey was unlike his predecessors acting entirely in private capacity, and managed to gain the allegiance of many Swahili cities through threats and diplomacy, obtaining tribute and soldiers from each city, as well as detaining the resident Portuguese settlers. While Bwana Bashira was initially reluctant to submit to Ali Bey's forces, he was later compelled to do so by the ruler of Pate to avoid war.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-17-99448062) In response to Ali Bey's actions, the Portuguese sent an expedition which sacked the neighboring city of Faza in 1587 for allying with the Ottomans, and Bwana Bashira fled to the mainland at the town of Luziwa. The Queen whom he had deposed takes the opportunity to regain her position after affirming her alliance with the Portuguese. This process in which the political interests of Lamu and the Portuguese became entangled during periods of internal contests in Lamu would also leads to the creation of pro and anti-Portuguese factions based on evolving political fault lines.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-18-99448062) Ali Bey's ships arrived on the coast a second time in 1588, and several cities including Mombasa and Pate formed an alliance of convenience with him, against the Portuguese who then sent a large fleet in response. After Ali Bey's unexpected defeat caused by the appearance of the enigmatic Zimba forces from the mainland, the Portuguese proceeded to Lamu where Bwana Bashira had reinstalled himself, and they executed him for delivering Portuguese settlers to Ali Bey in 1586. They also invaded Manda city which later fell into permanent decline, and they supported the ‘ruler’ of Pate against the local faction that had invited Ali bey whose leaders they executed, but they couldn't control Luziwa, whose 'ruler' Bwana Zahidi only signed a treaty with them in 1637.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-19-99448062) Despite the Portuguese alliance antagonism with Pate, it was the Lamu archipelago that would became the major pole of attraction on the Swahili coast during the early 17th century. The Portuguese were also integrated into the trade relationships of the Swahili, especially in Pate where they augmented the preexisting ivory trade between the city and the mainland groups, especially the Bajuni-swahili, the Pokomo and the Oromo, that was conducted in the market town of Dondo on the mainland.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-20-99448062) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ef6eb57-e627-4b83-9034-89626e3710b1_600x770.png) _**Ruins of an elite residence in Pate**_ **The rise of Pate and its relationship with Lamu in the 17th-18th century** The “rulers” of Pate consolidated military alliances between these mainland groups, as well as with the incoming Hadrami sharifs, inorder to elevate Pate's main Swahili ruling clan —the Nabahani dynasty[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-21-99448062)— .This created a political structure in Pate that was significantly more centralized than its neighbors in the archipelago including Lamu, Manda and Siyu, which were eventually subsumed. The 18th century was thus a period of renewed prosperity for Pate, and its dependencies in the Lamu archipelago as attested by elaborate coral construction, detailed plasterwork in mosques and homes, and voluminous imported porcelain. Groups of Hadrami sharif families arrived on the Swahili coast in the context of religious and intellectual activities. They were especially attracted to the Pate's prosperity were they were mostly concentrated, and are first mentioned in the 16th century when a 'ruler' of Pate invited the family of the 'saint' Abu Bala bin Salim to ritually intercede against the Portuguese. They were specialists in theology and law, and were sought by Swahili sovereigns to serve as advisers, and in establishing diplomatic or commercial relations with the Muslim world. As sharifs (who claimed to be descendants of the Prophet), they were also considered intercessors and mediators who could attract divine protection over the community of believers. The Hadrami families, along with the Barawi families (northern Swahili speakers from Brava) whom they arrived with, were credited locally with a cultural renewal and the transformation of the archipelago's social order through the introduction of more orthodox Islamic principles.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-22-99448062) Like all foreign immigrants that came to the cities, the Hadrami sharifs and the Barawi were quickly integrated into Swahili society within a few generations. Although undoubtedly influential, they had remained relatively few in number and were quickly Swahilized; being acculturated to the language and social structure of the city-states. Swahili patricians seeking to elevate the prestige of their lineages with an additional Sharif lineage entered into matrimonial alliances with some of the most prestigious families (especially of the Alawiyya tariqa), creating new dynastic clans that are attested at different points in the history of Zanzibar, Grande Comore and Kilwa, although not at Lamu itself.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-23-99448062) Over the course of the 17th century, the city-state of Pate remained the preeminent power of the Lamu archipelago, heading a confederation of city-states that repeatedly rebelled against the Portuguese and eventually sought alliances with the Omanis of Muscat to expel the Portuguese from Mombasa in 1698. Lamu remained under the suzerainty of Pate during this period, but the exact nature of its subordination is ambiguous beyond the typical matrimonial alliances and kinship networks between both city's dynastic families.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-24-99448062) Lamu continued under Pate's suzerainty until the early 18th century when it rebelled during a period of internal strife in Pate especially in 1727-8, and again during the reign Bwana Tamu (d. 1762) and the civil war following his reign, but Pate re-imposed its authority over on Lamu by the time of its ruler Bwana Fumo Madi (1777-1809).[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-25-99448062) Lamu was both the partial cause and beneficiary of Pate's decline in the late 17th century. The city grew significantly in size due to increased alliances with mainland groups some of whom moved to the island, and eventually reached an estimated population of 15,000-21,000 by the late 19th century. The growing significance of Lamu on the archipelago is illustrated by brief mentions in the chronicle of Pate when two of its rulers in the 18th century are said to have lived in Lamu, and made extensive use of its port which later outcompeted Pate's.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-26-99448062) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0f868ef1-7ef1-4cea-be8f-afd906623b76_947x602.png) _**Lamu beachfront, early 20th century**_ **The rise of Lamu, decline of Pate and the Oman period on the Swahili coast.** The stability of Pate during the long reign of its ruler Fumo Madi led him to reassert his suzerainty over Lamu, but the council of Lamu refused to submit to the cereal tribute that the Pate sovereign wanted to impose on them. The tensions between Pate and Lamu were accentuated following the death of Fumo Madi, and the conflict rose between the most powerful candidates for Pate’s throne ; Fumoluti Kipunga and Ahmad bin Sheikh, with the former supported by the Suudi faction of Lamu, while the latter was supported by the Zena faction of Lamu, as well as the Mazrui clan of Mombasa, and the Bajuni of the hinterland. One of the main causes of Lamu's resistance was its desire to retain the traditional system of land use between the island and the hinterland that was based on clientelism and kinship, against the more intensive form of land use and production of coercive nature favored by Pate and Mombasa, who were considered “devourers of forced labor”. After a period of skirmishing, the battle between the competing alliances took place in 1813-1814 within the walls of Lamu and the village of Shela, where the armies of the Suudi leader Bwana Zahidi Ngumi decisively defeated the Pate coalition led by Ahmad.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-27-99448062) The consequences of the battle of Shela are decisive in the history of the region since Lamu would later ask the sultan of Oman, Sayyid Said al-Busaidi, for military aid to guard against a reprisal from Pate and the Mazrui. Sultan Said responded favorably and dispatched a garrison and a governor, thus opening the beginning of Busaidi suzerainty over the Lamu archipelago. The Oman ascendance on the east African coast greatly reified the internal economic and social realities of the Swahili city-states including Lamu. [28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-28-99448062) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff1f6cb32-3069-4266-90b2-fb624f66de4c_906x659.png) _**Pillar minaret of Mnara mosque, Shela Town, Lamu Island built in the 1820s**_ Sultan Said dispatched a governor named Muhammad b Nâsir b Sayf al-Ma’walî who was was appointed as the “wali” of Lamu, assisted by a garrison that built and settled in a fort in the city.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-29-99448062) But it wasn't until 1824 that the sultan was in control of the Lamu archipelago and repeated rebellions by deposed elites meant that Lamu itself wasn't firmly under Omani control until 1856. Even then, the urban council was only in theory under the Sultans' tutelage via the liwali, but in practice, little effective control was feasible, and the liwali could never be distinguished from the local elites by whom he was surrounded. The council of Lamu therefore mostly continued to meet and govern the affairs of the city.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-30-99448062) The ascendance of Lamu attracted more people from the coast, and like in Pate, led to a consolidation of legitimacy by established patricians against the new immigrants. Its within the framework of the political re-compositions which followed the battle of Shela and the establishment of the Sultan of Oman in Zanzibar, that the prominent Waungwana of Lamu begun to adopt fictitious Sharifan and Oman origins.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-31-99448062) The increased trade augmented the prominence of the Waungwana, the guardians of normative coastal civilization, whose wealth and political power came to characterize the urban character of Lamu. The Waungwana's material possessions such as silk cloths, Chinese porcelain and furniture, their possession of large stone houses with courtyards and zidakas, the number of their dependents and their taste for intellectual activities, were the most visible markers of their high social position. This is contrasted against the lower classes and recent settlers such as the poor Hadrami and Comorians who immigrated in the 19th century and were despised by the Waungwana elite because of their petty trade typical of the peasant class (maskin). Lamu’s Waungwana of early 20th century still kept an image of the Hadrami immigrants as people who only wore a loincloth at the waist (kikoi) and had no shoes or headgear.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-32-99448062) This ambivalent attitude towards "foreigners" was based on established prerogatives on the integration of new immigrant groups. The migration into Lamu of hinterland groups such as the Pokomo and Bajun in the 17th century, and other Swahili eg from Manda and Takwa in the 17th and 18th century, further contributed to the social distinction of the Waungwana who refused to grant these groups full citizenship and considered them to be foreigners/guests (wangeni).[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-33-99448062) The typical stone house of the Waungwana of Lamu, exemplifies developments in domestic architecture which followed traditions established in the earlier centuries. The two or three-storey house was entered through a covered alcove or porch (daka) with built-in stone benches (baraza) flanking the entryway providing spaces for socialization, with heavy wooden doors that mark the transition into the interior courtyard (kiwanda) that leads into sequences of rooms. These include the reception room (sabule), inner vestibule (tekani), and the innermost room (ndani) whose rear wall was highly decorated, with multiple tiers of elaborately arched plaster niches (**zidaka**).[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-34-99448062) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe0189b36-3900-4994-92a8-d982d94b7d22_1091x720.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fed6c9ca7-0ccb-41bd-b8be-f0ca968aeceb_2000x838.jpeg) _**exterior and interior of the ‘Swahili house museum’ an 18th century Waungwana-type residence in Lamu that was restored recently.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5bc092fe-aea5-4e07-a75f-83c4f667a3a2_804x576.png) _**interior of an 18th century mansion of a Waungwana in Lamu, 1884. National Library of Scotland**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1cf6684f-7df2-4159-8644-3bb7260f4175_1340x600.png) _**House in Lamu with zidaka niches, elite chairs and intricately carved door**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-35-99448062) As mentioned earlier however, the social distinction between the waungwana and the other classes was not easily discernible in Lamu, and the consumption practices of those living in less elaborate houses, and outside the city were often similar to those living in the stone houses. The Comorians for example, were looked upto as teachers despite being considered wageni, and intermingled with some of the waungwana.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-36-99448062) The waungwana’s power was afterall, a moving equilibrium, with a continuous negotiation of the terms by which social status could be attributed.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-37-99448062) As observed elsewhere across the Swahili coast _**“The dualist model was an ideal in the minds of the ruling elites rather than a reflection of reality. The so-called city dichotomy was a 'classic stereotype' that 'masked and distorted a more complex and nuanced reality”**_[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-38-99448062) Despite being regarded with contempt by the waungwana, the lower class Hadrami of Lamu supported the Omani elites and their governors in Lamu inorder to grow their petty trade and accumulate enough wealth to rival many of the waungwana, a strategy that was also followed by their Comorian peers. This was likely achieved partly through the growth in the plantation economy, which involved the coercive systems of production that the waungwana of Lamu had opposed.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-39-99448062) This led to further transformations in Swahili identity in the mid-19th century which resulted largely from the desire of the traditional elites to maintain their rank in the social hierarchy both vis-à-vis the new immigrants from Oman and Yemen and vis-à-vis the increasing continental arrivals. Its during the 19th century that the bantu-derived _**uungwana**_ denoting civilization, was replaced by _**ustaarabu**_, meaning Arab-like, reflecting new terminologies introduced during the contests between the established Waungwana and the incoming Omani elites, especially following the influx of the more elite Alawiyya tariqa (brotherhood).[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-40-99448062) Importantly, the social alliance between the Omani and the Alawi Hadrami for religious legitimacy greatly enhanced the intellectual traditions of Lamu, especially with the founding of the Riyadha Mosque and Islamic school whose students included not just Waungwana but also ‘foreign’ groups including Somali, Oromo, Bajuni and Pokomo and Comorians that had been been previously excluded.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-41-99448062) However, when the traditional socio-economic structures of the townspeople were threatened, their attitudes towards the Alwai's position in education changed and caused conflicts with the Waungwana who questioned their religious doctrine.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-42-99448062) Following the expansion of imperial interests on the east African coast during the late 19th century, the island of Lamu, and the rest of the northern Swahili coast was taken over by the British in 1885. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa20812fc-125e-47c9-bda0-2ea66de005cc_817x576.png) _**the 'Al-Alfiyya' of Ibn Malik, Copied by a Somali scribe named Shārū b. Uthmān b. Abī Bakr al-Sūmālī, in 1858, at the Riyadha Mosque of Lamu.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe3ccf8a0-ebc7-4713-8f37-e23384490ada_965x608.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F649ef7ac-2e37-4905-8ede-854860a03622_939x476.png) _**Modern Lamu**_ The Swahili world underwent an intellectual revolution beginning in the 16th century when **local scholars begun composing various works of Poetry, Philosophy, History and Astronomy**. Read about it here; [SWAHILI POETRY, PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/74519541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb23f48a3-1bd5-49f3-8c1d-4656e9227918_629x1195.jpeg)

2023-01-29T13:20:58+00:00

The complete history of Kano (999-1903)

journal of African cities chapter 9

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999

The Hausa city of Kano is one of west Africa's oldest and best documented capitals, with a long and complex political history dating back nearly a thousand years. The city-state was ruled by a series of powerful dynasties which transformed it into a major cosmopolitan hub, attracting merchants, scholars and settlers from across west Africa. Wedged between the vast empires of Mali, Songhai and Bornu, the history of Kano was invariably influenced by the interactions between exogenous and endogenous political processes. Kano managed to maintain its autonomy for most of its history until it fell under the empire of Sokoto around 1807 when the city-state was turned into an emirate with an appointed ruler. It would thereafter remain a province of Sokoto with varying degrees of autonomy until the British colonization of the region in 1903. This article outlines the political history of Kano, highlighting the main events that occurred under each successive king. _**Map of west africa showing the location of Kano state in the 18th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-1-116532418)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff8da1937-c95c-4397-aee9-269a73309955_794x558.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) The early history of Kano, like the Hausa city-states begun around the turn of the 2nd millennium following the expansion of nucleated communities of agro-pastoral Chadic speakers into the region west of lake chad. The earliest of such complex societies within what would later become Kano was established around the Dalla Hill, and its from this and similar communities that the walled urban states of Hausa speakers would emerge.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-2-116532418) This early history of Kano is mostly based on the faint memories preserved in later chronicles, as well as archeological surveys of the walls of Kano, both of which place the city’s emergence around the 11th/12th century[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-3-116532418).A few of the earliest Sarki (King) of Kano that are recorded in the Kano chronicle (Bagauda r. 999-1063, and Warisi r. 1063-1095) seem to have been legendary figures, as more detailed descriptions of events during their reign don’t appear until the reign of Warsi’s sucessor Gijimasu (r. 1095-1134) who is credited with several conquests. [4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-4-116532418) During Gijimasu's reign, the emerging Hausa polities at Rano, Gaya and Dutse were also expanding in the regions south of Kano, and their rulers constructed defensive walls like Kano’s from which they subsumed nearby communities. Besides these competitors that Gijimasu's young state faced were also many polities like Santolo, that are identified as non-Muslim. But its unclear if Islam had already been adopted by Gijimasu’s kano at this early stage since the first Muslim king —Usumanu— appears in the 14th century.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-5-116532418) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3eed6dbb-569a-491a-b4b1-a2c8d97a583c_1006x618.png) _**the inselberg of Dalla in Kano**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc502c44c-fca5-476d-a8b5-77d4bcca7212_909x620.png) _**city walls of Kano**_ Gijimasu was suceeded by Yusa (1136-1194) who expanded Kano westward to the town of Farin ruwa in what would become the border with Katsina. Yusa's sucessor Naguji (1194-1247) expanded Kano to the south-east beyond Dutse and Gaya, down to the town of Santolo. Naguji's sucessor Guguwa (1247-1290) spent most of his reign consolidating the state, and contending with the traditional elites but was ultimately deposed.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-6-116532418) Guguwa was suceeded by Shekarau (1290-1307) who was also pre-occupied with reducing the power of the traditional elite with the dynastic title of Samagi, but was forced to tolerate them in exchange for tribute. It was under his successor Tsamiya (1307-1343) that the power of the Samagi and other traditional elites was reduced, and their administration placed under three appointees (including the Sarkin Cibiri) whose authority was derived from Tsamiya.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-7-116532418) Usumanu Zamnagawa suceeded Tsamiya after a executing the latter in a violent succession. Usumanu's reign (1343-1349) coincided with the period of the Mali empire's expansion eastwards beyond the bend of the Niger river. He subsumed allied traditional elites like the Rumawa under his adminsitration but others like the Maguzawa retreated to the frontier.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-8-116532418) A recurring theme in the Hausa chronicles of the 19th century is the dichotomous relationship between the gradually Islamizing population and the non-muslim groups, both within Kano's domains and outside it.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-9-116532418) Many Hausa traditional religions and elite groups are described at various points in different accounts, and like their muslim-Hausa peers, none of the non-muslim Hausa communities represented a unified whole, but appear to have been autonomous communities whose political interests of expansion and consolidation mirrored that of the Muslim Hausa. The classifications of different groups as ‘Muslim’ or ‘non-muslim’ is therefore unlikely to have been fixed, and would have been increasingly contested as Islam became established as the official religion of Kano.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-10-116532418) Usumanu was succeeded by Yaji who welcomed the Wangarawa (wangara) from Mali who were appointed in the administration, and instituted the offices of imam, alkali (judge) and ladan. Yaji reduced the stronghold of the last traditional elites at Santolo, and campaigned southwards to the territories of the Kworarafa (jukun) which was likely where he ultimately died. It was under Yaji that the Hausa city of Rano came under Kano's suzeranity.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-11-116532418) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9370e914-2d87-48f0-888f-1c78b30bc048_827x581.png) _**Approximate extent of Kano during Yaji’s reign.**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) Yaji was suceeded by Bugaya (1385-1390) who managed to integrate Maguzawa into his administration under an appointed chief. Bugaya added several offices to accommodate the expanding state's administration and Islam's institutionalization. He was suceeded by Kanajeji (1390-1410) who, through his wangarawa allies, created a force of heavy cavalry and campaigned to the territories of the Jukun, Mbutawa and Zazzau (Zaria) with rather mixed results.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-12-116532418) After consulting with his Sarkin Cibiri who advised him to reinstate the cult inorder to acquire battle success. Kanejiji thus reduced the influence of the wangarawa and Islam at his court in exchange for military assistance from the levies controlled by the Sarkin Cibiri. Kanejiji's campaign against Zaria was successful but the borders of Kano remained unchanged. Kanejiji was suceeded by Umaru (1410-1421) who had studied under the wangara named Dan Gurdamus Ibrahimu and thus reinstated the influence of the wangara and Islam at his court upon his ascension.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-13-116532418) Umaru reduced the power of the non-Muslim elite (presumably the Sarkin cibiri). Umaru's assumption of power was resented by his friend Abubakar, a scholar from Bornu who advised him to abdicate twice before Umaru finally relented in 1421, and both retired outside the city walls. Umaru was suceeded by Dawuda (r. 1421-1438) who invited the deposed Bornu prince Othman Kalnama into kano, and left the state under him while he was campaigning against Zaria.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-14-116532418) Zaria under princess Amina, had expanded across the southern frontier of Kano, taking over much of the tribute it had received from the Jukun territories. Dawuda was however, unable to restore Kano's suzeranity over the Jukun. He was suceeded by Abdullahi Burja (r. 1438-1452) under whose reign Kano came under the suzeranity of the Bornu empire. Burja subsumed the hausa cities of Dutse and Miga which became tributary to Kano, and established the market of Karabka with the assistance of Othman Kalnama.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-15-116532418) It was during his reign that the Wangara scholary family of Abd al-Rahmán Jakhite arrived in Kano from Mali and would retain a prominent position in the ulama of Kano.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-16-116532418) Burja was briefly suceeded by two obscure figures; Dakauta and Atuma before the accession of Yakubu in 1452. Yakubu had been installed with the support of Gaya, which had submitted peacefully to Kano, and it was during his reign that Kano acquired its fully cosmopolitan character. As the chronicle mentions; _**"In Yakubu's time, the Fulani came to Hausa land from Mali bringing with them books on divinity and etymology. Formerly our doctors had, in addition to the Koran, only books of the Law and traditions. The Fulani passed by and went to bornu, leaving few men in Hausaland. At this time too the Asbenawa (Tuareg) came to Gobir and salt became common in Hausaland. In the following year merchnats from Gwanja (Gonja) began coming to Katsina; Beriberi came in large numbers and a colony of Arabs arrived."**_ Evidently, most of these connections had already been established especially with the regions of Mali and Gonja, and they were only intensified during Yakubu's reign.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-17-116532418) Yakubu was suceeded by Muhammad Rumfa (r. 1463-1499) who fundamentally reorganized Kano's political institutions. Rumfa is credited with several innovations in Kano including the creation of a state council, the construction of two palaces, a market, and the expansion of the city walls. Other innovations including the creation of new administrative offices, the adoption of Bornu-style royal regalia and the creation of a new military units and the institution of the religious festivals. During Rumfa's reign, the magrebian scholar al-Maghili was invited to Kano around 1493 as part of his sojourn in west Africa after having been expelled from his home in southern Algeria. Al-Maghili was personally hosted by Rumfa who provided the former with houses, supplies and servants.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-18-116532418) Al-Maghili wrote an important letter addressed to Muhammad ibn Yakubu (ie: Rumfa) in 1492 during his stay in Kano, and would later compose a work titled "the obligation of Princes" at Rumfa's request. Rumfa spent the rest of his reign fighting an inconclusive war with Katsina.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-19-116532418) Rumfa was suceeded by Abdullahi (1499-1509), who was the son of Hauwa, a consort of Rumfa who later became a prominent political figure and was given the office of Queen mother. While Abdullahi was campaigning against Katsina and Zaria, Hauwa restrained the power of Othman Kalnama's sucessor Dagaci, who attempted to seize the throne. Abdullahi renewed his submission to the Bornu ruler for attacking the latter's vassals, before expelling Dagaci for his insubordination. Both Katsina and Zaria would later band together in an alliance against Kano shortly before Abdullahi's death.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-20-116532418) Muhammadu Kisoke (r. 1509-1565) suceeded Abdullahi and inherited the latter's conflict with Katsina and Zaria which now acquired much larger regional significance. The expansionist empire of Songhai under Askiya Muhammad, which had advanced beyond the region of Borgu and Bussa, begun making incursions into the Hausalands. Between 1512-1514, the Askiya allied with Katsina and Zaria to overrun Kano before conquering all three states, but a rebellion by his general named Kanta around 1516 resulted in all three falling under Kanta's empire based at kebbi. Kisoke likely served as the Kanta's deputy until the latter's passing around 1550.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-21-116532418) Kisoke later freed himself from Kebbi's suzeranity and refused to submit to Bornu, managing to repel an attack on Kano by the latter in the 1550s. Kano was then fully independent after over a century of imperial domination and Kisoke credited many of his councilors for this accomplishment.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-22-116532418) He also invited more scholars to Kano including the Bornu scholars Korsiki, Kabi and Magumi (the last of whom became the alkali) as well as the Timbuktu scholar Umar Aqit, and the Maghrebian scholars Makhluf al-Balbali, Atunashe and Abdusallam. All of these are variously credited with bringing with them books on law eg the al-Mudawwana of Shanun.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-23-116532418) It was during Kisoke’s reign that Kano first appeared in external accounts. Its earliest mention was by Leo Africanus whose 1550 description and map of Africa included the other Hausa city-states neighboring Kano was most likely obtained from informants at Gao or Timbuktu.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-24-116532418) An identical description was provided by the geographer Lorenzo d'Anania in 1573 based off information he received while he was on the west African coast. Hewrote of Kano, with its large stone walls, as one of the three cities of Africa (together with Fez and Cairo) where one could purchase any item.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-25-116532418) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fef5ba116-4dc8-487f-aa2e-c93a9818be09_1346x553.png) _**Gidan Rumfa, the 15th century palace of Kano**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fedb853ea-c5ed-447b-a80f-1486a94585fb_1044x518.png) _**detail from Leo Africanus’ 16th century map of Africa showing atleast 4 Hausa cities including Cano (Kano)**_ Kisoke was briefly suceeded by Yafuku and Dauda Abasama. Both of them were however deposed by the council in favor of Abubakar Kado (r. 1565-1573) whose reign reflected the internal divisions between several powerful factions in Kano. The state was invaded by Katsina, and the ineffective but devout Kado spent most of his time studying. Kado was deposed and Muhammad Shashere (1573-1582) was appointed in his place. But the internal divisions persisted, Shashere led a failed battle against Katsina, was abandoned and nearly assassinated, and was later deposed.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-26-116532418) Shashere was suceeded by Muhammadu Zaki (1582-1618). Zaki was faced with the first of the Jukun invasions in 1600 which, along with minor incursions from Katsina, devastated Kano and intensified the period of famine that would last 11 years. Zaki successfully attacked Katsina but died in the frontier town of Karaye. He was suceeded by Muhamman Nazaki (1618-1623) who defeated the Katsina army while one of his officers, the Wambai Giwa repaired and expanded Kano's walls. [27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-27-116532418) Nazaki was suceeded by Muhammad Alwali Katumbi (1623-1648) The latter continued Kano's war with Katsina all while he elevated and reduced the power of individual offices to preserve central control. He demoted the Wambai Giwa, elevating the Kalina Atuman and the Dawaki Koshi, before both were tactically eliminated. He introduced taxes on the itinerant herdsmen, and created more offices of adminsitration. Kutumbi died in 1648 after a failed attack on Katsina, and was briefly suceeded by Alhaji and Shekarau (1648-1651), the latter of whom made peace with Katsina.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-28-116532418) Shekarau was suceeded by Kukuna (1651-1660) who managed to crush a brief coup early in his reign using the support of his councilors. However, Kano was shortly after attacked by the Jukun and Kukuna was forced to abandon the capital. Weakened by defeat, Kukuna employed the services of the Maguzawa (one of the non-muslim groups) and the Limam Yandoya (a muslim priest), but, failing to secure his power, he was deposed[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-29-116532418). The chronicle of the wangara of Kano was written at the start of his reign.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-30-116532418) Kukuna was suceeded by Bawa (1660-1670) a devout figure who spent his time studying while the councilors ran the state. Bawa was suceeded by Dadi (1670-1703) who had to contend with the power of the council. His attempt to expand the city was hindered by local clerics supported by the council, so when the Jukun marched against Kano around 1672 but Dadi was prevented from mustering his forces to meet them. Under the galadima Kofakani's influence, Dadi briefly restored the Chibiri and Bundu cult sites, before removing them. The ruler of the town of Gaya rebelled but was executed by Dadi who appointed a loyalist in his place.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-31-116532418) Dadi was suceeded by Muhammadu Sharefa (1703-1731) who spent most of his reign crushing rebellions and fending off a major invasion from Zamfara's ruler Yakuba Dan Baba. After surviving the attack by Zamfara, Sharefa introduced new taxes/levies across the state in response to the introduction of cowries (from the Atlantic) and partly to pay for the fortification works undertaken during his reign. His sucessor, Kumbari (1731-1743) also spent his reign crushing rebellions, notably at Dutse, and fending off a major invasion from Gobir.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-32-116532418) Kumbari greatly expanded the taxation policy of his predecessor, especially after the re-imposition of Bornu's suzeranity over kano in 1734. The tax burden imposed on all sections of society forced the merchants to flee to Katsina and the poorer classes to retreat to the countryside. Kumbari was suceeded by Alhaji Kabe (1743-1753) who suceeded in consolidating Kano's internal politics but had to contend with an attack by Gobir. Kabe was succeeded by Yaji ii (1753-1768) who was largely a figured of the councilors that had elected him and wielded little authority.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-33-116532418) Yaji used the little influence he had to appoint a trader named Dan Mama as the ciroma (crown prince), giving the latter substantial fief holdings that allowed him to raise cavalry units and accumulate wealth to influence the council. Yaji thus secured the continuity of his line, and was succeeded by his son Babba Zaki (r. 1768-1776) who greatly centralized political and military power at the expense of the council and other elites whose power was reduced. He created a guard of musketeers and expanded the state through his conquests, notably of Burumburum.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-34-116532418) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F913192d0-d55a-4521-aff4-a6aec53a68b7_824x582.png) _**approximate extent of Kano during the 18th century**_ Zaki was suceeded by Dauda Abasama (r. 1776-1781) who restored the power of the council and the Galadima, and his reign was relatively peaceful. Dauda was suceeded by Alwali (r. 1781-1807) who would be the last Hausa king of Kano. Alwali was faced with several endogenous and exogenous challenges including the persistent cowrie inflation, a populace disaffected with the high taxation and a growing politico-religious movement led by Fulbe clerics led by the Sokoto founder Uthman Fodio, who were opposed to Alwali’s government. After a lengthy period of war from 1804-1807 that culminated with the battle of Dan Yaya, Alwali's forces were defeated by the Fulbe forces and the king was forced to flee to Zaria. Alwali later moved to Burumburum and instructed his only remaining loyal vassal at Gaya to attack the Fulbe forces led by a Fulbe general named Muhammad Bakatsine, but the Gaya forces were defeated. Bakatsine then turned to Burumburum and defeated the forces of Aklwali, with only the latter's son, Umaru, escaping to Damagaram to find other deposed Hausa kings who would later establish the city-state of Maradi.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-35-116532418) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fabccd10d-5dec-4a7f-8f4d-dbec41ab86db_796x601.png) The office of Sarki (sultan/King) was abolished as the city-state was now one of several provinces under the Sokoto caliphate of Uthman Fodio. The Sarki was now replaced by an 'Emir' appointed by the Sokoto leaders, and several months after the battle of Dan Yaya, a fulbe imam named Suleimanu (r. 1808-1819) was chosen as emir of Kano. Suleimanu was of humble background and hadn't participated in the wars of conquest, so he was generally despised by the Fulbe aristocracy of Kano. This was compounded by the aristocracy's revival of the pre-existing Hausa institutions that undermined central authority of the Sarki while raising that of the councilors and provincial lords. Suleimanu died in 1819, reportedly after he had chosen the Galadima, Ibrahim Dabo as his heir and communicated this to Muhammad Bello, the sucessor of Uthman Fodio.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-36-116532418) Ibrahim Dabo (r. 1819-1846) begun his reign from an unfavorable position, facing political opposition from most Fulbe elites in Kano and across Sokoto, and with an empty treasury. He thus revived all pre-existing Hausa institutions and offices, thus restoring the tribute system that the Sarki was entitled to by doubling taxes (from 500 cowries of Alwali's reign to 1,000) and expanding the classes exempt to the tax. Rebellions among the opposing Fulbe were crushed after nearly a decade of extensive campaigning, he restored central authority to the office of the Sarki, and gradually filled the princely offices of administration with his kinsmen.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-37-116532418) It was during Dabo's reign that the explorer Hugh Clapperton visited Kano in 1824. Clapperton described Kano as a large, walled city of about 40,000 residents, and that 3/4 of the city was "laid out in fields and gardens". Adding that the gidan rumfa as a walled palatial compound with a mosque and several towers three or four stories high. Dabo's reign overlapped with the sucession of the Sokoto caliphs Abubakar Atiku (r. 1837-1842) and Aliyu Baba (r. 1842-1859), the latter of whom appointed Dabo's son Usuman to succeed his father as emir of kano.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-38-116532418) Usuman (r. 1846-1855) was rather ineffective emir, and the government was largely in the hands of the Galadima Abdullahi, who was Usuman's brother. A drought-induced famine in 1847, and its corresponding increase of taxes (from 1,000 to 2500 cowries), instigated the first major hausa uprising in Kano which allied with the non-Muslim Hausa such as the Ningi, Warajawa and Mbutawa to attack several towns. It was during Usuman's reign that the explorer Heinrich Barth visited Kano, corroborating most of clapperton's account but providing more detail about the city's commerce and the state revenues.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-39-116532418) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb997e6b6-6a7a-42c6-9516-36d25fca4dab_1024x645.jpeg) _**painting of Kano from Mount Dala by H. Barth, 1857**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2bdfdefc-ff37-425d-81c5-1d941dae02ec_2000x1448.jpeg) _**Kano cityscape in the early 20th century**_ After Usuman's death, the Galadima Abdullahi suceeded him in a palace coup that involved Abdullahi voiding the official letter of Aliyu that was being read before Kano's aristorcracy by the Sokoto wazir Abdulkadiri. Aliyu immediately summoned Abdullahi to reprimand him but later accented to the latter's sucession after he had proved his loyalty. Most of Abdullahi's reign was spent repelling the Ningi attacks in southern Kano in 1855, 1856, 1860 and 1864 which devastated several towns. He fortified many of the vulnerable towns in the 1860s around the time when the explorer W.B Baikie was visiting, but failed to decisively defeat the incursions, losing a major battle in 1868. [40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-40-116532418) Abdullahi placated his aristocracy through marriage alliances, centralized his power by creating new hereditary offices and increased his support among the subject population by slightly lowering taxes (from 2500 cowries to 2000) passing on the remainder to the itinerant herders. Despite his conflict with the emir of Zaria over taxation of itinerant herders, Abdullahi forestalled a succession dispute in Zaria by playing an influential role in the politics at the imperial capital of Sokoto.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-41-116532418) It was during his reign that the chronicler Zangi Ibn Salih completed a work on the history of Kano titled Taqyid akhbar jamat, in 1868.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-42-116532418) Abdullahi died in 1882 and was succeeded by Muhammad Bello, following the latter's appointment by Sokoto Caliph Umaru. Muhammad Bello's reign from 1882 to 1892 was marked by internal rivalries among the numerous dynastic lineages and changes in administrative offices[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-43-116532418). Bello chose the Galadima Tukur as his successor by transferring significant authority to the latter. The political ramifications of this decision would influence the composition of the Kano chronicle by Malam Barka.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-44-116532418) Tukur was later appointed as emir of Kano in 1893 by the caliph Adur against the advice of his courtiers and the Kano elite who preferred Yusuf.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-45-116532418) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7fcfe061-303f-4662-b5d2-de0077836f3a_642x984.png) _**Copy of Malam Barka’s Kano chronicle**_[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-46-116532418)_**, originally written in the late 1880s**_ A brief but intense civil war ensued between Tukur's forces and the rebellion led by Yusuf between 1893-1894, with Yusuf capturing parts of southern Kano. Yusuf died during his rebellion and was suceeded by his appointed heir, Aliyu Babba who eventually defeated Tukur and was recognized as emir by the caliph Adur. But Yusuf refused to pay allegiance to the caliph that had rejected him, chosing to rule Kano virtually independently. Aliyu reorganized the central administration of Kano and forestalled internal opposition. These changes would prove to be critical for Kano as new external threats appeared on the horizon.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-47-116532418) The first threat came from Zinder, the capital of Damgaram whose ruler Ahmadu Majerini directed two major attacks against Kano in 1894 and 1897 that inflicted significant losses on Aliyu's forces, before Majerini was himself defeated by the French in 1899. To the far south of Kano, the British had captured the emirate of Nupe in 1897 and were advancing northwards through Zaria, whose emir sent frantic letters warning Aliyu of the approaching threat. Aliyu thus pragmatically chose to resubmit to Sokoto's suzerainty right after the death of caliph Abdu and the succession of Attahiru.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-48-116532418) Aliyu set out with the bulk of his forces to the capital Sokoto to meet Attahiru, the forces of Lord Lugard which had intended to march on Sokoto instead moved against Kano in January 1903. The small detachments Aliyu had left at Kano fought bravely but in vain, and the British forces stormed the city. [49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999#footnote-49-116532418) Aliyu would later attempt to retake the city, and for most of February 1903, his forces were initially successful in skirmishes with the British but later fell at Kwatarkwashi, formally ending Kano's autonomy. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7bf5678a-2ec3-4ba7-b590-ce06a108b9fd_873x608.png) on **AFRICANS DISCOVERING AFRICA**: Far from existing in autarkic isolation, African societies were in close contact thanks to the activities of African travelers. These **African explorers of Africa were agents of intra-continental discovery** centuries before post-colonial Pan-Africanists [AFRICANS DISCOVERING AFRICA: chapter 1](https://www.patreon.com/posts/81510350?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc994d418-08fd-458d-aeb1-ad66d8c99539_944x611.png) **Most of this article is based on the Kano chronicle of Malam Barka as translated by H. R. Palmer and M.G.Smith**

2023-04-23T13:13:59+00:00

The ancient city of Meroe: the capital of Kush (ca. 950 BC-350 CE)

Journal of African cities: chapter 15

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital

Located in the desert sands near the Nile in modern Sudan is the ancient city of Meroe, which ranks among the world's oldest cities and is home to [iconic Nubian pyramids](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and). Established as early as the 10th century BC, Meroe was the political and cultural center of the great African Kingdom of Kush until its collapse in the 4th century of the common era. The powerful rulers who resided at Meroe constructed massive palaces, temples, and monuments, and their subjects transformed the city into a major religious and industrial center, once referred to as the 'Birmingham of Africa'. This article outlines the history and monuments of the ancient city of Meroe, utilizing images from the first excavations which uncovered the buildings more than 1,500 years after the ancient capital was abandoned. _**Map showing the location of Meroe.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0d1886bd-2295-4ed4-857f-d6c24783e524_453x636.png) **Sudan’s heritage is currently threatened by the ongoing conflict. Please support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by Donating to the ‘Khartoum Aid Kitchen’ gofundme page.** [DONATE TO KHARTOUM AID KITCHEN](https://www.gofundme.com/f/fight-hunger-in-sudan-the-khartoum-kitchen-appeal?utm_campaign=p_cp+fundraiser-sidebar&utm_medium=copy_link_all&utm_source=customer) **A brief background on the history of Meroe.** The city of Meroe first appears in the historical records on the inscription of King Amannote-erike who ruled Kush during the second half of the 5th century BC in [the Napatan period](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-legacy-of-kushs-empire-in-global) (named after Kush’s old Royal city of Napata). The inscription mentions that Amannote-erike was _**“among the royal kinsmen”**_ when his predecessor King Talakhamani died _**“in his palace of Meroë”.**_ The city later appears in the inscription of his sucessor King Harsiyotef in reference to an Osiris procession, and on the 4th century BC inscription of King Nastasen who writes: _**“When I was the good youth in Meroë, Amun of Napata, my good father, summoned me, saying, ‘Come!’. I had the royal kinsmen who were throughout Meroë summoned…He will be a king who dwells successfully in Meroë…”**_ [1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-1-149841150) Meroe also appears as the capital of the ‘_Aithiopians_’ in Herodotus' account from the 5th century BC. Based on information he received while in Egypt, Herodotus provides a semi-legendary account of the city, mentioning the fountain of youth whose “thin” water supposedly enabled the “long-lived” _**aithiopians**_ (Meroites of Kush, not to be confused with modern Ethiopia) to live up to 120 years. Herodotus also refers to a prison where the prisoners were bound in fetters of gold because copper was deemed more valuable, and to a building outside the city called “Table of the Sun.” where animal offerings were left.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-2-149841150) Meroe was later visited by travelers from Ptolemaic Egypt such as Simonides the Younger and Philon who wrote a now-lost account of the city and the kingdom in the 3rd century BC. These provided some of the information in the later accounts of Alexandrian geographer Eratosthenes of Cyrene (c. 246-194 BC) and the ethnographer Agatharchides of Cnidus (b. 200 BC). It’s from the latter that we get a semi-legendary account of King Ergamenes (Arkamaniqo), who is credited with establishing a new dynasty ([often referred to as the ‘Meroitic’ dynasty](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-meroitic-empire-queen-amanirenas?utm_source=publication-search)) after overthrowing the Napatan dynasty by shifting the royal cemetery from Napata to Meroe.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-3-149841150) The original name of Meroe was likely written as either Bedewi or Medewi, which is preserved in the name of the modern village of Begrawiya located next to the ancient site. In the texts of Kush’s Napatan-period, the name of Meroe is rendered Brwt, while in the Ptolemaic texts, it is rendered as Mirw3i and in demotic inscriptions as Mrwt. The Greeks rendered the name as Μερόη, which was transliterated as Meroe in Latin and modern languages.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-4-149841150) **Description of the monuments of Meroe** The ancient city of Meroe is situated on the east bank of the Nile on a slightly elevated ground between two small seasonal rivers which branched out during the rainy season, making Meroe a seasonal island. The ruins of the ancient site cover an area of approximately 10km2, and include; the royal section enclosed by a wall; the north and south mounds which included domestic quarters; the outlying temples of Apedemak, Isis, the ‘Temple of the Sun’; and [the three pyramid complexes east of the city.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and)[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-5-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc136d86-f0a4-4ccf-a1ce-6a9bc3eca5f4_1244x545.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F873d66c3-44f6-4b5b-82ea-9de1d22a1cca_1228x371.png) _**A panoramic photograph of Meroë created from images taken from the north of the enclosure wall of the Royal City at the end of the excavation in 1914**_. University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6808ab51-8763-49cd-bacb-3c4ebde24348_1000x670.jpeg) _**Reconstruction of the city of Meroë**_, taken from Rebecca J Bradley.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-6-149841150) The site of Meroe was settled as early as the 7th millennium BC as indicated by finds of early pottery belonging to the ‘Khartoum Mesolithic’ tradition. Other materials dated to 1730–1410 BC, 1400–1000 BC, and 1270–940 BC indicate a continued albeit semi-permanent human activity in the area. The foundation levels of the oldest structures found at the site, such as the palace M 750S and building M 292, provide dates ranging from 1010–800 BC to 961–841 BC. The distance between these structures and their construction in the 10th-9th century BC, suggests that the early town of Meroe was already occupying a substantial area by then.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-7-149841150) Meroe came under the political orbit of the Napatan kingdom of Kush early in its history, although the exact nature of Kush's control remains a subject of debate[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-8-149841150). Excavations at the Palace M 750S revealed an older building with a large quantity of the Early Napatan pottery. The West Cemetery at Meroe contained graves of high officials and relatives of the early Kushite kings from Piankhy to Taharqo, dating to 750–664. Epigraphic evidence from within the city goes back to the 7th-century Bc rulers Senkamanisken and Anlamani, whose names were inscribed on objects found near Palace M 294 within the Royal City.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-9-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F820cdec2-a915-4fc4-8eb6-bdc8da205022_836x433.png) _**Napatan-era calcite vessel in the form of an oryx, bound for sacrifice, found at Meroe**_. Boston Museum of Fine Arts. The Napatan royals likely resided in Meroe long before the city explicitly appears in the internal documents of the 5th-century BC mentioned above. This is indicated by the construction of a palace or temple dated to the 7th century BC in what would later become the royal compound; as well as King Aspelta’s construction of temple M 250 in the 6th century BC and the burial of a King’s wife in the Begrawiya South cemetery. The references to Meroe in the stela of Irike-Amanote, Harsiyotef, and Aspelta in the context of internal strife and war likely indicate that the control of the city (or its hinterland), was likely contested even before King Arkamaniqo ultimately overthrew the Napatan dynasty around 275BC and moved the King’s burial site to the Begrawiya South cemetery.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-10-149841150) The appearance of the first burial of a King at the South Cemetery of Meroe also coincided with the creation of a separate royal district enclosed within a monumental wall. The masonry wall is about 5m thick, it originally stood several meters high and formed an irregular rectangle of 200x400m. Its construction is dated to between the early to mid 3rd century BC and encloses an area considered to be the “Royal City,” because of the numerous monumental buildings within it. It likely had no defensive function but rather served a monumental function separating the elite section of the city. The wall is pierced by five gates, whose asymmetrical location may reflect the position of the most important structures located in the city prior to its erection, and the course of the Nile channel.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-11-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcd6969c4-7aeb-4fdf-afd8-fd1193b737f7_923x677.png) _**Aerial view of the Amun temple M 260 and and the enclosure wall**_, photo by B. Żurawski. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3c08d8a9-a89a-43c6-b065-2d227aa3faf4_970x586.png) _**Meroe City, “Royal Enclosure”, west wall behind the late Amun temple.**_ image by L. Torok. The Amun Temple at Meroe, also known as M 260, is the second-largest Kushite temple after the Napatan temple B 500 at Jebel Barkal. It consists of; a courtyard with 3.8 m tall pylons (now collapsed) and a Kiosk containing Meroitic inscriptions of King Natakamani and Queen Amanitore; a hypostyle forecourt that had a unique embedded stone basin and many Meroitic inscriptions eg the stela of Amanishaketo; and a Temple core with a series of hypostyle halls and side rooms, some with Meroitic inscriptions such as the stela of Amanikhabale, others with decorated and painted scenes with figures of royals and deities, and one with stone throne base measuring 1.93 x 1.8m . The temple was constructed in two main phases, with the first phase completed in the 1st century BC, which is corroborated by the dating of the material found at the site, while the second phase saw the addition of other structures between the 1st and 3rd century CE by various rulers.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-12-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffb8ccb70-41ed-4d2b-b0bf-d648007b85f6_1920x1276.jpeg) _**The Amun Temple (M260) after excavation, looking east from the enclosure wall across the centre of the temple**._ ca. 1912, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa91b0b0d-5e23-4d99-9d25-6b17bcf43b9c_793x467.png) _**Temple of Amun M 260, Meroë Royal City**_, Flickr photo by TobeyTravels [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff03719d6-c259-4013-8500-58dd026d2220_735x500.jpeg) _**The interior of the Amun temple at Meroë, looking west. The central sanctuary containing the high altar can be seen in the background. The enclosure wall of the royal city can be seen in the far background.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1dd0ea7-fa26-4f8e-a086-02e929e563cd_735x514.jpeg) _**The main altar in the temple of Amun at Meroë, after clearing. The altar is decorated with images of the Egyptian Nile god Hapi.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d332432-17f6-4218-a0d2-7fcfafa20083_1000x682.jpeg) _**Remains of one of the hypostyle halls of the Amun temple in Meroë.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F72d381aa-4be5-4afc-bc2d-c794f74e4675_735x476.jpeg) _**Stairs leading up to an altar at the Amun temple at Meroë. A small offering table can be seen in the foreground**_ Among the most unique buildings in the Royal compound is one of the oldest structures in the city called M 292. This was an important religious building, likely a chapel of a deity, that was continually rebuilt from the 10th century BC to the very end of the kingdom. It consists of two superimposed buildings, the lower one of whose columns (seen below) served as the bases for columns of a secondary structure. Its walls were extensively painted and decorated with victory scenes including Roman captives taken after Queen Amanirenas’ defeat of a Roman invasion, and it was here that the famous head of emperor Augustus was found.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-13-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2274acce-44d9-4a8d-be5d-9c7e6ce3d45a_1027x678.png) _**Section of building M 292 after excavation showing remains of a peristyle and columns**_. ca. 1911, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8c1223e0-2830-4a47-a825-7311c508b14c_1366x569.png) _**watercolor illustrations of captive paintings found in building 292 at Meroe, depicting bound Roman and Egyptian soldiers on the footstool of Queen Amanitore and a Meroitic deity**_. The originals on the right show the detail of the right footstool (top) and left footstool (bottom), and the larger painting of the left footstool. ca. 1911, University of Liverpool. There are several monumental structures within the Royal compound identified as palaces, including, M 950, M 990, and M 998, dating to between the 2nd century BC and the 2nd century CE.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-14-149841150) Besides these is an old palace M 750, located outside the Royal city, south-east of the Amun temple. It consisted of two structures separated by a garden, and its interior contained inscribed and decorated blocks depicting procession scenes, as well as material dated to between the 8th century BC to 3rd century CE. Its construction method was similar to other Meroitic monuments: the stone foundations supported a plastered redbrick building covered with a brick roof resting on wood and palm fronds. Finds of pottery sherds lined on the west side of the palace indicate that some of the streets were paved to form a hard surface.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-15-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F43fa5854-a8fb-4a89-a235-c30abcbd4c79_1366x463.png) _**Comparative floor plans and elevation of some of the Meroitic palaces at Muweis, Wad Ben Naqa, Napata and Meroë (M251-253)**_. Illustrations by Marc Maillot[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-16-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03c46b5c-3676-4e2e-b77c-6998f2b95b3a_1023x677.png) _**Meroë palace M 750, ca. 1911**_, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1d374d61-d511-4b8d-aba0-f292b5a2b69a_849x628.png) _**Palace (M 750) ,Meroë Royal City,**_ Flickr Photo by TobeyTravels. An astronomical observatory, M 964, was found within, and below, Palace M 950. Its function was determined by the graffiti incised on the wall showing two individuals with a wheeled astronomical instrument observing the sky and making calculations that were then inscribed on the wall in cursive meroitic. Added to this was the square and triangular stone pillars in the entrance, graffiti of instruments on the walls, and the stone basin in the subterranean room 954 for measuring Nile water, all of which were used by local priests to time specific Meroitic festivals. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F83365c8a-3361-458c-8236-99aba8ca630a_776x520.png) _**Image of graffiti on the wall of site 964, showing an astronomer using an instrument, and astronomical observations of equations written in cursive Meroitic.**_ University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F417d3586-cff3-45f2-b4d4-f9ba78d7908d_1352x503.png) _**Meroë site 964: 'observing' stones and steps to tank, Meroë site 954: 'Bath in observatory buildings'**_. University of Liverpool. **« Read more about the Meroe observatory here:** [THE WORLD'S OLDEST OBSERVATORY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/discovery-of-in-56930547) Another unique structure of the later period is the so-called Royal Bath complex, M 194-5 is a 30x70m structure from the 3rd century BC, located on the western edge of the Royal City between the Enclosure Wall and Palace M 295. Its main feature is a brick-lined and plaster-covered pool 7.25 ×7.15 m and 2.50 m deep, surrounded by an ambulatory filled with locally made statuary, and supplied with water which flowed through water inlets cleverly concealed by the painted wall. A pipe fitted into a column stood in the center of the pool so that the water would flow into the basin from the spouts in the south wall and sprinkle fountain-like in the center. This fountain feature recalls Herodotus’s observation of the “fountain of youth” at Meroe, which secured the longevity of the Meroites, an interpretation that is further complemented by paintings associated with the cults of Dionysus and Apedemak, who are linked with re-birth, well-being, and fertility.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-17-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F77085e46-1cb7-41c1-9f28-5e4d0bb390ef_1365x460.png) _**Image of site 195 ('Royal Baths'), from the east, showing the tank and nearby chambers during excavation. Image of the excavation of the tank at site 195 ('Royal Baths').** ca. 1911,_ University of Liverpool [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F73dcd1a7-57d3-44c9-9a45-5acdb4488b8a_992x636.png) _**Image of site 194 ('Royal Baths') during excavation, showing what Garstang believed was a tepidarium, with seats decorated with griffins and various pieces of sculpture**_. University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F39be4826-6a16-4279-964c-02cfaaf45877_700x464.jpeg) _**Detail of the interior of the tank in the Royal baths.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3bc5f1c5-dc8a-43ee-89b7-a6b2bde5eb0a_1364x503.png) _**Image of an aqueduct or water channel discovered at site 194/195 'Royal Baths', south west corner of the tank discovered at site 195 ('Royal Baths'), with decorative carvings, sculptures and pipes.**_ University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F47a58039-9610-4938-bd2b-7c2c2aa569e5_836x603.png) _**statute of a reclining figure and a reclining couple discovered in the tank at site 195 ('Royal Baths'), 3rd century BC**_. Glyptothek Museum, University of Liverpool. On the right is a statue of Aphrodite, Münich ÄS 1334. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fae3f7574-b720-4577-a23a-9e2aa290b199_1364x534.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8bb34e5-f6ac-4601-89d6-b7e321aa4b5e_1366x376.png) _**Palace M295 next to the ‘Royal baths’, showing an aqueduct and water tank. ca. 1911**_, University of Liverpool. Most of the buildings excavated in the northeast part of the Royal City seem to be domestic quarters, magazines, and storage houses. East of the main Amun temple M260 were a series of small temples on both sides of a wide, open avenue that formed the processional way. These small, multi-roomed temples show quite a diversity of layouts: including a simple three-roomed edifice (M720), a building erected on a high podium (KC 101), and a double temple (KC 104).[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-18-149841150) The formal Processional Way to the Amun Temple separated two domestic areas known as the North Mound and the South Mound. The North mound excavations revealed extensive domestic occupations, iron furnaces along with heaps of iron slag, pottery kilns, and a large temple dedicated to Isis. Excavations in the south Mound revealed other important buildings besides the palace M 750, these included domestic remains such as; M 712, which contained a bakery; and the structure at SM 100 whose material was dated to between the 8th and 4th century BC.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-19-149841150) To the east of the city is building M 6, identified as the 'Lion Temple' of the Meroitic god Apedemak. It consists of two small rooms within an enclosing stone wall which is decorated with reliefs. It contained statues of lions, an inscribed stela with the name of the Lion-headed deity Apedemak, and inscriptions belonging to the 3rd century CE Kings; Teqorideamani and Yesebokheamani.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-20-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4b08ed68-a17e-477e-8901-c88c52ce88a0_1253x443.png) _**Remains of columns and a Lion statue at the temple M6 in Meroe**_, ca. 1911, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3ead70bc-63dc-4eba-a541-6c009d45c28e_1289x535.png) _**Inscribed stela and a wooden sundial in the shape of the ‘Sun Temple’ discovered at temple M6 (Lion Temple)**_. ca. 1911, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb056a87a-1cc3-4659-9e36-a293d1b27e82_879x624.png) _**Votive Plaque of a King Found in the lion temple at Meroë.**_ Walters Art Museum. Further east of the ‘Lion Temple’ is building M 250, which is often wrongly called ‘Sun Temple’ after Herodotus’ fanciful account (there’s little evidence of sun worship at the temple). It was built in the 1st century BC by Prince Akinidad ontop of the remains of an earlier building erected by the Napatan King Aspelta. The edifice consists of a cella standing on a podium placed in the center of a peristyle court on top of a large artificial terrace approached by a ramp. It features highly decorated walls with relief registers depicting victory scenes.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-21-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F105ca3bb-0a12-43f1-a417-65bdecddeb21_927x684.png) _**General view of building M250 from the northeast after excavation showing the temple entrance,**_ ca. 1911, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4e725952-8b9d-480c-8866-3b7cefaea5ab_1070x497.png) _**center of the south front of the building M250. Victory scenes on the south side of site 250**_, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdf431e3b-07b1-4e01-afca-d7e9b85dfa4d_1132x387.png) _**Reconstruction of building M 250.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff9a9c366-a5f0-4a8f-ae66-677d65f4a6e5_1332x444.png) _**Victory scenes on the south side of the lower podium of building M250**_, University of Liverpool. To the north of the city is M 600, identified as the temple of Isis, which was later reused in the medieval period as a church. It consisted of two columned halls leading to a shrine, where the altar stood on a floor of faience tiles. It contains a stela of King Teriteqas, two large columnar statues of the gods Sebiumeker and Arensnuphis protecting its entrance, and two figures of the goddess Isis.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-22-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6acf3260-6f30-4fb4-ad2f-9c241a401e20_962x684.png) _**chambers discovered at Meroe temple M600 (Isis Temple).**_, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F54896bf6-0fe9-4b5a-9376-dc5e11240275_638x548.png) _**statue of Sebiumeker and Arensnuphis, 1st century BC, discovered at temple M600 (Isis Temple),**_ now at Carlsberg Glyptotek museum, National Museum of Scotland. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Life in the ancient city of Meroe** An estimated 9,000 inhabitants lived in the royal city, including members of the Royal family and ordinary people. The bulk of the latter population lived in the smaller houses of mud-brick walls found across the archeological site, and were engaged in a variety of crafts industries, from iron working, to gold smelting, textile manufacture, pottery making, the construction of monumental palaces, temples, and tombs found in the city, and the various sculptures and artworks that decorated their interior. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feacfa9e5-fad2-4e09-ae39-1cfac678b545_741x493.png) _**Section of building M 296 showing a complete ‘Taharqa’ style column and column bases, and a decorated doorway**_. ca. 1911, University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f4d0e13-bcf8-4147-b1fc-76cb87d6b02a_1356x496.png) _**Meroë site 98: Bath in a private house, Meroë site 621: Tank. ca. 1911,**_ University of Liverpool. According to Strabo’s description of Kush; _**“They live on millet and barley, from which they also make a beverage. Butter and suet serve as their olive oil. Nor do they have fruit trees except for a few date palms in the royal gardens. . . . They make use of meat, blood, milk, and cheese. . . . Their greatest royal seat is Meroe, the city with the same name as the island”.**_ He adds that the land was populated by nomads, hunters, and farmers and that the Meroites were mining copper, gold, iron, and precious minerals.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-23-149841150) Discoveries of massive slag heaps, kilns, and forges in the outskirts of Meroe and the neighboring town of Hamadab, along with the remains of iron and copper tools, and gold and bronze jewelry, attest to the city’s importance as an important center of local industries (the iron-slag mounds in particular earned it its nickname of the ‘Birmingham of Africa’). Commodities such as salt, gold, and other minerals, along with ebony, ivory, and other exotica were major trade items exported from Meroe to the Mediterranean world.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-24-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7054ec2e-d5f2-4350-b4c0-d32da91e96d4_1295x489.png) _**Images of site 298, showing kiln-like structures that Garstang believed were coppersmith's hearths.**_ University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a7eaac8-95ff-48a2-a90f-ae7954153cb7_1037x668.png) _**kilns discovered at site 620 after excavation**_. University of Liverpool. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0da558cf-7505-4143-9994-a8e276e4fb1d_741x495.png) _**Large iron slag mound at Meroe, Sudan.**_ photo by Jane Humpris. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e4c67a8-0eff-47d0-8381-80cceb962cc6_996x460.png) _**Napatan and Meroitic gold jewelry.**_ (mostly at the Boston Museum) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F862f3454-2134-403e-a74d-10d45cb4df0e_1315x568.png) _**Painted pottery from Meroe, ca. 1st century BC- 1st century CE**_ , SMB Berlin & Louvre Meroe is located within the monsoon rain belt region of Central Sudan in a savannah environment dotted with acacia trees, making it suitable for agro-pastoralism which was the basis of Kush's economy in antiquity. The cultivation of cereals like sorghum was sustained by seasonal rains and the construction of water storages known as Hafirs. Finds of cattle bones and other animals (sheep, goats, pigs) in archaeological contexts corroborate written accounts about the importance of herding in Meroe.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-25-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5a2823d4-890a-4a4d-b13c-02dd895e79f2_1026x674.png) _**Image of a wall relief depicting a procession of oxen found at site 70 (Ox shrine)**_. University of Liverpool. **The end of Meroe** Meroe remained a powerful capital well into the middle of the third century when the kingdom had to face serious political and economic difficulties, including the decline of Roman Egypt, the appearance of nomadic groups called the Blemmyes and the ‘Noba’ in its northern and eastern margins, and the rise of the Aksumite empire in the northern highlands of Ethiopia.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-26-149841150) The last inscription among the known Meroitic rulers, Talakhideamani, was found within the Amun Temple complex as well as in the Meroitic chamber at Philae (in Roman Egypt) where his envoys also left an inscription that contained the king's name, and at the temple of Musawwarat. His reign in the late 3rd century indicates that the kingdom, its capital and its main temple were still flourishing just decades before the Kush was invaded by the Aksumite kingdom.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-27-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1735a415-368b-47bc-98a5-036b8809c365_1090x362.png) _**Talakhideamani's inscription on the south side of M 276, Amun temple**_, photo by K. Grzymski The royal city was sacked by the Aksumite armies in the early 4th century CE, evidenced by two Greek inscriptions found on the site, belonging to King Ousanas. They bear the typical Aksumite title of; "King of the Aksumites and Himyarites …" and they describe his capture of Kush's royal families, the erection of a throne and bronze statue, and the subjection of tribute on Kush. Ousanas’ campaign was later followed by his successor Ezana in 360 CE, who directed his armies against the Noba that were by then occupying much of Kush’s territory.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-28-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4875a1bf-b418-4c21-9e20-deb207b6a123_1039x489.png) _**Emperor Ousanas’ victory inscriptions at Meroe**_. Sudan national museum The very end of habitation at Meroe City is represented by squatter occupation in the abandoned temples and by poor burials cut into the walls of deserted palatial buildings and in the inner rooms of the late Amun temple, as well as the complete disappearance of wheel-turned pottery. The Meroitic dynasty likely ended with Queen Amanipilade, buried in Beg. N. 25, although the kingdom itself continued in some form until around 420 CE when the royals of [the first medieval Nubian kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of) established their royal necropolis at Ballana, formally marking the end of ancient Kush and its historic capital.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital#footnote-29-149841150) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F62403bd6-c9b0-4a3a-8572-05130e877e30_957x634.png) _**Meroë (Bagrawiyah) Pyramids North Cemetery**_, Flickr Photo by Bruce Allardice. **Please support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by Donating to the ‘Khartoum Aid Kitchen’ gofundme page.** [DONATE TO KHARTOUM AID KITCHEN](https://www.gofundme.com/f/fight-hunger-in-sudan-the-khartoum-kitchen-appeal?utm_campaign=p_cp+fundraiser-sidebar&utm_medium=copy_link_all&utm_source=customer) **Centuries before the rise of Aksum, the northern Horn of Africa was home to several complex societies referred to as the 'Pre-Aksumite' civilization.** **Please subscribe to read about it here;** [THE PRE-AKSUMITE CIVILIZATION](https://www.patreon.com/posts/pre-aksumite-of-112946798?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=postshare_creator&utm_content=join_link) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb489d3f2-d8b5-4d84-9e24-8eac99577a06_661x1113.png)

2024-10-06T16:37:51+00:00

A history of Horses in the southern half of Africa ca. 1498-1900.

Horses and humans have shared a long history in Africa since the emergence of equestrian societies across the continent during the bronze age.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern

Horses and humans have shared a long history in Africa since the emergence of equestrian societies across the continent during the bronze age. For over 3,000 years, [Horses were central to the formation and expansion of states in West Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/knights-of-the-sahara-a-history-of?utm_source=publication-search), the Maghreb, and the Horn of Africa, leading to the creation of some of the world's largest land empires such as Kush, Songhai, and Bornu, whose formidable cavalries extended across multiple ecological zones. While the use of horses is often thought to have been confined to the northern half of the continent, Horses were present in parts of the southern half of the continent and equestrian traditions emerged among some of the kingdoms of southern Africa where the horse became central to the region’s political and cultural history. This article explores the history of the Horse in the southern half of Africa, including its spread in warfare, its adoption by pre-colonial African societies, and the emergence of horse-breeds that are unique to the region. _**Map showing the spread of horses in the southern half of Africa.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb77b82a9-a4d0-45da-8ad8-2b6216360d07_739x602.png) **Horses and other pack animals in the southern half of Africa before the 17th century.** One of the earliest mentions of Horses on the mainland of southern Africa comes from a Portuguese account in 1554, describing the journey of a group of shipwrecked sailors north of the Mthatha River (Eastern Cape province). The Portuguese mention that they saw _**“a large herd of buffaloes, zebras, and horses, which we only saw in this place during the whole of our journey”[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-1-151756517)**_ This isolated reference to horses in southern Africa is rather exceptional since the rest of the earliest Portuguese accounts only mention horses in the Swahili cities of the East African coast. Horses spread to the African continent during the second millennium BC, and were adopted by many societies across the Maghreb, West Africa, and the Horn of Africa by the early centuries of the common era. However, the spread of Horses south of the equator was restricted by trypanosomiasis, which explains the apparent absence of the Horse among the mainland societies of that region, and their use of oxen as the preferred pack animal. Al-Masudi’s 10th-century description of Sofala (on the southern coast of Mozambique) for example, mentions that the _Zanj_ of that region _**“use the ox as a beast of burden, for they have no horses, mules or camels in their land”**_ adding that _**“These oxen are harnessed like a horse and run as fast.”**_ A 12th-century account by Al-Idrisi describing the island of Mombasa in modern Kenya mentions that the King's guards _**“go on foot because they have no mounts: horses cannot live there.”**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-2-151756517) While neither of these writers visited Sofala (al-Masudi may have reached Pemba), their descriptions were likely influenced by the extensive use of oxen as pack animals among many mainland societies in the southern half of the continent. The Khoe-san speakers of south-western Africa for example are known to have used cattle in transport and in warfare. Accounts of their first encounter with the Portuguese in 1497, mention that the oxen of the Khoe-san were _**“very marvellously fat, and very tame”**_ adding that _**“the blacks fit the fattest of them with pack-saddles made of reeds ...and on top of these some sticks to serve as litters, and on these they ride.”**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-3-151756517) The Khoe-san famously deployed these oxen during the battle of Table Bay in 1510. The warriors skilfully used their herd of cattle as moving shields and successfully defeated the Portuguese forces of Dom Francisco d'Almeida.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-4-151756517) Other societies in south-west Africa, such as the Bantu-speaking Xhosa also rode on cattle as attested in the earliest documentary record about their communities in the 17th century. Trained oxen of the Khoe-san, Xhosa, and the Sotho were ridden with saddles made of sheepskin fastened by a rope girth. They usually had a hole drilled through the cartilage of their noses and a wooden stick with a rope fastened to either end to enable the rider to direct the animal.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-5-151756517) Further north in the regions between modern Angola and Zambia, riding oxen were utilized by various African societies, especially in the drier savannah regions where large herds of cattle could be kept. The 1798 account of the Portuguese governor of Mozambique-Island, Francisco José de Lacerda, mentions that riding oxen (bois cavallos) were the primary means of transport in the Lunda province of Kazembe, besides the more ubiquitous head porterage. While Lacerda recommended that the Portuguese should import camels or domesticate zebras, multiple attempts to introduce camels ended in failure, and the zebra remains undomesticated.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-6-151756517) Later accounts from the 19th century document the extensive use of riding oxen in Angola by both local and foreign traders traveling as far as Congo and parts of Zambia. A particular breed of cattle from Barosteland (the Lozi kingdom) called the ‘Yenges’ were used as riding oxen in Angola[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-7-151756517). According to an account from 1875, oxen were trained for riding at Moçâmedes in southwestern Angola; _**“the cartilage of the nose is perforated, and through the opening, a thin, short piece of round iron is passed, at the end of which are attached the reigns and the animal is guided by them in the same manner as a horse.”**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-8-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd6e53e13-11a0-44fb-9a9d-47c80594fb62_692x591.png) _**a Sanza (thumb piano) with an equestrian figure riding a highly stylized bull**_, 19th century, Chokwe artist, Angola/D.R.Congo, Cleveland Museum Horses appear more frequently in the earliest accounts of Portuguese visitors to the East African coast. When Vasco Da Gama first arrived in the city of Malindi in 1498, he observed two horsemen engaged in a mock fight. The Portuguese thus sent gifts to the king of Malindi, which included a saddle, bridles, and stirrups, all of which the king utilized during a brief ceremony where he rode on horseback. In 1505, after the Portuguese invasion of Kilwa by Dom Francisco d’Almeida (before he was killed by the Khoe-San), the rival kings he installed also rode on horseback to proclaim their ascendancy, likely inspired by the ceremony witnessed at Malindi, or part of a pre-existing tradition.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-9-151756517) An account from 1511 by Tom Pires indicates that the horses of the East African coast were imported from Yemen. He mentions that; _**“Goods are brought from Kilwa, Malindi Brava, Mogadishu, and Mombassa in exchange for the good horses in this Arabia.”**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-10-151756517) However, later accounts of Swahili trade and military systems indicate that these horses were used sparingly, likely only serving a ceremonial function, while donkeys and camels remained the main pack animals, and can still be seen in the modern streets of Lamu and Mombasa. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F22f605e0-1d14-4321-90ed-3a8eed2ed5ac_1600x1001.jpeg) _**Donkeys carrying building material, early 20th century**_, Mombasa, Kenya. **The defeat of European cavalries in subequatorial Africa: Portuguese Horsemen in Angola and Zimbabwe.** The earliest encounter with European horses in the southern half of the continent began during the first wave of invasions of the mainland during the late 16th century. In 1570-71, the Portuguese conquistador Francisco Barreto traveled up the Zambezi River at Sena (in Mozambique) with about **“twenty three horses and five hundred and sixty musqueteers”** in his [failed invasion of the kingdom of Mutapa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese) (in Zimbabwe), where some of the horses were poisoned by rival Swahili merchants while others died due to disease.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-11-151756517) Along the Atlantic coast in what is today modern Angola, a few horses were reportedly introduced in the kingdom of Kongo, along with Portuguese mercenaries to serve the Kongo king Afonso I as early as 1514, but both proved to be rather unsatisfactory, and the horses did not survive for long.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-12-151756517) Significant numbers of war horses only arrived in west-central Africa during the [Portuguese invasion of the kingdom of Ndongo](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese) in the late 16th century which led to the creation of the coastal colony of Angola with its capital at Luanda. In 1592, Francisco de Almeida (unrelated to the one mentioned above) arrived in Luanda with 400 soldiers and 50 horsemen who led a failed invasion into the Kisama province of Ndongo in order to reverse an earlier defeat inflicted on the Portuguese forces by Ndongo's army. The initial attack using the cavalry disorganized the armies of Kisama, although the latter countered the effect of cavalry by using the surrounding cover of the woods to draw and defeat the Portuguese force, forcing them to retreat.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-13-151756517) A later invasion of the kingdom of Ndongo & Matamba in 1626 led by Bento Banha Cardoso against the famous queen Njinga was relatively successful. The Portuguese installed an allied king opposed to Njinga, whose retreating forces were unsuccessfully pursued by _**“eighty cavalry and foot soldiers.”**_ Cavalry frequently appeared in Portuguese battles with Njinga's army, but their numbers remained modest, with only 16 cavalry among the 400 Portuguese officers and 30,000 auxiliaries at the battle of Kavanga in 1646.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-14-151756517) The small cavalry force of the Portuguese was maintained by constantly importing remounts from Brazil and other places, but these troops were never a significant factor in warfare. They typically fought dismounted, as they did at Kavanga, and even in reconnaissance or pursuit never went faster than the quick-footed pedestrian scouts.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-15-151756517) The Portuguese who had come to central Africa hoping to repeat the feats of the Spanish horsemen in Mexico were quickly disappointed. Their early claims that one horseman was equal to a thousand infantrymen were rendered obsolete by the realities of warfare in central Africa.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-16-151756517) The last of the largest Portuguese invasions which included a cavalry unit of 50 horsemen was soundly defeated by the armies of Matamba in 1681; more than 100 Portuguese men were killed along with many of their 40,000 African auxiliaries.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-17-151756517) It should be noted that the ineffectiveness of cavalry warfare didn’t present a significant impediment to Portuguese colonization of the southern half of the continent, as they nevertheless managed to establish vast colonies in the interior of central Africa, south-east Africa, and [the Swahili coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from?utm_source=publication-search), which at their height in the early 17th century, occupied a much larger territory than the Dutch Cape colony of south-west Africa, where the environment was more conducive to horses and cavalry warfare. **From the Cape to the kingdoms of Southern Africa: the spread of an equestrian tradition to the Khoe-San, Xhosa, Tswana, Mpondo, Sotho, and Zulu societies.** Horses arrived in the Dutch Cape colony in 1653, about a century after they were first sighted in the eastern Cape region by the Portuguese. The importation of horses, which began with four Javanese horses brought by the colony’s founder Van Riebeeck in 1653, was a perilous process and their numbers remained low for most of the 17th century. African horse-sickness initially constrained horse breeding, forcing settlers to use idiosyncratic mixtures of local knowledge of disease management. They learned from the Khoe herders how to use smoky fires to discourage flies, grazing at higher elevations, and where to move horses between seasons inorder to keep the stock alive.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-18-151756517) After gradually building up their stock of horses, settler authorities used them to display settler ascendancy to the subject population of the cape. By 1670, they established horse-based ‘commando’ units for policing the frontier; these traveled as cavalry but attacked as typical infantry units that dismounted to shoot. The number of Horses steadily rose from 197 in 1681 to 2,325 in 1715 to 5,749 by 1744. Horse riding and warfare became an important symbol of social identity and military power for the Boer population of the cape, which prompted neighbouring African societies to adopt this equestrian tradition.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-19-151756517) Beginning in the 1780s, creolized groups of Khoe-san speakers such as the Griqua and Kora, mounted on horses, moved to the Orange River area and beyond as part of the eastward migration from the Cape colony. The small Griqua and Kora societies were primarily engaged in cattle raiding and horse trade with and against sedentary communities like the Xhosa and Sotho. Griqua and Kora warriors used horses to supply mobility but primarily fought on foot.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-20-151756517) Other creolized groups such as the AmaTola, assimilated horses into the raiding economies, and their belief systems. They brought horses to the Drakensberg from the eastern Cape frontier and became acculturated into the neighboring sedentary societies, especially the Xhosa from whom their ethnonym is likely derived and whose equestrian tradition they initially influenced.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-21-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdda4d717-fb54-4497-8e9f-18eb8106ba1e_753x557.png) _**Spear-wielding men**_ **\[**San foragers**\]**_**, some probably dismounted from the nearby horses, ‘hunt’ a hippopotamus**_. Traced by Patricia Vinnicombe from a rock-painting in the East Griqualand area of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-22-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F85a1968d-bc95-4049-bfc0-2140d3b3a143_558x515.png) _**Korana horseman, ca. 1836**_, illustration by Thomas Arbousset and François Daumas. In the modern eastern cape region, the Xhosa gradually adopted the use of horses and firearms during their century-long wars against the Boers, British and neighboring African groups. The armies Xhosa king Sarhili (r. 1835-1892) won several battles against the neighbouring Thembu and Mpondo due to their skillful use of horses and firearms. By 1846, Xhosa factions were able to mobilize as many as 7,000 armed mounted men, and they soon became excellent horsemen, although horses weren't commonly used in actual combat due to the terrain.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-23-151756517) In contrast to the Sarhili’s Xhosa kingdom, the neighboring kingdom of Mpondo under King Faku (r. 1818 -1867) did not create cavalry units. King Faku often preferred to avoid hostilities with the Boers and the British, and instead played the two groups against each other. The Mpondo nevertheless acquired horses from the neighbouring Khoe-san groups through trade and raiding, and the horses were used in transport and minor conflicts in Mpondoland.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-24-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6b03da1d-6959-473f-87a5-bf78d17ad809_997x536.png) _**procession of men on horse-back in Pondoland, ca. 1936, eastern cape region, South Africa**_. British Museum. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2aed6c3f-eede-42f3-b1ef-d3efe988f1c0_991x581.png) _**two men riding on horse-back in Pondoland**_, ca. 1936, British Museum. Raids by the Kora against the baSotho made a significant impression on the latter, whose king Moshoeshoe (r. 1822-1870) acquired his first horse in 1829 while he was consolidating his power to create the kingdom of Lesotho. Moshoeshoe's subjects quickly became more than a match for the Kora and other San groups as they acquired their own horses and guns. Some were captured from the Kora, while others were procured by individuals who had gone to work on farms in the Cape Colony, and many more were obtained through trade.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-25-151756517) Moshoeshoe began to build up a small cavalry as he gained more followers. He attacked the predatory bands of the Kora and Griqua from the early 1830s, and traded with some who were allies. By 1839 the price of horses had increased to ten guineas (or six oxen for one horse) at Griqua Town because there was a ready buyer’s market in the neighbouring baSotho chiefs. Between 1833 and 1838 Moshoeshoe imported 200 horses and by 1842 he had 500 armed horsemen who were _**“constantly prepared for war.”**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-26-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fde957fc1-9d92-40a9-ba38-c315d75a6784_720x425.png) _**baSotho horsemen in the early 20th century**_, photo likely from the 1925 visit of the prince of wales. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F40b6892d-ba89-415a-b585-1e151d8da8f3_1311x535.png) _**‘A Basuto Scout’**_, engraving by Unbekannt, ca. 1880. _**‘A Mosotho Horseman’**_, undated photo at the National Archives, UK. _**Horseman from from Basutoland**_, ca. 1936, Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, UK. Horses were used to transport mounted infantry or for cavalry action with the knobkierie and assegai (spear). By 1852 the Basotho forces stood at about 6,000, _**“almost all clothed in European costumes and with saddles.”**_ These horsemen managed to put up a successful defense against a British colonial army at the Battle of Berea.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-27-151756517) Increased conflicts between the kingdom and the Boer Orange Free State culminated in the first First Basotho–Boer War in 1858, and a second war in 1868, which involved between 10,000 and 20,000 Basotho cavalry and infantrymen. Losses from both conflicts compelled Moshoeshoe to seek British protection in 1869, and Lesotho became part of the Cape colony by the time of his death in 1870.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-28-151756517) Internally, the kingdom mostly remained under local authority, and horses continued to play a central role in its political administration and cultural traditions. Horses facilitated the governance of greater areas and provided a more effective communication system. The Horse population of the kingdom doubled from just under 40,000 in 1875 to over 80,000 in 1890 compared to a human population of about 120,000. Horses played a key role in the 1880-81 'Gun-war' against the Cape colony's attempt to disarm the baSotho, which ended with the latter retaining their guns and horses, even as their kingdom was placed directly under British in 1884.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-29-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1237147e-dc26-469b-9ab9-b0e2ade8d91d_994x615.png) _**Horsemen in the Quthing District of Basutoland**_, ca. 1936, British Museum. Further north in the modern province of Kwazulu Natal, the arrival of Horses is associated with the rise of the AmaThethwa king Dingiswayo, who reportedly traveled to the eastern cape region and returned on horseback with a firearm[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-30-151756517). However, horses would not be widely adopted in the military systems of the Mthethwa and Zulu kingdoms, with the late exception of the Zulu king Dinuzulu (r. 1884-1913) who included a small contingent of 30 horsemen to assist his infantry force of 4,000 during the rebellion of 1888.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-31-151756517) Horses arrived late in the northmost provinces and were less decisive in warfare. In June 1831 a coalition of 300 Griqua horsemen and several hundred Tswana spearmen was roundly defeated by the Ndebele king Mzilikazi near present-day Sun City in the north-west province. The Ndebele captured large numbers of firearms and horses but did not make much use of them and most of the captured horses eventually died of disease.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-32-151756517) The mixed infantry and cavalry forces of the Boers fared better against the armies of the Ndebele and the Zulu between 1836-1838, and against the horse-riding Tswana chiefdoms of Gasebonwe and Mahura in 1858. However, horses were rarely used in actual combat and horse-sickness restricted the length of some campaigns, such as in the wars with the baPedi ruler Sekhukhune in 1878. In these regions, both the Boers and the British used horses to transport troops to battle; in skirmishes to break enemy formations; and to pursue defeated foes.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-33-151756517) These tactics were then applied to devastating effect during the second Anglo-Boer war of 1899-1902, which was the last major cavalry war in southern Africa, resulting in the deaths of at least 326,000 horses alongside nearly 200,000 human casualties.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-34-151756517) **Horse Breeding and Trade** The vast majority of horses in the pre-colonial societies of southern Africa originated from the ‘Cape Horse’ breed, which measured about 14.3 hands. The ‘Cape Horse’ was itself the result of a globalised fusion of the following breeds; the South-east Asian or ‘Javanese’ pony (itself arguably of Arab–Persian stock); imported Persians (1689); South American stock (1778); North American stock (1792); English Thoroughbreds (1792); and later Spanish Barbs (1807); with a particularly significant Arabian genetic influence.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-35-151756517) The export of horses from the Cape colony began in 1769 but this trade remained very modest and erratic save for between 1857 and 1861 when thousands of Horses were exported to India. The Horse trade with neighboring African societies (often clandestine) was more significant, especially after the British conquest of the cape in 1806 which compelled some of its population to migrate beyond its borders. Despite the recurring epidemic of horse-disease which killed anywhere between 20-30% of the horse population every two decades, the number of Horses in the cape exploded from 47,436 at the time of the British conquest to 145,000 in 1855 to 446,000 in 1899 on the eve of the Anglo-Boer war. However, this was largely the result of increased imports, as most of the remaining Cape Horses were killed by disease and in the Anglo-Boer war. By the end of the 19th century, the once redoubtable Cape horse was pronounced as being as ‘extinct as the quagga’, having been replaced by the English Thoroughbred.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-36-151756517) The Kora, Griqua, Xhosa, and Sotho, began breeding horses as soon as they were acquired. By the early 19th century, the Griqua established a settlement in Philippolis, and were becoming increasingly equestrianised and ‘breeding good horses.’[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-37-151756517) As late as 1908, a colonial report notes that “in the fine territory of East Griqualand” (just south of Lesotho), _**“the principal industries are sheep farming, horse breeding and agriculture on a small scale, horse sickness, which is so destructive in many parts of Cape Colony, being unknown.”**_[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-38-151756517) Trade between the British-controlled Cape colony and the Xhosa in the 1820s ensured that horses and guns were acquired by the latter, albeit illegally as it was forbidden. The Xhosa later started breeding horses themselves and by the end of the 1830s, one cape official noted: _**“Not many years ago the Africans … looked upon a horse as a strange animal which few of them would venture to mount. Now they are becoming bold horsemen, are possessed of large numbers of horses.”**_[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-39-151756517) In Lesotho, a local horse breed known as the ‘Basuto pony’ which measures about 13.2-14.2 hands[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-40-151756517), was created from a heterogeneous stock acquired from various sources, whose diverse origins are reflected in the breed’s changing nomenclature. The earliest Sesotho phrase for the horse was _**khomo-ea-haka**_, literally translated as ‘cattle called haka’ (hacqua being the Khoisan name for a horse). Haka was then replaced by the word ‘pere’ from the Dutch/Afrikaans ‘perd’ likely obtained from the Kora. From 1830 to 1850 imported stock was mostly ‘Cape horses’ of ‘South-east Asian’ origin, that were later mixed with the English Thoroughbred horses in the second half of the 19th century.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-41-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd40cf197-e5cf-415e-bfa4-1998377d625e_1000x817) _**a Basuto pony**_, oil on canvas painting by William Josiah Redworth, ca. 1904. By the early 1870s, Basutoland was a major supplier of grain and horses to the Kimberly diamond fields, rivaling the Boer Free State Boers. This export trade grew rapidly on the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer wars in 1899, as the baSotho sold their horses to both sides and dictated the terms of the market. In 1900 alone the Basotho exported 4,419 horses worth £64,031 (£6,087,000 today). Basotho ponies were particularly desired, because they were famously hardy and were already acclimatized to local conditions and diseases. Their quality was praised by the imperial authorities and British press: _**“They are all very square-built active animals, just the thing for campaigning, but the Basutos would not sell their own riding horses for love or money. All they would sell were the spare horses.”**_[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-42-151756517) As late as 1923, the “principal occupations” of Lesotho were “agriculture, horse-breeding and stock-farming” according to a detailed account of the kingdom whose author also praises the Basuto pony, describing it as a ‘fine beast’ that will _**“carry his rider in safety along the most precipitous paths in the rugged mountains amongst which he has been bred.”**_[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-43-151756517) In the north-western region of South Africa bordering Namibia and Botswana, a type of horse breed similar to the Basuto Pony was developed and was referred to as the Namaqua pony, named after the Nama-speaking Khoe-san groups of the region. The Namaqua pony was spread to Botswana and Namibia where it was mixed with German horse breeds, although it is said to be currently extinct.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-44-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F83111a5a-ce77-46b7-9df5-dbbb7d656ca3_641x577.png) _**Basotho Pony, ca. 1902**_, Harold Sessions. **The Horse in the cultural history of pre-colonial Southern Africa.** Among the Khoe-san speaking groups like the Korana and AmaTola, horse-riding became central to social identity and the economies of their frontier societies.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-45-151756517) This is best reflected in the surviving artwork of both groups, which often includes stylized depictions of human figures on horseback, alongside other animals associated with local belief systems such as baboons. The motif of the horse and baboon was harnessed by shamans who assumed their protective power to keep the AmaTola safe on their mounted forays.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-46-151756517) The emphasis on horses in their art reflects the value that these animals had as one of the chief means by which desirable goods could be obtained, traded, and defended. Riders are frequently shown controlling their steeds using reins and sometimes have a thin horizontal line emanating from their shoulders, likely depicting a gun, and in one artwork riders are shown close to an elephant, likely signaling the importance that hunting ivory had for Korana, Griqua, and other frontier groups.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-47-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F712433c1-2307-4491-aaea-ec33d8d92e44_920x648.png) _**Human figure with a baboon head and tail dances with dancing sticks while horsemen exhibiting mixed material culture (brimmed hats with feathers, spears, muskets) ride together.**_ Rock art from the headwaters of the Mankazana River in the Eastern Cape region, Image by Sam Challis and Brent Sinclair-Thomson.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-48-151756517) In Lesotho, the military horse was seamlessly incorporated into male domestic life. According to an account from 1875: _**“the traditional wish with every young Basuto to possess a horse and gun, without which he does not consider himself "a man", and is liable to be jeered at by his more fortunate fellows.”**_[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-49-151756517) The longevity of this militarised masculinity is illustrated by the oral testimony of an old man, born in 1896, who spoke of riding a horse and bearing arms in the early decades of the twentieth century even when it was not strictly speaking necessary, simply to exhibit a permanent preparedness for war.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-50-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F06065da2-c316-4aec-b531-1eab45a27fa8_992x614.png) _**Group of horseriders in Lesotho**_, ca. 1936, British Museum. While cattle remained the main symbols of wealth, horses could be used in social transactions like _**bohali**_ (bridewealth). Men usually received their first horse from their fathers which could be given as part of _bohali_, especially the ‘Molisana’ horse. By the end of the 19th century, virtually every male adult in Lesotho had a horse. Horse riding among baSotho women was relatively rare. According to a late account from 1923, **“**_**The women ride seldom, but young herds** (youths) **ride anything and everything that can boast four legs, from a goat to a bullock, tumbling off and then on again till the unhappy animal gives in and becomes quite a respectable mount.”**_ In contrast, elite women in Mpondoland typically rode horses.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-51-151756517) Beyond their military function, horses were also used in domestic contexts, not just in rural transport, but also in various activities including; hunting (typically among the San foragers but also among the Boers and the African groups); in ploughing and threshing (complementing oxen for the Boers and the Sotho); and in the transport of trade goods (everything from horse-drawn cabs of the 19th-century cape colony, to the simple loading of goods on horseback in the rest of the country).[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-52-151756517) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe44046ca-04ec-4c1f-ac17-b5f394881153_804x620.png) _**Horsewomen in Lesotho and Pondoland**_, ca. 1936, South Africa, British Museum. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99f6cfad-7b92-4131-85ec-eb0642638121_590x440.png) _**‘Basuto ponies threshing grain’**_ ca. 1924, by E. A. T. Dutton. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F177ca9b6-0d6e-44d4-a616-0c4526733788_723x621.png) _**Transporting goods on horseback in Pondoland**_, ca. 1936, British Museum. Horse riding and breeding went into rapid decline during the post-war period in South Africa. Despite multiple attempts to revive the use of horses during the 1920s and 40s, horses were increasingly becoming obsolete on large-scale commercial farms, in public transport, and in the military, the few remaining uses of horses became symbolic, and their breeding became intertwined with the emerging politics of the apartheid era.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-53-151756517) In Lesotho, Horses retained their significance in the local economy and are still widely used for general transport over the dramatic topography of the country. The Horse remains an important symbol of Sotho cultural identity and appears in the Basotho coat of arms. The cultural significance of the Horse in Lesotho and the survival of the ‘Basuto pony’ to the present day makes the country one of the most remarkable equestrian societies on the continent. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0b031471-d944-434b-9f2d-bff79a4e0194_800x477.png) _**Horsemen in Lesotho**_, photo by Lefty Shivambu/Gallo Images. **In the 17th century, cloth exports from the eastern province of the Kongo Kingdom rivaled some of the most productive textile industries of Europe. Most of this cloth was derived from further inland in the great Textile Belt of Central Africa;** **Please subscribe to read about the history of the cloth trade in the ‘Central African Textile Belt’ here;** [CLOTH TRADE IN CENTRAL AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/115726507?pr=true&forSale=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8087fe07-58d6-472b-9257-668821434999_451x1207.png)

2024-11-17T16:46:54+00:00

a brief note on Madagascar's position in African history

plus, early industrialization in the Merina kingdom.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-madagascars-position

The island of Madagascar has for long languished on the periphery of African historiography. The reluctance of some Africanists to look beyond the east African coast stems partly from the perception of Madagascar as insular and more 'culturally' south-Asian than African, despite such terms being modern constructs with little historical basis in Madagascar's society. Recent research on the island's history has bridged the chasm between the island and the mainland, revealing their shared political, economic and genetic history that defies simplistic constructs of colonial ethnography. The long chain of islands extending outwards from the east African coast through the Comoros archipelago to northwestern Madagascar comprised a series of stepping stones that formed a dynamic zone of interaction between the African mainland and Madagascar. Its on these stepping stones that African settlers continously travelled to Madagascar, establishing settlements along the northern and western coasts of the island and in parts of the interior, where they were joined by south-Asian settlers from the eastern coast to create what became the modern Malagasy society. The north-western coast of Madagascar was part of the 'Swahili world', with its characteristic city-states, regional maritime trade, and extensive interaction with the hinterland. From these interactions emerged an economic and political alliance which drew the Malagasy and Swahili worlds closer: [warring Swahili and Comorian elites recruited Malagasy allies to conduct long-distance naval attacks](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the), Malagasy elites were integrated in Swahili society, and the movement of free and servile Malagasy into the east African coast was mirrored by a similar albeit smaller movement of both free and servile east Africans onto the island. The evolution of states on the island and their complex interactions with their east African neighbors and the later colonial empires, closely resembles that of the kingdoms on the mainland. At the onset of European imperial expansion on the east African coast, the largest power on the island was the kingdom of Merina, which controlled nearly 2/3rds of the Island during the reign of king Radama (r.1810-28) and Queen Ranavalona (1828-1861). Often characterized as a profoundly sage monarch, king Radama recognized the unique threats and opportunities of the European presence at his doorstep, and [like Afonso of Kongo](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-kongo-and-the-portuguese), he invited foreign innovations on his own terms, and directed them to his own advantage. After the relationship between Merina and its European neighbors soured, Radama and his successors created local industries to reduce the kingdom's reliance on imported technology, and like Tewodros of Ethiopia, Radama retained foreign artisans inorder to establish an armaments industry. **<**_Next week's substack article will explore the history of the Merina kingdom from the 16th century to the late 19th century._**\>** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2f7d582e-29e7-4d4a-b60e-a57cfa51c868_421x573.jpeg) The **early industry of Merina** is the subject of my latest Patreon post in which I explore the kingdom's economic history during the early 19th century when the **Merina state, foreign capital and local labour, converged to create one of the most remarkable examples of proto-industrialization in Africa.** read more about it here: [EARLY INDUSTRIALIZATION IN MERINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbb781c61-2c51-400d-8b1f-e4003fd3534b_624x1078.png)

2023-08-05T16:40:05+00:00

An empire of cloth: the textile industry of the Sokoto empire ca. 1808-1903.

The Hausaland region of northern Nigeria was home to one of the largest textile industries in pre-colonial Africa, whose scale and scope were unparalleled throughout most of the continent.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry

The Hausaland region of northern Nigeria was home to one of the largest textile industries in pre-colonial Africa, whose scale and scope were unparalleled throughout most of the continent. As one German explorer who visited the region in 1854 noted, there was ‘something grand’ about this textile industry whose signature robes could be found as far as Tripoli, Alexandria, Mauritania, and the Atlantic coast. Centers of textile production like Kano were home to thousands of tailors and dyers producing an estimated 100,000 dyed-robes a year in 1854, and more than two million rolls of cloth per year by 1911. Much of the industry’s growth was associated with the establishment of the empire of Sokoto in the 19th century, which created West Africa’s largest state after the fall of Songhai, and expanded pre-existing patterns of trade and production that facilitated the emergence of one of the few examples of proto-industrialization on the continent. This article explores the textile industry of the Sokoto empire during the 19th century, focusing on the production and trade of cotton textiles across the Hauslands and beyond. _**Map of the Sokoto Caliphate and neighboring states. ca. 1850, by P. Lovejoy.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F064fa669-fee3-44ec-8a70-ede71cb0f8e0_1200x909.jpeg) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and to keep this blog free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **A brief background on the history and political economy of the empire of Sokoto.** In the early decades of the 19th century, a political-religious movement led by Sheikh Usman dan Fodio across the Hausaland region subsumed many of the old Hausa states into the Sokoto Caliphate, creating west Africa’s largest empire after the fall of Songhay. Headed by a ‘Sultan’ or ‘Caliph’ who resided in the capital, also named Sokoto, the empire was made up of several emirates, which were quasi-vassal political units built on top of pre-existing Hausa institutions, such as the emirates of Kano, Katsina, Zaria, and Adamawa. The vast size of the Caliphate erased pre-existing political barriers, which created a large internal market and influenced major demographic changes that facilitated the expansion of the region's economy. The rapid growth of textile manufacturing in the empire emerged within this context, bringing together various textile traditions in an efficient distribution network that included a greater share of the ordinary population than was possible in the preceding period[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-1-150446951). The material basis of Sokoto's economy was provided by the political and ideological control of land through a state dominated by an officeholding class. In a society where the majority of producers maintained possession of land and experienced a low level of economic subsumption, surpluses were primarily accrued through rents. That is ‘a politically based exaction for the right to cultivate… whose level will depend upon the coercive means available through the State’. This resulted in the creation of a ‘mixed economy’ where the State played a central role in economic production and regulating institutions, albeit only as one among many different economic agents.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-2-150446951) The economic policies adopted by Usman's successors served to consolidate the territories acquired during the movement as well as to restore and integrate their economies. Most of these policies were undertaken by Muhammad Bello who is credited with establishing ribats (garrison towns) in peripheral regions, eg between Kano and Adamawa, that were settled by skilled artisans and merchants who developed local economies, and urbanized the hinterlands. Bello's writings to his emirs include instructions to _**"foster the artisans, and be concerned with tradesmen who are indispensable to the people, such as farmers and smiths, tailors and dyers, physicians and grocers, butchers and carpenters and all sorts of traders who contribute to \[stabilising\] the proper order of this world. The ruler must allocate these tradesmen to every village and every locality."**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-3-150446951) The urbanisation of rural areas, as well as the improved accessibility, allowed for greater administrative control through the appointment of officials (_**jakadu**_) who controled trade and collected taxes (on dye pits, hoes used in farming, and trade cloth).[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-4-150446951) This influenced the activities of long-distance traders, farmers, and craftsmen, by reinvigorating pre-existing patterns of trade and population movements that had been initiated by the [Hausa kingdoms centuries earlier to create numerous diasporic communities across West Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-creation-of-an-african-lingua). The manufacture and trade of textiles in Hausaland predated the industry's expansion in the 19th century. The earliest written accounts describing the Hausaland region in the 14th century mention the presence of [Wangara merchants (from medieval Mali)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education), who settled in its cities and wore sewn garments. These Wangara merchants also appear in earlier accounts from the 12th century, when they are described as wearing chemises and mantles. They were thus likely involved in the development of the Hausa textile and leather industry, which would receive further impetus from the westward shift of the Bornu empire in the 15th century, which also possessed a thriving textile industry and used cloth strips as currency.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-5-150446951) By the 16th century, local textile industries had emerged across Hausaland, especially in the cities of Kano, Zamfara, and Gobir. According to Leo Africanus' account, grain and cotton were cultivated in large quantities in the Kano countryside and Kano's cloth was bought by Tuareg traders from then north. Other contemporary accounts mention the arrival of Kanuri artisans from Bornu, the trade in dyed cloth from Kano, as well as the import of foreign cloth from the Maghreb. After the 17th century, the white gown (_**riga fari**_) became popular among the ordinary population, while the elites wore the large gown **(**_**babbar riga)**_, which in later periods would be adopted by the former.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-6-150446951) This pre-existing textile industry and trade continued to expand over the centuries and would grow exponentially during the 19th century. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7557dfd3-b4f9-4d3a-9b91-728db4b9a880_1023x735.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6019f9a-5472-42b0-8448-a24811bb32d8_2000x1448.jpeg) Kano in 1931, Walter Mittelholzer. **Cotton cultivation in the Sokoto empire.** Most of the cloth produced in Hausaland was made from cotton and silk, which was cultivated locally by farmers together with their staple crops. Cotton cultivation, which had been undertaken in the region for centuries, is however, highly sensitive to rainfall, requires significant land and labour, and is subject to price fluctuations caused by taxation and market speculation, all of which could result in hefty economic losses for a farmer if not carefully managed[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-7-150446951). Initially, the emirates of Zaria and Zamfara specialized in growing cotton while those of Sokoto and Kano specialized in manufacturing textiles. This would gradually change by the late 19th century, as textile manufacturing expanded rapidly across most emirates and the demand for raw cotton was so high that considerable quantities of yarn were even imported from Tripoli.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-8-150446951) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fccc9a0c0-2a3e-4eb4-aba9-f3242ca94db5_998x563.png) _**Embroidered cotton gown (shabka) made in Zaria, Nigeria. ca. 1950**_. British Museum. The comparative advantage of Zaria and Zamfara in cotton growing was enabled by its middle-density population, its clayey soil rich in nitrates, and the relative abundance of land for swidden agriculture. Besides the pre-existing population of farmers who grew their own cotton on a small scale, large agricultural estates were also established by wealthy elites and were populated with clients and slaves, the latter of whom were war captives or purchased from the peripheral regions[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-9-150446951). The explorer Hugh Clapperton, who visited Sokoto in 1826 and provides some of the most detailed descriptions of its society, including on slavery, writes: _**“The domestic slaves are generally well treated. The males who have arrived at the age of eighteen or nineteen are given a wife, and sent to live at their villages and farms in the country, where they build a hut, and until the harvest are fed by their owners. The hours of labour, for his master, are from daylight till mid-day; the remainder of the day is employed on his own. At the time of harvest, when they cut and tie up the grain, each slave gets a bundle of the different sorts of grain for himself. The grain on his own ground is entirely left for his own use, and he may dispose of it as he thinks proper. At the vacant seasons of the year he must attend to the calls of his master, whether to accompany him on a journey, or go to war, if so ordered**_.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-10-150446951)_**”**_ This was repeated later by Heinrich Barth who visited Sokoto from 1851-1854, noting that _**“The quiet course of domestic slavery has very little to offend the mind of the traveller ; the slave is generally well treated , is not over worked , and is very often considered as a member of the family”**_ but he differs slightly from Clapperton with regards to marriages among ‘slaves’, suggesting that they weren’t encouraged to marry, which he surmises was the cause of the institutions’ continuation.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-11-150446951) Scholarly debates on the nature of slavery in Sokoto, as in most discussions of ‘internal slavery’ in Africa, reveal the limitations of relying on conceptual frameworks derived from the historiography of slavery in the Americas [12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-12-150446951) (this includes Clapperton and Barth’s quotes above, who refer to ‘slaves’ on agricultural estates as ‘domestic slaves’). For the sake of brevity, it is instructive to use a comparative approach here to illustrate the differences between the ‘slaves’ in west Africa versus those in the Americas; the most important difference is the lack of a binary of ‘slaves’ and ‘free’ persons, as all social groups occupied a continuum of social relations from elites and kin-group members, to clients and pawns, to dependants and captives. Aside from the royals/ruling elites, none of these groups occupied a rigid hierarchy but instead derived their status from their relationship with other kin-groups or patrons, hence why slaves could be found on all levels of society from governors and scribes, to soldiers and merchants, to household concubines and plantation workers[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-13-150446951). Most ‘slaves’ in Sokoto could work on their own account through the _murgu_ system thus accumulating wealth to establish their own families, gain their own dependants,and in some cases, earn their freedom. Still, their labor, social mobility, and rate of assimilation were negotiated by the needs of political authorities, making slavery in Sokoto a political institution as much as it was a social institution. This created highly heterogenous systems of slavery, with some powerful ‘slave-officials’ exercising authority over ‘free’ persons and ‘slaves,’ with some client farmers and ‘slaves’ working on the same estates owned by state officials, aristocrats or wealthy merchants, some of whom could also be ‘slaves’.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-14-150446951) Despite the complexities of ‘slavery’ in Sokoto, the significance of slave use in its textile industry and the economy was inflated in earlier scholarship according to more recent examination. The empire of Sokoto was a pre-industrial society, largely agrarian and rural. The bulk of economic production was undertaken by individual households on a subsistence basis, with the surplus produce (grain, crafts, labour, etc) being traded for other items in temporary markets, or remitted as tribute/tax to authorities whose capacity for coercion was significantly less than that of modern states, and whose economy was ultimately less influenced by demand from international trade.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-15-150446951) It’s for this reason that while 'slaves' would have been involved in the cultivation process alongside 'free' workers who constituted the bulk of the empire’s population, ‘slaves’ were less involved in the textile manufacturing process itself which required specialized skills, and was considered respectable for ‘freeborn’ persons including the scholarly elite.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-16-150446951) The political economic and ideological tendency in the empire was mainly toward the production of peasants who could be taxed, as well as in their participation in the regional economy where more rents could be extracted.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-17-150446951) Additionally, the textile industry also relied on the mobility of 'free' labour, including not just ordinary subjects, but also skilled craftsmen and traders from among the Tuareg, Kanuri, Fulani, Nupe, and Gobir. These were involved in all stages of cloth production from spinning to dyeing, they became acculturated into the predominantly Hausa society and settled in the major textile centers[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-18-150446951). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F236bf70a-4d10-4d5c-9798-d704fbf8d5bb_893x635.png) _**'Robe and cap of the King of Dahomey given to Vice-Admiral Eardley Wilmot,’ ca. 1863-1866**_. British Museum. _Art historian Alisa LaGamma suggests that this robe, which was part of a diplomatic gift from Dahomey (in modern Benin) to Britain, ultimately came from the Sokoto empire and was likely made by Nupe and Hausa weavers and embroiderers._ **The textile production process.** The manufacture of textiles was not just the prerogative of a few specialized artisans but involved the bulk of the population in both urban and rural areas. While clothing was a symbol of religious and social identity, its manufacture and exchange in Hausaland was the expression of a culture that tended to integrate different strata of the population regardless of social identity.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-19-150446951) The empire's textile industry underwent significant changes over the course of the 19th century, especially in major centers like Kano where specialization increased as different cities and towns took over specific parts of the production processes, resulting in significant economies of scale. Increased demand and competition led to a rapid improvement in standards of workmanship and the quality of cloth produced. This in turn, created an internal market for highly skilled labour whose training period could last as long as 6 years.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-20-150446951) Textile workers differed in the kinds and levels of skills attained, the types of products they made, and the stage in the process: the garments changed hands at different stages in the process of spinning, weaving, sewing, beating and dyeing. The empire's diverse textile industry combined two pre-existing production systems; one north of the Niger-Benue region where most spinners were women, while men did the weaving, dyeing, and embroidering; and one south of the Niger-Benue region where both women and men were involved in all processes.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-21-150446951) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F80a43165-e095-4892-b2a6-a0783d346578_590x591.png) _**Talismanic cotton tunic (riga) made by a hausa weaver in northern Nigeria**_, late 19th century, British museum. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F96a7686f-14eb-4dd8-9287-e44034a5b89d_994x535.png) _**Cotton and silk robe embroidered with checkered patterns and the 8-knife motif. late 19th century**_, British Museum. Spinning was the slowest and most laborious activity in the process, it was done in domestic settings often by women who were supplied with local cotton and silk as well as imported yarn from the Maghreb. On the other hand, weaving was undertaken by the greater part of the population as a secondary occupation when farming activities were suspended. Weavers, both men, and women, used a transportable horizontal double-heddle loom as well as a vertical loom to produce narrow strips of cloth which were later sewn together.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-22-150446951) The two main subgroups of looms used in Hausaland were defined by two ranges of standard cloth width, indicating two types of production in the export sector: cloth consisting of very narrow strips (1.25–6 cm) was transported in the salt and natron trade to Bornu and Air, whereas wider strips (8–12 cm) were prominent in trade to the western Sudan region. The latter type of loom was likely associated with the rise of the kola trade to Gonja in the late 18th century, but would have existed in the Gonja region centuries earlier.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-23-150446951) In cities like Kano, local weavers were at times joined by skilled immigrants from the Bornu empire and the Nupe region, with many diverse groups contributing to the production of luxury and ordinary cloth as the garments changed hands multiple times. Craftsmen often had no special workshops but instead worked in or near the markets according to local demand, although specialist quarters like the Soron D’Inki ward of Kano were developed by skilled tailors and dyers.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-24-150446951) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa5a1b1f8-fb3c-49ac-a2a3-7d7d1acb82a1_994x589.png) _**Man's gown composed of 250 narrow strips of hand-spun and hand-woven cotton, hand-sewn together along the selvage and thee ‘two knives’ embroidered design. early 20th cent.**_ Nigeria. British Museum. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb1860f4f-7317-43a0-b75b-41fba759e2f2_1240x595.png) _**Trousers (Wando), 19th–20th century, Nigeria**_. Met Museum, Han Museum of Art. The co-current expansion of domestic and external demand for dyed textiles stimulated the production of dyed textiles and the construction of dyeing pits. From 1815, outside the city boundaries of Sokoto, around 285 dyeing pits were built, while Kano in 1855 had more than 2,000 dyeing pits, which would increase to between 15,000 to 20,000 by the end of the 19th century with a corresponding number of dyers.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-25-150446951) Cloth-dyeing in Kano was a centuries-old practice that pre-existed the establishment of Sokoto. Dyers used huge fired-clay pots (_**Kwatanniya**_), that were waterproofed by burying them in beds of dyebath residue (_**katsi**_) and then lining them with laso cement (made from burned indo-dye residue mixed with viscous vegetable matter). By the 19th century, dyers in Kano, Sokoto, Katsina, and Zaria created much larger dyeing vats of laso cement, which reduced the unit cost of finished cloth.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-26-150446951) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0cb544f4-94e0-4692-ae41-8a28e1ab57da_777x600.png) _**dyeing textiles with indigo in Kano**_, ca. 1938. Quai Branly. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F87ba1052-95d6-4855-9d66-fdee1a7ef936_778x593.png) _**Cloth dyers in Kano, ca. 1938**_, Quai Branly. Dyers used locally cultivated indigo dye (_**Indigofera**_) and utilized specific methods to prepare the indigo dye vat. Like all parts of the textile manufacturing process, cloth dyeing was influenced by the activities of traders who took cloth strips from one textile center to another for stitching, dyeing, and embroidering. In the case of Kano, the town of Kura, about 20 miles to its south, was one of the city's major dyeing centers by the time of Barth's visit in 1851. In 1909, an estimated 2,000 dyers resided in the town out of a population of 8,000, and it was renowned for producing some of the finest and most expensive indigo-dyed cloths in Kano[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-27-150446951). Skillfully tailored and embroidered garments were the most expensive textile products made in the empire, and they were worn and distributed as gifts by the elite. Tailors and embroiderers used small needles to work specialized cloth that was designed particularly for the tailoring process. They were embellished with geometric designs and motifs drawn from a Muslim visual vocabulary that was international in scope and comprehensible to individuals in different strata of society.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-28-150446951) Cities like Sokoto initially specialized in producing white cloth (riga fari) because it was the religious center of Dan Fodio's movement with strict attitudes against the embellishment of clothes. But in other cities such as Kano, and in most emirates during the later periods, more embellished garments such as the _**rigan giwan**_, a robe embroidered with eight-knife imagery, became very important among the elites and wealthy.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-29-150446951) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7deb9e46-7315-446c-9a7a-09d13bfbbd92_997x584.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fca944aca-e0e8-4d3d-bb1b-fb481a7b21f9_1000x579.jpeg) _**Cotton Robe with the 8-knife motif, and embroidered trousers with interlace patterns, early 20th cent,**_ British museum. These were worn together with a long-sleeved shirt. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9faa9d14-000c-447f-9059-eadbd1549032_1298x624.png) _**woman's cotton robe embroidered in purple, green, and yellow silk thread in geometric patterns. ca. 1920-1935**_, British Museum. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd4026a5a-e6c4-45c2-8dfd-b2d614da2ef4_739x591.png) **cotton robe with silk embroidery, made in Ilorin, Nigeria ca. 1875**, Art Institute of Chicago [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The textile trade in the 19th century Hausalands: proto-industries, merchants, and the state.** The expansion of domestic demand and the emergence of new markets opened new avenues for the accumulation of wealth, especially among traders and artisans from the larger cities who moved to more peripheral regions to compensate for the increasing taxes, or to benefit from colluding with established authorities.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-30-150446951) During the 19th century, Kano’s textile industry reached extraordinary production levels. In 1851 the city of sixty-thousand produced an estimated 300 million cowries worth of textiles ( which was £30,000 then or £5,2m today), with atleast 60 million cowries worth of textiles being exported to Timbuktu. At a time when Barth noted that a family in Kano could live off 50-60,000 cowries a year _**"with ease, including every expense, even that of their clothing"**_, he also mentions that one of the more popular dyed robes cost 2,500-3,000 cowries. He notes that Kano cloth was sold _**“as far as Murzuk, Ghat, and even Tripoli; to the west, not only to Timbucktu, but in some degree even as far as the shores of the Atlantic, the very inhabitants of Arguin (**in Mauritania**) dressing in the cloth woven and dyed in Kano”.**_[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-31-150446951) Kano’s popularity as a market was due to a series of commercial incentives and the greater regulation of market transactions. As reported by Clapperton, the Kano market was regulated with great fairness; if a garment purchased in Kano was discovered to be of inferior quality it was sent back, and the seller was obliged to refund the purchase money.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-32-150446951) The demand for Kano textiles throughout this vast region persisted after Barth’s visit. Writing in 1896, Charles Henry Robinson, who visited the city of Kano and estimated that its population had grown to about 100,000, mentions that, _**“it would be well within the mark to say that Kano clothes more than half the population of the central Sudan, and any European traveler who will take the trouble to ask for it, will find no difficulty in purchasing Kano-made cloth at towns on the coast as widely separated from one another as Alexandria, Tripoli, Tunis or Lagos.”**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-33-150446951) Similar contemporary accounts stress that consumers made fine distinctions between cloths on the basis of quality which contributed to the tremendous range in price for what appeared to be similar textiles.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-34-150446951) Local and imported textiles became one of the main items used as a store of wealth in the empire’s public treasury at the city of Sokoto and constituted a considerable part of the annual tribute pouring in from the other emirates to the capital. Kano, for example, sent to Sokoto a tribute of 15,000 garments per year in the second half of the 19th century.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-35-150446951) Many rich merchants (_**attajiraj**_) settled across the empire’s main cities and exported textiles to distant areas where they at times extended credit to smaller traders. Merchant managers were able to achieve economies of scale by storing undyed cloth in bulk and by establishing large indigo dyeing centers, some showing features of a factory system, with itinerant cloth dyers hired to work for wages. The capital for these enterprises came from the high-profit margins of long-distance trade, with large land and labor holdings acquired through political and military service[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-36-150446951). The traders in the finished products and the landlords (_**fatoma**_) frequently accommodated visiting buyers and arranged sales. In the second half of the 19th century, these rich merchants began to acquire greater influence in Kano business circles. The power of these merchants was such that when the price of textiles fell, the merchants were able to buy most of them and wait for prices to rise again[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-37-150446951). Some of the wealthiest merchants created complex manufacturing enterprises dealing with the import and export trade across long distances by controlling a significant proportion of the production process. They acquired large agricultural estates, expanded labour (which included kinsmen, 'free' workers, and clients as well as 'slaves'), and established agents in distant markets abroad. One such trader in the 1850s was Tulu Babba, whose Kano-based enterprise operated across four emirates. It consisted of; a family estate and 15 private estates worked by kinsmen, clients, and ‘slaves’; several contracted dyers and master tailors in Kano; and a factor agent in Gonja. Medium-sized enterprises run by wealthy women merchants also utilized the same form or organization, with family estates where the entire household was involved in the manufacturing process, and their labour was supplemented by client relationships formed with '_female-husbands_' whose households were also involved in the spinning and weaving processes.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-38-150446951) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F79a048df-c0e2-458b-bdd1-fa7f6f68bdd9_1031x596.png) _**Manufacturing of indigo in Kano. ca. 1938**_, Quai Branly. The entire household would have been involved in the production process. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f9bfd80-ec14-42e7-b685-278ed314c640_999x560.png) _**Man’s gown (riga), acquired in the Asante kingdom (modern Ghana)**_, ca. 1887-1891. British Museum. _The collector called it an “extremely handsome garment” and ‘the characteristic garment of the Mohammedan men”. Hausa traders were the main Muslim merchants in 19th-century Asante, from the town of Salaga in Gonja to the coastal regions._ Other merchants oversaw more modest operations that were nevertheless as significant to the textile economy as the larger enterprises, while also involving many other commodities according to circumstance. One such trader was Madugu Mohamman Mai Gashin Baƙi, a carravan leader who was born in Kano in the late 1820s, and undertook his first trip to Ledde in the Nupe kingdom when he was 16, where they “sold horses to the king in exchange for Nupe cloth”, and returned to Kano after six months. The caravan then traveled to Adamawa region, where they purchased ivory on a second trip, while on a third trip, he went to the Bauchi area and then on to Kuka (the capital of Adamawa at that time), where he bought galena (a mineral used for eye makeup), which he took back to Kuka. He then returned to Bauchi with five large oxen that he had purchased and had loaded with natron, which he subsequently sold[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-39-150446951). This level of trade likely represented the bulk of the textile trade across the empire, with small caravans of Hausa traders traveling in the dry season using donkeys to bring goods from Kano and other cities that they could trade along the way, exchanging cloth for other commodities in places as far as Fumban (capital of Bamum kingdom in Cameroon) and the Asante capital Kumasi in ghana.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-40-150446951) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f399982-fd8b-492f-9e83-472b8d79a317_991x615.png) _**Cotton trousers embroidered with patterns of diamonds, stripes, knots, circles, and yellow in herringbone stitch. Hausa tailor, acquired in Cameron**_, ca. 1920, British Museum. _The Hausa and other groups associated with Sokoto expanded their activities to Cameroon during the second half of the 19th century, trading cloth and proselytizing as far as the Bamum kingdom._ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0efe9b67-65b5-4dad-ab01-47cd77f0619e_836x573.jpeg) _**Hausa riga from modern Benin, collected in 1899**_, Quai Branly. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fda170032-0bb3-44f6-9423-6d31987c8766_1082x534.png) _**Hausa musician in Fumban, Hausa teacher in Fumban** ( c. 1911, 1943, Basel Mission Archives)_ Wealthy merchants benefited from the city authorities of Kano who facilitated the export of textiles from this city to distant areas like Adamawa. Unlike North African traders who were forced to pay taxes on their commercial transactions, the rich local merchants accumulated enough wealth and influence to monopolize most of the empire's long-distance trade alongside middlemen located in distant areas like Lagos, who increasingly demanded higher percentages of commercial transactions[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-41-150446951). The monopoly on trade by these merchants and the increase in taxes on all commerce shows that the Empire's politics became more oligarchic in the late 19th century, with authorities drawing their legitimacy more from the wealthy elites and less from the common population. This collusion between rulers and traders likely contributed to the empire's political fragmentation, among other factors, as each emirate increasingly became autonomous and could thus offer no significant resistance before it fell to the British in 1903.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-42-150446951) Despite the disruption of the early colonial period, the textile industry of the Hauslands continued to flourish well into the middle of the 20th century when a combination of competition from cheaper, machine-made imports, reorganisation of labour, and changes in policies, contributed to its gradual decline. Cloth dyeing and hand-woven textiles still represent a significant economic activity in the Hausalands in the modern day, with cities like Kano preserving the remnants of this old industry. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fae11547b-e6b9-40a1-9001-d4c70986a88a_979x500.png) _**A view of a section of the 500 years old Kofar Mata dye pits in Kano.**_ **The 19th century world explorer Muhammed Ali ben Said of Bornu, traveled across over twenty countries in the four continents from 1849 to 1860 before serving in the Union Army during the American civil war and settling in the US where he published his travel account.** **Please subscribe to Patreon to read about Said’s fascinating journey across Europe, western Asia and the Carribean,** **here;** [AN AFRICAN EXPLORER OF FOUR CONTINENTS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/19th-century-and-113868704) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcad29ed5-2769-43bd-856a-72d954b05df6_675x1232.png)

2024-10-20T17:10:43+00:00

The forgotten ruins of Botswana: stone towns at the desert's edge.

At its height in the 17th century, the stone towns of the ‘zimbabwe culture’ encompassed an area the size of France. The hundreds of ruins spread across three countries in south-eastern Africa are among the continent’s best-preserved historical monuments and have been the subject of great scholarly and public interest.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone

At its height in the 17th century, the stone towns of the ‘_zimbabwe culture_’ encompassed an area the size of France[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-1-145195977). The hundreds of ruins spread across three countries in south-eastern Africa are among the continent’s best-preserved historical monuments and have been the subject of great scholarly and public interest. While the ruins in Zimbabwe and South Africa have been extensively studied and partially restored, similar ruins in the north-eastern region of Botswana haven’t attracted much interest despite their importance in elucidating the history of the _zimbabwe culture,_ especially concerning the enigmatic gold-trading kingdom of Butua, and why the towns were later abandoned. This article explores the history of the stone ruins in northeastern Botswana, their relationship to similar monuments across south-eastern Africa, and why they later faded into obscurity. _**Map of south-eastern Africa showing some of the largest known monuments of the ‘zimbabwe culture’**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-2-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F511cf145-87e0-46c3-aaf6-db1147ea570e_641x753.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The emergence of complex societies in north-eastern Botswana and the kingdom of Butua.** Among the first complex societies to emerge in south-eastern Africa was a polity centered at the archeological site of Bosutswe at the edge of the Kalahari desert in north-eastern Botswana. The ‘cultural sequence’ at Bosutswe spans the period from 700-1700CE, and the settlement was one of several archeological sites in the region that flourished during the late 1st to early 2nd millennium CE. These sites, which include Toutswe (in Botswana), Mapela Hill (in Zimbabwe), ‘K2’, and Mapungubwe (in South Africa), among several others, are collectively associated with the incipient states/chiefdoms of Toutswe in Botswana and Leopard's Kopje in Zimbabwe&Botswana, named after their ceramic traditions and largest settlements.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-3-145195977) These early settlements often consisted of central cattle kraals surrounded by houses and grain storages and their material culture is associated with Shona-speaking groups, especially the Kalanga.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-4-145195977) The emergence of states in this region is thus associated with the growth of the internal agro-pastoral economy as well as regional and external trade in gold[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-5-145195977), and ivory, the latter of which is represented by a 10th-century ivory cache found at the site of Mosu in northern Botswana.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-6-145195977) By the early second millennium, several states had emerged in southeast Africa, [characterized by monumental walled capitals (](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-palaces-in-the-mountains-great)_**[dzimbabwes](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-palaces-in-the-mountains-great)**_[), the largest of which was at Great Zimbabwe](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-palaces-in-the-mountains-great). While the walled tradition of Great Zimbabwe is often thought to have begun at Mapungubwe and Mapela Hill, recent archeological studies have found equally suitable precursors in north-eastern Botswana, where several older sites with both free-standing walls and terraced platforms were discovered in the gold-producing-Tati river basin. These include the sites of Tholo, Dinonkwe, and Mupanini, which are dated to the late 12th and early 13th century.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-7-145195977) Many of the above settlements were gradually abandoned during the 14th century, coinciding with the decline of the polities of Mapungubwe and Toutswe during a period marked by a drier climate between 1290 and 1475. It is likely that part of the population moved to the wetter Zimbabwe plateau and contributed to the rise of Great Zimbabwe, as well as the Butua kingdom centered at Khami and the kingdom of Mutapa to the north, with the Butua kingdom having a significant influence on societies in north-eastern Botswana.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-8-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6cbeab92-92af-48cd-a729-a4d8ee95dff0_731x539.png) _**Sketch of the political landscape in south-east Africa before the 15th century.**_ Unlike the extensive documentation of the Mutapa state, there were relatively few contemporary records of the [Butua kingdom at Khami](https://www.patreon.com/posts/stone-terraces-62065998) to its south. An account from 1512 by the Portuguese merchant Antonio Fernandez who had traveled extensively on the mainland to Mutapa mentions that: _**"between the country of Monomotapa and Sofala, all the kings obey Monomotapa, but further to the interior was another king, who had rebelled and with whom he was at war, the king of Butua. The latter was as powerful as the Monomotapa, and his country contained much gold."**_[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-9-145195977) However, since the [Portuguese activities in Mutapa’s south were restricted by anti-Portuguese rebellions](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese), there were only a few references to Butua society between the 1512 account above, and the sack of the kingdom’s capital in 1644, in which one of the rival claimants to the throne utilized the services of a Portuguese mercenary named Sisnando Dias Bayao.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-10-145195977) On the other hand, there’s extensive archeological evidence for the construction of Khami-style ruins dated to the ‘Butua period’ in the 15th-17th century with over 80 known sites in Zimbabwe and over 40 in Botswana.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-11-145195977) As well as secondary evidence for gold trade from Butua that was exported to the Swahili coastal town of Angoche, which was described in 16th-century documents as bypassing the Portuguese-controlled Sofala.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-12-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1efcbaf8-12f4-4a14-8ab3-f2fa0c85f36d_600x400.jpeg) _**the hill complex at Khami**_ in Zimbabwe, capital of the Butua kingdom. **The Butua period in north-eastern Botswana: 15th-17th century.** The largest of these Butua-period sites in Botswana that have been studied include the ruins of; Sampowane, Vukwe, Domboshaba, Motloutse, Sojwane, Thune, Shape, and Majande, Lotsane whose free-standing walls are still preserved to the height of at least two meters. The walled settlements of the Butua period were built to be monumental rather than defensive, often in places with granite outcrops from which the stone blocks used in construction were obtained. The interior of the stone settlements often contained elevated platforms and terraces, both natural and artificial, that exposed rather than concealed the leader, in contrast to the screening walls of the Great Zimbabwe sites. And like many stone settlements in southeast Africa, the different settlement sizes often corresponded to different levels in the state hierarchy, and the amount of walling was often a reflection of the number of vassals who provided labor for their construction.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-13-145195977) Archeologists identified four size categories for the Butua period settlements, representing a five-tiered settlement hierarchy. level 1, consists of unwalled commoner sites, level 2 sites consist of a stone wall with a platform for at least one elite house, level 3 sites (like Vukwe) have longer larger platforms for several elite houses as well as multiple tiers and entrances, level 4 sites (like Motloutse, Majande, Domboshaba, etc) have large platforms and long walling, this is where the highest of the Botswana sites fall. Levels 5 and 6, have all of these features on a monumental scale and are found in Zimbabwe (eg Khami and Zinjanja).[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-14-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffd8e9efe-fe1e-4904-a0b9-67ff30750c7e_951x691.png) _**Butua-period walled settlements in Zimbabwe**_, Map and Table by Catharina Van Waarden Starting from the north, the largest among the best-preserved ruins is at Domboshaba, which consists of two complexes, with an almost fully enclosed hilltop ruin, and a lower section that is partially walled. Both complexes enclose platforms for elite houses, and their walls have rounded entrances and check designs in the upper courses. The site was radio-carbon dated to between the 15th-18th century making it contemporaneous with the Butua capital of Khami, with which it shares some architectural similarities, as well as a material culture like coiled gold wire and the bronze wire worn by the elites. To its south was the ruin of Vukwe which comprised a series of walled platforms, enclosing an elite complex in which iron tools and bronze jewelry were found.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-15-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6ad342a0-cc4d-4b33-a472-8ae5fedd6231_960x720.jpeg) _**collapsed perimeter walls of the Domboshaba ruin.**_[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-16-145195977) [![Image 57: https://www.quaibranly.fr/en/explore-collections/base/Work/action/list/mode/thumb?orderby=null&order=desc&category=oeuvres&tx_mqbcollection_explorer%5Bquery%5D%5Btype%5D=&tx_mqbcollection_explorer%5Bquery%5D%5Bclassification%5D=&tx_mqbcollection_explorer%5Bquery%5D%5Bexemplaire%5D=&filters[]=Jacqueline%20Roumegu%C3%A8re-Eberhardt%7C1%7C&filters[]=vukwe%7C2&refreshFilters=true&refreshModePreview=true](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F85cc08da-4479-4690-9362-911b8dcc6e36_839x573.png)](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F85cc08da-4479-4690-9362-911b8dcc6e36_839x573.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4ab9058b-60dd-4abe-8c76-19143fd20cf1_846x573.png) _**Vukwe ruin,**_ photo at Quai Branly South of the Domboshaba and Vukwe cluster are the ruins at Shape, which consist of several terrace platforms as well as a free-standing wall that bears a broken monolith and blocked doorway. Near these are the ruins of Majande which comprise two settlements known as Upper and Lower Majande. The two ruins have profusely decorated front walls with stone monoliths and raised platforms for elite houses. A short distance northwest of Majande is the Sampowane ruin, which comprises a complex of platforms and free-standing walls profusely decorated with herringbone, cord and check designs, and is likely contemporaneous with Majande.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-17-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffbab7aec-a06e-4cd3-b10a-cad9b46b7a3d_1000x665.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa5dcfde1-7779-408e-ace3-40c16de6d8a0_960x642.jpeg) _**Majande ruin.**_ photo by Mabuse Heritage Group [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4922b1f4-92a9-4c1c-b9e6-b009506658aa_1187x429.png) _**Sampowane ruin,**_ photo by T. Huffman To the south of these is the ruin of Motloutse, which consist of a double-tiered platform complex with walls of check decoration built on and around a small granite kopje, which overlooks a walled enclosure that lies below the hill. Near this is the ruin of Sojwane, which consists of free-standing walls erected between the natural boulders of the granite batholith. Its small size and lack of occupation indicate that it was likely a burial place of the senior leaders in the Motloutse valley.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-18-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F285cc0e4-7962-4c1b-ba7a-46fb89aa84d9_749x547.png) _**Motloutse ruin**_, photo by C. Van Waarden [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F873c21de-cc96-4714-9666-1b9504150e11_749x499.png) _**Sojwane Ruin,**_ photo by T. Huffman South of these settlements is the ruin of Thune, which consists of a double enclosure with several terraced platforms surrounding the summit, and a curved wall about 14 m long.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-19-145195977) Much further south are the ruins of Lotsane, which were one of the earliest _dzimbabwes_ to be described. They comprise two sets of settlement complexes, both of which have a long curved wall with rounded ends and doorways.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-20-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc833559-fc1e-48dd-8e6e-b3d9af7e7b79_750x500.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F55a84bfb-9923-4bd3-9322-77699126e3fb_960x540.jpeg) _**sections of the Lotsane ruins**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-21-145195977) **The transition period between the Butua and Rozvi kingdoms in North-eastern Botswana: late 17th-early 18th century.** The use of check designs, and the presence of retaining walls that formed house platforms similar to the Khami-style sites of Danangombe and Naletale, indicates that Majande, Lotsane and Sampowane were occupied during the later Khami period. This is further confirmed by radiocarbon dates from Majande that estimate its occupation period to be between 1644 and 1681, making it a much later site than Domboshaba.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-22-145195977) The significance of the architectural similarities with other Khami settlements is connected with political developments associated with the fall of the Butua kingdom. After the sack of the Butua capital of Khami during the dynastic conflict of 1644, the victor likely moved his capital to Zinjanja, where a large settlement was built with walls covered in elaborate designs expressing various aspects of sacred leadership. Archeological evidence indicates that settlement at Zinjanja was shortlived, as the ascendancy of the Rozvi state (1680-1840) with its capital at Danangombe and Naletale eclipsed the former's power by the turn of the 17th century. Several of the ruins in N.E Botswana were built during this Interregnum Phase (AD 1650–1680) between the fall of Butua and the rise of the Rozvi, a period marked by dynastic competition, unchecked by the relatively weak rulers at Zinjanja. The striking wall decorations at Sampowane and Majande ruins are similar to those used by the rulers of Zinjanja, rather than the Butua rulers of Khami. They predominantly feature herring board and cord designs, rather than the profuse check designs seen at Khami and later at Danangombe.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-23-145195977) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4aa085a5-7587-4c9d-9bd6-3843292f48d9_844x573.png) _**check designs at the ruins of Danangombe in Zimbabwe,**_ photo at Quai Branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F367edb41-5467-4da5-8a88-6fd91db3e89d_766x571.png) _**detail of a collapsed wall of the Zinjaja ruin in Zimbabwe, showing herringbone designs**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6814505d-1dbd-46ba-ad3c-1440556aab37_901x542.png) _**herringbone designs on the Majande ruin in Botswana,**_ photos by T. Huffman **Origins of the golden trade of the Butua kingdom** The majority of the ruined settlements in north-eastern Botswana were established near gold and copper mines. There are over 45 goldmines in north-eastern Botswana between the Vumba and Tati Greenstone Belts, each consisting of a number of prehistoric and historic mine shafts and trenches, flanked by milling sites containing cup-shaped depressions where the gold was extracted from the ore. Evidence for Copper mining and smithing is even more abundant, including mines, smelting furnaces, crucibles, tuyeres, and slag, that were found near several ruined towns including Vukwe, Matsitama, Majande, Shape. While most gold mines were found near level 1 (commoner) sites, some of the larger ruins such as Vukwe, Domboshaba, and Nyangani were all located near the edge of the gold belt. In this predominantly agro-pastoral economy, mining would have been carried out on a seasonal basis, just as it was documented in Mutapa.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-24-145195977) Ivory and Ironworking, as well as the manufacture of cotton textiles, are all attested at several sites based on the presence of ivory artifacts, numerous iron furnaces and material, spindle whirls used in weaving cotton, and documentation of the use and trade of ivory, iron and local cloth, exchanged for imported glass and cloth. The lack of elite control over these specialist activities like ironworking and prestige/trading items like copper, gold, and ivory, suggests that power was obtained through a combination of religious authority, accumulating wealth and followers, as well as the construction of monumental palaces.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-25-145195977) The political structure of societies in north-eastern Botswana thus resembled that in the Butua kingdom of Khami, which combined interpolity heterarchies and intra-polity hierarchies.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-26-145195977) Additionally, the organization of trade, whether in domestic markets for agro-pastoral products or to external markets for commodities like gold and copper, would not have been centrally controlled but undertaken by independent traders, like those documented in 17th century Mutapa. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F01130e96-20e7-460b-9173-e37a747e1637_1136x621.png) Map of the gold-producing regions in north-eastern Botswana, and the rest of southeast Africa.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-27-145195977) **Collapse of the stone towns of north-eastern Botswana.** By the early 19th century, [political and social transformations associated with the so-called](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/revolution-and-upheaval-in-pre-colonial) _[mfecane](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/revolution-and-upheaval-in-pre-colonial)_ profoundly altered the cultural landscape of north-eastern Botswana. Rozvi traditions describe the decline of the Changamire state due to dynastic conflicts, which exacerbated its collapse after it was overrun by several groups including the Tswana-speaking Ngwato, and several Nguni-speaking groups like the Ndebele and Ngoni, all of whom subsumed the Kalanga-speaking societies.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-28-145195977) The period of Ndebele ascendancy in North-Eastern Botswana in the mid-19th century was especially disruptive to the local polities. As recounted in Ndebele traditions and contemporary documents, some of the defeated Kalanga leaders often fled with their followers to hilltop fortresses, or outside the reach of the Ndebele to regions controlled by the Ngwato, while some were retained as vassals. The region remained a disputed frontier zone caught between two powerful states, many of the old towns were abandoned, and the authority of those who remained was greatly diminished.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-29-145195977) There's documentary and archeological evidence for the rapid abandonment of these ruins, and the later re-occupation of a few of them. An account from 1870 mentions the abandonment of the Vukwe ruin by its Kalanga ruler following a Ndebele campaign into the region, and there’s archeological evidence for the partial re-settlement of Domboshaba during the mid-19th century, with the new settlement being established in a more elevated and defensible region of the hill, where further walling was added.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-30-145195977) Additionally, many of the ruined settlements have blocked doorways that were sealed with stone monoliths, especially at Majande and Shape, which was a common practice attested at many _dzimbabwes_ across the region (eg at Matendere in Zimbabwe). These blocked doorways denied access to sacred spaces, especially when rulers moved their capital upon their installation, marking the end of the enclosed palace’s administrative use, and the abandonment of part or all of the site.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-31-145195977) It is important to note that the construction of stone settlements in the region had mostly ended by the early 18th century, since no new settlements post-date this period, representing a cultural shift that was likely caused by internal processes. Nevertheless, the connection between the stone towns and their former occupants was largely severed. With the exception of Domboshaba, few of the Kalanga traditions collected in the 20th century could directly link the sites to specific lineages and rulers, as most of their counts were instead focused on the upheavals of the 19th century.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-32-145195977) Unlike the monumental capitals in Zimbabwe where such traditions were preserved, memories of the stone towns of north-eastern Botswana were forgotten, as their ruins were gradually engulfed by the surrounding desert-shrub. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F21d0b1de-c86a-4b0f-b492-b72450c8b3cc_916x693.png) section of the Lotsane ruin when it was first photographed in 1891.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone#footnote-33-145195977) While there are few written accounts for pre-colonial south-east Africa, the expansion of trade contacts between south-central Africa and the Swahili coast led to the production of detailed documentation of the region's societies by other Africans. **subscribe to Patreon to read about the account of one of these visitors who traveled to Congo and Zambia in 1891:** [A DESCRIPTION OF SOUTH-CENTRAL AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/104845425?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03906fb9-0e31-4d02-8404-125137f49f4d_1183x728.png)

2024-06-02T15:08:48+00:00

A General History of Iron Technology in Africa ca. 2000BC-1900AD.

The smelting and working of iron is arguably the best known among the pre-colonial technologies of Africa, and the continent is home to some of the world's oldest sites of ironworking.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology

The smelting and working of iron is arguably the best known among the pre-colonial technologies of Africa, and the continent is home to some of the world's oldest sites of ironworking. Iron metallurgy was an integral component of socioeconomic life across the continent, and has played a significant role in the sociocultural, economic, and environmental spheres of many African societies, past and present, not only for utilitarian items, but also in the creation of symbolic, artistic, and ornamental objects. The production, control, and distribution of Iron was pivotal in the rise and fall of African kingdoms and empires, the expansion of trade and cultural exchange, and the growth of military systems which ensured Africa’s autonomy until the close of the 19th century. This article outlines the General History of Iron technologies in Africa, from the construction of the continent's oldest furnaces in antiquity to the 19th century, exploring the role of Iron in African trade, agriculture, warfare, politics, and Art traditions. **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **On the invention of Iron technology in Africa.** Most studies of the history of Ironworking begin with the evolution of metallurgy in the Near Eastern societies and the transition from copper, to bronze and finally to iron. The use and spread of these metals across the eastern Mediterranean was a complex and protracted process, that was politically and culturally mediated rather than being solely determined by the physical properties of the metals.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-1-147556627) Since the transition from copper to iron across most of the societies in the Near East was broadly similar, and the region was initially thought to be home to the oldest known iron-working sites, researchers surmised that iron technology had a single origin from which it subsequently spread across the old world from Asia to Europe, to Africa. In North Africa, ironworking was only known from historical documents, it was only recently that archeological investigations have provided firmer evidence for early iron smelting in the region. This includes sites such as Bir Massouda at Carthage in Tunisia between 760-480 BCE[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-2-147556627), at Naucratis and Hamama in Egypt between 580-30BCE[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-3-147556627), at Meroe and Hamadab in Sudan around 514 BCE[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-4-147556627) and in the Fezzan region of Libya around 500BCE[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-5-147556627). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0da558cf-7505-4143-9994-a8e276e4fb1d_741x495.png) _**Large iron slag mound at Meroe, Sudan.**_ photo by Jane Humpris. However, as it will become evident in the following paragraphs, the development of iron technology in the rest of Africa was independent of North African ironworking and is likely to have been a much older phenomenon. In contrast to the Maghreb, metallurgy in the rest of Africa kick-started with the simultaneous working of iron and copper between the late 3rd to early 2nd millennium BC, to be later followed by bronze, gold and other metals. A number of radiocarbon dates within the range of 2200 to 800 BCE have since been accumulated across multiple sites. This includes sites such as; Oboui and Gbatoro in Cameroon and Central Africa, where iron furnaces, bloom fragments, slag pieces, and at least 174 iron tools were found dated to c. 2200–1965 BCE; at Ngayene in the Senegambian megaliths, where iron tools were found dated to 1362–1195 BCE; and at Gbabiri (north of Oboui) where similar iron objects and forges were found dated to 900–750 BCE.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-6-147556627) More extensive evidence for iron working in West Africa is dated to the period between 800-400 BCE, where the combined evidence for iron tools, furnaces, slag, and tuyeres was found at various places. These include the sites of Taruga and Baidesuru in the Nok culture of central Nigeria, In the northern Mandara region of Cameroon, at Dhar Nema in the Tichitt Neolithic culture of southern Mauritania, at Dia In the Inland Niger delta of Mali[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-7-147556627), at Walalde in Senegal[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-8-147556627), at Dekpassanware, in Togo[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-9-147556627) at the Nsukka sites of Nigeria,[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-10-147556627) and at Tora Sira Tomo in Burkina Faso[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-11-147556627), among other sites. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa65f5568-b189-4a09-8e67-cb5e9d2b9e85_685x513.webp) _**Slag blocks at Otobo-Dunuoka village square, Lejja, Nsukka area, Nigeria**_. The subsequent spread of ironworking technology to central, East and South Africa was linked to the expansion of Bantu-speaking groups, a few centuries after they had settled in the region.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-12-147556627) For the period between 800-400BC Iron working sites, are found at Otoumbi and Moanda in Gabon, at the Urewe sites of; Mutwarubona in Rwanda, Mirama III in Burundi, at Katuruka in Tanzania.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-13-147556627) By the turn of the common era, Ironworking had spread to the southeastern tip of the continent, with sites such as Matola in Mozambique and ‘Silver Leaves’ in South Africa being dated to between the 1st-2nd century CE.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-14-147556627) While few studies have been conducted in the northern Horn of Africa, there’s evidence for extensive use of iron tools at Bieta Giyorgis and Aksum in Ethiopia, between the late 1st millennium BC and the early centuries of the common era. [15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-15-147556627) While proponents of an independent origin of iron technology in Africa rely on archeological evidence, the diffusionist camp is driven by the hypothesis that ironworking required pre-existing knowledge of copper smelting, they therefore surmise that it originated from Carthage or Meroe. However, there's still no material evidence for any transmission of ironworking technology based on the furnace types from either region[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-16-147556627), and the recently confirmed dates from Cameroon, Central Africa, and Senegal significantly predate those from Meroe, the Fezzan, and Carthage.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-17-147556627) Furthermore, there was no contact between the earliest West African Iron Age sites of the Nok Culture with North Africa; nor was there contact between Nok and its northern neighbor; the Gajiganna culture of Lake Chad (1800-400BCE) which had no iron at its main proto-urban capital of Zilum;[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-18-147556627) nor were there [links between Carthage and Zilum](https://www.patreon.com/posts/between-carthage-94409122) during this period. Even links between more proximate regions like the Fezzan in Libya (which had Iron by 500 BCE) and the Lake Chad basin before the common era remain unproven.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-19-147556627) The site of Oboui in the Central African republic has been the subject of intense interest by archeometallurgists since it provides the **earliest known iron-working facility anywhere in the world**. So while it may _"never be possible to write a history of African metallurgy that truly satisfies the historian's inordinate greed for both generalization and specificity,"_ the most recent research weighs heavily in favor of an independent origin of Ironworking in Africa. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F06100a59-37df-4f14-a767-3395466183e3_779x483.png) _**1st millennium BC Nok furnace site at Janjala, Nigeria.**_ **The process of Smelting and Smithing Iron in African furnaces.** The process of ironworking starts with the search and acquisition of iron ores through mining and collecting, followed by the preparation of raw materials including charcoal, followed by the building of the smelting installations, furnaces, tuyeres and crucibles, followed by the smelting itself which reduces the ores to metal, followed by bloom cleaning, smithing, and the forging of the finished product[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-20-147556627). This was extremely labour-intensive and time-consuming, especially collecting the ore and fuel, which could at times last several weeks or months.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-21-147556627) In nature, iron may be found in five different compounds: oxide, hydroxide, carbide, sulfide, and silicate, of which there are many different types of iron ores in Africa (lateritic, oolitic, magnetite-ilmenite, etc) which invariably influenced the smelting technology used. Ancient African bloomery furnaces exhibit remarkable diversity, suggesting constant improvisation and innovations. As one metallurgist observed, _**"every conceivable method of iron production seems to have been employed in Africa, some of it quite unbelievable."**_ African ironworkers adapted bloomery furnaces to an extraordinary range of iron ores, some of which cannot be used by modern blast furnaces and weren’t found anywhere else in the Old World.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-22-147556627) African iron-smelting processes are all variants of the bloomery process, in which the air blast must be stopped periodically to remove the masses of metal (blooms), while the waste product (slag) may be tapped from the furnaces as a liquid, or may solidify within it. Most of the oldest African furnaces were shaft furnaces that ranged from small pit furnaces to massive Natural-draft smelting furnaces with tall shafts upto 7 meters high.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-23-147556627) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdaf61d13-c34a-4aac-a928-042414336906_837x584.png) _**Natural draft furnaces in the Seno plain below Segue, Burkina Faso**_, 1957, Quai Branly. _**Earthen smelting furnaces in Ouahigouya, near the capital of Yatenga kingdom, Burkina Faso**_, 1911, Quai Branly. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc1940984-a7a2-46a5-aff5-42f362c2cb40_807x550.png) _**Examples of African bloomery furnace types**_ (by F. Bandama), _**Approximate distribution of bowl, shaft, and natural draught furnace types in Africa**_. (by S. Chirikure). Bloomery smelting operates around 1200°C; ie at a temperature below the melting point of iron (1540°C), which is high enough only to melt the gangue minerals in the ore and separate them from the unmolten iron oxides. Air is introduced to the furnace either through forced draft using bellows and tuyères (ceramic pipes), or by natural draft taking advantage of prevailing winds or utilizing the chimney effect. This enables the fuel (usually charcoal) to burn, producing carbon monoxide, which reacts with the iron oxide, ultimately reducing it to form metallic iron.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-24-147556627) These furnaces could produce cast iron and wrought iron, as well as steel, the latter of which there is sufficient evidence in several societies, most notably in the 18th-century kingdom of Yatenga between Mali and Burkina Faso, where blacksmiths built massive furnaces upto 8m high to produce steel bars and composite tools with steel-cutting edges[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-25-147556627). Steel is iron alloyed with between 0.2% and 2% carbon, and it has been found in archaeometallurgical studies of furnaces and slag from Buhaya in northern Tanzania,[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-26-147556627) and in northern Mandara region of Cameroon among other sites.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-27-147556627) Most high-carbon steel could be produced directly in the bloomery furnace by increasing the carbon content of the bloom, rather than by subsequent smithing as in most parts of the Old World.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-28-147556627) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd41c1974-fbff-40c2-80e3-7cbc99aa6082_580x451.png) _**Iron smelting at Oumalokho near the border of Mali & Cote d’ivoire**_, illustration by Louis Binger, ca. 1892. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff21a345b-a894-4669-862b-8269cf8ff019_847x356.png) _**steel sword with gold hilt, blade decorated with incised geometric and floral decoration, ca. 1900**_, Asante, Ghana, V&A museum Once smelting was complete, the bloom settled to the bottom of the furnace and was removed for further refinement through repeated heating and hammering into bars using large hammerstones. After which, the iron bars produced from this process were forged at high temperatures, and the blacksmith will use various hammers, tongs, quenching bowls, and anvils to work the iron into a desired shape. In a few cases, methods like lost wax casting and the use of molds which were common in the working of gold and copper alloys were also used for iron to produce different objects, ornaments, and ingots.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-29-147556627) Like all forms of technology, the working of Iron in Africa was socially mediated. The role of blacksmiths was considered important but their social position was rather ambiguous and varied. Depending on the society and era, they were both respected or feared, powerful or marginalized, because they wielded social power derived from access to knowledge of metallurgy, divination, peacemaking, and other salient social practices[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-30-147556627). The smith’s craft extended from the production of the most basic of domestic tools to the creation of a corpus of inventive, diverse, and technically sophisticated vehicles of social and spiritual power The various taboos and rituals associated with the craft were a technology of practice that enabled smelters to take control of the process through learned behavior.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-31-147556627) One key feature of African metallurgy is that it resists homogenization, yet anthropologists who study the subject are more inclined to homogenize than to seek variations. In contrast to the making of pottery and sculptures, the apprenticeship of iron smelting has not been the focus of ethnological studies. While such studies can only provide us with information from the 20th century, the persistence of pre-industrial methods of iron production in some parts of the continent suggests that some of this information can be extrapolated back to earlier periods. A number of researchers have left ethnographic descriptions of smelting sessions that they attended, observing that there is a head smelter or an elder’s council, as well as young people or apprentices. Under the leadership of a master, the metallurgists seem to take part collectively in the smelting, and the associated rituals involved in the process. Each member of a smelting session detects the physical and chemical changes of the material being processed inside the furnace.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-32-147556627) Ethnographic descriptions show the major importance of smith castes and ritual practice, as well as political control over resources like iron ore, wood, land, and labour.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-33-147556627) In many parts of the continent, there's extensive evidence that iron smelting was considered ritually akin to the act of procreation and therefore was carried out away from or in seclusion from women and domestic contexts[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-34-147556627). Yet there were numerous exceptions in southern and East Africa where women were allowed in the smelting area, procuring iron ores, and constructing furnaces.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-35-147556627) Evidently, all available labour was utilized for iron working when necessary, depending on the cultural practices of a given society. **The role of Iron in early African Agriculture and Trade.** Ironworking played a pivotal role in the advent and evolution of agriculture and long-distance trade across the African continent, as the widespread use of iron tools helped to increase food production and the exchanges of surpluses between different groups. In many societies, the various types of iron tools (such as plows and hoes) the design of furnaces, and the organization of labor, influenced and were influenced by developments in agriculture, trade, and cultural exchanges.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-36-147556627) For example, the use of natural draught furnaces and the creation of a caste of blacksmiths frees up labour for working the raw iron to make iron objects and develop long-distance trade and exchange. Such high- fuel low-labour furnaces were particularly common in the West African Sudanic woodland zone from Senegal to Nigeria and in the miombo woodlands of Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique, where labour requirements for swidden agriculture may have reduced available labour for smithing.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-37-147556627) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8cd218f1-11fc-4f75-9fba-b7deb18b7d10_1122x583.png) Natural draft furnaces; _**Yeke, D.R.Congo, early 20th century**_, Royal Museum for Central Africa. _**‘A Bafipa natural draft furnace in Tanzania’**_, photo by S.T.Childs. _**Aushi, Zambia, early 20th century,**_ British Museum. In other regions, the demand for Iron objects beyond the immediate society in which specialist smiths lived facilitated the production of large quantities of Iron for export. For example, at least 15 sites used by Dogon smiths in south-central Mali produced a about 400,000 tonnes of slag – or 40,000 tonnes of iron objects over a period of 1,400 years, which is about 26 tones of iron objects per year; while the site of Korsimoro (Burkina Faso) yielded 200,000 tonnes of slag - or 20,000 tonnes of iron objects between 1000-1500 CE, which is about 32 tonnes of iron per year.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-38-147556627) This scale of production doubtlessly suggests that the iron was intended for export to neighboring societies, albeit not at a scale associated with large states. For example, the dramatic rise in iron production from a small site of Bandjeli in Togo, from less than a tonne in the 18th century to over 14 tones per year by 1900 may have been associated with demand from sections of the kingdoms of Dagomba, Gonja, Mamprusi, although it was far from the only site[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-39-147556627). It therefore appears that in most parts of Africa, specialization was based on pooling together surplus from various relatively small-scale industries which cumulatively produced bigger output, and may not have been concentrated even in the case of large states.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-40-147556627) Several types of iron objects served as convenient stores of wealth and were at times used as secondary currencies in some contexts, primarily because of the ever-present demand for domestic and agricultural iron implements like hoes, knives, machetes, harpoons, as well as the general use of metals for tribute, social ceremonies, and trade.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-41-147556627) In West Africa, iron blooms were traded and kept as heirlooms, while knives and iron hoes were both a trade item and a medium of exchange in parts of Southern Africa and west-central Africa[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-42-147556627). In East Africa, where long-distance traders like the 19th century [Swahili traveler Mwenyi Chande](https://www.patreon.com/posts/104845425?pr=true) were required by local rulers to give iron hoes as a form of tax on their return journeys from the interior as a substitute for cowries and cloth. Similary In Ethiopia, iron plowshares were valued items of trade.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-43-147556627) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8e79ed9e-bee4-42e8-a81f-c0e9e4e5bdf0_929x620.png) _**Illustration depicting an ‘Abyssinian Plough’. ca. 1868**_, Library of Congress. **Iron in the History of Warfare and Politics in Pre-colonial Africa.** Given its centrality in agriculture and trade, the spread of iron working in Africa was closely associated with the emergence and growth of complex societies across the continent. The rise of African states resulted in an increased demand for symbols of prestige and power, among which iron, copper, and gold were prominent. Increase in metal production and changes in furnace construction in the Great Lakes region for example, were associated with the emergence of the kingdoms of Bunyoro, Buganda, and Nyiginya (Rwanda),[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-44-147556627) and similar developments in southern Africa and the East African coast were associated with the rise of the kingdoms at Great Zimbabwe and Kilwa.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-45-147556627) A significant number of iron tools found at the oldest sites of ironworking across the continent included knives and arrowheads. Additionally, a number of historical traditions of societies in central Africa like the kingdom of Ndongo and Luba, either attribute or closely associate the founding of kingdoms to iron-wielding warrior-kings and blacksmiths[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-46-147556627). Iron was often conceptually integrated within the organizing structures of these states, with iron symbolism frequently incorporated within iconography, mythology, and systems of tribute payment, all of which underscores the importance of iron weapons to the emergence and expansion of African kingdoms and empires, especially in warfare.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-47-147556627) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F674358cb-fc76-4d9c-8351-91ca5d64e073_882x487.png) _**Sword made by a Ngala smith from Congo**_, Copper alloy handle with iron struts attached to iron blade, Late 19th century, Saint Louis art museum [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86e4355d-8473-4587-9370-7076c7f1e09c_1000x400.jpeg) _**Iron Sword, 19th century,**_ Asante Kingdom, Ghana, British Museum [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) [The history of African military systems has been sufficiently explored](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/war-and-peace-in-ancient-and-medieval) and is too diverse to summarise here, but it suffices to say that the majority of weapons were made locally and most of them were made of Iron. The provision of weapons and the distribution of power were often strongly correlated, especially in larger complex societies where rulers retained large arsenals of weapons to distribute to their armies during times of war, and maintained a workforce of blacksmiths to provide these weapons.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-48-147556627) In most parts of the continent, blacksmiths were numerous and usually worked in closely organized kin guilds associated with centers of political power, where rulers acted as their patrons, receiving protection and supplies in exchange for providing armies with swords, lance heads, chainmail, helmets, arrow points and throwing knives. In some exceptional cases, a few of these items were imported by wealthy rulers and subsequently reworked by local smiths to be kept as prestige items.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-49-147556627) Among the most common iron objects in African ethnographic collections are the two-edged straight or gently tapering sword, which was common in West Africa[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-50-147556627), as well as in most parts of central Africa, North-East Africa and the East African coast. Other collections include curved blades and throwing weapons with multiple ends, as well as axes, arrowheads, and javelin points. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F817748fb-6243-45a1-a28b-e26a0d9c7dc0_1298x582.png) _**sword with Iron blade, sheath decorated with plant and zoomorphic motifs, 19th century, Dahomey, Benin.**_ Musée d'ethnographie, Genève. _**Iron and Ivory sword, undated**_, Kongo, Angola/D.R.Congo, Brooklyn Museum, _**Curved Iron sword, Mangbetu,**_ D.R.Congo, British Museum. _**Iron blades made by Ekonda smiths**_, late 19th century, D.R.C, Smithsonian museum By the 18th century, swords and lances had largely fallen out of use in the regions close to the Atlantic coast and were replaced by muskets.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-51-147556627) The repair of guns and cannons, as well as the manufacture of iron bullets was also undertaken across many societies[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-52-147556627), from [Asante](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn) and [Dahomey](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-dahomey-and-the-atlantic?utm_source=publication-search), to [Zulu](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history?utm_source=publication-search) and [Buganda](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom?utm_source=publication-search). The casting of brass and iron cannons, in particular, was attested in many parts of West Africa, most notably in the 16th-century kingdoms of Benin and Bornu, [where such gunpowder technology in Africa was first attested](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century), as well as in the 19th-century [sultanate of Damagaram](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate?utm_source=publication-search). Benin in particular is known to have made a number of firearms, some of which appear in western museum collections. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F68d8a854-723f-4f25-b620-3cf3d7308e64_597x551.png) _**Firearm made of Brass and Iron, ca. 18th century**_, Benin City, Nigeria, National Museum, Benin. _**Firearm made of Iron and Wood, ca. 18th century**_, Benin City, Nigeria, National Museum, Benin. The complete manufacture of firearms was accomplished in some societies during the 19th century such as the [empire of Samori Ture](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the), the [Merina kingdom of Madagascar](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164?pr=true) and the Ethiopian Empire under Tewodros[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-53-147556627). In the 1880s Samori concentrated 300-400 ironworkers in the village of Tete where they succeeded in manufacturing flintlocks at a cost lower than the price paid for those bought from Freetown. Tete was evacuated in 1892 and its armament workers were reassembled at Dabakol under the direction of an artificer who had spent several months in a French arsenal. They succeeded in making effective copies of Kropatschek repeating rifles at a rate of two of these guns per day.[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-54-147556627) **Iron in the making of African Art and Culture.** According to Cyril Stanley Smith, a founding father of archaeometallurgy, "aesthetic curiosity" was the original driving force of technological development everywhere, and the human desire for pretty things like jewelry and sculpture, rather than for "useful" objects such as tools and weapons, first led enterprising individuals to discover new materials, processes, and structures.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-55-147556627) While many of the oldest iron tools found in the ancient metallurgical centers of Africa were agricultural implements and weapons, a number of them also included small caches of jewelry in the form of bracelets and anklets. Later sites include Iron ornaments such as earrings, earplugs, and nose rings. African jewelry made from metal primarily consisted of gold, copper alloys, and silver, with iron being relatively uncommon. However, there are a few notable exceptions such as the kingdom of Dahomey, where skilled blacksmiths produced a remarkable corpus of sculptural artworks made of Iron called _**asen**_. Historically, _**asen**_ were also closely identified with the belief systems of the Vodun religion and practices. Following the rise of the Dahomey kingdom, their function shifted toward a more specifically royal memorial use as each king was identified with a distinct asen. These royal asen were brought out during annual “custom” rites, placed near the _**djeho**_ (spirit house of the king), and given libations while fixed in the ground using long iron stems. The _**asen**_s feature figurative scenes depicting processions of titled persons in excellent detail, at the end of which are placed _**togbe**_ pendants around the edge of the platform.[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-56-147556627) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6ebf090-d56e-4ef3-8af6-a32e9ac30160_1230x574.png) _**Various Asen representing the Yovogan of Dahomey, from the mid-late 19th century**_, Benin,. New Orleans museum, Barbier Mueller museum, Museum of Fine arts. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F62383a73-ebb8-4085-a287-8eb7582bc56c_746x537.png) Iron sculptures from Dahomey; _**figure of the Fon deity Gu holding up a sword, late 19th century,**_ private collection. _**Asen altar with birds on a tree, early 20th century,**_ Fowler Museum. Iron sculptures and other artifacts made of composite materials that include iron are attested across multiple African art traditions, from West African figures made by the Yoruba of south-western Nigeria, as well as the Dogon and Mande of Mali, to the composite wood-and-iron sculptures of West central Africa, to the musical instruments of central and southern Africa, such as thumb pianos and rattles of the Chokwe artists of Angola and D.R.Congo. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5a990264-0da6-4bbf-94b2-fbc86f2cc477_753x539.png) Iron sculptures of Yoruba artists, _**Opa Osanyín staff, 19th century**_, private collection. _**Rainmaking vessel, mid-20th century**_, Fowler Museum. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a7b0783-187b-4a0e-a68e-aa2d141442ab_745x588.png) composite iron and wood artefacts by the Chokwe; _**Lamellophone (chisanji), ca. 1890**_, Angola/D.R.Congo, Musical Instrument Museum, Phoenix. _**Thumb piano with an equestrian figure, 19th century**_, Angola/D.R.Congo, Cleveland Museum The smelting of Iron in Africa gradually declined in the 20th century as local demand was increasingly met by industrial iron and steel, but smithing continues across most parts of the continent. This shift from smelting to smithing began in some coastal regions significantly earlier than on the African mainland, where smelting persisted well into the post-colonial era.[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-57-147556627) In response to shifts in local economies during the colonial and post-colonial era, African blacksmiths began incorporating salvaged materials into their work through creative recycling. Blacksmiths continue to serve as technology brokers who transform one object into another— truck wheels become bells and gongs; leaf springs from cars become axes and asen in Benin; and bicycle spokes become thumb pianos in western Zambia. Today, smiths forge work to accommodate new contexts and purposes. For example in southern Nigeria, where the Yorùbá deity of iron, Ògún, has become the patron of automobiles, laptops, and cell phones.[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-58-147556627) Iron continues to play a central role in the development of African societies, a product of centuries of innovations and developments in one of the continent’s oldest technologies. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F140069bf-e88c-4d78-abd0-c9d388f3732a_548x638.png) man carrying a massive sword dedicated to Gu; the god of iron and war. ca. 1950 Abomey, Benin, Quai Branly. Recent archeological research has uncovered a series of stone complexes in the Mandara mountains of Cameroon which historical documents from the region associate with the expansion of complex societies and empires at the end of the Middle Ages. **Please subscribe to read about the DGB ruins and the Mandara kingdom here:** [STONE RUINS OF CAMEROON](https://www.patreon.com/posts/109389947) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61395630-59bc-4a88-a96a-86f283e7488b_487x1082.png)

2024-08-11T16:25:48+00:00

The stone ruins of Bokoni: egalitarian systems and agricultural technology in pre-colonial South Africa. (16th-19th century)

challenging conventional narratives on pre-colonial Africa's social order and agricultural practices.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian

The ruins of Bokoni in South Africa are some of the most spectacular remains of pre-colonial agricultural societies on the African continent. Extending over an area of 10,000 square kilometers are circular mazes of stone-built homesteads and towns linked by walled roads that are interspersed among spreads of agricultural terraces traversing the escarpments of Mpumalanga. While this dramatic landscape has become a magnet for exotic pseudohistorical theories ranging from ancient aliens to foreign builders, Its construction and settlement by various local African groups has been known since the work of professional archeologists in the 1930s who dated its establishment to the late 16th/early 17th century. Bokoni’s relatively unique form of political organization and agricultural specialization greatly transformed conventional understanding of African history. This article explores the history of the Bokoni settlements over the past 400 years, including an overview of their political organization and intensive agricultural practices. _**Map showing the Location of the Bokoni area in Mpumalanga, South Africa**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F54298ef1-0930-437a-9929-9e1bc469e617_1196x575.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **A brief history of Southern Africa until the early settlement at Bokoni in the 16th/17th century** In the period preceding the establishment of Bokoni, the province of Mpumalanga (located in the north-east of modern South Africa) was settled by various agro-pastoral and foraging communities, the former of whom were part of the wider population drift of Bantu-speaking groups that arrived in the region around the turn of the common era[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-1-85347717). These groups gradually established various polities in the region, and are credited with producing the Lydenburg terracotta heads that are dated to the 5th century, and were found in the area that would (much) later become the Bokoni heartland[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-2-85347717) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F232c4d60-a573-48f5-912b-5c036cac764a_969x739.jpeg) _**Iziko South African Museum**_ Larger, and more complex states emerged across the region of Mpumalanga by the late 16th to early 17th century around the time when Bokoni was flourishing, these included the neighboring states of Pedi and Ndunduza among others[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-3-85347717). Contrary to its more centralized neighbors, Bokoni's political structures were likely characterized by competing nodes of power in which political and ritual paramountcy was exercised by dominant lineages over diverse populations. And like the heterarchical forms of political organization recently suggested for the better known kingdoms based at Great Zimbabwe and Khami[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-4-85347717), there is little archeological evidence in the homestead complexes of Bokoni, for a sharp overarching hierarchy dividing elites and commoners.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-5-85347717) The Bokoni settlements weren't occupied simultaneously but in stages, with the southern sites constituting the earliest phases of settlement, which progressively moved northwards likely in response to external threats.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-6-85347717) The core settlement of Bokoni was occupied by heterogeneous groups of Sotho-Tswana and Nguni-speakers who were referred to as "Koni" (ie; ba-Koni '_**people of koni**_'); an exonymous term used by their neighbors (especially the baPedi) to describe the people who they found living in the escarpments when the baPedi arrived after the baKoni in 1650. The term was later adopted by the inhabitants of Bokoni as a form of self-identification, along with the development of the Sekoni language.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-7-85347717) (archeologists use the term Bokoni for the ruined settlements and baKoni/ Koni for the people who built them) The inhabitants of Bokoni were engaged in regional trade, and much of it was based on exchanging their surplus cereal and cattle products for iron goods and textiles in the regional trade networks, as well as ivory for the long-distance trade terminating at Delagoa Bay. Despite Iron's widespread use in Bokoni for making weapons as well as domestic and agricultural tools, there is limited evidence of its production within the settlement, and its likely to have been obtained through trade with the Pedi kingdom and other neighboring groups.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-8-85347717) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F157281af-c6cf-470d-a873-3d06357f0ad3_764x979.png) _**The Bokoni settlement sequence from the late16th/early 17th-19th century**_[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-9-85347717) **Description of the settlement at Bokoni: Homesteads, Roads and Terraces.** The architectural constructions of Bokoni comprise three main elements; the homestead complexes, the terraced fields and the road networks. The largest settlements such as Komati Gorge, Moxomatsi and Khutwaneng (_**see map above**_) are considered towns/capitals and they're primarily comprised of aggregations of homesteads marked by intensive residential terracing and road networks.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-10-85347717) The general layout took on the form of a circular structures beginning with a central cattle pen that was accessed using passages, and was inturn surrounded by clusters of homes and granaries divided into different domestic compartments accessed through separate passages leading into outside roads, that were all enclosed within a wall, and together constituted a homestead complex.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-11-85347717) The largest single complexes extend up to 5 km, they contain domestic units that range from large enclosures and compounds with well-developed roads and terraces to small enclosures of newly established homesteads.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-12-85347717) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F156b49e5-1645-409c-bfb5-16248116a170_814x544.png) _**Large and complex interconnected homesteads**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd3388e66-32e7-44e2-9ee9-637ff5d41bd3_814x671.png) _**enclosure wall**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F38dce54e-f521-4da2-af72-485debf195ff_1227x639.png) _**Detail of a homestead complex and an illustration showing a plan of a complex homestead occupied by atleast a dozen homes, with walled passage between outer domestic area and inner livestock pens**_ The stone-walled roads of Bokoni were constructed between the homestead complexes to link other parts of the settlements, and they were also constructed in parallel lines down-slope, to move people and their livestock through the agricultural terraces on the slopes of the hill to the grazing and watering areas in the the valley.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-13-85347717) The roads were built according to the contours of the hill slope rather than cutting through underlying rock to follow a defined trajectory, and they served a wider range of functions including the delineation of livestock roads through cultivated areas, and the separation of cultivation from grazing areas.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-14-85347717) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4f47c738-299b-4e37-85b9-7ce5d7060df4_815x599.png) _**Homesteads with road junctions amid terraces at Rietvlei**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbebe30dc-af08-4fc8-a6aa-6ff2faaae316_1286x594.png) _**Detail of settlements at rietvlei showing the partial outlines of roads connecting homesteads to a grazing area in the valley**_ Most of the homestead complexes are surrounded by walled terraces of agricultural land that extended for several kilometers on the slopes of the hills. The terracing walls rise to a height of 2 meters, are built with undressed stone they often consist of two outer layers constructed using large rocks, and an inner layer comprised of small coursing of flat slabs of slate placed on top of one another in a single Line, while others are filled with small rocks.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-15-85347717) Terracing as a form of intensive agriculture, was the most distinctive feature of Bokoni's agro-pastoral economy. After selecting slopes with the most fertile soil, stone terraces were constructed in stages with rows of rocks set into the sloping ground until the accumulation of weight from rainwash and cultivation uphill necessitated further support. This significantly reduced soil erosion and increased the percolation of water through the soil, which, considering the additional fertility provided by the manure, greatly increased the agricultural yield needed to sustain Bokoni's fairly large population.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-16-85347717) While the terraces were likely built communally and incrementally over a long period of time without the need for a hierarchical organization of labour in a short period of time (associated with its more centralized neighbors), the rows of stones laid downslope through the terraces doubtlessly represent boundaries of individual plots of extended families and appear even in isolated homesteads.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-17-85347717) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2f4e6605-a4d7-4e34-beea-15ada2486de1_660x522.png) _**Four stages in the development of a substantial bokoni type of terrace**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5099edea-9ef2-4379-befd-9006ab3cb196_977x509.png) _**Bokoni terraces**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F67cfe62f-133a-44c2-a548-938efb3d2f2c_980x591.png) _**Dense settlement near machadodorp with circular homes, interconnecting roads and terracing**_ There's engraved and painted art on the rocks within Bokoni depicting the settlement patterns of the homestead complexes, terraces and roads, using a stylized design. The engravings, which weren't a reproduction of an actual settlement but show how it may have looked had it been built on the boulder.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-18-85347717) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa5ea9075-182b-42ed-9c50-ebf8459cf9d6_1313x579.png) _**Rock engraving depicting the spatial arrangement of Bokoni homestead complexes as concentric circles, with roads connecting them**_ **From zenith to decline and abandonment of Bokoni (18th century-1840)** Beginning in the mid-18th century, the Bakoni played a role in the expanding process of state centralization that was spreading across the region. The expansionist state of Pedi begun clashing with the northernmost Bokoni polities of Kgomane and Kutoane, which loosely came under Pedi political control in a tributary relationship, and as allies of competing Pedi factions, these Bokoni polities later became the base for Makopole, one of the princes of the Pedi king Thulare in 1810s.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-19-85347717) By the early 19th century, the formation of larger expansionist states to the south of Bokoni furthered altered the political landscape of southern Africa, and both the Pedi and Bokoni became causalities of these changes. While there's less information about the exact circumstances of Bokoni's abandonment, it likely coincided with the defeat of the Pedi by the armies of Ndwandwe sometime between 1823-1825, a few years before the latter's defeat by the Zulu in 1826[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-20-85347717). The inhabitants of Bokoni thereafter migrated to more fortified and safer areas while others were dispersed across the region eventually forming rump states, with one reoccupying Khutwaneng and battling with a reestablished Pedi state. By this time, the majority of the Bokoni settlements had been abandoned but the population was settled all across the immediate region eg at Kopa hill, Mafolofolo and Boomplats[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-21-85347717) (_**see the settlement sequence map above in introduction**_), just prior to the arrival of the Boer 'trekkers' in the 1840s and the latter’s establishment of the Transvaal republic, a precursor to the British colonization of south Africa.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-22-85347717) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd981bfb6-4d5d-430e-b262-a29dae4297d6_1340x613.png) _**political map of the eastern half of south africa between the late 18th and early 19th century, Bokoni is shown with a purple circle.**_ **Bokoni’s place in African history; On heterachical states and intensive agriculture.** The 400 year old settlement at Bokoni was one of several examples of highly innovative pre-colonial African societies that utilized intensive agricultural techniques, greatly challenging the Eurocentric conception of African agriculture as “rudimentary” —A misconception that is particularly important in Southern Africa given the region's history with colonial settler farming predicated on the myth of "empty, underutilized land". The heterarchical organization of Bokoni society with its extensive construction of road networks, terraces and densely settled towns following a defined pattern without the need for hierarchical political structures with kings and armies, is more evidence of the diverse nature of social structures in pre-colonial Africa, that is better known in ancient urban complex of Djenne-jano[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-23-85347717), as well as in the monumental cities of Great Zimbabwe and Khami.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-24-85347717) And while this form of political organization was ultimately abandoned in the political revolutions of 19th century southern Africa, its accomplishments nevertheless undermine the conventional narratives of human progress from relatively egalitarian heterarchical systems to stratified and "despotic" centralized hierarchies of the post-neolithic era that became the foundation of modern states.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian#footnote-25-85347717) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F84c8d6d0-219e-4c20-be4e-905bc6c1cf46_977x925.png) Like Bokoni, the **UNESCO world heritage site of Khami** in Zimbabwe is a monumental construction built by a **relatively egalitarian society**, read about its history on Patreon ["STONE TERRACES OF KINGS"](https://t.co/cwpNoO34u9) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7109d687-cb4c-47d9-88e2-42498c89be52_735x1062.jpeg) _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal/Ko-fi**_ [Paypal/Ko-Fi](https://ko-fi.com/isaacsamuel)

2022-11-20T12:42:02+00:00

The complete history of Brava (Barawa) ca. 1000-1900: a Swahili enclave in southern Somalia

Journal of African cities: chapter 11

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca

Tucked along the southern coast of Somalia, the old city of Brava preserves the remains of a once bustling cosmopolitan enclave whose influence features prominently in the history of the East African coast. Located more than 500 km north of the Swahili heartland, Brava retained a unique urban society whose language, architecture and culture distinguished it from its immediate hinterland. Its inhabitants spoke a dialect of Swahili called Chimiini, and organised themselves in an oligarchic republic typical of other Swahili cities. They cultivated commercial and political ties with societies across the Indian ocean world and the African mainland, mediating exchanges between disparate communities along the Swahili coast. This article explores the history of Brava and examines its place in the Swahili world between the 11th and 19th century. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F53caea79-0adc-4827-b771-19a4c9d24e62_700x560.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The early history of Brava until the 15th century.** Archeological and Linguistic evidence for the early history of Brava indicates that it was part of the broader cultural developments occurring in the iron-age communities of the East African coast during the 1st millennium. These coastal settlements developed a distinct culture marked by mixed farming, commercial ties with the Indian Ocean and African interior, a gradual conversion to Islam, and a common material culture epitomized by local ceramics. Discoveries of '_kwale_'-type wares in the ruins of a rubble and lime house just outside Brava, indicate links with settlements further south in East Africa that are dated to the 3rd-5th century. More archeological surveys in Brava uncovered imported glazed pottery from the 9th century as well as a funerary inscription dated to 1104 and a mosque inscription dated to 1398, making Brava contemporaneous with the early settlements at Pate, Kilwa, Shanga, and Unguja Ukuu.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-1-142884632) Such material culture characterizes the oldest settlements of the Sabaki-speakers of the Bantu-language family such as the Swahili, kiBajuni, and Comorian languages, thus indicating their presence in Brava and southern Somalia at the turn of the 2nd millennium. But as a consequence of its relative isolation from other Swahili centers, the Chimiini language also contains “archaic” Swahili vocabulary that was lost in other dialects, and it also includes some loan words from the Tunni-Somali language. [2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-2-142884632) Documentary evidence of Brava begins in the 12th century, with Al-Idrisi's description of the east African coast that includes a brief mention of the town of ‘Barua’ or ‘Maruwa’ which is usually identified as Barawa.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-3-142884632) He describes it as _**“the last in the land of the infidels, who have no religious creed but take standing stones, anoint them with fish oil and bow down before them.”**_ Considering the discovery of Islamic inscriptions from a mosque at Brava that are dated to 1105, and the fact that Al-Idrisi never visited the city, this description likely refers to the mixed society characteristic of Swahili cities in which traditional religions and practices continued to exist alongside Islam[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-4-142884632). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F857e409a-90a8-4803-8633-a5e8edb77c33_873x587.png) _**Mosque with well outside the walls in Brava**_, ca. 1889, archivio fotografico -Italy. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4a0337ac-cfed-4097-95da-0812049f589e_849x583.png) _**Mosque in the interior of Brava**_, ca. 1889, archivio fotografico [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) A more detailed description of Brava is provided in Yemeni sources of the Rasulid era in the 14th century, where one Qadi describes Barāwa (Brava) as a "small locality" near Mogadishu, adding that _**“There is an anchorage sought by boats from India and from each small city of Sawāḥil,”**_ making Brava an important stop-point for the Swahili's transshipment trade directed towards Yemeni city of Aden.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-5-142884632) The importance of Brava in the Swahili world is corroborated by its mention in the 16th century Chronicle of Kilwa as one of the first cities to emerge along the coast, as well as its later ‘conquest’ by the city of Pate in the 14th century, which is mentioned in the Pate chronicle.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-6-142884632) While Brava wasn’t one of the [Swahili cities and other East African kingdoms that sent envoys to Song-dynasty China](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true), the city was visited during three of the voyages of Zheng He, a 15th century Ming-dynasty official. The two exchanged envoys during the time between his third and seventh voyages (1409-1433), with Zheng He being offered camels and ostriches as ‘tribute’. The latter’s companion, Fei Xin, described the people of Brava as honest.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-7-142884632) A later Portuguese account from the mid-16th century describes Brava as _**"well walled, and built of good houses of stone and whitewash"**_. Adding that Brava didn't have a king but was instead ruled as an Oligarchic republic, _**"governed by its elders, they being honoured and respectable persons."**_ This is a similar structure to other Swahili cities like Lamu, Mombasa, Tumbatu, and the island of Ngazidja that were governed by a council of patricians (_waungwana_). Brava had been sacked by the Portuguese in 1506, and those who escaped _**"fled into the country"**_ only returning after the Portuguese had left.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-8-142884632) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3f30b707-33b7-45d9-b773-d40aa5a89909_876x580.png) _**Terraces in Brava**_, ca. 1891, archivio fotografico [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2d3d053c-0b5e-4e27-87a0-db7c9afb8d0c_874x546.png) _**end of Brava’s city wall at the beach**_, ca. 1891, archivio fotografico **Brava from the 16th to the 18th century** From their base in Malindi, and later at Mombasa, the Portuguese gradually brought parts of the Swahili coast under their control, but Brava remained mostly independent, despite briefly pledging allegiance in 1529.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-9-142884632) Near the end of the century, Oromo-speakers arrived in parts of Southern Somalia and northern Kenya, compelling some of Brava's hinterland partners such as the Majikenda, to move southwards. This disruption didn’t alter pre-existing patterns of trade, but reinvigorated the ivory trade between the mainland and the coast.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-10-142884632) At the turn of the 17th century, the city of Pate in the Lamu archipelago emerged as a most powerful Swahili city, rivaling the Portuguese at Mombasa and bringing Brava into its political orbit. This was partly enabled by Pate's development of trade routes into Yemen and the Hejaz, as well as the arrival and acculturation of individual families of Hadrami-Sharifs, and Hatimi, these were merchant-scholars who counterbalanced Portuguese influence.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-11-142884632) Portuguese accounts of the 17th and 18th centuries often differentiated between the "Mouros da terra" (the native Muslims, ie; Swahili) and the "Mouros de Arabia" (Arab Muslims), often identifying them by the differences in language but attimes by skin color.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-12-142884632) Dutch and French accounts of the 18th century used the word ‘Moor’ to refer to speakers of the language of the coast (Swahili) as well as the recently arrived immigrants from southern Arabia and the Hejaz, in contrast to the 'Arabs' who were from Oman.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-13-142884632) However, local constructions of identities in Brava were likely far more complex, as in the urban settlements on the Swahili coast. All immigrant groups —whether they were from the sea, the coast, or the mainland— were often acculturated into the more dominant Swahili-speaking society through matrimonial alliances, knowledge of the Chimiini dialect, and identifying themselves with individual localities, lineages, and cities, even as they retained prestigious claims of foreign ancestry.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-14-142884632) For example, the chronicle of Pate chronicle mentions a section of Brava's residents called waBarawa (people from Barawa) some of whom traced their origins to the Hatimi, who apparently originated from Andalusia (Spain), before they settled in Pate during the reign of its king Bwana Mkuu (1586-1601) and are said to have “brought many goods” with them.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-15-142884632) In Brava, These Hatimi married into established local families and began to speak Chimiini as their first language, and some sections of this mixed Bravanese population (attimes called Haramani/Aramani) then migrated further south to the city of Kunduchi, to Mafia Island and to the Mrima coast opposite Zanzibar where they left inscriptions with the _nisba_ (a name indicating a place of origin) of _**al-Barawi**_. Some also adopted the _**al-Shirazi**_ nisba common among the elite families of the region at Kilwa and Zanzibar in a pattern of population movements and intermarriage characteristic of the Swahili world.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-16-142884632) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F184e6335-49fc-4fda-b3bd-f36ac54f1aea_782x589.png) _**Inscribed grave and pillar tomb in the ruined city of Kunduchi, Tanzania**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) A report by the Pate sultan to the Portuguese viceroy in 1729 mentions that merchants from Pate sold most of the white and black _dhoti_ (a type of Indian and Local cloth) in Brava in exchange for ivory brought over from the interior by the Oromo. Adding that ships sailed directly from Surat (India) to Brava to avoid Omani-Arab interference further south.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-17-142884632) During the same period, envoys from Barawa arrived in Pate to offer the vassalage of their town, hoping for protection from the Oromo.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-18-142884632) Pate had developed a substantial trade with the Indian cities under Portuguese control such as Surat, and the _**"shipowners of Barawe"**_ reportedly financed each army with a local ship loaded with ivory for Surat.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-19-142884632) In 1744 Brava and other Swahili cities refused to recognize the sultan of Oman, Ahmed bin Said, who claimed to be suzerain of the Swahili cities after his predecessors had expelled the Portuguese. His brother, Saif, later traveled to the Swahili coast to collect the support of Brava, among other cities, which _**"appear to have submitted to him"**_ although this was temporary.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-20-142884632)In 1770, Brava hosted a deposed Pate sultan named Umar who led a rebellion against the reigning Queen Mwana Khadija.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-21-142884632) In 1776, a Dutch visitor accompanied by his Comorian interpreter and other Swahili pilots stayed two months in Brava. The Comorian described Brava as _**"the last safe anchorage"**_ before Mecca and that all the ships that went from Zanzibar and Pate to Mecca and Surat anchored at Brava. Brava was "ruled" by a 'duke' named Tjehamadi who exchanged gifts with the Dutch, and said that he was on _**"friendly footing**_ _**with the King of Pate”**_. Tjehamadi also warned the Dutch that Pate’s king had received information from Mogadishu about a European shipwreck off the coast of Mogadishu, whose entire crew was killed and its goods were taken. The Swahili pilots had also warned the Dutch to avoid Mogadishu, which they said was inhabited by _**"Arabs and a gathering of evil natives"**_ and that no Moorish or European ships went there.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-22-142884632) In the later years, Barawa is mentioned in the account of a French trader Morice, along with other Swahili cities, as an independent kingdom governed by Moors (native Muslims) who had expelled the Arabs (Omanis). During his stay on the Swahili coast from 1776-1784, he observed that there were four small anchorages for small ships along the coastline between Pate and Brava, which were controlled by a group who _**"do not allow even the Moors or the Arabs to go to them, although they themselves come to Zanzibar."**_ He describes this group as different from the Swahili, Arabs, and the people of the East African mainland, indicating that they were Somali.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-23-142884632) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbaf90cec-ba89-4185-bd83-d2c330f6a56a_846x595.png) _**Old structure near the beach at Brava**_, ca. 1899, archivio fotografico. This could be a mosque, studies at Kilwa and Songo Mnara indicate that such Mosques near the coast would have aided navigation.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-24-142884632) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb3eda7f8-9518-4d76-bcfc-79152f5723dd_878x545.png) _**an isolated tower near Brava**_, ca. 1899, archivio fotografico. This tower was built about 3km from the shore, possibly by the Portuguese, most European visitors complained about Brava’s surf-battered beaches which prevented large ships from approaching it directly **Brava in the 19th century** The above descriptions of Brava's hinterland by the Dutch and French traders likely refer to the ascendancy of the Tunni clan of the Somali-speaking groups who became important in the Brava’s social landscape and politics during the 19th century, further accentuating Brava's cosmopolitan character. The different communities in Brava, which appear in the city's internal records between 1893-1900, included not just the Baravanese-Swahili (known as the Bida/Barawi) and the Hatimi, (these first two groups called themselves ‘_**waungwana’**_ and _**“Waantu wa Miini”**_ ie: people of Brava), but also the Tunni-Somali (about 2,000 of the total city population of 4-5,000). Added to this were a few families of Sharifs and later immigrants such as Hadramis and Baluchis, as well as itinerant European and Indian merchants. All groups gradually achieved a remarkable balance of power and a community of interests that led to a sustained peaceful coexistence.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-25-142884632) While the city is of considerable antiquity, many of its surviving buildings in the old town appear to have been constructed during the early 19th century ontop of older ruins. The older town, often comprising two-story houses built with coral stone and rag, with lime-plastered walls, decorated niches, and carved doors, is bounded by the Jaama mosque on the sea, the Sarmaadi mosque to the southeast, and the Abu Bah Sissiq mosque to the northeast.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-26-142884632) An early 19th-century account by a visiting British naval officer indicates that Brava remained in the political orbit of Pate despite the latter’s decline.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-27-142884632) However, the city itself was still governed by a council of elders who in the late 19th century numbered 7 councilors, of whom five were now Tunni, while the other two were Barawi and Hatimi, reflecting the city's military dependence on the Tunni-Somali for defense against neighboring groups.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-28-142884632) Brava was one of the major outlets for ivory, aromatic woods, gum, and myrrh and was a destination for captives that were brought overland from Luqq/Lugh and across the sea from the Mrima coast.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-29-142884632) The city exported hides to American and German traders at sea, and had a lively real-estate market with the _**waungwana**_ selling and buying land and houses in the city. The city's business was mostly handled by the Barawi, Hatimi, and the Sharifs, while the sailors who carried Brava’s goods to Zanzibar and elsewhere were mostly Bajuni (another Bantu-speaking group related to the Swahili) and Omani-Arabs. [30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-30-142884632) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8d6c7a35-25c1-4b06-8be2-2d4cc1bf844f_958x579.png) _**Exterior and interior of two houses belonging to wealthy figures in Brava**_. photos from 1891, and 1985. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) Brava, like many of the East African coastal cities, later came to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Oman sultan at Muscat and Zanzibar, and the sultan sent a governor to the city in 1837. However, his authority was mostly nominal, especially in southern Somalia, where the Geledi sultan Yusuf was said to be in control over much of the hinterland just ten years later. In practice, effective authority within the city remained with the elders of Brava who switched their vassalage depending on the region’s political landscape.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-31-142884632) In 1846, a French visitor found that the Zanzibar-appointed governor of Brava was a Tunni named Haji Awisa, who was wearing _**“le costume des Souahhéli de distinction”**_ (the costume of a Swahili of distinction). His son Sheikh Faqi was chosen by the council to be the spokesperson of Brava in Zanzibar, while the leader of the Tunni confederation; Haji Abdio bin Shego Hassan played an important role in the city's politics, and his sons purchased houses in the city, although some of Brava’s Tunni elites sold these properties during the local economic depression of the late 19th-century caused by the rinderpest epidemic that was introduced by the Italians.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-32-142884632) Brava became a major center of Sufi scholarship in southern Somalia, closely linked with the scholarly community of Zanzibar, the Hejaz and Yemen. It produced prominent scholars like Muhyi ad-Din (1794-1869), Uways al-Barawi (1806-1909), Qassim al-Barawi (1878–1922) , Abdu’l-Aziz al-Amawy (1834-96), Nur Haji Abdulkadir (1881–1959), and the renowned woman-scholar Dada Masiti (c.1820–1919). Many of Brava’s scholars traveled widely and were influential across East Africa, some became prominent qadis in Lamu, Mombasa and Zanzibar, where they continued to write works in Chimiini, and the local Swahili dialects as well as Arabic.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-33-142884632) Many of Brava's manuscripts (mostly poems) were written in both Arabic and the Bantu-language of Chimiini, not just by the Bravanese-Swahili who spoke it as their first language, but also by resident Tunni scholars who used it as their second language. Such include; Uways al-Barawi —who besides composing poems in Chimiini and Arabic, also devised a system of writing the Somali language in Arabic script— and Nur Haji Abdulkadir —who was one of the most prolific writers of religious poetry in Chimiini.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-34-142884632) In the late 19th century, Barava's scholars who followed the Qadiriyya _tariqa_ produced didactic and didascalic poetry in Chimiini, in response to the intrusion of more fundamentalist schools from Arabia and European colonialists. The poetry was part of an intellectual movement and served as an anti-colonial strategy in Brava, contrasting with the inhabitants of Merca who chose to fight the Italians, and those of Mogadishu, who chose to leave the city. It also reaffirmed Qadiriyya religious practices, encouraged the rapid spread of Islam among the non-_**waungwana**_ and linked Brava's scholarly community closer with Zanzibar's scholars.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-35-142884632) While external visitors often remarked that Swahili scholars preferred to write in Swahili rather than Arabic, which they read but didn't often write, Brava’s scholars were noted for their proficiency in writing both languages. The Brava-born scholar (and later Mombasa qadi) Muhyi al-Din was in the 1840s commissioned by the German visitor Johann Ludwig Krapf to translate the first book of Moses from Arabic to Swahili. He also served at the courts of the Omani sultan of Zanzibar as a mediator between the established elites and the Omanis.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-36-142884632) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F911f9df7-16e5-492f-a6e6-4a522d44311a_914x662.png) folios from two 19th century manuscripts written in Chimiini by Qassim b. Muhyi al-Din al-Barawi (1878–1922). First is _**Nakaanza khṯuunga marjaani**_ (I start stringing coral beads). second is _**Hamziyyah, Jisi gani khpaandra mitume anbiya**_ (Hamziyyah or How could the other prophets rise)[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-37-142884632) In response to an attempted invasion by a Majerteen force from Kismayo in 1868, the people of Brava allied with the sultan of Geledi Ahmed Yusuf and pushed back the invaders. In 1875, Brava briefly submitted to the Khedive of Egypt when the latter's troops landed in the region but reverted to local control the following year after the Egyptians left. The Zanzibar sultan regained control and constructed a fort in the city, but would ultimately cede his suzerainty to an Italian company in 1893, which maintained a small presence in the city until 1908 when Brava formally became part of the colony of Somalia Italiana.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-38-142884632) Over the first decades of the twentieth century, political changes in Somalia resulted in the increased importance of Mogadishu and Merka while Brava consequently declined. By 1950 most of Barawa's older houses, close to the shore, had fallen into disrepair and many of them had been vacated by the families that owned them. With just 10-20,000 speakers of Chimiini left in the 1990s, the language is in serious decline, so too is the knowledge of Brava's contribution to African history. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbcff03d1-e985-44d0-8153-78b692a5dbf1_942x483.png) Brava from beach, ca. 1899, Luigi Robecchi [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Febe43e53-96bf-47d0-bd00-a2eb3907dd0a_595x490.png) The secluded harbors of Madagascar’s northeastern coast were a refuge for European pirates whose interactions with their Malagasy hosts influenced the emergence of the kingdom of Betsimisaraka. **read more about this fascinating chapter of African states and European pirates here:** [BETSIMISARAKA AND THE EUROPEAN PIRATES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/100529348) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4547c903-0247-4f77-aa15-27eb9accbb3f_634x1200.jpeg)

2024-03-24T15:44:15+00:00

The complete history of Zeila (Zayla), a medieval city in Somaliland: ca. 800-1885 CE.

Journal of African cities: chapter 14

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla

The Gulf of Aden which links the Red Sea region to the Indian Ocean world was (and remains) one of the busiest maritime passages in the world. Tucked along its southern shores in the modern country of Somaliland was the medieval port city of Zeila which commanded much of the trade between the northern Horn of Africa and the western Indian Ocean. The city of Zeila was the origin of some of the most influential scholarly communities of the Red Sea region that were renowned in Egypt, Yemen, and Syria. Its cosmopolitan society cultivated trade links with societies as far as India, while maintaining its political autonomy against the powerful empires surrounding it. This article explores the history of Zeila, outlining key historical events and figures that shaped the development of the city from the Middle Ages to the 19th century. _**Maps showing the location of Zeila[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-1-149206314)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb252fdf4-9619-440c-8f44-48e5fab72fc1_1337x459.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The early history of Zeila from the 9th century to the 14th century** The northern coastline of Somaliland is dotted with many ancient settlements that flourished in the early centuries of the common era. These settlements included temporary markets and permanent towns, some of which were described in the _Periplus_, a 1st-century travel guide-book, that mentions the enigmatic town of Aualitês, a small locality close to the African side of the narrow strait of Bab al-Mandab. Some scholars initially identified Aualitês as Zeila, although material culture dating to this period has yet to be identified at the site.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-2-149206314) Zeila first appears in historical records in the 9th-century account of the Geographer al-Yaʿqūbī, who describes it as an independent port from which commodities such as leather, incense, and amber were exported to the Red Sea region. Later accounts from the 10th century by Al-Iṣṭakḫrī, Al-Masʽūdī, and Ibn Ḥawqal describe Zeila as a small port linked to the Hejaz and Yemen, although it’s not described as a Muslim town.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-3-149206314) Zeila remained a relatively modest port between the 10th and 11th centuries on the periphery of the late Aksumite state whose export trade was primarily conducted through [the islands of Dahlak](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african). It wasn't until the early 13th century that Zeila reappeared in the accounts of geographers and chroniclers such as Yāqūt, Ibn Saʿīd and Abū l-Fidā' who describe it as a Muslim city governed by local sheikhs.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-4-149206314) Zeila was regarded as an important stopping place for Muslim pilgrims en route to the Hejaz, as well as for the circulation of merchants, scholars, pilgrims, and mercenaries between Yemen and the sultanates of the northern Horn of Africa.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-5-149206314) A 15th-century Ethiopian chronicle describing the wars of King Amda Seyon in 1332 mentions the presence of a ‘King’ at Zeila (_negusä Zélʽa_). The famous globe-trotter Ibn Battuta, who briefly visited the city in 1331, describes it as _**"the capital of the Berberah**_ \[Somali\]_**, a people of the blacks who follow the doctrine of Shāfiʽy"**_, adding that it was a large city with a big market whose butcheries of camels and the smell of fish stalls made it rather unwelcoming.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-6-149206314) The Egyptian chronicler Al-ʿUmarī, writing in the 1330s from information provided by scholars from the region, mentions that the [Walasma sultan of Ifat (Awfāt)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian) was _**“reigning over Zaylaʿ, the port where the merchants who go to this kingdom approach … the import is more considerable,”**_ especially with _**“silk and linen fabrics imported from Egypt, Yemen and Iraq."**_ He notes that external writers refer to the entire region as _**“the country of Zaylaʿ”**_ which _**“is however only one of their cities on the sea whose name has extended to the whole."**_[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-7-149206314) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F41b3c1e0-9f99-47e4-9200-10c7846e0d90_1351x570.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1d1b51ed-9e4f-4b43-96c9-0f479249bc94_919x598.png) _**Tomb of Sheikh Ibrahim of Zeila (Ibrahim Saylici) who is said to have lived in the 13th century**_. _While not much is known about him, Francis Burton’s account on the domed structure of ‘Shaykh Ibrahim Abu Zarbay’ makes mention of an inscription that dates its construction to A.H 1155 (1741 CE), Burton adds that the saint flourished during the 14th/15th century_.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-8-149206314) Al-Umari’s account and contemporary accounts from 14th-15th century Mamluk Egypt frequently mention the presence of scholars and students coming from the Horn of Africa, who were generally known by the _nisba_ of _‘al-Zayla'ī’_ . They were influential enough to reserve spaces for their community at the Umayyad mosque in Damascus (Syria) and at al-Azhar in Cairo (Egypt).[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-9-149206314) One of these scholars was al-ʿUmarī’s informant; the Ḥanafī jurist ʿAbdallāh al-Zaylaʿī (d. 1360), who was in Cairo at the head of an embassy from the Ifat kingdom to ask the Mamluk Sultan to intervene with the Ethiopian King on their behalf. [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-10-149206314) Others include the Ḥanafī jurist Uthman al-Zayla'ī (d. 1342), who was the teacher of the aforementioned scholar, and a prominent scholar in Egypt.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-11-149206314) Another family of learned men carrying the nisba al-Zaylaʿī is well-known in Yemen: their ancestor Aḥmad b. ʿUmar al-Zaylaʿī (d. 1304) is said to have come to Arabia together with his father ʿUmar and his uncle Muḥammad “from al-Habaša.” The family settled first in Maḥmūl, and Aḥmad ended his days in Luḥayya, a small port town on the coast of the Red Sea.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-12-149206314) _**« For more on the Zayla'ī scholars in the diaspora and the intellectual history of the northern Horn of Africa; please read this article »**_ [INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF THE N.E AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282) Corroborating these accounts of medieval Zeila’s intellectual prominence is the account of the 13th-century Persian writer Ibn al-Muǧāwir, which described the foreign population of Yemen’s main port, Aden, as principally comprising eight groups, including the **Zayāliʿa**, Abyssinians, Somalis, Mogadishans, and East Africans, among other groups. Customs collected from the ships of the Zayāliʿa accounted for a significant share of Aden's revenues and Zeila city was an important source of provisions for Aden.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-13-149206314) Scholars from the northern Horn of Africa who traveled to the Hejaz, Yemen and Egypt brought back their knowledge and books, as described in several local hagiographies. These scholars were instrumental in the establishment and spread of different schools of interpretation and application of Islamic law in the country, such as the Ḥanafī, Šāfiʿī, schools, and the Qadariyya Sufi order.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-14-149206314) The Qadari order was so popular in the northern Horn of Africa that one of its scholars; Sharaf al-din Isma'il al-Jabarti (d. 1403), became a close confidant of the Rasulid sultan Al Ashraf Ismail (r. 1377-1401) and an administrator in the city of Zabid.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-15-149206314) Rasulid-Yemen sources from the 14th-15th century describe Zayla as the largest of the Muslim cities along the coast, its mariners transported provisions (everything from grain to construction material to fresh water) as far as Aden on local ships, and the city’s port handled most of the trade from the mainland. The Rasulid sultan reportedly attempted to take over the city by constructing a mosque and having the Friday prayers said in his name, but the people of Zeila rejected his claims of suzerainty and threw the construction material he brought into the sea, prompting the Rasulids to ban trade between Aden and Zeila for a year.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-16-149206314) Recent archeological surveys have revealed that the site occupied an estimated 50 hectares during the Middle Ages. At least three old mosques were identified, as well as two old tombs built of coral limestone, including the Masjid al-Qiblatayn ("two miḥrāb" mosque) next to the tomb of Sheikh Babu Dena, the Shahari mosque with its towering minaret, the Mahmud Asiri \[Casiri\] mosque, the mausoleum of Sheikh Eba Abdala and the mausoleum of Sheikh Ibrahim. The material finds included local pottery, fragments of glass paste, as well as imported Islamic and Chinese wares from the 13th-18th centuries, which were used to date phases of the construction of the "two miḥrāb" mosque (The second mihrab wasn’t found, suggesting that the mosque’s name refers instead to its successive phases of construction which may have involved a remodeling to correct the original orientation). About 8km from the shore is the island of Saad Din, which contains the ruins of several domestic structures made of coral limestone as well as several tombs including one attributed to Sultan Saʽad al-dīn.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-17-149206314) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9e711fb-4f63-4e9b-a521-6fa7f482a190_662x468.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F551eac15-892f-4461-9fc1-c1177ae26620_908x458.png) _**The Shahari mosque (top) and the Masjid al-Qiblatayn (bottom)**_, photo by Eric Lafforgue, François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar and Ibrahim Khadar Saed. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2698f2be-c254-417b-81f5-d26153726bde_978x485.png) _**The layout of the remains of the old two mosques**_ by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar. **Zeila during the 15th and 16th centuries: alliances and conflicts with the kingdoms of Ifat, Adal and Christian-Ethiopia.** In the late 14th century, a dynastic split among the Walasma rulers of Ifat resulted in a series of battles between them and their suzerains; the Solomonids of Ethiopia, ending with the defeat of the Walasma sultan Saʿd al-Dīn near Zeila between 1409-1415, and the occupation of the Ifat territories by the Solomonid armies. In the decades following Saʿd al-Dīn’s death, his descendants established a new kingdom known as Barr Saʿd al-Dīn (or the Sultanate of Adal in Ge’ez texts), and quickly imposed their power over many other formerly independent Islamic territories including Zeila.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-18-149206314) While there’s no evidence that it came under the direct control of the Solomonids, Zeila remained the terminus of most of the overland trade routes from the mainland, linking the states of Ifat and Ethiopia to the Red Sea region. An early 16th-century account by the Ethiopian Brother Antonio of Urvuar (Lalibela) describes Zeila as an _**"excellent port"**_ visited by Moorish fleets from Cambay in India which brought many articles, including cloth of gold and silk. Another early 16th-century account by the Florentine trader Andrea Corsali reported that it was visited by many ships laden with _**"much merchandise"**_.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-19-149206314) The 1516 account of Duarte Barbosa describes Zeila’s _**“houses of stone and white-wash, and good streets, the houses are covered with terraces, the dwellers in them are black.”**_[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-20-149206314) The account by an Italian merchant in 1510 describes Zeila as a _**“place of immense traffic, especially in gold and elephant’s teeth**_ (Ivory)_**”**_. He adds that it was ruled by a Muslim king and justice was _**“excellently administered”**_, it had an _**“abundance of provisions”**_ in grain and livestock as well as oil, honey and wax which were exported. He also notes that many captives who came from the lands of ‘prestor John’ (Christian Ethiopia) went through it, which hints at the wars between Zeila and the Solomonids at the time.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-21-149206314) Internal accounts from the 16th century mention that governors of Zeila such as Lada'i 'Uthman in the 1470s, and Imam Maḥfūẓ b. Muḥammad (d. 1517) conducted incursions against Ethiopia sometimes independently of the Adal sultan's wishes.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-22-149206314) This was likely a consequence of pre-existing conflicts with the Solomonids of Ethiopia, especially since Zeila was required to send its ‘King’ to the Solomonid court during the 15th century, making it almost equal to the early Adal kingdom at the time which also initially sent a king and several governors to the Solomonids.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-23-149206314) Zeila’s relative autonomy would continue to be reflected in the later periods as it retained its local rulers well into the 16th and 17th centuries. After Mahfuz’s defeat by the Solomonid monarch Ləbnä Dəngəl around the time the Portuguese were sacking the port of Zeila[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-24-149206314), his daughter Bati Dəl Wänbära married the famous Adal General Imam Aḥmad Gran, who in the 1520s defeated the Solomonid army and occupied much of Ethiopia, partly aided by firearms purchased at Zeila and obtained by its local governor Warajar Abun, who was his ally.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-25-149206314) Between 1557 and 1559, the Ottoman pasha Özdemir took control of several port towns in the southern Red Sea like Massawa, Ḥarqiqo, and the Dahlak islands, which became part of their colony; _Habesha Eyalet_, but Zeila was likely still under local control. According to an internal document from the 16th century, the city was ruled by a gärad (governor) named ǧarād Lādū, who commissioned a wealthy figure named ʿAtiya b. Muhammad al-Qurashı to construct the city walls between 1572 and 1577 to protect the town against nomads, while the Adal ruler Muhammad b. sultan Nasır was then in al-Habasha \[i.e. Christian Ethiopia\].[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-26-149206314) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fae77e0d5-9ad0-45b5-ba6e-ce6a2e65f842_1021x497.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa30bdd10-ea02-4201-89b7-d832929b8524_935x623.png) _**Old mosque in Zeila**_, photos by Eric Lafforgue, Somalilandtravel [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F81399d5a-e21a-414d-909f-28b1d921e564_1157x558.jpeg) _**Engraving of Zeila**_, late 19th century. **Zeila from the 17th century to the mid-19th century: Between the Ottoman pashas and the Qasimi Imams.** Zeila likely remained under local control until the second half of the 17th century, when the city came under the control of the Ottoman’s _Habesha Eyalet_ led by pasha Kara Naʾib, by the time it was visited by the Turkish traveler Evliya Celebi in 1672. Celebi provides a lengthy description of the city, which he describes as a ‘citadel’, with a ‘castle’ that housed a garrison of 700 troops and 70 cannos under the governor Mehemmed Agha who collected customs from the 10-20 Indian and Portuguese ships that visited the port each year to purchase livestock, oil and honey. He describes its inhabitants as ‘blacks’ who followed the Qadariyyah school[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-27-149206314) and were wealthy merchants who traded extensively with the Banyans of Cambay (India) and with Yemen. He adds that they elect a Sunni representative who shares power with the Ottoman governor, along with "envoys" from Yemen, Portugal, India and England, and that the city was surrounded by 70-80,000 non-Muslims whose practices he compares to those of the Banyans[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-28-149206314). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd81cb43a-c3de-4deb-8e24-4c3f53552dfc_711x477.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe2738a55-326d-446a-9f98-5247632e9b21_1133x558.png) remains of an Old building in Zeila, photos from Wikimedia and Somalilandtravel. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F911d15e0-09b0-4bf1-9b82-c5376a27c2fd_826x489.png) _**Old structures in Zeila**_, photos by Eric Lafforgue. The second building is often attributed to the Ottoman period. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2522363f-ae1e-4812-befa-9d09d0776333_958x307.png) _**Carte de la Baie de Zeyla, ca. 1816.**_ Zeila later came under the control of the Qasimi dynasty of the Yemeni city of Mocha around 1695. The latter had expelled the Ottoman a few decades earlier and expanded trade with the African coast, encouraging the arrival of many _Jalbas_ (local vessels) to sail from the Somaliland coast to Yemen, often carrying provisions. The city was also used to imprison dissidents from Mocha in the early 18th century.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-29-149206314) Zeila in the 18th and 19th centuries was governed by an appointed Amir/sheikh, who was supported by a small garrison, but his authority was rather limited outside its walls. Zeila had significantly declined from the great city of the late Middle Ages to a modest town with a minor port. It was still supplied by caravans often coming from Harar whose goods were exchanged with imports bought from Indian and Arab ships.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-30-149206314) In 1854, it was visited by the British traveler Francis Burton, who described it as such; _**"Zayla is the normal African port — a strip of sulphur-yellow sand, with a deep blue dome above, and a foreground of the darkest indigo. The buildings, raised by refraction, rose high, and apparently from the bosom of the deep. After hearing the worst accounts of it, I was pleasantly disappointed by the spectacle of whitewashed houses and minarets, peering above a long, low line of brown wall, flanked with round towers."**_ The town of 3-4,000 possessed six mosques and its walls were pierced by five gates, it was the main terminus for trade from the mainland, bringing ivory, hides, gum and captives to the 20 dhows in habour, some of which had Indian pilots. _**<<**_ **Burton also learned from Zeila's inhabitants that mosquito bites resulted in malaria, but dismissed this theory as superstition** _**\>\>**_ [31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-31-149206314) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4ca112be-b979-4b62-b217-8bcfad02c511_820x547.jpeg) _**The old city of Zeila, ca. 1896.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6121d699-1f89-488e-a1b3-d8433b8f72f9_896x601.png) _**Zeila Street scene and house where Gordon stayed, ca. 1921**_, by H. Rayne. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8aaf6a3b-ec68-4438-94ad-7206af0335cd_1164x509.png) _**Zeila, ca. 1885, by Phillipe Paulitschke**_, BnF Paris. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9808633d-019d-41df-b378-18445f025e37_704x403.jpeg) _**Drawing of Zeila's waterfront, ca. 1877**_. by G. M. Giulietti. **Zeila in the late 19th century.** At the time of Burton’s visit, the town was ruled by Ali Sharmarkay, a Somali merchant who had been in power since 1848. He collected customs from caravans and ships, but continued to recognize the ruler of Mocha as his suzerain, especially after the latter city was retaken by the Ottomans a few years prior, using the support of their semi-autonomous province; the Khedivate of Egypt. The Ottoman pasha of the region, then based at Al-Hudaydah, confirmed his authority and sent to Zeila a small garrison of about 40 matchlockmen from Yemen.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-32-149206314) Ali Sharmarkay attempted to redirect and control the interior trade from Harar, as well as the rival coastal towns of Berbera and Tajura, but was ultimately deposed in 1855 by the pasha at Al-Hudaydah, who then appointed the Afar merchant Abu Bakar in his place. The latter would continue to rule the town after it was occupied by the armies of the Khedive of Egypt, which were on their way to [the old city of Harar](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city) in the 1870s. [33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-33-149206314) The town's trade recovered after the route to Harar was restored, and it was visited by General Gordon, who stayed temporarily in one of its largest houses. Abubakar attempted to balance multiple foreign interests of the Khedive government —which was itself coming under the influence of the French and British— by signing treaties with the French. However, after the mass evacuation of the Khedive government from the region in 1884, the British took direct control of Zeila, and briefly detained Abubakar for allying with the French, before releasing him and restoring him but with little authority. The ailing governor of Zeila died in 1885, the same year that the British formally occupied the Somaliland coast as their colonial protectorate.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-34-149206314) In the early colonial period, the rise of Djibouti and the railway line from Djibouti to Addis Ababa greatly reduced the little trade coming to Zeila from the mainland.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-35-149206314) The old city was reduced to its current state of a small settlement cluttered with the ruins of its ancient grandeur [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F42869bea-f2f1-4642-a14e-706cae363a04_800x439.jpeg) **In 1891, the Swahili traveler Amur al-Omeri composed a fascinating travelogue of his trip to Germany, describing the unfamiliar landscape and curiosities he witnessed; from the strange circuses and beerhalls of Berlin, to the museums with captured artifacts, to the licentious inhabitants of Amsterdam.** **Please subscribe to Patreon and read about an East African’s description of 19th-century Europe here:** [THE SWAHILI EXPLORER OF GERMANY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112049775) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99795407-3a87-4b04-a9c3-8c251d8ec3d1_653x942.png)

2024-09-22T16:05:57+00:00

The empire of Samori Ture on the eve of colonialism (1870-1898)

a revolution with a contested legacy.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the

For many centuries, political systems in the societies of the west-African savannah were sustained by a delicate but stable relationship between the influencial merchant class and the ruling nobility. But in the last decades of the 19th century, a revolution among the merchant class overthrew the nobility and created one of the largest empires in the region. The empire of Samori Ture, which at its height covered an area about the size of France, was the first of its kind in the region between eastern Guinea and northern Ghana. Unlike the old empires of west Africa, Samori's vast state was still in the ascendant when it battled with the colonial armies, and found itself constantly at war both within and outside its borders. This article explores the history of Samori's Ture's empire from its emergence as a militant revolution to its collpase after the longest anti-colonial wars in French west-Africa. _**Map of west Africa in the 19th century highlighting the empire of Samori Ture**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fad921c6a-e199-4c9e-bb9a-a00a59d50572_813x468.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Genesis of a merchant revolution.** At the time of Samory's birth in 1830, his Mande-speaking birthplace of Konya (in southern Guinea) was controlled by a symbiotic alliance between the _**Juula**_ Muslim elites and the traditional nobility which was mostly non-Muslim. The relationship between the Juula families —to whom Samori belonged— and the nobility was symptomatic of the former’s Suwarian tradition, which placed emphasis on pacifist commitment, education and teaching as tools of proselytizing, but rejected conversion through warfare (jihad).[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-1-139836541) The Juula of Konya, who were part of west Africa’s wangara diaspora, practiced an Islam that was no different from their co-religionists across west and north Africa: they built mosques for their community and established schools for their kinsmen, but they also advised the nobility in political matters and entered marital alliances with them. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F47379540-b055-43b0-b21f-824168996710_1014x608.png) _**dispersion of the wangara diaspora across west Africa.**_ But the emerging reform movements of 18th-19th century west Africa inspired new political ideologies which upended the established relationship between Muslim elites and the ruling nobility across the region. These reform movements and ideologies prompted sections of the Juula merchants to agitate for the formation of their own state independent of the traditional dynasties. The Juula reform movements thus produced their own local leaders such as the Juula family of Moli Ule Sise, which defeated the pre-existing dynasties and took over much of Konya by 1835.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-2-139836541) While Samori received some rudiments of Islam in his youth from other Juula teachers, his early career was mostly concerned with long-distance Kola trade, which the Juula merchants excelled at. This trade, often in kola-nut from the southern forest regions, gold from the Bure gold-fields, local cloth and other items, was carried on between the various cities such as Kankan and the Niger valley where horses were bought, and also the coast where firearms and other items were bought. The Juula were thus often pre-occupied with trade than with proselytization, while the political and military hegemony remained with the traditional aristocrats and later with their Sise suzerains.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-3-139836541) Samori initially fought with the Sise armies as a mercenary from 1853-1859, later fighting for a rival Juula dynasty of the Berete in 1861 until 1861 when they expelled him, forcing him to turn to his non-Muslim maternal family, the Kamara, from whom he raised an army that fought with the Sise to defeat the Berete in 1865. Samori later took on the aristocratic title of _**fama**_ (sword bearer) rather than _**mansa**_ (ruler) to symbolize his political ambitions independent of the Kamara who had given him his army. He then established his capital at Bisandugu in 1873 and begun a series of campaigns across the region, ostensibly aimed at opening trade routes, and relieving the Juula from the traditional aristocracy.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-4-139836541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7a81923e-09c3-4974-9994-6d386acb5d11_732x558.png) _**Illustration of Samori made after his capture in 1898.**_ From 1875-1879, Samori's armies had advanced as far as the upper Niger valley (southern Mali) from where he extended his control over Futa Jallon to the west, the Bure goldfields to the north, and the Wasulu region to the east. He then launched two major campaigns that defeated the Sise suzerains of Konya as well as the Kaba dynasty of Kankan between 1880 and 1881. Samori had arrived at the borders of the declining Tukulor empire of Umar Tal's successors which was being taken over by the French forces.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-5-139836541) In February of 1882, the French ordered Samori to withdraw his armies from the trading town of Kenyeran where one of Samori’s defeated foes was hiding, but Samori refused and sacked the town. This led to a surprise attack on his army by a French force which was however forced to retreat after Samori defeated it. Samori's brother, Kémé-Brema, then advanced against the French at Wenyako near Bamako in April, winning a major battle on 2 April, before he lost another in 12 April. After Samori took control of Falaba in Sierra Leone in 1884, he dispatched emissaries to British-controlled Freetown in the following year, to propose to the governor that he place his country under British protection inorder to stave off the French advance. This initiative failed however, as the French seized Bure in 1885, prompting Samory raise a massive army led by himself, as well as his brothers Kémé-Brema and Masara-Mamadi. Samori's formidable forces forced the French to withdraw from Bure, but later concluded a treaty with them in March 1886. The two parties later signed another treaty in March 1887 that laid down the border between the French colonies and his empire.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-6-139836541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7c50e70d-f9c2-4a6d-bd43-6f36b6a099ff_802x458.png) _**Map of Samori’s first empire in 1885**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **State and society in Samory’s first empire.** Having come from a non-royal background, Samori's legitimacy initially rested on his military success and personal qualities, before he claimed to be a divinely elected ruler charged with brining order to the region. Lacking the traditional prerogatives of a ruler, Samori chose to institute a theocratic regime led by himself as the Almamy (imam), a title he took on in 1884 after years of study. The state was administered by a council from the capital (Bisandugu) consisting of top military leaders, and pre-existing chiefs, but later included muslim elites from Kankan. This largely military adminsitration was adopted across the territories from 1879, but differed significantly from place to place as traditional customary law as well as Juula and Islamic law were applied dissimilarly.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-7-139836541) The empire was divided into ten districts under civilian governors, while the two in the center and the capital itself being under Samory's control. The latter were home to the army’s elite corps of about 500 soldiers, which served as the source of most of the officers for the rest of the army. This army was divided into the infantry wing (_sofa_) which by 1887 of about 30,000 and a cavalry wing of 3,000 in the 1880s. During peacetime, the soldiers and other workers were engaged on plantations, especially around the capital, with some farms reportedly as large as 200sqkm.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-8-139836541) An annual tax was levied on all subjects, following a traditional practice utilized by his predecessors. Samori also instructed his subjects to pay their local Shaykhs an annual stipend, enabling him to establish teachers in each community as auxiliaries to his political agents. The latter exercised surveillance over the population while the former provided primary education for children in Koranic schools. Internal trade rested on the usual commodities of gold, kola, ivory, agricultural produce, and captives, used to purchase horses from the Upper Niger valley region and guns from British sierra leone.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-9-139836541) However, Samori’s experimentation with a theocratic government did not last long, as it ran counter to his Juula subject's symbiotic partnership with their non-Muslim allies. Samori thus faced a major internal conflict when his own father (who had since become non-Muslim) and traditional nobility of the Kamara expressed their opposition to Samori's plans of removing the customary law, and making Islam the state religion. These plans involved the end of the traditional nobility’s festivals (from which they drew their social power) and the designation of Samori's sons as his sucessors instead of his brothers. A comprise was later found where some non-Muslim festivals would continue as long as the nobility joined Samori and his peers in Friday prayers, but tensions would remain and be further exacerbated as Samori recruited more men for his seige of Sikasso.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-10-139836541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1752f51a-5c92-40f2-88da-cf24d7a15740_722x452.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdbb6e507-1521-4b40-9a45-03d4c82375fe_600x435.jpeg) _**the tata (fortification) of Sikasso before and after the two-week French artillery barrage breached it.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F940d57ee-8f6f-4f58-960a-0c82ac3b4e85_600x428.jpeg) _**ruins of the Fortified residence of Tieba and his sucessor Babemba, in Sikasso, ca. 1897**_, archives nationales d'outre mer **Fall of Samori’s first empire and the move to the east.** In 1887, Samori mustered all his forces to attack Sikasso, the capital of king Tieba's Kenedugu kingdom. Failing to force Tieba's army out of the fortified city for open battle, Samori besieged the city for over a year. The walls of Sikasso, like most fortified cities across west Africa, enclosed a lot of farmland, which allowed the defenders to withstand a siege much longer than the lightly provisioned attackers could sustain it. So when local rebellions broke out in Wasulu, Samori lifted the siege, and the ensuing wars forced him to end his theocratic experiment. Samori had afterall recruited non-Muslims in his armies who he used against Muslim strongholds such as Kankan, and in 1883 he defended the non-Muslim Bambara of Bana against the Tukulor armies. So following the mass rebellions of 1888, and Samori's observation of the Muslims' betrayal, he abandoned his northward push to Sikasso, and reverted to his more pragmatic policies for his eastern expansion into the predominatly Muslim societies of Gyaman and Gonja.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-11-139836541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6b30a7ba-a48d-4a36-9e92-608d2083c501_504x689.png) **‘**_**Alhabari Samuri daga Mutanen wa**_**’ (the story of samori and the people of wa), an account of Samori’s eastern conquests written by the Wa scholar Ishaq b Uthman in 1922.**[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-12-139836541) Samori reorganized the army, concluded a treaty with the British in May 1890 which enabled him to buy modern weapons. In April 1891, the French forces attacked Kankan and sacked Bisandugu, but were defeated by Samory at the battle of Dabadugu on 3 September 1891. The French invaded the core regions of Wasulu and managed to defeat Samory in January 1892 and capture Bisandugu, gradually forcing Samory to move his empire eastwards.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-13-139836541) In the last decade of the 19th century, Samory's forces campaigned over a vast swathe of territory extending upto to the upper Volta basin of Ghana. Samori's eastern advance begun with the establishment of a forward base in the Jimini region of north-eastern Ivory Coast. After protracted negotiations, Samori obtained the support of the kingdom of Kong in April 1895. He then thus turned his attention to the Juula town of Bunduku in the kingdom of Gyaman. However, the Gyaman ruler rejected Samori's calls for alliance, beginning a series of battles that ended with the fall of Gyaman's army and the abandonment of Bunduku. But once Samori assured the Juula of Bonduku of his wish for peace, they returned and surrender to him in July 1895.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-14-139836541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6079b0e8-c4d9-427a-86c3-4990d2d7bda5_478x520.png) _**Marabout (Islamic teacher) in Bonduku, 1892,**_ archives nationales d'outre mer Shortly after his occupation of Bonduku, Samori dispatched envoys to the Asante king Prempeh to explain that he invaded Gyaman because of its ruler's refusal to allow him to open a trade path in that territory, and offered to assist the Asante king to pacify his fragmented kingdom. The [Asante king sent a large embassy to Samory in Bonduku in October 1895](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn), with 300 officials and gifts of gold inorder to negotiate a mutual defense pact. Alarmed by the possible resurgence of Asante power, the British hastened plans to invade Asante, and duly informed Samori to not intervene. After their occupation of Asante's capital Kumase, Samori sent an assuring message to the British that he only wished for peaceful trade, but the British remained wary of his intentions and French expansion from the north.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-15-139836541) Samori retuned to Jimini at the end of the year, leaving the newly conquered regions of Gyaman under the care of his son Sarankye Mori who later established himself at Buna. Sarankye Mori entrusted the invasion of Gonja to his subordinate, Fanyinama of Korhogo. The state of Gonja was a confederation of rivaring chiefdoms, one of these was the chiefdom of Kong whose ruler requested Kanyinama's support to defeat its rival, the chiefdom of Bole. Fanyinama's forces quickly occupied Bole by early 1896, and entered a complex pattern of relationships with neighboring states such as the kingdom of Wa which briefly recognized Samori's suzeranity.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-16-139836541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F07fce605-a99e-4eb8-8de0-ac6267f09b3b_724x479.png) _**section of Bonduku near one of samory’s residences, photo from the early 1900s**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F32196dfe-4b81-4826-bd29-20e7e5486a90_990x562.png) **View of Bonduku with one of its mosques.** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ae0279c-6d9c-403b-ad96-e944035e77d8_1000x667.jpeg) _**residence of the ruler of Wa in northern Ghana**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **State and society in Samory’s second empire until its collapse in 1898.** Like in Wasulu, Samori's new empire in the Upper Volta was mostly administered by a military government and derived its strength from its formidable army. Samori's armies were reputed to be the most disciplined, the best trained and the best armed in west Africa. Samori was able to equip his army with repeating rifles and ammunition. His officers were armed with Kropatschek rifles (in use by the French army in 1878) and other Gras rifles, (in use by the French army in 1874) while the bulk of the army carried breechloaders, some of which were manufactured locally. The gunsmiths of Samori manufactured single-shot breechloading rifles from scratch at a rate of about a dozen per week. The demand for locally made weapons became more acute as Samori was cut off from Sierra leone. The only other African armies that manufactured guns locally were the Merina kingdom and Tewodros' Ethiopia, although both utilised foreign craftsmen while Samori used local smiths who had worked undercover in St. Louis. Samori’s gunsmiths also made gunpowder, cartridges and spare parts.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-17-139836541) Samori's strength lay not simply in his efficient military but also in his intention to use it as an instrument of radical social reform. Mosques and schools were opened even in small villages where Islamic law introduced, and new converts were recruited into the army. Its also likely that Samory intended to reform agricultural production, replacing the old system of lineage farming with large plantations. But these reforms were poorly received by Samori’s Juula subjects, who rebelled against his rule, prompting him to sack Buna in 1896, executing both its non-Muslim ruler and his Muslim allies.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-18-139836541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6c7b30ff-96dd-46e3-ab9e-9083a5c4776c_800x457.png) _**Map of Samori’s second empire**_ Samori's new state also embroiled itself in the internal rivaries of the region's various kingdoms, which inevitably attracted the attention of the French in the north and the British in the south. Central to this rivary were fears on Samori's side that the ruler of Wa was attempting to form an alliance with the French against him, only for the ruler of Wa to host the British in January 1897. Added to this were rebellions by the Juula of Kong who rejected Samori's legitimacy and were allying with the French. In March 1897 Sarankye Mori defeated a British column under the command of Henderson at Dokita, near Wa, and the threat of Samory's retribution forced Wa to turn to the British. At the same time, Samori sacked the city of Kong in May 1897, executed its senior Ulama, and pushed on to Bobo-Dioulasso where he encountered a French column and retreated.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-19-139836541) Caught between the French and the British, and having vainly attempted to sow discord between the British and the French by returning to the latter the territory of Buna coveted by the former, Samori fled to his allies in Liberia. On the way, he was captured in a surprise attack by the French on 29 September 1898 and deported to Gabon where he died in 1900.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the#footnote-20-139836541) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F90bb265f-017a-438f-a51b-25d1e5f6493e_600x485.jpeg) _**street scene in Kong, 1892, archives nationales d'outre mer**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8336e9d-ac92-4e00-a9e1-395a33949bb1_1011x576.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F147391bc-1be9-4b99-866a-ed9c13930cd0_1200x608.jpeg) _**the 18th century mosque of Kong**_ **Samori’s legacy: a struggle for legitimacy.** After the collapse of Samory's state, several dissonant narratives emerged which attempted to characterize its nature, Some of his French foes considered him a 'black Napoleon,' and the archetypal enemy of their "civilizing mission", while the subjects of the formally independent kingdoms he conquered recalled his punitive campaigns in the upper Volta as a period of calamity. However, none of these perspectives bring us any closer to the internal nature of the state Samori had built. Samori had no sucessors and left no chroniclers or griots to disseminate his propaganda, all that remained after his army was broken were the Juula merchants he was supposedly fighting for, who were at best ambivalent towards his low standing as a scholar and at worst opposed to his use of arms. It is very difficult to characterize the organization of Samori's state since its structure was in continuous modification. What initially begun as a bourgeoisie revolution evolved into a theocratic empire that later became an anti-colonial state. The common thread uniting these distinctions appears to have been Samori’s struggle for legitimacy. Despite being a great military strategist, Samori’s rule was never fully accepted as legitimate, unlike the nobility he deposed, he thus found himself constantly at war not just with the colonialists but also with his own subjects, leaving behind a contested legacy of triumph and tragedy. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa53eb027-77ff-4883-9d07-daf0469aa89a_391x602.png) _**Samory Ture in Saint Louis, Senegal, January 1899,**_ Edmond Fortier In the 5th century BC, the armies of Carthage invaded the Italian island of Sicily with an army that included _**aethiopian**_ contigents, around the same time that a proto-urban settlement was flourishing in northern Nigeria, and the Garamantian civilization in the central Sahara. **Read more about the probable links between these three societies and the origins of Carthage’s ‘black African’ armies**, on our Patreon: [BETWEEN CARTHAGE AND ZILUM](https://www.patreon.com/posts/between-carthage-94409122) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1d8e356-d837-44f4-989b-cd70d0778097_671x1208.png)

2023-12-17T15:20:27+00:00

The Dahlak islands and the African dynasty of Yemen

a complete history of a cosmopolitan archipelago in the red sea (4th-19th century)

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african

At the height of the middle ages, a small group of islands in the red sea near the Eritrean coast featured prominently in the navigational instructions of merchant ships plying the ocean routes connecting Fatimid Egypt to the Indian ocean world. Now known for pearl fishing and scuba diving, the Dahlak archipelago was once home to a cosmopolitan community hailing from the African mainland and places as far as the Caspian sea. The islands were the seat of a local kingdom that played a significant role in the regional politics of Ethiopia, Egypt and the Arabian peninsula, and it served as the base for the emergence of an African Mamluk dynasty which ruled southwestern Yemen for over a century. This article outlines the history of the Dahlak islands, and the Najahid dynasty of Yemen. _**Map showing the location of Dahlak in the red sea and indian ocean world[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-1-100856001)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F14583f8d-7ba8-4201-8ac5-309f49f27e2a_948x501.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Early history of the Dahlak islands from the Aksumites to the Ziyadids of Yemen (4th-10th century)** The Dahlak archipelago is a group of hundreds of islands off the coast of Eritrea, the largest of which is Dahlak al-Kabīr. The islands were contested territory that was under the control of various powers based on the African and Arabian mainland, before the emergence of an independent kingdom in the 11th century. The earliest settlement on Dahlak was founded during the Aksumite era, as evidenced by the ruins of a 'Christian church' from the 4th century and the discovery of several Aksumite coins.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-2-100856001)The archipelago was most likely predominantly settled by groups from the African mainland but also received substantial numbers of settlers from the Arabian peninsula After the 7th century wars between Aksum and the early caliphates (Rashidun and Umayyad), the Dahlak archipelago had a Muslim population, and some of the islands became ideal places for exiling rebellious figures in the Umayyad administration beginning in 702, and continuing in 715 and 743-744. This practice continued under the Abbasid empire in the 750 and 760s before the archipelago reverted to the control of the declining Aksumite state in the 9th century, according to al-Yaʿqūbī, who refers to its as _**“the island of the nejashi"**_.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-3-100856001) By the turn of the 10th century during the disintegration of the rump Aksumite state, the archipelago came under the political orbit of the Ziyādid dynasty of Zabīd in south-western Yemen to which it paid tribute consisting of amber, panther skins and captives from various sources on the mainland. The exact nature of the Ziyadid's authority over Dahlak is unclear, it's likely that the island settlers simply maintained a policy of deference to their more powerful neighbor, as most contemporary writers only mention of special treaties between the Ziyadid rulers and Dahlak’s settlers rather than direct control.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-4-100856001) The period of Ziyādid influence over Dahlak and the southern red sea region was relatively short and was likely connected to the Sudanese gold trade in which Dahlak also features as one of the places where gold dust from the Shunqayr mines could be bought according to Yemeni geographer al-Hamdānī (d. 945). [5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-5-100856001) The archipelago retained its status as a cosmopolitan hub under Aksumite and Ziyadid influence. For the period between 864 and 1010, the necropolis of Dahlak contains 89 stelae that refer to diverse groups of people claiming exogenous origins from Arabia, to Iran to Byzantium.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-6-100856001) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6412964d-cae3-4e7f-92a5-722103fc67da_1289x859.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0a02fced-791a-4ceb-8450-0911e89e1c3c_1312x875.jpeg) _**engraved tombstones from the necropolis of Dahlak**_[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-7-100856001) **The ‘sultanate’ of Dahlak and the Mamluks of Yemen in the 11th century** The first local king (sultan) of Dahlak appears in the 11th century, coinciding with the establishment of the dynasty known as the Najāḥids. The Najāḥids were a dynasty whose founder was Najah; a military slave of "Abyssinian" origin. The term Abyssinian/_Habsha_ as used in the Arabian peninsula during the middle ages was a catchall term for people from the northern Horn of Africa region, not necessary confined to the boundaries of modern Ethiopia . Enslaved soldiers were central figures in the armies of Islamic world from the 9th century; a phenomenon that was rather unexceptional in world history, being inherited from the social institutions of the preceding empires. These soldiers, who were initially favored for their neutrality in internal factionist politics, eventually gained tremendous influence and power through their military and political service.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-8-100856001) Military slaves of African origin were relatively rare in the Islamic empires outside Africa —the bulk of the captives in the Muslim empires of western and central Asia were often taken from a diverse range of sources extending from eastern Europe to central Asia and northern India, depending on the location of the state and the trade routes[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-9-100856001). Some of the military slaves that would eventually become prominent in Islamic politics of the middle ages were derived from the campaigns of the Mongol empire across central Asia and eastern Europe. The Mongol campaigns invigorated the slave routes which preceded them, and fed large numbers of captives to meet both domestic demand and demand from its southern neighbors in Delhi and Egypt, where contemporaneous slave dynasties (Mamluks) were later established in the 13th century when the slaves had gained significant political power.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-10-100856001) In Yemen, enslaved soldiers also came from diverse origins despite the region's proximity to the African mainland. Military slaves are attested in the region since the late 1st millennium, continuing until the early modern period. "Abyssinian" soldiers initially constituted the bulk of these military slaves during the Ziyadid era (818-1018), but were largely replaced by Turkish and Circassian slaves by the time of the Ayyubid (1171–1260), Rasulid (1229–1454) and Tahirid (1454–1517) dynasties. While these Turkish and Circassian slave soldiers remained a formidable political group in Yemen's politics especially in 1250, 1322, 1442 and 1451 when they played king-maker, they never managed to seize authority like their peers had in Egypt and Delhi. It was only the Abyssinians who managed to establish an independent Mamluk dynasty in Yemen.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-11-100856001) Prior to the ascendance of Najahids in 1021, the south-western coast of Yemen and Saudi Arabia (Tihama) was dominated by two competing kingdoms since the 9th century; the Yufirids in the city of Sana'a, and the Ziyadids in the city of Zabid. After the death of sultan Ishaq the last powerful Ziyadid ruler in 981, Zabid was attacked by the Yufirids in 989, but the kingdom was saved by the intervention of al-Husayn bin Salamah. The latter was an Abyssinian official who served as vizier (governor) during the interregnum and raised the young prince of the deceased sultan. Al-Husayn was then succeeded as vizier by another Abyssinian official named Mardjan, who entrusted the regency to his Abyssinian administers Nafis and Najah, but the former conspired with Mardjan to kill the boy-king and assume the title of sultan. In 1021, Najah entered Zabid and executed both Nafis and Mardjan, and assumed the office of sultan.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-12-100856001) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F43c3747f-df00-4218-9ff9-0a382a9daa4e_601x625.png) _**The southern red sea region during the 10th century**_[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-13-100856001) **The Najahid dynasty of Yemen from 1021-1159** However, this early history about the fall of the Ziyādid and the rise of Najah as narrated by Jayyash (Najah's son) to a local Yemeni historian named Umara is partly contradicted by the discovery of coinage mentioning atleast two of Ishaq’s successors named Ali b Ibrahim, and his sons; al-Muzaffar Alï and Alï al-Muzaffar between Ishaq’s death, re-dated to 974, and the first appearance of Najah’s coins around 1032 that also bore the last Ziyadid sultan’s name. While the role of the Abyssinian officers was likely true -since similarly high-ranking officials continue to wield significant influence during the Najahid era, the story about the regency was likely embellished by Jayyash for legitimacy. Najah did receive the recognition of the Abbasid caliph who granted him the titles _al-Mu'yyadd Nasr al-din_, and he ruled as nearly independent sovereign of the former Zayidid realm extending from Tihama to Zabid. This honorific title is also attested on the coins struck jointly by Najah and the last Ziyadid ruler Alï al-Muzaffar, who likely had little formal authority at the time.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-14-100856001) While Najah controlled the coastal regions of south-western Yemen, his power on the mainland was contested by the rise of the Sulayhids whose founder Ali al-Sulayhi took over Sana'a from the Yufirids and challenged Najah's authority in a conflict that culminated with Najah's assassination by poisoning in 1060. Ali then occupied Zabid and forced Najah's two sons Sa'id and Jayyash to flee to Dahlak which they turned into their capital.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-15-100856001) Sa'id and Jayyash then plotted to avenge their fathers' death, and in 1081, they returned to Zabid and executed Ali. Sai'd was installed using the support of the military, which primarily consisted of Abyssinian soldiers. While Sa'id was briefly forced out in 1083 by Ali's son al-Mukarram, he returned in 1086 and established the city of Hays which he populated with Abyssinian soldiers. But in 1088, al-Mukrram returned with a large force that invaded Zabid and killed Sa'id, forcing his brother Jayyash to flee to exile in India.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-16-100856001) Jayyash returned to Zabid in 1089 disguised as an Indian merchant, accompanied by his son Fatik born to an Indian woman. Jayyash plotted with the Abyssinian soldiers left by his brother and regained power in 1089, ruling peaceful until his death in 1105. He was succeeded by his son Fatik who had a relatively short reign marked by a succession conflict with his brothers that continued after his death in 1109. Fatik was succeeded by his son al-Mansur who fled the conflict between his uncles and sought support from the Sulayhids. He was eventually installed as a client of the Sulayhids in 1111 but was challenged by his vizier who he replaced in 1123 by another named Mann Allah, but was killed by the same in 1130. al-Mansur's wife had Mann Allah executed, and using her own viziers, installed her son with al-Mansur named Fatik II who reigned until 1137. Fatik II was deposed during conflicts between the various viziers and was replaced by his cousin Fatik III who had a relatively long reign though effective power remained with the viziers. By 1159, a new and short-lived Mahdid dynasty which had replaced the Sulayhids in Sana'a, advanced into Zabid and executed Fatik III, assuming power for a few years before the Ayyubids of Egypt conquered Yemen.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-17-100856001) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1d1e12b3-c1b5-4c24-881e-6761b1c0d5a9_936x582.png) _**Old city of Zabid, Yemen**_ **The Dahlak archipelago during the Najahid era** Like the rest of South-western Yemen, the Dahlak archipelago reached its height as an international trading hub under the Najaḥid period (1022-1159). The market of Dahlak was an important stop-over point for the long distance maritime trade between Fatimid Egypt and the western Indian ocean. This trade was often segmented with individual ships following fixed routes between ports, as evidenced by the route taken by Joseph Lebdi between Cairo and India in 1097–98 which didn't call at the port Aden but chose the port Dahlak instead.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-18-100856001) Besides the transshipment trade from which it drew the bulk of its wealth by taxing merchant ships, Dahlak also provided commercial services including clearing customs, as well as serving as a base of rescue and salvage operations. The island authorities minted their own gold coins and used them in international trade especially with the Fatimids of Egypt. The rulers of Dahlak were themselves merchants and according to Geniza documents, they exported a marine product named _**drky**_ which, along with pearls constituted a lucrative trade.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-19-100856001) The political relationship between Dahlak and the Najahids was unclear but its likely to have been more direct than their predecessors, with the exiled Najahids reportedly 'practicing treachery against the Prince of Dahlak'.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-20-100856001) Many of the ruins found on the islands date back to this period. They include large houses built of carved coral blocks, two mosques, funerary monuments, and an extensive water supply system comprising numerous cisterns. There are also more than 62 stelae recovered from this period, belonging to a diverse group of travelers, religious figures and merchants, claiming origins from various regions. Despite the appearance that Dahlak's population was transient, it's likely that the bulk of the settlers were of local origins, since the epithets used on the tombstones only claimed distant connections to a place that didn't necessarily reflect the persons' immediate provenance.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-21-100856001) Dahlak also maintained some contacts with the African hinterland, with a few of its families also settled at Bilet (Kwiha in Tigray, Ethiopia) where more than 40 funerary stelae have been recovered including some exceptional ones belonging to individuals from southern Egypt's Wādī ʿAllaqī mining region.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-22-100856001) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff4a905a4-1464-402c-946a-87e1f0e2e0a4_1312x875.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c7b26e3-e0d3-4729-a0ec-f7cb6cd95e57_1312x875.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F034fd174-a6bf-443c-a8be-3b719ca459e9_1080x720.jpeg) _**The mosque and necropolis of Dhalak**_[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-23-100856001) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff7796a96-b9ff-4bae-a1a7-d23ef4e6f40d_930x673.png) _**Carved basalt tombstones of Abi Harami al-Makki (d. 1188) and Salim al-Sawakini (d. 1210) at the British museum (No. 1928,0305.1, 1928,0305.2)**_ while the nisba of al-Makki gives this person a likely origin in mecca, the nisba of al-Sawakini is evidently of eastern-Sudanese origin associated with the Beja and Hadariba inhabitants of Suakin **The Dahlak islands from the 13th-19th century** The commercial prosperity of Dahlak declined beginning in the 12th century, as the archipelago was transformed from a trans-oceanic hub connecting the red sea and western Indian ocean, into a regional hub whose activities were confined to the southern red sea region. In the 13th century, Ibn Said mentions that the king of Dahlak was an Abyssinian Muslim who maintained his independence from the ruler of Yemen[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-24-100856001). Stele found on the archipelago dating from the 12th century to 13th century mention the presence of merchants who styled themselves as 'sultans' in an imitation of the Najaḥids but had little political authority. Most claim exogenous origins except one 'Ethiopian' named Rizqallāh al-Ḥabašī (d. 1214). And according to Abū al-Fidāʾ (d. 1331), the island was ruled by a local "Abyssinian" Muslim who maintained contacts with the Mamluk dynasty of Egypt and the Rasūlid dynasty of Yemen.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-25-100856001) The political landscape of the northern horn of Africa was transformed by the emergence of the Solomonic state in the late 13th century, which expanded to the red sea region by the early 14th century and sacked the Dahlak archipelago several times during its wars with various Muslim polities in the region. But these wars may not have contributed significantly to its decline because in 1393, the ruler of Dahlak sent a gift of several elephants to the Mamluk sultan of Egypt according to al-Maqrizi.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-26-100856001) The archipelago had sank further into decline by the early 16th century and it was under the rule of a local sultan named Aḥmad b. Ismāʿīl when the Portuguese arrived and briefly occupied it during hegemonic wars with the Ottoman empire. Aḥmad b. Ismāʿīl later joined the Adal-Ottoman alliance that invaded the Solomonic state in 1526 and received the coastal province of Ḥǝrgigo as reward. By 1541, the Dahlak archipelago was under the control of the ruler of Massawa on the coast of Eritrea.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-27-100856001) In 1557, Dahlak and the mainland port of Massawa were occupied by the Ottoman empire. The region became a neglected province of secondary status to the Ottomans, who nevertheless constructed some more stone houses. Dahlak Kebir gradually declined in importance under the late Ottoman era, being described as a modest collection of villages in the 18th century.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-28-100856001) This situation that prevailed throughout the 19th century, when the islands were home to a vibrant economy based on pearl-diving, just prior to its colonization by the Italians.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african#footnote-29-100856001) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F163ac1c1-bee3-49b3-921e-4f3755ab6a58_1312x875.jpeg) Centuries before the African dynasty of Yemen, an **Aksumite general named Abraha controlled a vast kingdom across most of the Arabian peninsular, ruling over a diverse Christian and Jewish population a century before the emergence of Islam**. read about it here; ["THE ETHIOPIAN RULER OF THE ARABS"](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd35f179c-7715-4575-b120-63507cc75a8f_480x900.jpeg)

2023-02-05T13:09:10+00:00

A complete history of the old city of Gao ca. 700-1898.

Journal of African cities: chapter 12

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city

Located in northeastern Mali along the bend of the Niger River, the old city of Gao was the first urban settlement in West Africa to appear in external accounts as the capital of a large kingdom which rivaled the Ghana empire. For many centuries, the city of Gao commanded a strategic position within the complex political and cultural landscape of West Africa, as a cosmopolitan center populated by a diverse collection of merchants, scholars, and warrior-elites from across the region. The city served as the capital of the medieval kingdom of Gao from the 9th to the 13th century and re-emerged as the imperial capital of Songhay during the 16th century, before its later decline. This article explores the history of Gao from the 8th to the 19th century, focusing on the political history of the ancient West african capital. _**Map of west Africa’s empires showing the location of Gao[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-1-146576105)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffd9c3a07-5184-436b-944d-f3801131b2ed_683x536.png) **The early history of Gao and its kingdom: 8th century to 13th century.** The eastern arc of the Niger River in modern Mali, which extends from Timbuktu to Gao to Bentiya (see map above), has been home to many sedentary iron age communities since the start of the Common Era. The material culture of the early settlements found at Tombouze near Timbuktu and Koima near Gao indicate that the region was settled by small communities of agro-pastoralists between 100-650CE, while surveys at the sites around Bentiya have revealed a similar settlement sequence.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-2-146576105) Settlements at Gao appear in the documentary and archeological record about the same time in the 8th century. The first external writer to provide some information on Gao was the Abbasid geographer Al-Yaqubi in 872, who described the kingdom of Gao as the _**"greatest of the reals of the Sudan**_ \[west Africa\]_**, the most important and powerful. All the kingdoms obey their king. Kawkaw**_ \[Gao\] _**is the name of the town. Besides this there are a number of kingdoms whose rulers pay allegiance to him and acknowledge his sovereignty, although they are kings in their own lands**_.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-3-146576105) About a century later, Gao appears in the work of the Fatimid Geographer Al-Muhallabi (d. 990) who writes: _**“KawKaw is the name of a people and country in the Sudan …**_ _**their king pretends before his subjects to be a Muslim and most of them pretend to be Muslims too."**_ He adds that the King's royal town was located on the western bank of the river, while the merchant town called Sarnāh was on the eastern bank. He also mentions that the King's subjects were Muslims, had horses and their wealth included livestock and salt.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-4-146576105) Excavations undertaken within and near the modern city of Gao by the archeologists Timothy Insoll[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-5-146576105) and Mamadou Cissé at the sites of Gao Ancien and Gao Saney during the 1990s and early 2000s uncovered the remains of many structures including two large buildings and several residential structures at both sites built with brick and stone, as well as elite cemeteries containing over a hundred inscribed stele dating from the late 11th to the mid-14th century. Additionally, a substantial quantity of materials including pottery, and iron, objects of copper and gold with their associated crucibles, and a cache of ivory.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-6-146576105) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa12958f0-d15d-4ed4-aa14-cadd4d8e911f_866x569.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa7859545-d424-41ef-b11e-c5159fb16708_838x561.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F37801195-0839-4423-81c8-a508e7c2251e_552x534.png) _**remains of the ‘Long house’ and the ‘Pillar house’ Gao Ancien**_. The latter was initially thought to be a mosque, but it has no _mirhab_, which may indicate that it was an elite residence/palace like the former. The bulk of the pottery recovered from excavations at Gao is part of a broader stylistic tradition called the _Niger Bend Eastern Polychrome zone_, which extends from Timbuktu to Gao to Bentiya, and is associated with Songhay speakers.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-7-146576105) Radiocarbon dates obtained from Gao-Saney and Gao Ancien indicate that the sites were occupied between 700-1100 CE with the largest building complexes being constructed between the 9th and 10th centuries, especially the ‘pillar house’ Gao-Ancien that is dated to between 900-1000 CE.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-8-146576105) The relative abundance of imported items at Gao (mostly glass beads, a few earthen lamps, fragments of glass vessels, and window-glass) as well as export items like gold and ivory, indicates that the city had established long-distance trade contacts with the Saharan town of Essouk-Tadmekka in the north[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-9-146576105), which was itself connected to the city of Tahert in Algeria which was dominated by Ibadi merchants[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-10-146576105). Many inscribed stele were also discovered at Gao Saney and Gao Ancien, most of which are dated to between the late 11th and mid-14th century and mention the names of several Kings and Queen-regnants who ruled the kingdom. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F921ab51e-d10c-4452-a295-26455bd29358_1129x553.png) 12th-century funerary stela from Gao-Saney[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-11-146576105), a Commemorative stele for a Queen ‘M.s.r’ dated 1119[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-12-146576105), and a funerary inscription from Bentiya. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fafa0bc8e-0f0c-401d-88f4-c649d2b3c61e_661x476.png) _Stele from Gao of a woman named W.y.b.y. daughter of K.y.b.w, and another of a woman named K.rä daughter Adam_. Moraes Farias suggests that her name was Waybiya (or Weybuy) daughter of Kaybu, and the second was Kara or Kiray, all of which are associated with Songhai names, titles, and honorifs, including those used by the daughters of the Askiyas who appear in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles (Tarikh al-Sudan, and Tarikh al-Fattash).[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-13-146576105) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) Before the recent archeological digs provided accurate radiocarbon dates for the establishment of Gao Saney and Ancien, earlier estimates were derived from the inscribed stele of both sites. Based on these, the historians Dierk Lange and John Hunwick proposed two separate origins for the rulers of Gao, by matching the names appearing on the stele with the kinglist of the enigmatic 'Za'/'Zuwa' dynasty that appears in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles. Lange argued Gao’s rulers were Mande-speakers before they were displaced by the Songhay in the 15th century, while Hunwick argued that they were predominantly Songhay-speakers from the Bentiya-Kukiya region who founded Gao to control trade with the north and, save for a brief irruption of Ibadi-berbers allied with the Almoravids at Gao-Saney in the late 11th century, continued to rule until the end of the Songhai empire.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-14-146576105) However, most of these claims are largely conjectural and have since been contradicted by recent research. The names of the rulers (titled: _Muluk_ for Kings or _Malika_ for Queens) inscribed on the stele don't include easily recognizable ethnonyms (such as _nisba_s) that can be ascribed to particular groups, and their continued production across four centuries across multiple sites (_Gao-Saney from 1042 to 1299; Gao Ancien from 1130 to 1364; Bentiya from 1182 to 1489_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-15-146576105)) suggests that such attributions may be simplistic. The historian Moraes Farias, who has analyzed all of the stele of the Gao and the Niger Bend region in greater detail[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-16-146576105), argues the rulers of the kingdom inaugurated a new system of government where kingship was circulated among several powerful groups in the area, and that the capital of Gao may have shifted multiple times.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-17-146576105) Furthermore, the archeological record from Gao-Saney in particular contradicts the claim of a Berber irruption during the late 11th century, as the site significantly predates the Almoravid period (ca. 1062–1150), having flourished in the 9th-10th century. Additionally, the pottery found at Gao Saney was different from the Berber site of Essouk-Tadmekka and North African sites, (and also the Mande site of Jenne-Jeno) but was similar to that found in the predominantly Songhay regions of the Niger Bend from Bentiya to Timbuktu, and is stylistically homogenous throughout the entire occupation period of both Gao Saney and Gao Ancien, thus providing strong evidence that the city's inhabitants were mostly local in origin.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-18-146576105) While the archeological record at the twin settlements of Gao ends at the turn of the 11th century, the city of Gao and its surrounding kingdom continue to appear in the historical record, perhaps indicating that there are other sites yet to be discovered within its vicinity (as suggested by many archeologists). The Andalusian geographer Al-Bakri, writing in 1068, describes Gao as consisting of two towns ruled by a Muslim king whose subjects weren't Muslim. He adds that _**"the people of the region of Kawkaw trade with Salt which serves as their currency"**_ which he mentions is obtained from Tadmekka.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-19-146576105) A later account by al-Zuhri (d. 1154) indicates that the Ghana empire had extended as far as Tadmekka, in an apparent alliance with the Almoravids, but he says little about Gao[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-20-146576105). The account of al-Idrisi from 1154 notes that the _**"town of Kawkaw is large and is widely famed in the land of the Sudan"**_. Adding that its king is _**"an independent ruler, who has the sermon at the Friday communal prayers delivered in his own name. He has many servants and a large retinue, captains, soldiers, excellent apparel and beautiful ornaments." His warriors ride horses and camels; they are brave and superior in might to all the nations who are their neighbours around their land.**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-21-146576105) **Gao under the Mali empire: 14th to 15th century** During the mid-13th century, the kingdoms of Gao (as well as Ghana and Tadmekka) were gradually subsumed under the Mali empire. According to Ibn Khaldun, Mansa Sakura (who went on pilgrimage between 1299-1309) _**"conquered the land of Kawkaw and brought it within the rule of the people of Mali."**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-22-146576105) This process likely involved the retention of local rulers under a Mali governor, as was the case for most provinces across the empire. According to the Timbuktu chronicles, the rulers of Gao revolted under the leadership of Ali Kulun around the 14th century. Ali Kulun is credited in some accounts with founding the Sunni dynasty of Songhay, while others indicate that the Sunni dynasty were deputies of Mali at Bentiya.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-23-146576105) Interestingly, the title of Askiya appeared at Gao as early as 1234 CE, instead of the title of Sunni, showing that some information about early Gao wasn’t readily available to the chroniclers of the Tarikhs.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-24-146576105) However, the hegemony of the empire of Mali in the Gao Region would continue well into the 1430s, as indicated by Mansa Musa's sojourning in the city upon his return from his famous pilgrimage of 1324. The Tarikh al-Sudan adds that Mansa Musa built a mosque in Gao, _**"which is still there to this day"**_ \[ie: in 1655\], something that is frequently recalled in Gao’s oral traditions and was once wrongly thought to be the ruined building found at Gao-Ancien.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-25-146576105) When the globetrotter Ibn Batuta visited Gao in 1353, he mentioned that it was _**"one of the most beautiful, biggest and richest towns of Sudan, and the best supplied with provisions. Its inhabitants transact business, buying and selling, with cowries, as do the people of Mali"**_ He adds that Mali’s hegemony extended a certain distance downstream from Gao, to a place called Mūlī, which may have been the name for Bentiya and a diasporic settlement of Mande elites and merchants. [26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-26-146576105) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F873c0a23-8535-445e-beca-895bbd215efd_735x540.png) _**Gao on the long-distance trade routes**_, map by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa0c2453e-efec-4121-bded-175a5586e5bb_1020x639.jpeg) _**astronomical manuscript titled "Kitâb fî al-Falak" (on the knowledge of the stars)**_, ca. 1731, Gao, Mamma Haidara Library, Mali. **Gao as the imperial capital of Songhai from the 15th-16th century** Mali withdrew from the Niger Bend around 1434, and by the mid-15th century, the Suuni dynasty under Sulaymān Dāma had established its independence, his armies occupied Gao and campaigned as far as the Mali heartland of Mema by 1464. His successor, Sunni Ali Ber (r. 1464-1492) established Gao as the capital of his new empire of Songhai but maintained palaces across the region. Sunni Ali was succeeded by Askiya Muhammad, who founded the Askiya dynasty of Songhay and retained the city of Gao as his capital and the location of the most important palace. The city’s population grew as a consequence of its importance to the Askiyas, and it became one of the most important commercial, administrative, and scholarly capitals of 16th-century West Africa.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-27-146576105) The 1526 account of the maghrebian traveler Leo Africanus, who visited Gao during Askiya Muhammad’s reign noted that it was a _**“very large town"**_ and _**"very civilized compared to Timbuktu"**_, and that the houses of the king and his courtiers were of _**"very fine appearance"**_ in contrast to the rest. He mentions that _**"The king has a special palace”**_ and _**“a sizeable guard of horsemen and foot soldiers**_”, adding that _**"between the public and private gates of his palace there is a large courtyard surrounded by a wall. On each side of this courtyard a loggia serves as an audience chamber. Although the king personally handles all his affairs, he is assisted by numerous functionaries, such as secretaries, counsellors, captains, and stewards.”**_[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-28-146576105) The various Songhay officers at Gao mentioned by Leo Africanus also appear extensively in the Tarikh al-Sudan, which also mentions that the Askiyas established "special quarters" in the city for specialist craftsmen of Mossi and Fulbe origin, that supplied the palace.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-29-146576105) According to the Tarikh al-Fattash, a ‘census’ of the compound houses in Gao during the reign of Askiya al-Hajj revealed a total of 7,626 such structures and numerous smaller houses. Given that each of these compound houses had about five to ten people, the population of the city's core was between 38,000 and 76,000, not including those living on the outskirts and the itinerant population of merchants, canoemen, soldiers, and other visitors.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-30-146576105) The city's large population was supplied by an elaborate system of royal estates established by the Askiyas along the Niger River from Dendi (in northern Benin) to Lake Debo (near Timbuktu). The rice and other grains that were cultivated on these estates were transported on large river barges along the Niger to Gao. The Timbuktu chronicles note that as many as 4,000 _sunnu_ (600-750 tons) of grain were sent annually during the 16th century, carried by barges with a capacity of 20 tonnes.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-31-146576105) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F62b07d88-a708-4f72-bf63-4374630378a2_756x484.png) Gao, ca. 1935, ANOM. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8326c338-d1a5-4332-927f-596db140ad9b_889x409.png) Gao, late 20th century, Quai Branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F30f893af-f886-4881-85d4-a3fc3c15b49b_797x532.png) _**Map of Gao in 1951, showing Gao Ancien (broken outline), the old town, and the region of modern settlements (shaded).**_ Map by T. Insoll. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff26d269-2975-4289-9f2b-8e22c7aeea48_600x434.jpeg) _**The tomb of the Askiya**_, ca. 1920, ANOM. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Gao after the collapse of Songhay: 17th-19th century.** After the Moroccan invasion of 1591, many of the residents of Gao fled the city by river, taking the over 2,000 barges docked at its river port of Goima to move south to the region of Dendi. _**"none of its \[Gao's\] inhabitants remained there except the khatib Mahmud Darami, and the scholars, and those merchants who were unable to flee."**_ This group opted to submit to the invaders, who subsequently appointed a puppet sultan named Sulayman son of Askiya Dawud, to ruler over Gao, while they chose Timbuktu as the capital of their Pashalik.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-32-146576105) Unable to defeat the Askiyas of Dendi as well as the Bambara and Fulbe rulers in the hinterlands of Djenne, the remaining Moroccan soldiers, who were known as the Arma, garrisoned themselves in Djenne, Timbuktu, and Gao and appointed their own Pashas. According to multiple internal accounts, the cities of Timbuktu and Gao went into steep decline during the late 17th to mid-18th century, largely due to the continued attacks by the Tuareg confederations of Tadmekkat and Iwillimidden in the hinterlands of the cities, which drove away merchant traffic and scholars. After several raids, Gao was occupied by the Iwillimidden in 1770, who later occupied Timbuktu in 1787, deposed the Arma, and abolished the Pashalik.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-33-146576105) Multiple accounts from the early 19th century indicate that Timbuktu and its surrounding hinterland were conquered by the Bambara empire of Segu around 1800, before the power was passed on to the Massina empire of Hamdullahi.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-34-146576105) However, few of the accounts describe the situation in Gao, which seems to have been largely neglected and doesn’t appear in internal accounts of the period. It wasn't until the visit of the explorer Heinrich Barth in 1853 that Gao reappeared in historical records. However, the city was by then only a _**"desolate abode"**_ with a small population, a situation which he often contrasted to its much grander status as the _**“ancient capital of Songhay”**_. Barth makes note of the mosque and mausoleum of the Askiya, where he set up his camp next to some tent houses, he also describes Gao's old ruins and estimates that the old city had a circumference of 6 miles but its section was by then largely overgrown save for the homes of the estimated 7,000 inhabitants including the tent-houses of the Tuareg.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-35-146576105) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6352fe17-768a-4725-9b22-9c4bfa9782d3_1157x372.png) Barth’s illustration of the Askiya’s tomb on the outskirts of Gao in 1854 as viewed from his camp next to the Tuareg tent-houses, and a photo from 1934 (ETH Zurich) showing the same tomb as seen from the Tuareg tents. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea766e46-3862-4052-8430-9df3a2ee85cd_1028x540.png) _**Section of Gao showing the Tuareg tents within walled compounds.**_ ETH Zurich, 1934. Barth notes that the Songhay residents of Gao and its hinterlands comprised a _**“district”**_ (ie: small kingdom) called “_**Abuba”,**_ that had _**"lost almost all their national independence, and are constantly exposed to all sorts of contributions"**_. According to local traditions collected a century later, the reigning _arma_ of Gao (title: _**Gao Alkaydo**_) at the time was Abuba son of Alkaydo Amatu, who gave the kingdom its name. This indicates that Gao was still under the rule of the local Arma, who were independent of the then-defunct pashalik of Timbuktu, and were culturally indistinguishable from their subjects after centuries of intermarriage. These few Arma elites continued to collect taxes from the Songhay and itinerant merchants throughout the late 19th century, despite the presence of the more numerous Iwellemmedan-Tuareg on the city's outskirts.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-36-146576105) Gao was later occupied by the French in 1898, marking the start of its modern history[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-37-146576105), and it is today one of Mali’s largest cities. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0ff218e4-44d9-4336-a5d2-378b973610e3_600x442.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f627e0a-4871-4024-8875-ed3a46e37009_895x435.png) _Gao in 1920, ANOM; 1934, ETH-Zurich._ **Beginning in the 12th century, diplomatic links established between the kingdoms of West Africa and the Maghreb created a shared cultural space that facilitated the travel of West African envoys, merchants, and scholars to the cities of the Maghreb Marrakesh to Tripoli.** **READ more about West Africa's links with the Maghreb on the AfricanHistoryExtra Patreon account:** [LINKS BETWEEN WEST AFRICA & MAGHREB](https://www.patreon.com/posts/107625792) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffef5df1d-15d6-4063-99c7-002f75be5d87_676x1186.png)

2024-07-14T15:29:04+00:00

a brief note on European pirates and African states during the 'golden age of piracy.'

a pirate stronghold and kingdom in 18th century Madagascar.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates

For most of its history, maritime trade in the Indian and Atlantic ocean world was characterized by ‘**competitive chaos’**. Europeans visiting both regions had to contend with preexisting trade networks and cooperate with local rulers. The labeling of individuals as pirates was a means of advancing the economic and political goals of the European states operating in the oceans, and piracy was thus a manifestation of the rivalry and disorder that periodically impacted commerce in these dynamic zones of exchange. Along the African coast, repeated attempts by the Portuguese, and later by the Dutch, and English to monopolize maritime commerce failed, as the mainland regions remained under African control, with each state choosing their trading partners. During this age of mercantilism, European skippers were often encouraged by their home governments to raid the shipping of enemy powers indiscriminately. Many of these pirate raids occurred in the southern Atlantic and were against Iberian ships. For example, Between 1522 and 1539, over 300 Portuguese ships were captured by French privateers (read: pirates) who had been given letters of _marque_ which granted them permission to attack enemy vessels.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-1-142690271) On the African coast, local rulers were under no obligation to respect Portugal's monopoly over external trade and could trade with anyone who served their interests. In the coastal region of Senegal facing the island of Cabo Verde, the Wolof people of the region regularly traded with pirates on the island rather than the Portuguese who controlled most of it, and had learned to **"speak French as if it was their native language"**. In the early 17th century, the two groups reportedly made off with as much as 200,000 _cruzados_ of goods a year, at the expense of the Portuguese.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-2-142690271) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2a6bbad5-0049-4227-96a8-9d99c13f90a5_811x541.png) _**19th-century engraving of a French shipwreck near Rufisque, Senegal.**_ On the coastline of African states, all foreigners, pirates or otherwise, were compelled to respect African laws and the strict policy of neutrality. Failure to respect these laws resulted in negative and often disastrous consequences for the visiting traders, including a ban from trade, and even the risk of enslavement of the European sailors by Africans who'd take them as prisoners on the mainland until they were ransomed. In 1525, a French privateer reached the coast of the kingdom Kongo to trade for copper and redwood, an action that was in violation of the Portuguese monopoly. After failing to follow the standard procedures of trade, King Afonso of Kongo sent two of his ships to fight with the French ship. The battle ended with several French sailors being captured and taken to Kongo where most were _**"taken down in irons"**_ and _**"put in prison,"**_ some of them died, while others were retained as artisans.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-3-142690271) Conversely, a similar fate befell the Portuguese traders who reached the Bijagos islands in modern Guinea, whose inhabitants sheltered pirates (presumably French) and allowed them to set up a _**"lair and coastal strongpoint"**_ inorder to seize loot from passing ships. The Africans of the Bijagos islands regularly confiscated the goods of the Portuguese sailors, they were also known to _**"take the white crew as their prisoners, and they sell them in those places where they normally trade for cows, goats, dogs, iron bars."**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-4-142690271) Even in exceptional cases when Europeans became involved in coastal conflicts involving pirates and African states, the results were pyrrhic at best. In 1724, about two years after the defeat of the notorious pirate 'Black Bart' near Cape Lopez (in Modern Gabon), a combined Dutch and British force turned its attention against the most powerful supporter of pirates on the Gold Coast (in modern Ghana), an Akan ruler named Jan Konny (John Conny/John Canoe) who controlled the region of Axim and resided in the Prussian-built fort Fredericksburg. While they were successful in defeating John Conny, trade to the fort from the interior declined as the mainland kingdom of Asante avoided the merchants who had driven away their ally.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-5-142690271) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F55bcd542-169e-4fc3-8c17-11365214764d_1500x1111.jpeg) _**The pirate ‘Black Bart’ (Bartholomew Roberts) at Ouidah in modern Benin, with his ship and other captured ships in the background.**_ The impact of European piracy on Africa's coastal societies was therefore negligible and wasn't different from the 'official' trade.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-6-142690271) However, one notable exception was the region of north-eastern Madagascar where several hundred pirates found refuge in the late 17th century. In the secluded harbors of the island's northeastern coast, these pirates formed communities whose interactions with their Malagasy hosts influenced the emergence of the kingdom of Betsimisaraka. **The history of the Betsimisaraka kingdom and the European pirates of Madagascar is the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **Please subscribe to read about it here:** [BETSIMISARAKA AND THE EUROPEAN PIRATES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/100529348) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe0cd1a90-f319-42e4-bb72-5685d9ea24b4_634x1200.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F152fdf03-a231-49be-882e-6141e99f72ba_875x600.jpeg) _**View of the coast of the Bijagos islands showing local mariners in large boats receiving European ships. ca. 1885.**_

2024-03-17T16:29:15+00:00

Economic growth and social transformation in 19th century Somalia.

Desert caravans, coastal cities and population movements

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation

During the 19th century, the social landscape of Southern Somalia was profoundly transformed as a result of East Africa’s integration into global trade, reversing the period of stagnation following the collapse of the Ajuran empire. Camel caravans of enterprising Somali merchants begun trekking across the arid interior, linking the pastoral producers in the interior to the coastal cities, as settlements of migrant pastoralists and cultivators emerged in the fertile hinterlands of the coast. The combined caravan trade and agricultural boom greatly increased the region's prosperity, attracting more settlement and diversifying the region's ethnic mosaic. This article outlines the social history of southern Somalia during the 19th century, exploring the organization of long-distance trade as well as the patterns of exchange and production in the hinterland of the coastal cities. _**Map showing the caravan routes of Southern Somalia during the late 19th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-1-102236539)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F482c6642-306a-4931-ac4a-a38fb925f19e_524x762.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The roots of social and economic change in Southern Somalia: Between the fall of Ajuran and the rise of the Geledi kingdom.** Following the collapse of Ajuran empire during the 17th century, the intricate trade network which linked the agro-pastoral economy of the interior with the Indian ocean economies through the coastal cities, went into decline. The continued movement of various Somali clan families and the appearance of Oromo-speaking groups altered the political landscape of the preceding era[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-2-102236539), and the resulting wars necessitated a shift in social organization which led to the creation of 'multi-lingual' settlements. By the early 18th century, Rahanwiin clan-family had settled in the region between the Shebelle and Jubaa rivers, developing a close social and economic relationship with their Borana-Oromo neighbors. They established the trading town of Luuq along the Jubba river which was described as the ‘Timbuktu’ of the region, attracting merchants and diverse groups of settlers from Mogadishu, Brava and Merca. Somali traders in Luuq exchanged pastoral products and ivory acquired from the Borana for coastal goods.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-3-102236539) The most prominent among the Rahanwiin family was the Geledi clan whose elite Gobroon lineage had subsumed the Silcis (a successor state of Ajuran). Combining their military success with religious prestige, they established the Geledi kingdom in the late 18th century at their capital Afgooye.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-4-102236539) Geledi's political influence was initially minimal until the outbreak of the Baardheere clerical movement in the 1830s. The Baardheere drew from new forms of legitimacy that weren't readily accepted in the region. Its attacks on the trading towns such as Luuq, and its banning of ivory trade gave further leverage to the Geledi king Yusuf's attempts at mobilizing opposition forces from many clans that in 1843, defeated the Baardheere.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-5-102236539) Using this war-time alliance, and their religious prestige, Geledi's kings managed to create a loose confederation based on clans which accepted their authority nominally. Its authority extended upto Brava and the hinterland Mogadishu and controlled most of the trade routes terminating at its capital Afgooye. The Geledi kings were also closely associated with the Zanzibar sultan. But the cohesion of the Geledi state was threatened by opposition from the Biimaal clan which defeated Sultan Yusuf in 1848, and later defeated his successor Ahmed in 1878. Although this defeat eroded Geledi's political authority by the early 1880s, the kingdom presided over the apogee of economic growth in the region.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-6-102236539) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F73b07671-37f4-4be0-99fb-b7474307e6e7_630x567.png) _**Map showing the Baardheere movement in the 1830s and the Geledi advance in 1843**_ **Economic currents from Southern Somalia’s coastal cities** At the coast, the ‘_**Benadir’**_ cities of Brava, Merca, and Mogadishu had settled into a pattern of regular -albeit modest- trade wish ships plying the maritime routes between the Swahili cities of Zanzibar and Lamu archipelago, southern Arabia and western India. The cities attracted the interest of foreign merchants as suppliers of cattle, ivory, cloth, aromatic woods, captives, and, agricultural commodities. External descriptions of the urban settlements of Benadir indicate that they were well past their heyday, with Mogadishu housing a population of about 3,000, but the gradual increase in trade from the mainland slowly revived their fortunes.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-7-102236539) Part of the commercial growth was derived from the expanded market at Zanzibar for the traditional pastoral products of the Somali mainland. Zanzibar, like Geledi, had a nominal political presence in Mogadishu.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-8-102236539) By the mid-19th century, the non-pastoral exports Benadir's exports to Zanzibar consisted of ivory (valued at nearly 2/3rds of total exports), as well as aromatic woods, gums, and myrhh. The local Benadir weaving industry sought new sources of raw cotton along the Shebelle river in response to the increased imports of foreign textiles.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-9-102236539) The concentration of commercial opportunities along the Benadir drew enterprising Somalis from other parts of the country toward the south and helped to further a process of territorial integration that had been going on for centuries. As coastal traders and urban Somali groups in the coastal cities became more involved in the emerging patterns of global commerce, their pastoral peers in the interior were exposed to new markets for their livestock products and to new opportunities in long-distance caravan trading. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F05838486-9449-408e-bb84-edcc93c52fbc_811x557.png) _**The city of Merca**_ **The Caravan trade of Southern Somalia in the 19th century** While long-distance trade between southern Somalia's hinterland and the coastal cities had been pioneered by the Ajuran state, it would be greatly reinvigorated by the rising external demand for African commodities during the 19th century. The initial impetus for the extension of caravan trading into the interior of southern Somalia was the expansion of the ivory frontier from the immediate hinterland of Benadir into the upper regions of the Shebelle and Jubba river valleys. The southern Somali commercial system was segmented and decentralized circuit encompassing a region occupied by a vast mosaic of independent Somali lineages, clans, and confederations. Each required access to the major conduits of commercial exchange but also guarded its right to regulate its section of the caravan trade as much as it guarded its grazing areas and wells.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-10-102236539) Goods originating in the upper Jubba basin were brought to the Somali mainland towns such as Luuq and Bardera in caravans manned by traders from upcountry clans of Garre, Ajuraan, as well as the Borana Oromo. From the Jubba River towns, caravans manned by traders from the clans of Gasar Gudda, Eelay, and Garre, carried the goods to the towns of Baydhabo, Awdheegle and Afgooye. These market towns near the coast had relatively small fixed populations that also created their own demand, and this population significantly increased during trading seasons. It's at these towns that the caravans handed over their goods to coastal traders and local brokers to be exchanged for Indian ocean goods.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-11-102236539) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F021b96fc-b05e-4b4c-8174-c61e06daf2d9_704x610.png) _**The modern town of Luuq**_ The absence of large centralized state regulating long distance commerce on the mainland didn't impede the efficiency of caravan trade. The different merchant groups utilized several established institutions such as the use of a host/protector (_abbaan_). This was a prestigious member of a respected lineage within the clan controlling a section of the caravan route, and was based on a centuries old institution governing patron-client relations that Ibn battuta had witnessed in Mogadishu in 1331, and later visitors would describe in greater detail.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-12-102236539) The abbaan was charged with overseeing the transactions, security and accommodation of itinerant merchants, as well as negotiating customs duties expected by clan elders. Abbaans could also double as brokers (dillaal) who collected products and arranged for buyers in anticipation of the Caravan's arrival. Itinerant merchants left goods on consignment with a trusted abbaan and he was allowed to keep a share ranging from 5-25%. Over time, relations between mainland lineages and coastal merchants were developed through this institution, eg between the Afgooye's Abikerow lineage and the Shanshiiye of Mogadishu, between the Biimaal clan in Merca's hinterland and the town's merchants, and between the Tuuni clan in Brava's hinterland and the town's Hamarani merchants.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-13-102236539) Besides the Abbaan, the other institution that mediated relations between the segmented trade routes was religious specialists. The clerical Reer Mumin lineage, whose members were spread across the route from Mogadishu to Luuq were widely respected and allowed to travel across the region unencumbered. They gave religious sanction to caravans and adjudicated commercial disputes in exchange for fees. [14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-14-102236539) All institutions involved in ensuring the efficiency of caravan trade obtained a share of the goods through charging duties, taxes, fees, gifts and other forms of tribute that merchants were expected to pay. This ensured that a significant proportion of the wealth was retained within the communities of the mainland, much like the closely related Swahili caravan trade to its south. But unlike Swahili caravans which used paid porters in tse-tse infested zones, the Somali long distance trade could utilize camels with each caravan possessing upto 15-20 camels.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-15-102236539) The lower end of the Shebelle river was also navigable, allowing merchants to offload their goods to ferrymen (bahar) who then rowed down to Afgooye before continuing to the coastal cities.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-16-102236539) Unlike the largely credit-fuelled expansion of trade from the east African coast into the mainland during the mid-19th century, which enabled coastal Arab and Swahili merchants to subsume the preexisting trade of the Nyamwezi, the caravan trade of southern Somalia remained in local hands. One consequence of this was that despite the ecological advantages, the volume of trade flowing into the Benadir cities was relatively less than that flowing into the Swahili cities, accounting for about 1/4 of Zanzibar's exports. Since caravans were smaller, wealth was more dispersed and no single merchant or 'trading class' could amass the kind of wealth and political influence attested along the Swahili caravan routes.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-17-102236539) The various tributes and expenses incurred by caravan traders along the trade routes meant that only high value commodities could be traded profitably. The main commodity that could meet this requirement was ivory, whose selling price at Mogadishu tripled between 1847 and 1890, and constituted half of Brava's exports during the 1840s. Most Somali caravaneers were themselves not involved in hunting but instead initiated complex exchanges with Oromo herdsmen in the upper Jubba basin for cattle, and used that cattle to pay hunters for ivory. They used similar exchanges to obtain commodities such as coffee, salt, aromatic woods, as well as captives, in exchange for coastal cloths and copper, but most were retained locally. By the last quarter of the 19th century, agricultural commodities from the lower Shebelle had become the main export of the mainland, rivaling ivory exports.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-18-102236539) **Agricultural production in the Shebelle valley: Pastoral politics, Client-cultivators and Captives.** The Shebelle river runs parallel to the Benadir coast for 200 miles, creating a fertile river plain that could supply the coastal cities with agricultural surpluses. While the semi-arid mainland was primary occupied by Somali-speaking pastoralists, the fertile Shebelle valley was settled by mixed groups of sedentary agro-pastoralist groups speaking Cushitic-languages related to Somali, as well as Sabaki-languages of the Bantu subgroup[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-19-102236539). The impetus of external trade attracted different nomadic Somali clans from the mainland such as the Biimaal and Geledi, who settled in the valley and became semi-sedentarised.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-20-102236539) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2c6f2ad2-f1ed-498a-9933-316d9428ae89_754x484.png) _**Map of the lower Shebelle valley 1850-1910**_ The semi-sedentarised pastoral clans syncretized social institutions in this region to create a new political system. Clan elders were in charge of distributing land and defending it from external aggression, clan lineages divided the land and resolved disputes, and individual clansmen planted the land, working alongside clients groups. These client groups were typically pre-existing sedentary cultivators who acquired the status of dependents within the new pastoral political system. This client relationship was founded on a preexisting pastoral institution of _sheegad_ where smaller clans were allowed to graze on lands of larger clans as dependents. But since the semi-sedentarised pastoral clans had little use for cultivation, the client cultivators retained significant autonomy by forming corporate arrangements with pastoral lineages to mediate disputes.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-21-102236539) This client relationship could sustain the modest agricultural trade of the mid-19th century in which cereal, cotton and cattle, that were sold to the Benadir cities from where they were exported into the western Indian ocean. In 1843-7, one visitor stated that the grain grown in the hinterland of the Benadir cities “supplies the whole coast of Hadramaut and Oman”. Estimating that 3,182 tones of millet were exported annually from Mogadishu to Zanzibar and southern Arabia, and over 50 tones of sesame seed were exported annually from the cities.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-22-102236539) The export of cattle and cow-hides in particular created a new type of exchange that would augment pre-existing patterns of agricultural production. The establishment of; the British colony of Aden in 1839; the French colonial settlements on the Mascarenes islands, and arrival of New England (American) leather traders on the east African coast, created demand for cattle products which the Benaadir cities supplied to a tune of 3,000 annually by the late 19th century.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-23-102236539) The coincidence of increasing demand for agro-pastoral products from southern Somalia, with the falling demand for captives in the western Indian ocean, compelled Benadir merchants to exchange the cattle and other pastoral products which they acquired from Somali caravaneers with captives from the Zanzibar based merchants.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-24-102236539) The volume of this trade in captives was relatively low at about 600 a year in the 1840s, rising in the 1860s before collapse by the late 1880s.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-25-102236539)The importation of captives into the Shebelle valley was not isolated trade but involved a mixed variety of imports including cloth, yarn, and manufactures from the Indian ocean world, and the Somali cow-hides were inturn re-exported from Zanzibar to American buyers[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-26-102236539). However, the bulk of the servile population on the Somali mainland and coast remained local in origin, being derived from the clan conflicts and pastoral wars between the Somali clans and the neighboring Oromo groups. Some of these local captives were sent to the Benadir cities as domestic servants, and many were retained in the Shebelle valley among the population of client-cultivators. [27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-27-102236539) Given the dispersed nature of the trade, individual merchants rarely retained many of the slaves; some were given to client cultivators to augment agricultural production, but most were exchanged in internal trade for cattle which remained the primary form of wealth among the pastoral clans. This internal exchange of slaves rather than concentration under individual owners was also determined by the restrictions on land acquisition by clan elders which constrained the capacity of wealthy merchants to set up large plantations.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-28-102236539) The enslaved population was therefore not confined to plantations and quickly formed free communities especially in the lower Jubba's Gosha region as early as the 1840s. These free communities chose their own rulers, and also engaged in agricultural production for subsistence and export.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-29-102236539) Both the freed and servile class of southern Somalia was therefore a diverse group, the majority of whom eventually spoke Somali dialects and adopted Somali clan identities despite their diverse origins[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-30-102236539), and they shouldn't be conflated with the creation of very recent social constructs such as 'Somali Bantu'.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-31-102236539) The overall population increase in the cultivator population led to a significant boost in agricultural exports from the Shebelle valley with the cultivation of millet, sesame, and cotton. By 1896, more than 5,729.3 tons of millet were exported worth M.T. $125,512, and upto sesame seed occupying a distant second with exports of 368.4 tons of sesame seed worth M.T. $22,576.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-32-102236539) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcaec74f5-6621-4485-840a-fb782172005c_670x413.png) _**Re-exports of hides, rubber, and gum copal from Zanzibar to the US, UK, and Bombay, 1836–1900. notice that the trade in hides peaked in the 1880s.**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-33-102236539) **From economic prosperity to decline on the eve of colonialism** The prosperity of the Shebelle valley attracted more groups from the Somali mainland as well as the northern coast. Merchants from the northern cities of Hobyo and Majeerteenia came to Merca and to the new town of Kismaayo to engage in grain trade with southern Arabia. The Daarood clan families, especially the Haarti clan, also moved into the Shebelle valley, bringing with them more clients and captives derived from the regional wars of neighboring Oromo groups. The new trade routes to Kismaayo would later rival established caravan routes. [34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-34-102236539) Indian financiers who had fueled the expansion of Swahili ivory trade also became active in Benadir cities during the late 19th century, setting up financial houses and extending credit to ivory caravans. The American traders who were concentrated on Zanzibar also expanded their activities to the Benadir cities.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-35-102236539) The Benadir cloth industry also underwent a period of rapid expansion; rather than relying solely on cotton from the valley, Benadir weavers begun importing yarn from Bombay, with upto 2.5 million pounds of yarn imported in 1894.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-36-102236539) The increased export of agricultural surpluses gave the pastoral clans more political influence over the Benadir cities which counteracted the expansionist policies of the Zanzibar sultan. While the cities of Merka, Mogadishu and Brava had allowed the construction of Zanzibari forts locally in 1860-1880s, the immediate hinterland remained out of Zanzibar Sultan's political orbit and the sultanate's presence in the cities was itself nominal. And just as foreign merchants had been restricted from moving inland, foreign agriculturalists were restricted from setting up plantations in the Benadir's immediate hinterland.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-37-102236539) By the late 19th century, foreign powers were increasingly interested in exploiting the agricultural potential of the Shebelle valley and the interior caravan trade. In the interior, competition between Italian and British officials to lure the caravan trade toward ports in their respective spheres of influence exacerbated inter-clan rivalries which made caravan routes insecure. And in the Shebelle river valley, the opening of alternative caravan routes through northern Kenya, and a severe rinderpest epidemic dealt a major blow to the cattle trade.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-38-102236539) The Benadir ports were "ceded" to Italy by the sultan of Zanzibar in 1892, although Italian forces did not move inland to occupy the Shebelle valley until 1908.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-39-102236539) The collapse of caravan trade, the increased importance of agriculture, and the creation of new social identities in the early colonial era would have a profound influence on the succeeding governments of the modern era.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-40-102236539) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2012bc85-5681-4b5e-9e08-9d464f7572b6_874x615.png) _**Mogadishu in the early 20th century**_ For nearly a century, the dynasty of **an African king named Abraha controlled vast swathes of modern Saudi Arabia and Yemen ruling over a diverse Christian and Jewish population just before the emergence of Islam**. read about it here; ["THE ETHIOPIAN RULER OF THE ARABS"](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd35f179c-7715-4575-b120-63507cc75a8f_480x900.jpeg)

2023-02-12T13:01:41+00:00

Africa and Europe during the age of mutual exploration: a Swahili traveler's description of 19th century Germany.

The late modern period that began in the early 19th century was the height of mutual exploration on a global scale in which African travelers were active agents.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africa-and-europe-in-the-age-of-mutual

The late modern period that began in the early 19th century was the height of mutual exploration on a global scale in which African travelers were active agents. In the preceding period, Africans had been traveling and occasionally settling across much of the old world since antiquity; from [China](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true) and [Japan](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238) to [India](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese?utm_source=publication-search), [Arabia, and the Persian Gulf](https://www.patreon.com/posts/96900062), from [Palestine](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora?utm_source=publication-search) and [Armenia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-africa-and?utm_source=publication-search), to [Istanbul](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman?utm_source=publication-search) and the [Roman world](https://newlinesmag.com/essays/did-europeans-discover-africa-or-the-other-way-around/), and from [Iberia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82902179) to [Western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true). Their activities contributed to the patterns of global integration that eventually led to the production of travel literature during the late modern period. The travel literature produced by these intrepid African explorers provides a rich medium to study different perceptions of foreign cultures and exotic lands. The African authors consistently compare the unfamiliar landscapes, people and fauna they encountered to those in their own societies. They describe foreign curiosities, eccentricities, and beliefs that inspire personal reflections on humanity and religion, using the language of wonder to express the strangeness of foreign customs. [The 1856 account of the Hausa traveler Dorugu](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300) for example, contains many comparisons between the culture, places, and rituals of the people of England and Germany, with those of his own community near the city of Zinder in modern Niger. Dorugu included many interesting anecdotes about his hosts such as the Germans' penchant for smoking, and the curious dining traditions of the English, whose meals he considered as good as Hausa cuisine. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff557203f-7672-48b6-8513-04fbbe470d40_732x508.png) _The tobacco college of King Friedrich Wilhelm I, [German engraving ca. 1878](https://smb.museum-digital.de/object/94971). **"I have never seen a country where people like to smoke as much as they do in Germany. You can even meet a young boy about twelve years old with a tobacco pipe stuck in his mouth."**_ Dorugu, 1856. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africa-and-europe-in-the-age-of-mutual?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) [The 1896 account of the Comorian traveler Selim Abakari through the Russian Empire](https://www.patreon.com/posts/66837157) provides an even more detailed account of the many different places and cultures he encountered. Selim meticulously reproduces his observations of the unfamiliar landscapes, peoples and fauna for which he struggled to find equivalents in the Swahili language. He was pleasantly surprised upon meeting "white Muslims" in such a 'remote' region and was fascinated by the nomadic practices of the Kalmyks whom he compares to the Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6efb3dfe-bf1b-4c94-bf40-47e95fd76a45_640x403.png) _Kalmyk camp near Astrakhan_, southern Russia. early 20th century. _**“They sleep in small tents made of thick fabric and do not stay in the same place for more than two days, they are like Maasai, they follow their herds —goats, sheep, and horses— in search of pastures.”**_ Selim Abakari, 1896. [The book-length travelogue of the Ganda traveller Ham Mukasa who visited England in 1902](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570) provides what is arguably the most detailed account of foreign lands written by an African traveler from this period. Like the other travelers, Mukasa relied on a familiar vocabulary and set of concepts from his own society of Buganda, in Uganda, as a transcendental point of reference to describe the unfamiliar landscapes and objects of England, as well as in the way he characterized the different groups he met along the way; such as the Germans, Jews and Italians. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1e002bea-1537-4ca0-aa84-354b401d82a9_873x536.png) _A model of a torture rack in the Tower of London and a 19th-century engraving of a Torture Rack**.**_ **“**_**... he took us to the fort of the kings of England from old days, which is called the ‘Tower’, and when we arrived there we saw many relics of all kinds from the time of their ancestors… We were also shown how they fastened their women to strong trees and stretched them like a cowskin is stretched, and the trees tore them in half.”**_ Ham Mukasa, 1902. Many of these travelogues were written on the eve of colonialism and can thus be read as inverse ethnographies, utilising a form of narrative inversion in which the African travellers reframe and subvert the dominant political order. They travel along well-known routes, rely on local guides and interpreters, and comment on cultural differences using their own conceptual vocabularies. An excellent example of this is a little known travel document written by an East African traveller Amur al-Omeri who visited Germany in 1891. Written in Swahili, the document relates his puzzlement about the unfamiliar landscape and curiosities he witnessed that he consistently compares with his home city of Zanzibar; from the strange circuses and beerhalls of Berlin, to the museums with captured artefacts, to the licentious inhabitants of Amsterdam. **The 19th century travelogue of Amur al-Omeri is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read about it here;** [THE SWAHILI EXPLORER OF GERMANY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112049775) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99795407-3a87-4b04-a9c3-8c251d8ec3d1_653x942.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3aa6899d-6f8e-4c2c-adf6-fdb080e0f30b_1114x539.png) _Storming of the Bastille Prison and the ‘July Column’ which replaced it. **“… We reached Paris, the capital of France… We saw also a tall pillar they had put up, with the figure of a man on the top standing on one leg, with wings and with a sword in his hand… This pillar was put there as a memorial to remind people of the prison into which their king used to put them (Bastille); when they removed the prison they put this pillar up, and wrote on it all about what happened at that time, as a memorial”**_. Ham Mukasa, 1902.

2024-09-15T15:52:51+00:00

A history of the Gonja Kingdom: (1550-1899)

State and society in nothern ghana after the Mali empire's decline.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550

Near the end of the Mali empire, several sucessor states emerged across its southern frontier that inherited some of the empire's cultural and political institutions. One of the most remarkable heirs to the legacy of Mali was the Gonja kingdom in northern Ghana. The kingdom of Gonja was an important regional power, linking the region of Mali to the Hausalands in northern Nigeria and the Gold-coast. Its cosmopolitan towns drew scholars and merchants from across west Africa, who left a significant intellectual and economic contribution to the region's history. This article explores the history of the Gonja kingdom, including its political structure, intellectual history and architecture. _**Map of Ghana showing the kingdom of Gonja at its height in the early 19th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-1-131194168).**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa97489db-9f58-4e92-85ec-a46f7e919db1_481x644.jpeg) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The early history of Gonja during the 15th and 16th century: from the Mali empire to the Volta Basin.** The region of northern Ghana where the kingdom of Gonja would later emerge was an important frontier for the old empire of Mali. It contained the rich gold mines of the Volta river basin, and the trading town of Begho established by merchants from Mali during the early 2nd millennium[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-2-131194168). Beginning in the 18th century, the scholars of Gonja documented their kingdom’s history, their writings constitute some of west Africa’s most detailed internal accounts and allow us to reconstruct the region’s history.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-3-131194168) According to internal accounts, the Gonja kingdom was founded around the mid-16th century following a southern expedition from the Mali empire.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-4-131194168) The Mali emperor Jighi Jarra (this is likelyMahmud III r. 1496-1559 —who received Portuguese envoys from Elmina) requested for a tribute of gold from the ruler/governor of Begho, but the latter refused[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-5-131194168). Jarra thus raised a cavalry force led by two princes, Umar and Naba and sent it to attack Begho, which was then sucessfully conquered. While Umar stayed at Begho, Naba advanced northwards to occupy the neighboring town of Buna, but instead of returning, he conquered the land east of the town, and founded the ruling dynasty of Gonja.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-6-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa319d249-0095-410f-96b3-4e3c3758efbf_725x581.png) _**Purported migration of Gonja’s founders**_ **For more on the Portuguese embassy to Mali and the conflict between Mali and Portugual see:** [WHEN THE MALI EMPIRE MET PORTUGAL](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-mali-empire-76281818) Traditions about immigrant founders from Mali are common among the origin-myths of the states in the Volta basin. While such traditions may not accurately recount real events, the Mali origin of some of the region’s elites is corroborated by their use of the clan names of Mande-speakers and the archeological evidence for pre-existing Mande settlements like Begho. Additionally, many of the scholars that appear in Gonja's history including those who wrote its chronicles were Wangara/Juula (ie Mande speakers), while the majority of the subjects in Gonja spoke the Guang-languages of the Akan family. [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-7-131194168) A more detailed internally written account known as the _Kitab Gonja_ (Gonja chronicle) continues the early history of Gonja, identifying Naba as the first ruler of the kingdom from 1552 to 1582. Among Naba's allies was a _Malam_ (teacher/scholar) named Ismā‛īl kamaghatay, and his son Mahama Labayiru (or Muhammad al-Abyad). This al-Abyad is credited with assisting Naba's sucessor Manwura (r. 1582-1600) while the latter was at war. Impressed by al-Abyad's assistance, Manwura adopted Islam and took on the name Umaru Kura. this King Umaru of Gonja was later suceeded by his brother Amoah (1600-1622) who is credited with constructing the first mosque at the town/capital called Buipe, and he also sent a representative to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca, thus taking on the honorific of _Hajj_.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-8-131194168) King Amoah was later suceeded by Jakpa Lanta (r. 1622–1666), a remarkable ruler who appears in several traditions as the "founder" of Gonja, or as the founder of a new dynasty. Jakpa is said to have come from ‘Mande’ (the Mali heartland) at the head of a band of horsemen, accompanied by his _Malam_ named Fatigi Morokpe. He sucessfully conquered all the regions that became Gonja, upto the borders of Dagomba in the east and Asante in the south. Jakpa then settled at the town of Nyanga (or Yagbum), where he appointed his sons to govern each of the main provincial towns of Gonja, such as Tuluwe, Bole, Kpembe, Wasipe, and Kawsaw. Jakpa created the paramount office of Yagbum_wura_, which became the title of the king of Gonja, and was to rotate among the provinces.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-9-131194168) Conversely, the Gonja chronicle mentions that king Jakpa and his sucessor, king Sa'ara, launched several expeditions from their capital Buipe (rather than Yagbum). These included a sucessful invasion of Dagomba which seized the important town of Daboya, at the center of a salt-producing region. King Sa'ara was reportedly deposed in 1697 due to his ceaseless campaigns, he was initially suceeded by weak kings until the brief but sucessful reign of Abbas who sacked the town of Buna and Fugula in 1709. After the death of Abbas, central authority in Gonja was permanently weakened as each provincial chief retained power in their own capital. The now federated state, centered at Yagbum, consolidated its borders and would remain largely unchanged throughout most of the 18th and 19th century.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-10-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F47379540-b055-43b0-b21f-824168996710_1014x608.png) _**Sketch showing the southern expansion of the Juula (in green) to the cities of Begho and Buna.**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-11-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbb1944c2-a345-4e9c-b82d-ad84be9d36f5_719x529.png) _**Map of the Gonja kingdom by Jack Goody, showing the main provinces/chiefdoms**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The government in Gonja during the 18th century.** The kingdom Gonja was a federated state, power was vested with the provincial chiefs, who owed ceremonial and ritual allegiance to the king at Yagbum. Effective authority lay in the hands of the chiefs of the roughly 15 provinces, the most prominent of whom were at Buipe, Bole, Wasipe, Kpembe, Tuluwe and Kawsaw[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-12-131194168). Each of the chiefs had their own royal courts and armies, collected tribute and regulated trade. All chiefs were united in claiming descent from Jakpa, and were eligible for the role of king which was intended to be a rotating office, but was in practice often decided by the strongest chief.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-13-131194168) Gonja’s elite governed their subjects through representatives at the royal court and through matrimonial alliances with re-existing elites. The Gonja hierachy also included a class of Muslim scholars who formed an integral part of the state's political structure since its foundation. The kingdom was thus made up of three major social groups; the ruling elite called the _Ngbanya_, the Muslim scholars known as the _Karamo_ and the rest of the subjects who were commonly known as the _Nyemasi_. The royals often resided in their capitals at some distance from the trading towns where the scholars lived, while the bulk of the subjects lived in the countryside.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-14-131194168) The archeological site of ‘Old Buipe’ in nothern Ghana has recently been identified as the location of the ancient town of Buipe, it was built around the late 15th century but abandoned in the 1950s.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-15-131194168) Excavations have uncovered complex structures in field A, C, D, E, and F of Old Buipe, which indicate that the site was relatively large urban settlement of significant political importance prior to the emergence of Gonja and during most the kingdom’s early history. The ruins of the site included several large courtyard houses with an orthogonal design, and flat roofs —some of which had an upper storey. The architecture of Old Buipe (which was also found at Gonja town of Daboya) challenges the mechanistic model of diffusion which assume that such building styles were introduced after the Islamization of the region.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-16-131194168) The largest structures excavated at Old Buipe were located in Fields; A, C and D, with a complex plan of juxtaposed rectangular rooms and courtyards, plastered cob walls (these are built with hardened silt, clay and gravel rather than brick), laterite floors, and a flat terrace-roof. The ruins of Field A included a large architectural complex of 16 rooms, built in the 15th cent and occupied until around the 18th century, while the ruins of Field C included a large structure of 14 rooms built in the 15th century, but abandoned in the early 16th century.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-17-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe6ef516a-d895-4da1-8654-010d1de1bc29_804x543.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6910057-92dc-4386-9b01-f7d631cdd177_713x575.png) _**Partially excavated ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field A, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by photo Denis Genequand, drawing Marion Berti) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa7864eff-644b-494b-9460-fa8d7cbc7d55_944x631.png) _**ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field C, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by Denis Genequand) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F35336b1e-1006-4ee6-8124-af58fbb26c8a_436x652.png) _**ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field C, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by photo Denis Genequand). Like the structure in A, this building was in use until around the 18th century. **The Scholars of Gonja** Both the written and oral traditions of Gonja often attribute king Naba and king Jakpa's military success to the role of their Malams; Ismail and al-Abyad (or Fatigi Morokpe). Gonja's scholars who descendend from these two figures formed distinct groups of urban-based imams, teachers and traders across the kingdom, all with varying relationships to the royal court.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-18-131194168) The scholary community of Gonja was part of a regional network that pre-existed the kingdom. According to the _Kitab Gonja_, town of Begho was the origin of Isma'il Kamagate and his son Muhammad al-Abyad[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-19-131194168). Besides Begho, the scholars of Gonja were closely associated with their peers at Buna despite the town being a target of Gonja's attacks as it was virtually autonomous.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-20-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffbcbec0b-9b8b-40d9-b292-8ccfb33f6a05_887x532.png) _**Old mosque of Bouna (Côte d'Ivoire). Photo AOF, 1927**_ Like Begho, the town of Buna was Juula settlement and the capital of an independent chiefdom which pre-dated the founding of Gonja[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-21-131194168). It became regional scholarly center, and by the 18th century, scholars from across west Africa converged at Buna, especially following the decline of Begho. These included Abū Bakr al-Siddīq of Timbuktu, who was a student in Buna around 1800, and mentioned several leading scholars of the town, including Shaykh ‘Abd al-Qādir Sankarī from Futa Jallon (in Guinea), Ibrāhīm ibn Yūsuf from Futa Toro (in Senegal) and Ibrāhīm ibn Abī’l-Hasan from Dyara (in Mali). Buna's scholary community was led by a local Juula named ‘Abdallāh ibn al-Hājj Muhammad Watarāwī.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-22-131194168) The relations between Buna and the Imams of Gonja, especially at Buipe and Bole, were close, and the authors of Gonja chronicle (_Kitab Gonja_) are among the scholars likely to have come from Buna[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-23-131194168). The _Kitab Gonja_, was written in 1751 by the Gonja imam Sidi 'Umar b. Suma, who assumed office at Buipe in 1747. Umar was a descendant of al-Abyad and would be suceeded in office by his son 'Umar Kunandi b. 'Umar, who later updated the chronicle in 1764. Besides providing a detailed account of Gonja's history, the chronicle also records important events among Gonja's neighbors including the kingdoms of Asante, Dagomba, Bonduku, Mamprusi, Buna and Kong.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-24-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe5cb0122-df3e-48d7-b05f-b1b759a74c98_826x557.png) _**19th century copy of the prayerbook 'Dalāʾil al-Khayrāt'**_, written in northern Ghana, most likely by a scholar in Gonja or Dagomba, Ms. Or 6575, British library.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-25-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe394f44f-4d8c-4358-9557-117f5c43de71_668x492.png) _**19th century work titled kitāb al-balagh al-minan, (The Book of Attaining Destiny)**_, written in northern Ghana, most likely by a scholar from Gonja or Dagomba, Ms Or. 6576, British Library. [26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-26-131194168) **The mosques of Gonja** There are four of Gonja old mosques still in use today, these include the mosques at Larabanga, Banda Nkwata, Maluwe and Bole. The construct of atleast two of these mosques; Larabanga and Banda Nkwata, is firmly dated to before 1900. While most local traditions date the construction of the Larabanga mosque to the 17th century, the present structure was built in the 19th century, with a few recent modifications[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-27-131194168). The oldest mosque in Gonja was at Buipe, where the _Kitab Gonja_ places its construction in the late 16th century, but the town was abandoned in the 1950s and the mosque is yet to be excavated.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-28-131194168) The mosque of Banda Nkwata was most likely built in the late 19th century[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-29-131194168), while the mosques of Maluwe and Bole were built in the early 20th century, possibly ontop of older structures.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-30-131194168) The mosques of Larabanga, Banda Nkwanta, and Bole share a number of common elements: a square plan 10 to 12m wide, façades that are structured by buttresses surmounted by pinnacles and linked together by horizontal wooden poles, a prayer hall subdivided into three naves and three bays by four massive pillars and accessible through three doors, a terrace on the roof that is accessible by a staircase covered by a dome (the minaret-tower), and a protruding quadrangular mihrab sheltered at the base of another tower covered by a dome and situated in the centre of the qibla wall. The thick walls ensure the stability of the structure, while the wooden poles serve as scaffolding and decoration. Larabanga and Bole were built with cob, while the rest were built with mud-brick.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-31-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcb25e961-eb2a-4a71-9815-13c946882a23_1024x683.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff17fd97b-3ec4-4362-9974-fd4dda502aa5_822x473.png) _**Banda Nkwata mosque**_[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-32-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea19f2b1-f5d0-4d29-bc56-49a78ddf8b99_876x563.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F435cd0f2-2ae0-4ced-8f4b-3125e0de412a_1024x680.jpeg) _**Larabanga mosque**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-33-131194168) While islam played an important role in the kingdom’s social and political institutions, Gonja’s royal court was only partially Islamized, largely due to the accommodationist theology of the Wangara scholars who followed the Suwarian tradition of pacifism.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-34-131194168) Chiefs depended on both the imams and the earth-priests, and were only nominally Muslim despite claiming descent from the Islamized heartlands of Mali. The participation of the scholars in the state's creation and growth had earned them an influencial position in adminsitration but Gonja society’s differentiation into distinct social estates remained largely unchanged.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-35-131194168) **Trade and Economy in Gonja** The kingdom of Gonja had a predominantly agro-pastoral economy, largely determined by its semi-arid ecology. The kingdom's towns, especially Buipe and Kaffaba were centers of significant craft industries including textile production and cloth dyeing, smiting, leatherworking, and salt mining. They posessed regular markets that were also connected to regional trade routes where external trade was undertaken by the old commercial diasporas of west Africa.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-36-131194168) The region of Gonja was at the crossroads of important trade routes which linked the gold and kola producing forests of the Voltaic basin to the trading hubs of Jenne to the north and Kano in Hausaland to the north-east. "Gonja" is itself a toponym of Hausa origin (ie: Gonjawa) which prexisted the kingdom and from which it would later derive its name. The chronicle Kano, mentions that the route from Kano to Gonja was first opened in the mid 15th century. Over the centuries, the commercial diasporas of the Hausa and the Wangara converged in Gonja and extended southward to Asante.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-37-131194168) Some of the towns in eastern Gonja such as Kafaba and Salaga pre-existed the founding of the kingdom and they included communities that claim to be of Hausa and Bornu origin. The Gonja chronicles also mention the presence of Hausa traders at Buipe whom came to buy Kola derived from Asante and Bunduku.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-38-131194168) As a result of the activities of external traders, the kingdom of Gonja appears on the 18th century maps made by the geographers De L'isle in 1707 and D'anville in 1749. The latter indicated Gonja as 'Gonge' and included its principal tows; Gbuipe as 'Goaffy', Tuluwe as 'Teloue' and Kafaba 'caffaba'. The names of the towns, which are rendered in Hausa, were transmitted by traders at the coast.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-39-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1ff43ab1-aa5a-4cd1-9e51-65e762cda211_854x490.png) _**position of Gonja in the Mande trade network**_[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-40-131194168) **Gonja in the 19th century; from Asante domination to the onset of colonialism.** In the 1830s, the kingdom of Gonja became embroiled in a sucession crisis between Safo, the chief of Bole, and Kali, the chief of Tuluwe. The scholars of Buna agreed to mediate the dispute but ultimately failed, enabling Kali to defeat Safo's forces. After Safo's defeat his sons and followers fled to Wa, during which time, Kali's brief reign ended with the ascension of Saidu, the chief of Kongo . Saidu then requested ruler of Wa to repatriate Safo's followers but the latter refused. Saidu invaded Wa but was defeated, he then formed an alliance with the armies of Gyaman, but this too was defeated, forcing him to retreat to Daboya. The ruler of Wa then requested the Asante king Kwaku Dua (r. 1720-1750) to intervene, and the combined forces of Wa and Asante expelled Saidu from Daboya and killed him.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-41-131194168) Most of Gonja thereafter became a vassal of Asante, after several wars between most of the kingdom’s provinces. Written accounts from Gonja mention that the Asante first campaign into central and western Gonja occurred in 1732 (related to the abovementioned dispute with Wa), followed by an attack on Gonja’s eastern province of Kpembe in 1745 and 1751.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-42-131194168) The Asante invasion was initially perceived negatively by Gonja's scholars, especially the chronicler Sidi Umar who included an obituary of Opoku Ware that called the Asante king an oppressor that "harmed the people of Gonja". However, by the early 19th century, Gonja's scholars were praising the Asante for securing the region and protecting their interests at Kumase and at the town of Salaga.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-43-131194168) Founded around the late 16th century, Salaga was the trading town of the Gonja province of Kpembe and later became a trading emporium after its conquest by Asante. The cosmopolitan town with an estimated population of 40-50,000 during the early 19th century included diverse groups of scholars and merchants from across west africa that transformed it into a major center of education and trade. However, the brief disintegration of Asante following the British invasion of 1874 led to the independence of its northern vassals. The town Salaga expelled its Asante governors and gradually declined as it was displaced by other towns like Kitampo and Kete-Krachi, all of which were outside Gonja.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-44-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2c5fec49-7e94-4bc1-b6fb-127eae992a50_783x568.png) _**a mosque at Salaga, ca. 1886-1890**_, Edouard Foa, Getty research institute After it had thrown off Asante's suzeranity, Gonja had to contend with the growing power of the northern kingdom of Wa and the expansionist empire of Wasulu led by Samori Ture. The forces of Gonja’s nothern province of Kong had advanced towards Gonja’s border with Wa, prompting the ruler of Wa to assemble a large army and defeat Kong, annexing parts of the province[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-45-131194168). This forced Jamani, chief of Kong, to ask Samori for support in his bid to retake his province and for the Gonja throne. In the late 1880s, Samori sent his son Sarankye Mori, who established himself at Bole after crushing local resistance, subsumed Wa, and briefly added most of Gonja to the Wasulu empire before Samori’s army fell to the French in 1898.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-46-131194168) In eastern Gonja, a conflict that begun in 1882 between the province of Kpembe and the kingdom of Dagbum, escalated into a major war by 1892 which destroyed Salaga.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-47-131194168) In 1894, Kpembe chief and the chiefs of Bole had signed treaty of ‘friendship’ with the British on the Gold coast, who were preparing to invade Asante in 1895 and didn’t want Gonja to aid Asante. The British presence angered the Germans who were now just east of Kpembe in what would later become Togo and considered Gonja a neutral zone. The Germans thus invaded Kpembe in 1896 and expelled its chief, around the same time that the British were occupying Asante and occupying Samori’s territories in Gonja by 1897. The British compelled most of Gonja’s chiefs into becoming part of the Gold-coast colony (Ghana) and the Germans gave up their claim of Kpembe. By 1899, Salaga formally came under British control, formally ending Gonja’s autonomy.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-48-131194168) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F24e16b42-8738-471c-81c8-4f83fb89594c_795x447.jpeg) Beginning in the late 18th century, **Freed Slaves from the Americas resettled on west Africa’s coast and established themselves as influencial cultural intermediaries and wealthy merchants. These liberated Africans made a significant contribution to west-Africa’s economic and cultural growth in the 19th century**, read more about them in this article: [CONTRIBUTIONS OF LIBERATED AFRICANS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/85011401?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe0dca157-5444-4ff9-a508-0b27d727fac3_616x1219.png)

2023-07-02T15:03:58+00:00

An African civilization in the heart of the Sahara: the Kawar oasis-towns from 850-1913

castles, salt and dates

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart

The central Sahara may be the world's most inhospitable environment, but it was also home to one west Africa's most dynamic civilizations. The picturesque oases of Kawar in northern Niger; with their towering fortresses, multi-colored salt-pans and shady palm-gardens, were at the heart of west Africa's political and economic history, facilitating the production and exchange of commodities that were central to the urban industries of the regions' kingdoms. This article explores the history of the Kawar oasis towns from the 9th century, it includes an overview of the production and trade of salt in Kawar and the role of its oasis-towns in the political and economic history of the central Sahara. _**Map showing the Kawar Oases[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-1-89796970)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3039aec6-3a8a-4fb2-8503-aa6f02d9c533_996x640.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Description of Kawar and its early history: 850-1050** Kawar comprises a 80-km series of fortified Oasis towns in north-eastern Niger, on the eastern edge of the Ténéré desert. From the north, the string of Oasis towns begins with the Djado cluster, that includes the towns of; Djaba, Djado, Chifra and Seguedine, which were occupied as early as the 11th-14th century based on material recovered from Djaba. Settlements comprise agglomerated stone and mudbrick structures, as well as fortresses with square towers, date-palm gardens, wells. The main towns of Kawar are located just south of this Djado cluster, and they include the towns of Aney, Gazebi/Gasabi, Emi Tchouma, Dirku, Bilma, Fachi, and Agadem. These settlements comprise substantial rectilinear stone and mud-brick structures, large square fortresses, mosques, date-palm gardens, wells and salt-pans.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-2-89796970) The role of Kawar in the trans-Saharan trade was well known in the medieval sources from the 9th century and local sources from the 16th century; the main towns at that period were Gasabi, Bilma, and Djado. The town of Gasabi was among the oldest settlements in Kawar and is the largest of them, covering 320 acres including the 20ha town itself and 300 acres of gardens. Tradition of its original inhabitants called the _**Gezebida**_ —who now reside in the towns of Aney and Emi Tchouma— claim that the town was surrounded by a perimeter wall and that it was conquered by the _**Tebu**_/Teda after a long battle.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-3-89796970) Kawar was first documented by Ibn Abd al-Hakam the 9th century and is associated with the north African conquest of the Rashidun general Uqba b. Nāfi in the 7th century, who reportedly seized its main citadel (although this may be anachronistic)[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-4-89796970). The Kawar towns of Gasabi and Bilma were first mentioned by al-Muhallabi (d. 963) as the major Oasis towns which travelers went through to reach the kingdom of Kanem in the lake chad basin, its likely that Gasabi was originally inhabited by Ibadis.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-5-89796970) In the mid 12th century, the geographer Al-idrisi provided the most detailed description of the Kawar oasis towns; Qaşr Umm Īsā (Djado?) and al-Qaşaba (Gasabi) with their “date-palms and wells of sweet water” as well as the production and export of a mineral called _"shabb_" from the salt-mining oasis towns of Kawwār to markets in Egypt and in the maghreb, which was said to be without equal in quality[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-6-89796970). He also identifies the Kawar town of Ankalās (Kalala) —which he located south of Gasabi and north of _Tamalma_ (Bilma)— that reportedly had mines of pure _shabb_, that was gathered from the mountains. Al-idrisi's “_shabb_” may relate to Kawar’s alum trade which was directed towards north Africa, but he may have combined it with the large scale of salt-mining from Kawar oases.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-7-89796970) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6d87d98-defd-4be8-8277-267346290560_1920x1200.jpeg) _**ruins of Djado surrounded by date-palm trees**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1686b059-4898-47cf-9f61-0af6a4c121a1_1203x872.jpeg) _**Djaba**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fac7e0e12-fe3a-43a6-8f52-a19944fd96c5_815x680.png) _**ruins of Dabassa (Chirfa) and Séguédine**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F44e0e165-9f9a-45f7-b8a2-b2dbd31b3d97_1033x488.png) _**ruins of Bilma**_ **Kawar under the Kanem-Bornu empire: 1050-1759** The inhabitants of Kawar consist mainly of the Tebu, who are more closely connected to the highlands of Tibesti in northern chad, and the Kanuri, who are associated with the empire of Kanem and Bornu. The Kanuri are the older part of the population that's associated with the earliest settlements, and the part that is most closely connected to the salt production, they were likely contemporaneous with the foundation of the oldest towns during the time when the Ibādīs were active in the central sahara.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-8-89796970) The earliest traditions associating the Kanem empire with the Kawar oasis towns was during the reign of the Kanem emperor (_**Mai**_) Arku (r 1023-1067) whose mother was said to have been born in Kawar. Arku is credited with the establishment of Kanuri settlers in the region of Kawar from Dirku to Séguédine, but this settlement may have been short-lived since Kawar is mentioned to be under an independent king according to al-Idrisi (d. 1165).[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-9-89796970) It was during the reign of Mai Dunama Dibalami (1210-1248) that Kanem firmly extended its control over the oasis towns of Kawar as part of its northward conquest of the Fezzan (southern Libya) where the Kanem ruler established his provincial capital at Traghen. The Kanem control of southern and central Libya lasted over two centuries and its attested in external accounts by Ibn Sa'id (d. 1286) and al-Umari (d. 1384) who mentioned that Kanem’s political influence extended to the town of Zella, a few hundred kilometers south of Libya’s coast[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-10-89796970). The Kanuri legacy in southern and central Libya remains visible with the ruins of Kanem cities such as Traghen, the use of Kanuri wells in various oases towns of southern Libya, and the population of Kanuri speakers.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-11-89796970) **Read more about the Kanem-Bornu conquest of Libya on Patreon:** [WHEN AFRICAN EMPIRES CROSSED THE SAHARA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-west-sahara-59096311) Kawar-type oasis communities of the Kanuri extended further northwards during this period, for example, just south of Traghen is the fortified oasis town of Ganderma built in the same fashion as the Kawar oasis towns. The town contains many old wells built during the Kanem era, which still bear their original Kanuri names as recorded by Nachtigal in the mid-19th century, suggesting that Ganderma represented one of the old settlements of the Kanuri in southern Libya.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-12-89796970) While the oasis towns of Kawar were located along an important trans-Saharan trading route, few appear to have been dependent on the commercial and political conditions of this trade, as the basis of their existence was entirely concerned with the exploitation of Salt. In the 15th century, only one of the oasis towns; Gasabi, was known for trade, while the rest of the towns, especially Bilma and Dirku were exclusively associated with the salt and alum trade.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-13-89796970) The Tebu who presently form a local political elite in Kawar, arrived in the area around the 15th-17th century from the Tibesti region of northern Chad[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-14-89796970). The nominal ruler of the entire Kawar was always a Tebu, and some of the oasis towns such as Dirku were occasionally considered "capitals" of Kawar, and were the residence of a _tomagra_ chief, a title held by Tebu rulers who were connected to the Tibesti region, that also used Kawar as a halting station on the route from Bornu through Murzuq to Tripoli[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-15-89796970). The Gezebida who previously inhabited the town of Gasabi and are now settled in the northernmost oasis towns of Ayer and Emi Tchouma, are products of the intermarriage between the Kanuri and Tebu.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-16-89796970) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F131d8f79-4701-4dcd-8f98-5d897d6c4603_377x534.png) _**Map showing the migrations from the Tibesti region between the 13th and 19th century**_[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-17-89796970) The political relationship between the Tebu and Kanuri was however more fluid than the hierarchical one of Kanem. For example, the town of Séguédine appears to have remained under local Kanuri control even after the Tebu’s arrival, with a chief bearing the title '_Mai_' Gari. Similarly, the cluster of towns from Djado to Djaba were settled entirely by the Kanuri and were more connected to the town of Fachi than other Kawar towns, with the Kanuri community at Djado lasting until the mid-19th century when the town became a majority Tebu settlement.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-18-89796970) Additionally, despite the use of the Tebu title of _tomagra_ by the elites at Dirku, the town's ruling class (called the _Tura_) claimed to be clan from Bornu in the eastern shores of lake Chad (where the Kanem rulers eventually re-located), and the rulers of Kawar’s other towns including Bilma, often carried the title of _Mai_, claiming to be subjects of Bornu.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-19-89796970) Re-established in the 15th century on the western shores of lake Chad, the empire of Bornu retook Kawar during the reign of Mai Ali Gaji before 1500, who took the town of Fachi.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-20-89796970) The Bornu conquest of Kawar was continued by Idris Aloma who conducted expeditions into several oasis towns especially Fachi and Bilma, forcing the local Tubu elite to seek refuge in the surrounding regions, but most of them eventually submitted to Bornu's rule such as the rulers of Djado who sent a delegation to Mai Idris. While Gasabi isn't treated as target of Idris' campaigns, it was nevertheless included among the other Kawar towns (along with Bilma and Dirku) that brought horses to the king of Bornu. The salt trade from Kawar was thereafter oriented towards the Bornu region where it was traded southwards to the Hausalands and other parts of west Africa.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-21-89796970) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6620954-5af4-4b11-ba21-3848e9a5cc1e_750x313.jpeg) _**Séguédine**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6c91029-791b-4758-b855-06873e860a38_960x640.jpeg) _**Djado**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fad41101b-d8bb-435d-9684-1bbc552574c8_2048x1358.jpeg) _**Dirku**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff2b5b540-83ab-4371-b1e6-3d2310980dbc_1243x456.png) _**Fortresses of Fachi, and Aney**_ **Kawar under Tuareg rule from 18th-19th century; Salt production and trade in the central Sudan** Beginning in the early 18th century, the decline of Bornu's military strength led to its loss of the Kawar region to the forces of the Tuareg especially after the battle of Ashegur that was fought near the town of Fachi in 1759-1760[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-22-89796970). The Tuareg then established their own political system over Kawar, which was controlled through the office of an appointed figure called the _Bulama_, and they then shifted the Kawar salt trade through their territories. The Tuareg possessed a less centralized/hierarchical political structure than Bornu, as they constituted independent segments/clans that recognized the authority of a nominal king (_Amenokal_) who was based at Agadez. In Kawar, the most prominent Tuareg clan were the Kel Owey; their activities there were almost entirely confined to the lucrative salt trade which they funneled through Agadez and the Hausa cities.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-23-89796970) It is during the 18th and 19th century when we get a more complete description of the structure of salt production and trade from Kawar. The individual owners of salt pits in Kawar often went to the local chieftain to receive permission to dig them, and in exchange paid a duty/tax, but the individuals could transfer or sell their salt-pits at will. The majority of the owners of salt-pits and their workers were Kanuri, but some included the Teda, and the average Kanuri owned anywhere between 4 to 20 salt pits. In theory, the salt pits and the surrounding land belonged to the local chieftains (and to their Bornu and Tuareg suzerains) but this was largely formal rather than practical. Each salt-basin owner paid a small tax to the local chieftain, the latter of whom then remitted it to the Bulama, whose then passes it on to his counterpart on the Tuareg side; the _Sarkin Turawa_ (who represents the king of Agadez) and who also received the duty at the beginning of each caravan.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-24-89796970) The vast majority of those who worked the salt pits of Kawar were free and were the owners of their own pits, rather than enslaved people who had been brought to work the mines —as earlier scholarship had wrongly surmised—[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-25-89796970). The bulk of the salt-mining labor was supplied by other family members but in the case of wealthy mine owners, this was supplemented by wage-laborers paid in salt. While slaves formed a minority of the population in the Oasis towns and weren't needed for salt production but for mostly domestic activities, wealthy salt-pit owners would occasionally include slave labor in salt mining and these were paid half the wages of the wage laborers.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-26-89796970) The technique of salt production is based on the evaporation of subsoil water that has passed through layers of salt and is collected in pits dugs to a depth of 2 meters and a breadth of 20-25 sqm. Different layers of salt are formed of varying quality after a number of weeks, and the process required little human assistance making the work generally non-intensive. The best quality salt were called _**beza**_, which are shaped into salt-cakes of 4-6kg while the coarser ones are called _**kantu**_, which are blocks of 15-20kg, with a single salt-pit producing around 4-5 tonnes each season, or about 40-50 camel loads of salt. An average of 30,000 camels a year are estimated to have carried 2-3,000 tonnes of salt a year during the 19th century from the salt-mines of Kawar, which was just under a third of Bornu's annual production of 6-9,000 tonnes.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-27-89796970) The oases of also produced red natron especially at Dirku, while white natron was taken from Djado and Séguédine.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-28-89796970) Besides salt, the other source of wealth in Kawar was date-palms. Gardens of dates were first mentioned in the 9th century and there are 100,000 of these by the mid 20th century, many of these dates are of high quality and are sold regionally in the Saharan region of Aïr (where the Tuareg are centered), and unlike the Kanuri dominated salt-production, the growing and sale of dates also involved the Tebu.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-29-89796970) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcc7fad64-069d-4b28-803e-faa77ad547fb_800x511.jpeg) _**Saltpans of Bilma**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7175e711-f680-435c-9d46-9c40d9314f76_1555x1031.png) _**date-palms of Djado**_ Trading was conducted between the Kanuri and the Tuareg through client relationships overseen by the _Bulama_ and the _Sarkin Turawa_, during the two main trading seasons of the year when caravans arrived at Kawar. The salt was often exchanged for grain, livestock and pastoral products at relatively fixed prices and the grain was often stored in Agram for resale throughout the Oasis towns, the salt was also exchange for textiles and other commodity currencies used in long distance trade. Since the 18th century, much of the southwards trade was controlled by the Tuareg who were involved in the regional trade for grain grown in various Sahelian cities where large farms owned by Kanuri and Hausa merchants produced the primary grain demanded in Kawar. One wealthy merchant in the Kanuri city of Zinder (kingdom of Damagaram) was Malam Yaro, the son of a Kanuri merchant and a Tuareg woman, who invested in the salt and grain trade between the Tuareg and Kawar and built up a large-scale business from west Africa to north Africa.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-30-89796970) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd10e303a-271f-4509-98d5-17069161a9fb_764x563.png) _**Malam Yaro’s house in Timbuktu (left), 1930, quai branly**_ The salt from Kawar was used for a variety of industrial, culinary, medicinal purposes. The main function of salt besides its consumption by people and livestock was; as a mordant in dyeing textiles; in the making of soap and ink; in the leather industry for tanning hides and skins; and in treating various medical ailments. Kawar’s natron had a high demand in Hausa city-states especially prior to the 19th century when textile dyeing required the use of white natron, and in the Bornu and Hausa markets where leather trade was a significant crafts industry.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-31-89796970) The grain and other agricultural products received in exchange for Kawar's salt enabled the Oasis towns to sustain relatively large populations that would otherwise be impossible to maintain in the arid environment.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-32-89796970) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcaec2120-b243-4522-8dbd-282bb3a8a9f0_854x620.png) _**abandoned houses in Fachi**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F41cd2b83-a53e-4a04-ba03-4ad43365f655_1555x1031.jpeg) _**abandoned houses in Djado**_ **Kawar from the Ottoman and Sannusiya era to French colonialism; 1870-1913** By the mid-19th century, the Ottoman conquest of the Fezzan region (southern Libya) forced the its local elite; the Awlad Sulaiman, out of their capital at Murquk and into the Kawar and Tibesti regions where they took to raiding trade caravans and caused a general state of insecurity in the region. The Kel Owey provided little military assistance to the inhabitants of Kawar against these raids, so the latter's local rulers sought the aid of the Ottomans who flushed out the Awlad Sulaiman brigands by 1871. In response to the Kel Owey's apathy, the Kawar elite sent more requests to the Ottomans in the 1875 and 1890 to formally occupy Kawar, but these were not fulfilled until 1901, by which time, the rulers of Kawar had switched their allegiance to the Sanussiya brotherhood.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-33-89796970) The Sanussiya were the main political and commercial organization of the central Sahara in the late 19th century, and had attracted many Tebu and Kanuri from Kawar as initiates, constructing lodges in Djado and Bilma between the 1866 and the 1890s[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-34-89796970). However, Kawar never become as important to their activities as other regions (such as Wadai), especially considering the French advance from the south. Beginning in 1906, French forces gradually occupied the towns of Kawar, meeting little resistance until Djado where a number of skirmishes were fought beginning in 1907 and ending with the French occupation of the town in 1913.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-35-89796970) While some of the Kawar oases like Bilma and Dirku remained important centers of salt and natron production, the rest of the towns such as Djado were abandoned in the mid-20th century, their ruins gradually covered by the shifting sands of the Sahara. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F302450b4-3408-445b-8220-67e502fd47f9_1555x1031.png) _**Djaba in winter**_ As the example of Kawar has shown, the Sahara desert wasn’t an impenetrable barrier that divided Africa. During the ancient times; **Africans travelled and lived in the Roman Europe just as Romans travelled into Africa**; read about this and more in; [AFRICANS IN ROME AND ROMANS IN AFRICA](https://patreon.com/posts/75714077) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6112c2fa-cb8d-4ba6-881a-500183991c0b_622x1145.png) **On Kanem-Bornu’s conquest of southern and central Libya;** [WHEN AFRICAN EMPIRES CROSSED THE SAHARA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-west-sahara-59096311) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6bccf79f-b0da-4313-abe7-c39aedadaddb_660x607.png) _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal/Ko-fi**_ [DONATE](https://ko-fi.com/isaacsamuel)

2022-12-11T12:08:08+00:00

The desert town of Southern Africa: A history of Khauxanas 1780-1906

A view of pre-colonial Namibia from the khoisan town of ||Khauxa!nas.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa

Located deep in the harsh deserts of southern Namibia, the ruined town of khauxanas was at the center of a fascinating chapter in southern Africa's political history. Founded around the late 18th century by the Orlam clan of the Nama Khoisan, the 5-acre stone settlement of Khauxanas straddles several important historical events in the region's history. From the Orlams' resistance movement against the cape colony, to the founding of Namibia's capital Windhoek, and the anti-colonial war between the Nama and the Germans —the history of Khauxanas provides an excellent example of Nama processes of state formation and colonial resistance. This article explores the history of Khauxanas and its place in the political history of south-western Africa. _**Map of south-western Africa showing the movement of the Orlams and the location of ||Khauxa!nas**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5fc82a42-b396-4a14-b121-fad998c7f67d_449x675.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **A brief History of the Orlams: Nama independence on a colonial frontier** For most of south-western Africa’s history, the region’s semiarid lands were home to the speakers of Khoisan language families, among which the largest family was the Khoe-Kwadi, which included the Nama languages[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-1-109209253). The section of the Nama-speakers who are associated with old settlements of ||Khauxa!nas and Windhoek, are commonly described under the collective name of Oorlam/Orlam. The Orlams were a heterogeneous lineage group of predominantly Nama extract who were first attested in the vicinity of the witzenberg mountains (near Tulbagh, south Africa) around the time of the cape colony's establishment.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-2-109209253) The Orlams were the first to refer to themselves as Afrikaner/Afrikanner/Afrikaander and use it as their last name, more than a century before it was adopted by the Dutch-speaking settlers of cape colony who were at the time called Boers/Boors. They are therefore the only group which appears in early 19th century accounts under that ethnonym.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-3-109209253) The term "Africander" which is derived from the exonymous term for the African continent by Dutch-speakers of the cape colony, was first used as a collective term for the groups born to cape settlers and Africans. However, the Orlam Afrikaner clan which first used it as their name were not part of this group of mixed heritage, as they were mostly of Nama descent with some San ancestry, and their lands weren't considered part of Cape colony before the mid-18th century.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-4-109209253) The Orlam first attracted official attention in the letters dated to 1761 written by Adam Kok, a cape official in the vicinity of the modern town of Tulbagh. According to Kok, a Nama man nicknamed "Oude ram" and his son Afrikaner were contracted to look after the livestock of a cape settler named Nicolaas Laubser. Both Oude and Afrikaner were under the supervision of Kok and a Nama man named 'Klaas' who went by the name "Captain Klaas" due to his rank. A dispute over Afrikaner's handling of the livestock led to Kok reprimanding him, but Captain Klaas sided with the former. Shortly after; Afrikaner and Oude ram fled with Captain Klaas to the countryside to raise a rebellion among the Nama, but they were later captured and exiled, with Afrikaner dying in 1777. However, Captain Klaas was allowed to stay, and it was during the period between Afrikaner's death and the first mission to his base in 1805, that Klaas and his sons begun using the name Afrikaner.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-5-109209253) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6fe7d98c-917c-4013-84cc-65c24b4ebd01_840x663.png) _**Map showing the distribution of various KhoeKhoe lineage groups as known by cape settlers, The Orlams originated from the Grigrikwas/Griquas**_.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-6-109209253) **The founding of ||Khauxa!nas by the Orlams clan. (1780s-1823)** A series of political changes and social upheavals in which Klaas was involved led to his creation of a resistance movement against cape authorities and likely informed Klaas' use of the name of his precursor; Afrikaner. During the 1780s, the family of Captain Klaas had stayed in Tulbagh in the service of a cape settler named Petrus Pienaar. Klaas maintained a mostly cordial partnership with Pienaar whose interests extended as far north as the orange river. Klaas received firearms for his services, and was in close contact with cape authorities. But a personal dispute ended with the death of Pienaar in 1796 by one of Klaas' sons, forcing the clan to flee beyond the orange river inorder to escape the commandos (armed parties) sent by the cape authorities to capture them.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-7-109209253) Klaas Orlams withstood and conducted several attacks against both the cape settlers and surrounding settlements from his secretive hideout, which according to the cape authorities, lay north of the orange river. From here, he gathered a relatively large following among disaffected Nama and san groups, and merged his activities with some southern groups in the cape colony districts of Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet that were rebelling against cape authorities.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-8-109209253) The secretive hideout of the Klaas' Orlams clan when he retreated north of the Orange river, was most likely located in the inaccessible Karas Mountains; where the clan established ||Khauxa!nas as their hidden refuge. This town was most likely constructed in the last decade of the 18th century, and served as the Orlams’ capital until the early 19th century. [9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-9-109209253) By the early 19th century, Klaas was actively assisted by his son Jager and soon handed over the leadership to him. Jager succeeded in re-establishing peaceful contacts with the cape authorities, and invited the LMS missionaries Abraham and Christian Albrecht in 1803. The missionaries were met by Jager in 1805 at a place called Afrikanerskraal (later nicknamed _Jerusalem_), where a mission station was established at a distance away from ||Khauxa!nas, before it was later moved 90km south to the town of Warmbad in 1806. By 1815, Klaas' 6 sons would later take on more names such as; Christian (Jager), Titus, Hendrik, Jakobus, Simon and Klaas after adopting christianity.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-10-109209253) Missionary activity remained confined to the south of Warmbad, and was thus well outside the region controlled by the Orlams[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-11-109209253), explaining why no records of the site exist from the LMS accounts. After a brief period of disputes between the missionaries at Warmbad and the Orlams, By 1819, Jager had re-established peaceful relations with both Warmbad and the cape authorities through the offices of one of the missionaries[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-12-109209253). Jager passed away in 1823 and was succeeded by his son Jonker Afrikaner who, after gaining more followers and wealth, moved the Orlams clan northwards and established the settlement of Windhoek in the 1830s.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-13-109209253) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a3ead58-79af-43b2-bfef-57e72179ddfb_751x530.png) _**Jan Jonker Afrikaner and his council, ca. 1876**_. _Jan Jonker was the son of Jonker Afrikaner and later took over leadership of the Orlams._ **||Khauxa!nas after its abandonment by the Orlams** The relatives of Jonker Afrikaner, named David and Titus Afrikaner, later broke off from the Orlams at Windhoek and returned to the region of Afrikanerskraal where they invited missionaries form the Welseyan mission at Warmbad, which had replaced the LMS.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-14-109209253) The Welseyan mission station at Warmbad was by then headed by Benjamin Ridsdale during the 1840s, who would later be succeeded by John A. Bailie. Both of them were active among various Nama and San groups occupying the regions north of the Orange river and east of the Great Karas mountains . They visited David and Titus Afrikaner at Afrikanerskraal (Jerusalem) as well as the nearby settlement at Blydeverwacht, after the former settlement had shortly been abandoned. David also occasionally travelled to visit Jonker more than 600 miles north at Windhoek, with whom he reconciled.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-15-109209253)Such a journey underscores the extreme mobility that characterized the cultural patterns of the Nama, and the Orlams in particular. The region around the site of ||Khauxa!nas was during this time occupied by a section of the Namas called the ||Hawoben (rendered Veldschoendragers in Dutch and 'Velschoen Draagers' in Ridsdale's account). Like all highly mobile pastoral Nama groups, they had been previously settled at a site called _Klip Fontein_, which most likely corresponds to the ruins on the modern farm of Narudas.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-16-109209253) Among the settlements of the ||Hawoben visited by Ridsdale in 1847 was one called "Schans Vlakte", which was located at the foot of a low mountain (ie; the mountain of ||Khauxa!nas). Shans Vlakte was led by a Nama chief named Hendriks (Nama name: !Nanib gaib), whose followers had constructed a road to receive the wagons of Ridsdale. The remains of this town now mostly consist of a few drystone homes and the walls of a church that were constructed with mortared stone. ||Khauxa!nas is the Nama name for the local region including the mountain, while the present farm in which the ruins are located is called Schanzen, derived from the German rendering of “Schans Vlakte”.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-17-109209253) Risdale then describes the ruined settlement at the top of the hill: "... _**In front of the village is a low mountain, which is surrounded at the top by a wall, the entire length of which must be eight or ten hundred yards, low in places difficult to access, and five or six feet high in those parts that are most easily available. This wall, which consists of a double row of loose flat stones piled one above another, was thrown round the mountain by the Afrikaners at the beginning of the century. After shooting of the Dutch Boer, Pinnar, to whom old Afrikaner and his clan were at that time subject, and by whom they were oppressed beyond all endurance, Afrikaner and his people fled to this place. Here they resolved upon making a stand against the commandoes sent in pursuit of them by the Colonial Government. Within this entrenchment, at the top of the mountain, they built their houses, had kraals for their calves, and in fact everything necessary to a Namaqua village, and considered themselves able to defy all their enemies. They seemed scarcely able to conceive of avalour that would proceed in the face of their bullets, scale their fort, bound over its walls, drive them over the fearful precipice on the opposite side, and plunge them into the abyss of black waters beneath. The opportunity of defending themselves in their impregnable fortification, however, never occurred, as the commandoes of Boers from the Colony pursued them no farther than Nisbett Bath (Warmbad)."**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-18-109209253) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F84e591e5-d932-492e-8ba8-f848be8d6ec9_421x535.png) _**Map showing the distribution of Nama settlements in the early 19th century**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-19-109209253) **Description of the town.** The Orlam ruins of ||Khauxa!nas were built on the crest of the ||Khauxa!nas mountain, within the modern farm of Schanzen 281, east of the Great Karas Mountains. The entire settlement is surrounded by a high elliptical stone wall that is 700m long, 2m high and about 1m thick. The walls enclosed public spaces, household units and cattle kraals, all of which were accessed through narrow artificial alleys leading to individual entrances. With the exception of three rectilinear structures, most domestic structures were roundhouses, paved with flat stones, roofed with non-permanent materials, and drained through culverts on the floor. The rectilinear buildings all located at the entrances of the southern wall and northern walls, they likely served as a reception or a guardhouse.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-20-109209253) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fec2286f8-cc60-431f-bead-7150859d9406_698x970.png) _**Plan of the hilltop ruins at //Khauxainas**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-21-109209253) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3b3587df-6639-411f-8738-9607a128731f_1260x559.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1e53469d-c9f2-4e7f-9811-f167e53645c2_1170x502.png) _**Perimeter wall in the highest point and the remains of household units.**_ There are three phases of occupation and construction. The earliest consists of a few roughly built windbreaks and hut circles associated with short lengths of walling that may have formed part of a livestock enclosure and a defensive structure.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-22-109209253) The second period comprises the major walled structures of the Orlam settlement, while the last phase corresponds to the resettlement of the site during the first decade of the 20th century.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-23-109209253) Evidence for social stratification at the settlement is indicated by the presence of a large structure about 10 meters in diameter with ostentatious architectural features facing the southern wall's rectilinear entrance. This structure likely served as the residence of ||Khauxa!nas's founder. Considering the presence of a similar household layout associated with the two reception houses on the northern wall, the latter structures were likely occupied by second level authority figures in the settlement.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-24-109209253) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F79824113-cd1b-48ba-a3b1-b255144c9e3b_1260x524.png) _**Ruins of a large house, probably occupied by Klaas Afrikaner**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f8d367f-5fab-4dec-959b-cc190cbf8e8c_1120x524.png) _**funerary stela and drainage openings**_ Most of the settlement likely served non-defensive functions such as enclosing houses, protecting livestock and symbolic/political functions that reflected the Orlams' hegemony in the region. Despite the visible remains of gunflints which understate its military function, the presence of 22 entrances along the 700 meter perimeter wall would have made the settlement difficult to defend. The northern and eastern sections of the wall consist of a series of contiguous household units, facing toward the central part of the settlement. Considering its size, its population and the amount of settlement debris, the town was unlikely to have been occupied for long -possibly no more than a decade.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-25-109209253) Similar dry-stone settlements built by the Nama include the abovementioned site at Narudas. The ruins at Narudas share several similarities with the construction style of ||Khauxa!nas, especially the ubiquity of funerary stela. In describing the settlement at Schans Vlakte, Ridsdale's successor John A. Baile writes that _**"In this country are to be seen, here and there, the old "Schansen" or Namaqua Forts, and some curious tombs raised in memory of some of their bravest warriors. These tombs are formed of choice stones from four to six feet long, placed perpendicularly with one end in the ground, and within a few inches of each other".**_ [26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-26-109209253) ||Khauxa!nas’ basic aggregation pattern in which household units were arranged around a common livestock enclosure, follows a common settlement style in southern Africa[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-27-109209253) similar to the "central cattle pattern" of south-western Africa.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-28-109209253)Similar forms of dry-stone pastoral settlements, some of which also include well defined road systems like that seen by Ridsdale are best attested in the sotho-tswana towns like [Kaditswhene](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/revolution-and-upheaval-in-pre-colonial), in the towns of [Bokoni](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian) and in the Shona cities like [Great Zimbabwe](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/stone-palaces-in-the-mountains-great?s=w). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F772b8ad3-6297-410d-a8c2-9d81eee6cf60_752x551.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fde0e86ad-18ea-4106-b044-19196071be90_1234x463.png) _**Narudas ruins, Namibia.**_[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-29-109209253) **||Khauxa!nas as an anti-colonial base: Marengo’s war against the Germans 1904-1906** Following the death of Schans Vlakte's chief !Nanib, the chieftaincy of the ||Hawoben would be assumed his brother, who also moved north to join Jonker Afrikaner's burgeoning settlement at Windhoek, which would later become Namibia's capital. The town of ||Khauxa!nas remained largely abandoned for most of the second half of the 19th century, during the early phases of Namibia’s colonization by the Germans. The ruins were then re-occupied by the forces of Jakob Marengo during the brutal colonial war between the Nama and the Germans from 1903-09. Marengo, who referred to ||Khauxa!nas as "Kactchanas", used the barren and inaccessible terrain as a safe haven to elude pursuit by the German forces.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa#footnote-30-109209253) Marengo's armed party of no more than a hundred soldiers, inflicted repeated and ignominious reverses on the German Army for over two years from 1904-1906, tying down over 15,000 German soldiers in southern Namibia. His guerrilla warfare tactics relied alot on fortifying himself in the pre-existing settlements of ||Khauxa!nas and Narudas, the latter of which was identified by the Germans as "Morenga's fortress". Eventually, however, the build-up of troops and armaments forced him to momentarily withdraw across the border into British territory. After a series of failed negotiations (likely conducted at ||Khauxa!nas) and further battles, Marengo fled south and surrendered to the British cape police. The desert town of ||Khauxa!nas later faded into obscurity, until the area began to be studied by Klaus Dierks in the 1980s. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F76edeb94-52fb-434e-bf1e-07b75409d4a7_1236x517.png) _**The Rectangular Building in ||Khauxa!nas: "Marengo's House"**_ The continent of Africa is separated from China by more than 7,000 km of ocean. But despite the seemingly insurmountable chasm between the two regions, **There are over a dozen documented visits by Africans and Chinese visiting each others’ lands across 2,000 years of history**. Read more about this fascinating history here: [HISTORICAL LINKS BETWEEN AFRICA & CHINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffbebc138-3615-4fb6-bd60-abc3ccc7c0ab_641x1120.jpeg) _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE)

2023-03-19T14:09:03+00:00

a brief note on new discoveries in African archeology and the stone ruins of Cameroon.

Among the first ancient Egyptian accounts on its southern neighbors is an old kingdom inscription that describes a trading expedition to an unspecified region called the land of Punt. Egyptologists had long debated about the location of this mysterious territory before recent archeological discoveries at Mahal Teglinos in eastern Sudan and the Red Sea port of Mersa eventually solved the riddle of Punt’s precise location.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-new-discoveries-in

Among the first ancient Egyptian accounts on its southern neighbors is an old kingdom inscription that describes a trading expedition to an unspecified region called [the land of Punt](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of). Egyptologists had long debated about the location of this mysterious territory before recent archeological discoveries at Mahal Teglinos in eastern Sudan and the Red Sea port of Mersa eventually solved the riddle of Punt’s precise location. Archeology plays a central role in reconstructing Africa's history, despite the rather complicated relationship between the two disciplines. On a continent where the limitations of written and oral histories have been acknowledged, archeologists and historians often work together to develop an interdisciplinary study of Africa's past.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-new-discoveries-in#footnote-1-147337357) Most of the latest research into the history of different African societies has been the product of interdisciplinary cooperation between archaeologists and historians. The locations of many African historical sites that were amply described by historians have since been identified and rediscovered by archeologists, helping to expand our understanding of Africa's past. For example in northern Ethiopia, where there are several historical accounts describing the highly urbanized [kingdom of Ifat](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian), recent archeological excavations have uncovered many ruined cities and towns which include the kingdom’s capital, whose cemetery contained inscribed tombs of the kingdom's rulers. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F971ab563-b468-4a24-b65b-49e72c2999c5_1000x664.jpeg) _**ruins of a mosque at Beri-Ifat**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F04b6f909-f81f-4b53-a10c-78f12f3ab9c4_709x477.png) _**Partially excavated ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field A, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ In northern Ghana, there are multiple internal and external accounts describing the [kingdom of Gonja](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550) which was founded by migrant elites from the Mali empire. Recent archeological work has identified the old capital of the kingdom as well as several complex structures whose construction resembles the architectural style of medieval Mali. In South Africa, oral and written accounts about heterogeneous groups of Sotho-Tswana and Nguni-speakers referred to as "Koni" have helped historians and archeologists to identify the builders of [the Bokoni ruins](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian), a widely distributed complex of terraced stone-walled sites in the escarpments of the Mpumalanga province. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F67cfe62f-133a-44c2-a548-938efb3d2f2c_980x591.png) _**Bokoni ruins near near Machadodorp, South Africa.**_ Similar discoveries abound across most of the continent, from the [kingdom of Ife](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces), to the painted churches of [medieval Nubia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art), all of which demonstrate the usefulness of interdisciplinary studies. Recent archeological work in the mountains of northern Cameroon has uncovered more than sixteen complexes of stone ruins whose construction between the 14th and 17th centuries coincided with the expansion of the Bornu empire and the lesser-known kingdom of Mandara, during an era when the region’s history was well documented. **My latest Patreon article explores the history of the stone ruins of Cameroon within the context of the documented history of the Mandara kingdom during the 16th century.** **Please subscribe to read about it here:** [STONE RUINS OF CAMEROON](https://www.patreon.com/posts/109389947) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61395630-59bc-4a88-a96a-86f283e7488b_487x1082.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fad571a0d-2798-494f-9b97-214280f8e2d7_1082x690.png) _**[Cathedral of Dongola](https://pcma.uw.edu.pl/en/2021/05/26/cathedral-of-dongola-new-discoveries-in-sudan/), Medieval Nubia, Sudan**_. This is one of the most recent discoveries in African archeology.

2024-08-04T14:40:04+00:00

A history of the Lozi kingdom. ca. 1750-1911.

state and society in south-central Africa

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca

In the first decade of the 20th century, only a few regions on the African continent were still controlled by sovereign kingdoms. One of these was the Lozi kingdom, a vast state in south-central Africa covering nearly 250,000 sqkm that was led by a shrewd king who had until then, managed to retain his autonomy. The Lozi kingdom was a powerful centralized state whose history traverses many key events in the region, including; the break up of the Lunda empire, the _Mfecane_ migrations, and the colonial scramble. In 1902, the Lozi King Lewanika Lubosi traveled to London to meet the newly-crowned King Edward VII in order to negotiate a favorable protectorate status. He was met by another African delegate from the kingdom of Buganda who described him as **"a King, black like we are, he was not Christian and he did what he liked"**[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-1-142449070) This article explores the history of the Lozi kingdom from the 18th century to 1916, and the evolution of the Lozi state and society throughout this period. _**Map of Africa in 1880 highlighting the location of the Lozi kingdom (Barosteland)**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-2-142449070) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffc4ecf0d-3eb9-468d-b18d-bfd87d127bec_993x595.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Early history of the Lozi kingdom** The landscape of the Lozi heartland is dominated by the Zambezi River which cuts a bed of the rich alluvial Flood Plain between the _Kalahari_ sands and the _miombo_ woodlands in modern Zambia. The region is dotted with several ancient Iron Age sites of agro-pastoralist communities dating from the 1st/5th century AD to the 12th/16th century, in which populations were segmented into several settlement sites organized within lineage groups.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-3-142449070) It was these segmented communities that were joined by other lineage groups arriving in the upper Zambezi valley from the northern regions under the Lunda empire, and gradually initiated the process of state formation which preceded the establishment of the Lozi kingdom.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-4-142449070) The earliest records and traditions about the kingdom's founding are indirectly associated with the expansion and later break-up of the Lunda empire, in which the first Lozi king named Rilundo married a Lunda woman named Chaboji. Rulindo was succeeded by Sanduro and Hipopo, who in turn were followed by King Cacoma Milonga, with each king having lived long enough for their former capitals to become important religious sites.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-5-142449070) The above tradition about the earliest kings, which was recorded by a visitor between 1845-1853, refers to a period when the ruling dynasty and its subjects were known as the Aluyana and spoke a language known as siluyana. In the later half of the 19th century, the collective ethnonym for the kingdom's subjects came to be known as the lozi (rotse), an exonym that emerged when the ruling dynasty had been overthrown by the Makololo, a Sotho-speaking group from southern Africa. [6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-6-142449070) King Cacoma Milonga also appears in a different account from 1797, which describes him as _**“a great souva called Cacoma Milonga situated on a great island and the people in another.”**_ He is said to have briefly extended his authority northwards into Lunda’s vassals before he was forced to withdraw.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-7-142449070) He was later succeeded by King Mulambwa (d. 1830) who consolidated most of his predecessors' territorial gains and reformed the kingdom's institutions inorder to centralize power under the kingship at the expense of the bureaucracy.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-8-142449070) Mulambwa is considered by Lozi to have been their greatest king, and it was during his very long reign that the kingdom’s political, economic, and judicial systems reached that degree of sophistication noted by later visitors.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-9-142449070) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc647eb47-4090-4519-9f8c-6e30ab288345_842x769.png) _**the core territories of the Lozi kingdom**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-10-142449070) **The Government in 19th century buLozi** At the heart of the Lozi State is the institution of kingship, with the Lozi king as the head of the social, economic and administrative structures of the whole State. After the king's death, they're interred in a site of their choosing that is guarded by an official known as _**Nomboti**_ who serves as an intermediary between the deceased king and his successors and is thus the head of the king's ancestral cult.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-11-142449070) The Lozi bureaucracy at the capital, which comprised the most senior councilors (_**Indunas**_) formed the principal consultative, administrative, legislative, and judicial bodies of the nation. A single central body the councilors formed the National Council (_**Mulongwanji)**_ which was headed by a senior councilor (_**Ngambela)**_ as well as a principal judge (_**Natamoyo)**_ . A later visitor in 1875 describes the Lozi administration as a hierarchy of “officers of state” and “a general Council” comprising “state officials, chiefs, and subordinate governors,” whose foundation he attributed to “a constitutional ruler now long deceased”.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-12-142449070) The councilors were heads of units of kinship known as the _**Makolo**_, and headed a provincial council (_**kuta**_) which had authority over individual groups of village units (_**silalo**_) that were tied to specific tracts of territories/land. These communities also provided the bulk of the labour and army of the kingdom, and in the later years, the Makolo were gradually centralized under the king who appointed non-hereditary Makolo heads. This system of administration was extended to newly conquered regions, with the southern capital at Nalolo (often occupied by the King’s sister _**Mulena Mukwai**_), while the center of power remained in the north with the roving capital at Lealui.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-13-142449070) The valley's inhabitants established their settlements on artificially built mounds (_**liuba**_) tending farms irrigated by canals, activities that required large-scale organized labor. Some of the surplus produced was sent to the capital as tribute, but most of the agro-pastoral and fishing products were exchanged internally and regionally as part of the trade that included craft manufactures and exports like ivory, copper, cloth, and iron. Long-distance traders from the east African coast (Swahili and Arab), as well as the west-central African coast (Africans and Portuguese), regularly converged in Lozi’s towns.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-14-142449070) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fed74b26d-f1ca-4c2c-b8bf-631cfb9d8c36_961x605.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61917170-c6f0-4090-8934-51404bb1ad2b_844x637.png) _**Palace of the King**_ (at Lealui) ca. 1916, Zambia. USC Libraries. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8899306-6527-49e1-8e75-66751a62026c_719x625.png) _**Palace of the Mulena Mukwai/Mokwae**_ (at Nalolo), 1914, Zambia. USC Libraries. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The Lozi kingdom under the Kololo dynasty.** After the death of Mulambwa, a succession dispute broke out between his sons; Silumelume in the main capital of Lealui and Mubukwanu at the southern capital of Nalolo, with the latter emerging as the victor. But by 1845, Mubukwanu's forces were defeated in two engagements by a Sotho-speaking force led by Sebetwane whose followers (_**baKololo**_) had migrated from southern Africa in the 1820s as part of the so-called _**mfecane**_. Mubukwanu's allies fled to exile and control of the kingdom would remain in the hands of the baKololo until 1864.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-15-142449070) Sebetwane (r. 1845-1851) retained most of the pre-existing institutions and complacent royals like Mubukwanu's son Sipopa, but gave the most important offices to his kinsmen. The king resided in the Caprivi Strip (in modern Namibia) while the kingdom was ruled by his brother Mpololo in the north, and daughter Mamochisane at Nololo, along with other kinsmen who became important councilors. The internal agro-pastoral economy continued to flourish and Lozi’s external trade was expanded especially in Ivory around the time the kingdom was visited by David Livingstone in 1851-1855, during the reign of Sebetwane's successor, King Sekeletu (r. 1851-1864).[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-16-142449070) The youthful king Sekeletu was met with strong opposition from all sections of the kingdom, spending the greater part of his reign fighting a rival candidate named Mpembe who controlled most of the Lozi heartland. After Sekeletu's death in 1864, further succession crisis pitted various royals against each other, weakening the control of the throne by the baKololo. The latter were then defeated by their Luyana subjects who (re)installed Sipopa as the Lozi king. While the society was partially altered under baKololo rule, with the Luyana-speaking subjects adopting the Kololo language to create the modern Lozi language, most of the kingdom’s social institutions remained unchanged.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-17-142449070) The (re) installation of King Sipopa (r. 1864-1876) involved many Lozi factions, the most powerful of which was led by a nobleman named Njekwa who became his senior councilor and was married to Sipopa's daughter and co-ruler Kaiko at Nalolo. But the two allies eventually fell out and shortly after the time of Njekwa's death in 1874, the new senior councilor Mamili led a rebellion against the king in 1876, replacing him with his son Mwanawina. The latter ruled briefly until 1878 when factional struggles with his councilors drove him off the throne and installed another royal named Lubosi Lewanika (r.1878-84, 1885-1916) while his sister and co-ruler Mukwae Matauka was set up at Nalolo.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-18-142449070) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe7081c2e-cd8b-42a5-b114-bbddac45ee15_1334x482.png) _**The Royal Barge on the Zambezi river**_, ca. 1910, USC Library **King Lewanika’s Lozi state** During King Lubosi Lewanika's long reign, the Lozi state underwent significant changes both internally as the King's power became more centralized, and externally, with the appearance of missionaries, and later colonialists. After King Lubosi was briefly deposed by his powerful councilor named Mataa in favor of King Tatila Akufuna (r. 1884-1885), the deposed king returned and defeated Mataa's forces, retook the throne with the name Lewanika, and appointed loyalists. To forestall external rebellions, he established regional alliances with King Khama of Ngwato (in modern Botswana), regularly sending and receiving embassies for a possible alliance against the Ndebele king Lobengula. He instituted several reforms in land tenure, created a police force, revived the ancestral royal religion, and created new offices in the national council and military.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-19-142449070) King Lewanika expanded the Lozi kingdom to its greatest extent by 1890, exercising varying degrees of authority over a region covering over 250,000 sqkm[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-20-142449070). This period of Lozi expansion coincided with the advance of the European missionary groups into the region, followed by concessioners (looking for minerals), and the colonialists. Of these groups, Lewanika chose the missionaries for economic and diplomatic benefits, to delay formal colonization of the kingdom, and to counterbalance the concessionaries, the latter of whom he granted limited rights in 1890 to prospect for minerals (mostly gold) in exchange for protection against foreign threats (notably the powerful Ndebele kingdom in the south and the Portuguese of Angola in the west).[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-21-142449070) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8ca62ecb-d5b9-41ec-bf6a-256d965d7bbb_998x642.png) _**The Lozi kingdom at its greatest extent in the late 19th century**_ Lewanika oversaw a gradual and controlled adoption of Christianity (and literacy) confined to loyal councilors and princes, whom he later used to replace rebellious elites. He utilized written correspondence extensively with the various missionary groups and neighboring colonial authorities, and the Queen in London, inorder to curb the power of the concessionaires (led by Cecil Rhodes’ British South Africa company which had taken over the 1890 concession but only on paper), and retain control of the kingdom. He also kept updated on concessionary activities in southern Africa through diplomatic correspondence with King Khama.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-22-142449070) The king’s Christian pretensions were enabled by internal factionalism that provided an opportunity to strengthen his authority. Besides the royal ancestral religion, lozi's political-religious sphere had been dominated by a system of divination brought by the aMbundu (from modern Angola) whose practitioners became important players in state politics in the 19th century, but after reducing the power of Lewanika's loyalists and the king himself, the later purged the diviners and curbed their authority.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-23-142449070) This purge of the Mbundu diviners was in truth a largely political affair but the missionaries misread it as a sign that the King was becoming Christian and banning “witchcraft”, even though they were admittedly confused as to why the King did not convert to Christianity. Lewanika had other objectives and often chided the missionaries saying; _**"What are you good for then? What benefits do you bring us? What have I to do with a bible which gives me neither rifles nor powder, sugar, tea nor coffee, nor artisans to work for me."**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-24-142449070) The newly educated Lozi Christian elite was also used to replace the missionaries, and while this was a shrewd policy internally as they built African-run schools and trained Lozi artisans in various skills, it removed the Lozi’s only leverage against the concessionaires-turned-colonists.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-25-142449070) **The Lozi kingdom in the early 20th century: From autonomy to colonialism.** The King tried to maintain a delicate balance between his autonomy and the concessionaries’ interests, the latter of whom had no formal presence in the kingdom until a resident arrived in 1897, ostensibly to prevent the western parts of the kingdom (west of the Zambezi) from falling under Portuguese Angola. While the Kingdom was momentarily at its most powerful and in its most secure position, further revisions to the 1890 concessionary agreement between 1898 and 1911 steadily eroded Lewanika's internal authority. [26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-26-142449070) Internal opposition by Lozi elites was quelled by knowledge of both the Anglo-Ndebele war of 1893 and the Anglo-Boer war of 1899-1902. But it was the Anglo-Boer war that influenced the Lozi’s policies of accommodation in relation to the British, with Lozi councilors expressing _**“shock at the thought of two groups of white Christians slaughtering each other”.**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-27-142449070) The war illustrated that the Colonialists were committed to destroying anyone that stood in their way, whether they were African or European, and a planned expulsion of the few European settlers in Lozi was put on hold. Always hoping to undermine the local colonial governors by appealing directly to the Queen in London, King Lewanika prepared to travel directly to London at the event of King Edward’s coronation in 1902, hoping to obtain a favorable agreement like his ally, King Khama had obtained on his own London visit in 1895. When asked what he would discuss when he met King Edward in London, the Lozi king replied: **“When kings are seated together, there is never a lack of things to discuss.”**[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-28-142449070) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3a239501-8f87-4ad5-977a-eabd8b3ab64b_500x385.jpeg) _**King Lewanika (front seat on the left) and his entourage visiting Deeside, Wales, ca. 1901**_, Aberdeen archives It is likely that the protection of western Lozi territory from the Portuguese was also on the agenda, but the latter matter was considered so important that it was submitted by the Portuguese and British to the Italian king in 1905, who decided on a compromise of dividing the western region equally between Portuguese-Angola and the Lozi. While Lewanika had made more grandiose claims to territory in the east and north that had been accepted, this one wasn’t, and he protested against it to no avail[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-29-142449070) After growing internal opposition to the colonial hut tax and the King’s ineffectiveness had sparked a rebellion among the councilors in 1905, the colonial governor sent an armed patrol to crush the rebellion, This effectively meant that Lewanika remained the king only nominally, and was forced to surrender the traditional authority of Kingship for the remainder of his reign. By 1911, the kingdom was incorporated into the colony of northern Rhodesia, formally marking the end of the kingdom as a sovereign state.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-30-142449070) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9888960e-f958-433b-95ab-0594224e915c_500x726.jpeg) _**the Lozi king lewanika ca. 1901.**_ Aberdeen archives A few hundred miles west of the Lozi territory was **the old kingdom of Kongo, which created an extensive international network sending its envoys across much of southern Europe and developed a local intellectual tradition that includes some of central Africa’s oldest manuscripts.** Read more about it here: [KONGO'S FOREIGN RELATIONS & MANUSCRIPTS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/99646036) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7935d194-6756-43b8-8e1e-532551f30444_648x1186.png)

2024-03-11T14:45:19+00:00

Historical links between the Ottoman empire and Sudanic Africa (1574-1880)

travel and exchanges between Istanbul and the states of; Bornu, Funj, Darfur and Massina.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman

In 1574, an embassy from the empire of Bornu arrived at the Ottoman capital of Istanbul after having travelled more than 4,000 km from Ngazargamu in north-eastern Nigeria. This exceptional visit by an African kingdom to the Ottoman capital was the first of several diplomatic and intellectual exchanges between Istanbul and the kingdoms of Sudanic Africa -a broad belt of states extending from modern Senegal to Sudan. In the three centuries after the Bornu visit of Istanbul; travelers and scholars from the Sudanic kingdoms and the Ottoman capital criss-crossed the meditteranean in a pattern of political and intellectual exchanges that lasted well into the colonial era. This article explores the historic links between the Ottoman empire and Sudanic Africa, focusing on the travel of diplomats and scholars between Istanbul and the kingdoms of Bornu, Funj, Darfur and Massina. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5aa8e468-b5a6-41c8-8528-23d3bf93a386_938x583.png) _**Map showing the kingdoms of Sudanic Africa and the Ottoman empire**_.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-1-136432887) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Diplomatic links between the Bornu empire and the Ottomans: envoys from Mai Idris Alooma in 16th century Istanbul** The Ottoman empire was founded at the turn of the 13th century, growing into a large Mediterranean power by the early 16th century following a series of sucessful campaigns into eastern Europe, western Asia and North-Africa. Like other large empires which had come before it, Ottoman campaigns into Sudanic Africa were largely unsuccessful. The earliest of these campaigns were undertaken against the Funj kingdom in modern Sudan, more consequential however, were the proxy wars between the Ottomans and the Bornu empire in the region of southern Libya. The empire of Bornu was founded during the late 11th century in the lake chad basin. The rulers of Bornu maintained an active presence in southern Libya since the 12th century, and regulary sent diplomats to Tripoli and Egypt from the 14th century onwards. Bornu's rulers, scholars and pilgrims frequently travelled through the regions of Tripoli, Egypt, the Hejaz (Mecca & Medina) and Jerusalem. These places would later be taken over by the Ottomans in the early 16th century, and Bornu would have been aware of these new authorities. In 1534, the Bornu ruler sent an embassy to the Ottoman outpost of Tajura near Tripoli, the latter of which was at the time under the Knights of Malta before it was conquered by the Ottomans in 1551. In the same year of the Ottoman conquest of Tripoli, the Bornu ruler sent an embassy to the new occupants, with another in 1560 which established cordial relations between Tripoli and Bornu. But by the early 1570s, relations between Bornu and Ottoman-Tripoli broke down when several campaigns from Tripoli were directed into the Fezzan region of southern Libya which was controlled by Bornu’s dependents.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-2-136432887) In the year 1574, the Bornu ruler Mai Idris Alooma sent a diplomatic delegation of five to Istanbul in response to the Ottoman advance into Bornu's territories in southern Libya. This embassy was headed by a Bornu scholar named El-Hajj Yusuf, and it remained in Istanbul for four years before returning to Bornu around 1577. In response to this embassy, the Ottoman sultan sent an embassy to the Bornu capital Ngazargamu (in North-eastern Nigeria) which arrived in 1578.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-3-136432887) More than 10 archival documents survive of this embassy, the bulk of which are official letters by the Ottoman sultan Murad III adressed to the Bornu ruler and the Ottoman governor of Tripoli. The Ottomans agreed to most of the requests of the Bornu ruler except handing over the Fezzan region, something that Idris Alooma would solve on his own when the Ottoman garrison in the Fezzan was killed around 1585[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-4-136432887). Yet despite this brief period of conflict, relations between the Ottomans and Bornu flourished, with [Ottoman firearms and European slave-soldiers](https://www.patreon.com/posts/first-guns-and-84319870) being sent to Bornu to bolster its military. The exchange of embassies between the Ottomans and the Bornu rulers is mentioned in the 1578 Bornu chronicle titled _kitāb ġazawāt Kānim_ (Book of the Conquests of Kanem), whose author Aḥmad ibn Furṭū wrote that; _**"Did you ever see a king equal to our sultan or close to it, when the lord of Dabulah** \[Istanbul\] **sent his emissaries from his country with sweet words, sincere and requested affection and for a desired union? Alas, in truth, all sultans are inferior to the Bornu sultan."**_ Ibn Furtu gives the Ottoman sultan a diminutive title of _malik_ (King); compared to the title 'Sultan' which was used for Bornu's neighbors: Kanem and Mandara, while the Bornu ruler was given the prestigious title 'Caliph'. This reflected the political tensions between the Ottomans and Bornu, as much as it served to legitimate the authority of the Bornu rulers relative to their regional peers.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-5-136432887) Contacts between Bornu and the Ottomans were thereafter confined to Tripoli, Egypt and the Hejaz, without direct visits between Istanbul and Ngazargamu. An exceptional decree issued by the Ottoman sultan in Istanbul during the early 17th century was copied in Bornu at an uncertain date[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-6-136432887), but aside from this, the intellectual cultures of Bornu contain no scholars from Istanbul, nor did Bornu's scholars visit the Ottoman capital, opting to confine their activities to scholary communities in Tripoli and Egypt. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb781370a-ea1d-497c-a539-4f9eaa833415_919x492.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffdf7e418-c9a3-4fc9-8575-7f122d5f7cfb_973x608.png) _**ruined sections of Idris Alooma’s 16th century palace at Gamboru**_, Nigeria **The Ottoman-Funj war and an Ottoman visitor in 17th century Sennar.** The Funj kingdom was founded around 1504 shortly before the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517. Expanding northwards from its capital Sennar, the Funj would encounter the Ottomans at the red-sea port of Suakin as well as the town of Qasr Ibrim in lower Nubia. A report by a Ottoman naval officer in 1525, which contains a dismissive description of the Funj and Ethiopian states as well as recommendations to conquer them with an army of just 1,000 soldiers, indicates that the Ottomans drastically underestimated their opponent. The ottoman general Özdemir Pasha had suceeded in creating the small red-sea province of Habesh in 1554 (which was essentially just a group of islands and towns between Suakin and Massawa), but his campaign into Funj territory from Suakin was met with resistance from his own troops.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-7-136432887) In 1560s the Ottomans occupied the fort of Qasr Ibrim and by 1577, had moved their armies south intending to conquer the Funj kingdom. According to an account written around 1589, the Ottoman army advanced against the city of old Dongola on the Nile with many boats, and the Funj army met them nearby at Hannik where a battle ensued that ended with an Ottoman defeat and withdraw (with just one boat surviving). The Ottoman-Funj border was from then on established at Sai island, although it would be gradually moved north to Ibrim.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-8-136432887) In the suceeding century following the Ottoman defeat, relations between the Funj kingdom and their northern neighbor were normalized as trade and travel increased between the two regions. In 1672/3, the Funj kingdom was visited by the Ottoman traveler Evliya Çelebi on his journey through north-east Africa. Starting at Ibrim in late 1672, Evliya set off with a party of 20 within a merchant carravan of about 800 traders mostly from _Funjistan_ (ie: Funj), carrying letters from the Ottoman governor of Egypt addressed to the Funj ruler to ensure Evliya's safety.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-9-136432887) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F221d6365-03ea-4501-b506-c56d118fb84c_904x597.png) _**Evliya Celebi’s journey through the Funj kingdom and North-east Africa**_, map by Michael D. Sheridan [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feef6cc89-eae5-4193-926b-2cff28a3e926_916x457.jpeg) _**Late medieval ruins on Sai Island**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdcf462fc-7568-41c0-b584-75d8e1dac046_691x790.jpeg) _**Detail of a 17th century illustration depicting Evliya Celebi**_ Evliya arrived in the region of 'Berberistan'; the northern tributary province of Berber in the Funj kingdom, which begun at Sai Island. He passed through several fortified towns before arriving at the provincial capital of Dongola. The province was ruled by a certain king 'Huseyin Beg' who recognized the Funj ruler at Sennar as his suzerain. Evliya stayed in Berber for several weeks before proceeding to old Dongola (the former capital of Makuria) where the Funj territories formally begun.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-10-136432887) From old Dongola, Evliya passes through several castellated towns before he reaches the city of Arbaji within the core Funj territories. He stopped over for a few days where he had a rather uncomfortable meeting with the local ruler before proceeding to the Funj capital sennar where he stayed for over a month. Sennar was described as a large city with several quarters surrounded by a 3-km long wall, pierced by three large gates and defended by 50 cannons. The Funj king (Badi II r. 1644-1681) controlled a vast territory, reportedly with as many as 645 cities and 1,500 fortresses. King Badi received the official letters from the Egyptian governor that Evliya had brought with him, and wrote his own letters addressed to the sender. The Funj king accompanied Evliya on a tour of the kingdom's southern territories, afterwhich they both returned to Sennar where the King gave Evliya provisions for his return journey. But upon reaching Arbaji where he encountered _Jabarti_ merchants (Ethiopian Muslims), Evliya decided to head east through the northern frontier of the Ethiopian state to the red sea coast.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-11-136432887) The last leg of Evliya's trip took him through northern _Dembiya_ (ie: Gondarine-Ethiopia), proceeding to the red sea coastal city of suakin before turning south to the coastal cities of the horn including Massawa and Zeila, and later retracing his route back to Egypt. Evliya arrived in Cairo in April 1673 accompanied by three Funj envoys, presenting the gifts from the Funj king and his letters to the governor of Egypt.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-12-136432887) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff1ef3078-f4c7-4d2c-bded-2c338e01484f_2048x1170.jpeg) _**Ruins of a Christian monastery complex at old Dongola**_, similar ruins are described in Evliya’s account [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9ed23966-7aef-4576-830b-407b80f679f2_512x384.jpeg) _**ruins of a ‘Diffi’ fortified castle-house on Jawgul island**_, the kind that appears frequently in Evliya’s account of the Funj kingdom [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fac8dda93-3212-4ceb-8d84-e303778b3b91_3958x2178.jpeg) _**Ruins of a mosque in Sennar**_[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-13-136432887), the Funj capital fell into decline in the early 19th century when it was abandoned. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Diplomatic and Intellectual links between the kingdoms of Funj and Darfur, and the Ottomans: traveling scholars and envoys from the eastern Sudan in Istanbul** While most diplomatic and intellectual exchanges between the Ottomans and the Funj were confined to Egypt, some Funj scholars travelled across the Ottoman domains as far as the empire's capital at Istanbul. The earliest documented Funj scholar to reach Istanbul was Ahmad Idrìs al-Sinnàrì (b. 1746). He travelled from Funj to Yemen for further studies, moving through the Hejaz and from there to Egypt. He later travelled to Istanbul and to Aleppo where he would live out the rest of his life. Another traveler from the Funj region was Ali al-Qus (b. 1788), he studied at al-Azhar, before setting out on his extensive travels, during which he visited Syria, Crete, the Hijaz Yemen and Istanbul, before returning to settle at Dongola shortly after the fall of the Funj kingdom.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-14-136432887) While the Funj kingdom didn't send envoys directly to Istanbul, its western neighbor, the kingdom of Darfur, sent an embassy directly to the Ottoman sultan after conflicts with the governor of Ottoman-Egypt. On April 7th, 1792, the Darfur king Abd al-Rahman (r. 1787–1801). sent an envoy to Istanbul with gifts for Selim III and letters describing the former's campaigns in the frontiers[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-15-136432887). The Darfur envoy informed the Ottoman sultan that the latter's officials in Egypt were doing injustice to merchants of Darfur and demanded that the sultan sends an imperial edict against their actions. The sultan likely agreed to the requests of the Darfur king, who was also given the honorific title al-Rashid (the just), a title that would frequently appear on the royal seals of Darfur.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-16-136432887) Intellectual and diplomatic exchanges between the Ottomans and the eastern Sudanic kingdoms continued throughout the 19th century, even after the brief French conquest of Egypt (the Darfur king also sent an embassy to Napoleon in 1800), and the Egyptian conquest of Sennar in the 1821. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffcd987a2-d890-4df2-adc5-7288cca7503f_681x1022.jpeg) _**Letter from ʿAbd al-Raḥmān of Darfur to Selim III,. Cumhurbaşkanliği Osmanli Arşivi, Istanbul**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F768a49e5-3b3f-477a-bb7f-7402a8af0650_647x900.webp) _**painting of Ibrahim, a Sudanese muslim from Sennar in Istanbul**_ ca. 1856, V&A museum **Ottoman links with the western-Sudanic kingdoms: A traveling scholar from Massina in Istanbul** Unlike the central and eastern Sudan which bordered Ottoman provinces, the western Sudanic states had little diplomatic contact with the Ottomans outside Egypt and the Hejaz, nor was the empire recognized as a major Muslim power before the 18th century. When a [Portuguese embassy to Mali reached the court of Mansa Mahmud II](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-mali-empire-76281818) in 1480s, the Mali ruler mentioned that he hadn't received a Christian envoy before, and the only major powers he recognized were the King of Yemen, the king of Baghdad, the King of Cairo and the King of Mali. Similary, the Ottomans don't appear in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles despite the empire having seized control of Egypt and the Hejaz more than a century before and many west-African scholars having travelled through Ottoman domains.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-17-136432887) While the Ottomans didn't frequently appear in early west-African writings, they are increasingly mentioned in the 18th and 19th century centuries. The 19th century chronicle _Ta'rikh al-fattash_, which is mostly based on the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles, mentions that: _**"We have heard the common people of our time say that there are four sultans in the world, not counting the supreme sultan, and they are the Sultan of Baghdad, the Sultan of Egypt, the Sultan of Bornu, and the Sultan of Mali."**_ The chronicler added a gloss which reads '_**this is the sultan of Istanbul**_' in place of the 'supreme sultan'.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-18-136432887) The chronicler of the _Ta'rikh al-fattash_ was writing from the [empire of Massina](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818), and its from here that atleast one western Sudanic scholar is known to have travelled to Istanbul in the mid 19th century. The scholar Muhammad Salma al-Zurruq (b. 1845) was born in the city of Djenne (Mali) into a chiefly family. He set off for pilgrimage early in his youth afterwhich he visited Istanbul, where he stayed for some time and met Muhammad Zhafir al-Madani, son of the founder of the Madaniyya order, Zhafir al-Madani, who acted as an agent of the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909), with the Sufi orders in Ottoman north-Africa. Muhammad Salma was able to establish an excellent rapport with the sultan who supplied him with documents guaranteeing his safe travel through Ottoman territories. Muhammad Salma travelled extensively in Ottoman territories and finally arrived in the Moroccan capital of Fez in 1888, later returning to Mali in 1890 on the eve of the French conquest.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-19-136432887) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0508cd26-ead1-4bb6-851c-34b07134d6e0_2185x1376.jpeg) _**Djenne street scene**_, ca. 1906 Sultan Abdul Hamid greatly transformed ottoman relations with Sudanic Africa, set in the context of the colonial scramble. But lacking the capacity to undertake distant military campaigns into the region, the Ottomans relied on religious orders to assert its political claims over parts of Africa which it never formally controlled. Relying on its alliances with the Sanusi order that was active in the Fezzan and the kingdoms of Wadai and Bornu, Ottoman agents travelled to parts of the region to initiate a new (albeit brief) era of diplomatic exchange with the central Sudan. [20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-20-136432887) Ottoman agents also travelled beyond the Sudanic regions to Lagos (Nigeria), Cape colony, Zanzibar, Ethiopia and even to the African Muslim community in Brazil[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-21-136432887). Similary, African kingdoms sent envoys and scholars to the Ottoman capital to forge anti-colonial alliances. The diplomatic ties between the Ottomans and African kingdoms such as Darfur under Ali Dinar, lasted until the collapse of the Ottoman empire after the first world war.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman#footnote-22-136432887) This late phase of African-Ottoman links is a fascinating topic that will be explored later, covering the international diplomatic strategies African states used to resist the colonial expansion. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faa106544-df91-46d4-a642-fcfcca234dfb_600x380.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0a8fa5c0-60ae-472a-abeb-af7156196cb1_660x440.jpeg) _**The Shitta-Bey Mosque in Lagos**_, built in 1891 by Mohammed Shitta Bey (ca. 1824-1895) a son of a freed-slave from Freetown who originally came from Brazil. The most important figure at the mosque’s opening was the Ottoman sultan’s representative _**Abdullah Quilliam**_ (1856-1932), not long after another ottoman agent, Abd ar-Rahman al-Baghdadi, had visited the African Muslims of Brazil. In the 9th century, **Italy was home to the only independent Muslim state in Europe that was ruled by Berbers and West-Africans**, read more about the kingdom of Bari on my latest Patreon post: [AN AFRICAN KINGDOM IN ITALY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87931499) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a7788d7-c663-4594-a6ee-175ba6411ced_630x992.png) **Mohammed Shitta Bey was one of several descendants of freed-slaves who settled on the west-African coast and made a significant contribution to the region’s economic development and modernization during the 19th century**. Read more about it here; [THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF LIBERATED AFRICANS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/85011401?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe0dca157-5444-4ff9-a508-0b27d727fac3_616x1219.png)

2023-08-27T12:43:09+00:00

The African diaspora in Portuguese India: 1500-1800.

Sailors, Merchants and Priests.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese

The Indian sub-continent has historically been home to one of Africa's best documented diasporic communities in Asia. For many centuries, Africans from different parts of eastern Africa travelled to and settled in the various kingdoms and communities across India. Some rose to prominent positions, becoming rulers and administrators, while others were generals, soldiers and royal attendants. The arrival of the Portuguese in the Indian ocean world in 1498 was a major turning point in the history of the African diaspora in India. Political and commercial alliances were re-oriented, initiating a dynamic period of cultural exchanges, trade and travel by Africans. Sailors and merchants from the Swahili coast, royals from the Mutapa kingdom, and crewmen from Ethiopia established communities across the various cities of the western Indian coast who joined the pre-existing African diaspora on the subcontinent. This article explores the history of the African diaspora in Portuguese India from the 16th to the 18th century, focusing on Africans who travelled to India out of their own volition, and eventually resided there permanently. _**Map showing the cities and kingdoms of the western Indian Ocean mentioned below[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-1-138576378)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3e3cf100-ce36-4d35-9795-c0b4b1e2a879_470x590.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Background on the Swahili city-states, the Portuguese and the western India coast at the turn of the 16th century.** The earliest African diaspora in Portuguese India was closely associated with the Portuguese arrival in the western Indian ocean. When the ships of Vasco Dagama rounded the cape and landed on Mozambique-island in 1498, the rivaling Swahili city-states were alerted to the presence of a new player in the coast’s factious political environment. Malindi quickly took advantage of the Portuguese presence to overpower its rival, Mombasa. Malindi’s sultan hosted Vasco Da gama, whose hostile encounter at Mozambique-island and Mombasa had earned him a bad reputation among many of the Swahili elites. Malindi boasted a cosmopolitan population that included not just the Swahili and other African groups, but also itinerant Indian and Arab merchants. Among these was an experienced sea-captain named Malema Cana who agreed to direct the Portuguese crew to the Indian city of Calicut. Later Portuguese expeditions would eventually battle with the rulers of Calicut and Goa, seizing both by 1510 and making Goa the capital of their possessions in the Indian ocean. In the suceeding decades, a number of Indian cities would fall under Portuguese control including Diu, Daman, Surat, Bassein, Bombay, and Mangalore.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-2-138576378) On the East African coast, a similar pattern of warfare led to the capitulation of Mombasa, Kilwa, Zanzibar, Mozambique island, and Sofala to the Portuguese over the course of the 16th century. Malindi leveraged its alliance with the Portuguese to become the capital of the Portuguese posessions on the east African coast and thus the seat of the “captain of the coast of Malindi”. Like many of the large Swahili cities, the merchants of Malindi were engaged in trade with the Indian ocean world, primarily in ivory and gold —a lucrative trade which continued after the Portuguese occupation of Goa.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-3-138576378) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7cdc1d4b-45c5-4835-b148-e52d482fe223_1024x468.png) _**ruins of Old town, Malindi**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Swahili voyages to Portuguese India: trading expeditions of Sultans and Merchants.** Prior to the Portuguese arrival, Swahili traders had been carrying goods on locally-built mtepe ships and on foreign ships to the coasts of Arabia, India and south-east Asia as far as the city of Malacca[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-4-138576378). This trade continued after the Portuguese ascendancy but was re-oriented. The Malindi sultan thus pressed his advantage, as early as 1517, by sending a letter to his suzerain, the king of Portugal, requesting a letter of protection to allow him free travel in his own ship throughout the Portuguese possessions from al-Hind (India) to Sofala (Mozambique). This was the first of several requests of safe passage made on behalf of Swahili sailors who were active in Portuguese India.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-5-138576378) There are similar letters from the late 16th century of a Malindi sultan, king Muhammad, sending a ship to the Portuguese settlement of Bassein (India) in 1586, as well as to Goa during the same year to warn the Portuguese about the Ottoman incursion of Abi Bey who had allied with some Swahili towns led by Mombasa and Pate. And around the year 1596, the same Malindi sultan wrote to Philip II of Spain, asking that his ships should sail freely throughout the Iberian possessions in India without paying taxes, He also asked for the free passage for a Malindi trading mission to China (likely, to Macau), to improve his finances. These requests were granted, the latter in particular may have been a consequence of the decline in Malindi's trade during the late 16th century and the eventual shift of the Portuguese administration of east Africa to Mombasa in 1593.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-6-138576378) Such requests of safe passage and duty free trade also taken up by private merchants who sailed on their own ships to India. For example the Mozambique-island resident named Sharif Muhammad Al-Alawi, who passed on the 1517 Malindi letter to the Portuguese, also requested a letter of safe passage for his own ship. Several later accounts mention East African merchants sailing regulary to India. An account from 1615 mentions a Mogadishu born Mwalimu Ibrahim who is described as an expert in navigation from “Mogadishu to the Gulf of Cambay”, his brother was involved in Portuguese naval wars off the coast of Daman. While another 1619 account mentions itinerant traders from the Malindi coast visiting Goa regulary, including a trader from Pate named Muhammad Mshuti Mapengo who was _**“well-known in Goa, where he often goes.”**_[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-7-138576378) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4afc1b86-4cd7-497c-81c8-3a74121bf628_832x529.png) _**Letters by the Malindi sultan and the Mozambique merchant Muhammad Al-Alawi, adressed to the Portuguese king Manuel**_, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo **Swahili voyages to Portuguese India: Envoys and Political alliances.** The activities of the Swahili elites in Portuguese India were partly dependent on their city's political relationship with local Portuguese authorities. When the Portuguese captured Mombasa in 1593, a more complex relationship was developed with the Swahili cities both within their direct control such as Mombasa, Pemba and Malindi, and those outside it such as Pate. Regular travel by Swahili elites to India were undertaken in the early 17th century as the nature of Portuguese control was continously re-negotiated. This was especially the case for the few rulers who adopted Catholism and entered matrimonial alliances with the Portuguese such as the brother of the king of Pemba who in the 1590s travelled to Goa but refused the offer to be installed as king of Pemba.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-8-138576378) A better known example was the sending of the Mombasa Prince Yusuf ibn al-Hasan to Goa in 1614 after a power struggle with the Portuguese governor at Mombasa had ended the assassination of his father. The prince was raised by the ‘Augustinian order’ in Goa where he was baptized as Don Jeronimo Chingulia. While in Goa, he married locally (albeit to a Portuguese woman) and was active in the Portuguese navy, before he was later crowned king of Mombasa in 1626 in preparation for his travel back to his home the same year. He would be the first of many African royals who temporarily or permanently resided in Goa, among whom included his cousin from Malindi named Dom Antonio.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-9-138576378) Swahili factions allied with the Portuguese often travelled to Goa and some lived there permanently. These include Bwana Dau bin Bwana Shaka of Faza, a fervent supporter of the Portuguese who settled in Goa after 1698 and kept close ties with the administration. In 1724, Mwinyi Ahmed Hasani Kipai, an ambitious character from Pate, took a ship in Barawa to meet the Portuguese in Surat and later on in Goa.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-10-138576378) In 1606, two Franciscan friars met a _mwalimu_ (ship pilot) from Pemba whom they described as a Swahili "old Muslim negro", that in 1597 had guided the ship of Francisco da Gama, the future viceroy of India, from Mombasa to Goa. Others included emissaries who travelled to Goa on behalf of their sultans, such include the Mombasa envoys Mwinyi Zago and Faki Ali wa Mwinyi Matano, that reached Goa in 1661 and 1694 respectively.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-11-138576378) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F248ecd99-836a-43b1-865d-a05edcc4302c_1057x658.jpeg) _**Mombasa beachfront, ca. 1890**_, Northwestern University [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Mutapa priests in India: royal Africans of the Dominican order.** Contemporaneous with the Portuguese presence on the east African coast was their expansion into the interior of south east Africa, especially in the kingdom of Mutapa in what is now Zimbabwe. From the early 17th century when the Portuguese were extending their control into parts of this region, members of the royal courts who allied with the Portuguese and adopted Catholicism often travelled to Goa and Lisbon for religious studies. These travels were primarily facilitated by the ‘Dominican order of preachers’, a catholic order that was active in the Mutapa capital and the region's trading towns, establishing religious schools whose students also included Mutapa princes. Unlike the itinerant nature of the Swahili presence in India, the presence of elites from Mutapa in India was a relatively permanent phenomenon.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-12-138576378). Among the first of Mutapa princes to be sent to India was Dom Diogo, son of the Mutapa king Gatsi Rucere, he was sent to Goa in 1617 for further education by the Dominican prior, with the hope that he might suceed his ageing father. However, Dom Diogo died a few years after his arrival in Goa, becoming the first of the Mutapa elites who remained in Portuguese India. He had likely been accompanied to Goa by a little-known prince who later converted and became a priest named Luiz de Esprito Santo. This priest would later return to Mutapa to proselytize but died in the sucession wars after king Gatsi’s death.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-13-138576378) He was soon followed by other Mutapa princes including Miguel da Presentacao, son of Gatsi's sucessor, king Kapararidze. Miguel spent most of his life in Goa from May 1629, where he would be educated and later earn a degree in theology. The young prince also travelled to Lisbon in 1630, where he received a Dominican habit and accepted into the order as a frair. The unusual circumstances in which this young old African prince was accepted into the order was likely due to royal intervention.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-14-138576378) Miguel returned to Goa in 1633 and was ordained as a priest, serving in the Santa Barbara priory in Goa, teaching theology and acting as a vicar of the Santa Barbara parish. In 1650, the Portuguese king requested that he return to Mutapa to suceed king Mahvura but Miguel chose to stay in Goa, where he would later be awarded the title master of theology in 1670 shortly before his death.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-15-138576378) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c469099-f94f-46f3-9652-dc66f6aa84b5_304x400.jpeg) _**engraving titled; ‘Le grand Roy Mono-Motapa’ by Nicolas de Larmessin I (1655-1680) depicting a catholic king of Mutapa**_ Two other Mutapa princes were also sent to India at the turn of the 18th century by the Mutapa king Mhande (Dom Pedro). The first of these was Mapeze, who was baptized as Dom Constantino in 1699 and sent to the Santa Barbara priory in Goa the following year. Shortly after, Constantino was joined in Goa by his brother Dom Joao. Both of the princes' studies and stay in India were financed by the Portuguese crown, which influenced the local Dominican order to accept them, with Constantino receiving a Dominican habit. After reportedly committing an indiscretion, Constantino was briefly banished to Macao (in China) by the vicar general of Goa, before the Portuguese king ordered that the prince be returned to Goa in 1709. When the Mutapa throne was taken by a king opposed to the Portuguese in 1711, the Portuguese king asked Constantino to return to Mutapa and take up the throne, but the later refused, claiming that he had renounced all worldly ambitions, an excuse that the Portuguese accepted. Constatino received a pension from the crown but was in conflict with his local religious superiors, which forced him to request safe passage to Lisbon for him and his brother. Constantino died en route but his brother opted to go to Brazil where he was eventually buried in the cathedral of Bahia.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-16-138576378) More African elites and students were sent to Goa during the 18th century, despite the great decline of the Portuguese presence in Mutapa, Eastern Africa and India. Atleast one Mutapa prince is known to have been sent to Goa around 1737 to enter the Dominican order, but he died shortly after his arrival. In the late 18th century, there were a number of Africans from Mozambique who received training in the Dominican priory at Goa, many of whom remained in India. Unlike the princes, these were youths whose families lived next to the mission stations in Mozambique, atleast 6 of them are known to have been admitted in 1770, but its unknown if they completed their training.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-17-138576378) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff3778452-eabd-42f1-bd7c-863cbc388dc3_546x485.jpeg) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Establishing an African diaspora in India: the East Africans and Ethiopian community in India.** Besides the itinerant merchants, royals, and priests, the African population of Portuguese India also included the families of merchants, sailors, crewmen, dockworkers and other personalities, all of whom worked in various capacities in the various port cities. Alongside the relatively small numbers of African elites who resided permanently in India, these Africans comprised the bulk of the African diaspora in Portuguese India. The abovementioned requests for letters of safe passage by Swahili sultans, hint at the predominantly African crew of the ships which sailed to India. Internal Swahili accounts such as the Pate chronicle mention atleast two sultans who organized trading expeditions to India, especially along the Gujarat coast, during the 16th and 17th century. In 1631, a sultan of Pate sent a ship to Goa whose crew mostly consisted of his wazee (councilors/elders of Pate), and in 1729, another sultan of Pate asked of the Portuguese the right to send “one of his ships” loaded with ivory to Diu.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-18-138576378) The African merchants who sailed to India were not all itinerant traders, but included some who stayed for long periods and married locally. In 1726, a letter from the king of Pate cited one Bwana Madi bin Mwalimu Bakar from Pate _**“who goes each year to Surat where he is married.”**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-19-138576378) Matrimonial alliances were a common feature of commercial relationships in the Indian ocean world -including among the Swahili, and it would not have been uncommon for Swahili merchants who travelled to India to have engaged in them and raised families locally. But the Swahili were not the only African group which permanently resided in Portuguese India. According to Jan Huygen van Linschoten, who lived in Goa in the 1580s, _**“free Muslim Abyssinians**_ _**are employed in all India as sailors and crew aboard the trading ships which sail from Goa to China, Japan, Bengal, Malacca, Hormuz and all the corners of the Orient.”**_ These sailors and often took their family aboard and comprised the bulk of the crew, such that the Portuguese who owned and/or captained the ship were often the minority. Some these African sailors also held high offices, such as in the India city of Dabhol in 1616, where the captain of a large ship was a Muslim “black native” from “Abyssinia”, and a pilot of a Mughal trading ship docked in Goa’s habour in 1586 was an Abyssinian who chided a Portuguese captain for losing to the Ottoman corsair Ali Bey on the Swahili coast.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-20-138576378) The use of the ethnonym “Abyssinians” here is a generic reference to various African groups from the northern Horn of Africa, who had long been active in India ocean trade. While the above references are concerned with Muslim Abyssinians, there are atleast two well known Christian Ethiopians who travelled to India in the early 15th century. They include a well-travelled scholar named Yohannes, who journeyed across much of southern Europe and reached Goa on his return journey in 1526, where he met with another Ethiopian named Sägga Zäab, who was the Ethiopian ambassador to Portugal[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-21-138576378). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbbb6ac5a-f885-4637-b121-4c3a9fbef789_673x402.png) _**Yohannes' travels to Europe and India**_. Map by Matteo Salvadore [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F335b9b36-43de-42a9-a86b-08bf67564e2c_820x321.png) _**Right Street in the City of Goa, Portuguese India, between 1579 and 1592. by Jan Huygen van Linschoten.**_ The painting includes African figures. Many Christian Ethiopians also reached Portuguese India during the period when the two nations were closely allied against the Ottomans. These Ethiopians not only travelled for trade but for permanent settlement, the latter of which was often sponsored by the Portuguese. For example in the 1550s, the viceroy Dom Constantino de Braganca granted villages in the Daman district to Christian Abyssinians. This community proved quite sucessful and produced prominent benefactors for the local Jesuit missions such as one named catholic Ethiopian named Ambrosio Lopes, who left a significant fortune for the Jesuit church in Bassein[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-22-138576378). Another is the ‘Abyssinian Christian matron’ named Catharina de Frao, who proselytized among local Muslim and Hindu women.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-23-138576378) As a testament to the dynamic nature of the African diaspora in Portuguese India, the resident ‘Abyssinian’ community of India, called the _Siddis_, who had arrived to the subcontinent some centuries before the Portuguese, was attimes involved in conflict with the latter, who were themsleves supported by other Ethiopians. Before the abovementioned viceroy Constantino De Braganca acquired Daman in 1558, he had to battle with the forces of a _siddi_ named Bofeta, who was incharge of the city’s garrison comprised of mixed Turkish and Ethiopian soldiers. And the city of Diu was itself guarded by a force comprised mostly of _Siddis_ before it was taken by the Portuguese in 1530 [24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese#footnote-24-138576378) The African community in Portuguese India therefore occupied all levels of the social hierachy; from transient envoys and merchants to resident royals, priests, soldiers, sailors and crewmen. This community was borne out of the complex political and commercial exchanges between Africa and India during the era of Portuguese ascendance in the Indian ocean, and was part of the broader patterns of cultural exchange that eventually saw Africans arriving on the shores of Japan in 1543. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86afb2dd-afd0-4cb0-8989-2fbea22e40e5_700x530.png) _**detail of a 17th century Japanese painting, showing an African figure watching a group of Europeans, south-Asians and Africans unloading merchandise.**_ **READ more about the African diaspora in 16th century Japan here:** [AFRICAN PRESENCE IN JAPAN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F533e2e7c-7f07-45d6-bfcc-ed00d8f9b487_640x966.png) **Around 3,5000 years ago, a complex culture emerged in the region of central Nigeria that produced Africa’s second largest collection of sculptural art during antiquity, as well as the earliest evidence for iron smelting in west Africa** **READ about it here:** [THE ANCIENT NOK CIVILIZATION](https://www.patreon.com/posts/91819837) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe954ab68-a8c4-49f5-bc03-11a364f32b94_595x1255.png)

2023-11-05T15:27:21+00:00

Persian myths and realities on the Swahili coast: contextualizing the 'Shirazi' civilization.

Why geneticists found what archeologists and historians had failed to locate.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the

**As Persian as Mike Tyson? the Swahili at first glance.** _**"I've heard that most people in Kizimkazi claim to be Persian, To me the people look about as Persian as Mike Tyson. It’s a bit like me claiming to be white because my great-great-grandfather was an Irishman named Brady. Its taken my people fifty years to move from Negro to Black to African American. I wonder how long it will take the Swahili to call themselves African."**_ H.L.Gates, 1999 Professor Henry Louis Gates's documentary series on African civilizations is one the most celebrated accounts of African history on film. The travelogue style documentary series titled “_Wonders of the African world_”, which first aired in 1999, took him from Nubia to Timbuktu to Great Zimbabwe, and showcased the splendor of Africa's past as never before seen to most western audiences. On one of his stops to the East African coastal city of Zanzibar, Gates queried two local men about their racial identity, to which they responded that they were Persian, prompting the sarcastic quip quoted above.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-1-123316806) Some Swahili scholars such as Ali Mazrui were heavily critical of the series, and were understandably outraged at what they considered Gate's "Black orientalism". Among other criticisms regarding Gate's interpretation of the history of Egypt and Nubia, Ethiopia's ark of the covenant, and the slave trade from el-Mina, Mazrui, who is a specialist on Swahili history, was dismayed that Gates' _**"second episode of the TV series on the Swahili supremely ignores the scholarly Swahili experts on the Swahili people"**_. Mazrui charged Gates with trying to impose an American definition of race onto a society which has always been proud of its own complex form of self-identification.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-2-123316806) Mazrui's critique of Gates was not well received by some of his peers such as Wole Soyinka, and the back-and-forth debate between Mazrui, Soyinka and Gates deserves a documentary of its own. However, away from the war of words in the ivory tower, the Swahili unapologetically retained their 'Shirazi' self-identification, and they continued to tell whoever would listen that their ancestors came from the Persian town of Shiraz. Fast forward to 2022, a team of archeologists and geneticists analyzed the DNA of more than 80 people buried in the ornamental tombs of 7 Swahili cities dated between 1250-1800, and found that the ancestral background was equally split between east Africa and the Persian gulf. many Swahili were satisfied with the findings of the new study, with one stating that _**“It confirms the way I’ve always seen myself.”**_ [3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-3-123316806) Who are the ‘shirazi’ of early Swahili history? And why couldn’t archeologists and historians find them before geneticists did?. This article explores the Shirazi-Persian question in the history of the Swahili. _**Map of the western Indian ocean showing the various African, Arabian and Persian coastal cities.**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-4-123316806) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F17ae7c87-a8b1-4e4c-929d-2027541e49ff_599x948.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Excavating the Shirazi “myth”. From Persians to Arabs in Swahili archeology (1920-1970s)** _**"The reason for their leaving Shiraz in Persia was their Sultan one day dreamed a dream. He was called Hasan Ibn Ali: he was the father of these six men and the seventh of those who left."**_ Kilwa chronicle, 1552 Like most of Africa, Swahili historiography heavily relies on archeology, as much as it does on other disciplines, in reconstructing the origins and evolution of Swahili societies. Even though some historians of Swahili society have decried the resulting "confusion" from allowing these other disciplines to _**"determine almost entirely the content and boundaries of our discourse"**_.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-5-123316806) Early archeologists working with a relatively limited set of tools and information, focused their attention on the monumental ruins and elite sections of the old cities. And as has always been the case for all scholars working on history, these early archeologists were influenced by the prevailing political and social conditions of the colonial era in which they lived. In this colonial context of western foreign elites ruling over a subject "native" population; the "Swahili towns struck outsiders as foreign transplants" and the Swahili's own writings such as the Kilwa chronicle quoted above, appeared to confirm the colonialist's preconceptions.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-6-123316806) In the colonial era, the nebulous definition of what constitutes "foreign" in Africa was informed by a pre-conceived racial conception of "African-ess" created in the Atlantic world. In its essentialist understanding of social identities, everything perceived to be "foreign" (like the colonists) was considered superior to everything "native" (like their subjects). Their interpretation of African-ness and African history within this racialist world-view was not confined to the Swahili but to every part of the continent, from Nubia to pre-Aksumite Ethiopia, to the Yoruba of Ife and to Great Zimbabwe[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-7-123316806). These colonial scholars were less concerned with achieving accurate historical reconstructions than with reasserting their own world vision. They thus interpreted pre-existing traditions of Swahili history in ways that supported their own rationales. Periodizing Swahili history in two vaguely defined eras labeled "Persian" and "Arab", the former being preceeding the latter.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-8-123316806) Its in this context that colonial writers such as Francis Pearce’s 1920 book on Zanzibar history, William Ingrams’ 1931 book on Zanzibar’s history and Lawrence Hollingsworth 1929 book on the history of the East African coast, popularized the idea of early Swahili history as belonging to a Persian civilization which was "not African" but the achievement of an immigrant ruling class. They believed they could discern a distinctive "shirazi" style of architecture in the older ruins, superseded later by an Arab style. They considered the early period to be the work of a Persian-ruled "Zinj empire", which they credited with the introduction of coral-stone architecture, wood carving and cotton weaving.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-9-123316806) Their opinions on the so-called Shirazi colonization of east Africa were taken up by the 'professional' historian Reginald coupland in his aptly titled book _**"East Africa and its Invaders"**_ published in 1939. Coupland then passed this interpretation on to the archeologist James Kirkman, whose excavations at Gedi beginning in 1948, were the first of their kind for any Swahili city. It was Kirkman however, who first cast doubt on the received knowledge about the Persian to Arab periodization. Kirkman found no epigraphic evidence for the existence of Persian settlers at Gedi, and concluded that the Persian loanwords in Swahili would have come from Arabic. Writing that **"**_**the distinction between Arabs and Persians is deprecated. It is far better to avoid use of the term Persian until there is some evidence of the use of Persian speech and Persian customs which have not been adopted by the Arabs"**_**.**[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-10-123316806) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5adf1214-bfcf-4637-b7a4-f109315e0cee_1566x880.jpeg) _**Ruins of Gedi in Kenya, Kirkman found that its stone-buildings were constructed gradually, several centuries after the city had emerged.**_ Identifying Persian ‘colonists’ in Swahili material culture continued to elude archeologists as more medieval Swahili cities and archipelagos such as Mombasa, Manda, Lamu were dug up between 1948-1956. The ruins of Gedi, Ungwana, Kilepa, among other towns yielded a lot of local handmade pottery (later called 'tana' wares and 'kwale' wares) with some imported Chinese and Islamic glazed wares (often wheel-made), the latter of which enabled the earliest phases of the cities to be dated to the 13th century[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-11-123316806). Following kirkman's new periodization, these ruins were labeled "Arab" not necessary for their settlers but for their dating. It wasn't until 1963 that just two epigraphic inscriptions of Persian names were found at Mogadishu, and by 1973, archeologists G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville and B. G. Martin compiled a list of more than 34 inscriptions from the same city, and dozens from along the coast, only two of which had Persian nisbas (al-Khurasani and al-Shirazi) dated to the 13th century.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-12-123316806) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Excavating the “African” roots of the Swahili (1970s-2010s)** In 1978, the archeologist Neville Chittick briefly resurrected the idea of a 'Persian' periodization with the publications of his decades-long excavations at Manda. Chittick claimed Manda was created by immigrants from the Persian gulf. According to Chittick, Manda was larger, richer and older than other Swahili sites. Its use of brick and stone in construction was imilar to Siraf and Sohar, and its proportion of imported wares was higher than later "African" and "Afro-arab" towns. Chittick claimed that small numbers of colonists from the 9th/10th century province of Fars (with a mixed Persian Arab population) intermarried with Swahili elites and by virtue of their trading links created their own elite lineages spread throughout the towns. With time, the 'colonists' became culturally and "racially" indistinguishable from the Swahili.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-13-123316806) Chittick's peers, especially the archeologist Mark Horton and historian James de Vere Allen found his findings unpersuasive. The latter in particular was compiling sources for a lengthy monograph on Swahili origins (eventually published in 1993) in which he explored the varying oral and written traditions, both internal and external (from Arabic to Persian to Chinese to Swahili to Portuguese), to address the elusiveness of Swahili identity. Allen viewed the Swahili as a highly permeable nd fluid population where identity was constantly redefined and origin myths adjusted to suit political prerogatives of the elite. [14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-14-123316806) They included not just the shirazi origin, but also the ever-present shungwaya traditions, and other origin traditions tying the swahili to mainland groups such as Majikenda and Segeju, as well as some Cushitic speaking groups. Allen found no external textural evidence for a Persian migration, and showed that the Swahili were themselves unfamiliar with the location of Shiraz (an inland city which had been well-past its heyday even in the 10th century), but were familiar with other coastal towns, indicating that wa-shirazi connection was more about status. Allen's understanding of Swahili origins was at odds with the colonist model proposed by Chittick, and he wasn’t alone.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-15-123316806) As an archeologist, Mark Horton's critique of Chittick was more focused on the latter's methods of excavations which informed his interpretations. Horton says Chittick's dating of Manda's earliest layers to 850 AD, was based on Chinese wares found in a beach site far from the settlement, and could have been disturbed by water action, Horton instead prefers the better preserved Islamic pottery which he dates much earlier to 800AD. This would make Manda contemporary to similar sites excavated by Horton such as Shanga and other sites on the Lamu archipelago[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-16-123316806). Horton also questioned whether the earliest phases of Manda were built in stone, unlike his own excavations at Shanga whose stratigraphy showed a clear progression from round mud-walled huts, to coral stone houses. Horton pointed out that the earliest coral-stone buildings in Chittick's own account were 2-3 centuries older than the town's purported founding, making it **unlikely that Chittick's Persian colonists took centuries to re-create building techniques they would have already been familiar with.** Furthermore, Manda's houses, like all early swahili "stone" houses, were built with _Poitres coral_ which was cut undersea, while all contemporary Persian construction at Shiraz and Siraf used bricks and sandstone, with the only similar poitres-coral houses being built in the southern red-sea at the african island of Dahlak Kebir. The Swahili architectural layout was also very dissimilar to the Siraf/Shiraz style, houses at Manda (and Shanga) were set in a podium, had central cisterns, with annexed rooms built around them, which was unlike the layout used in Siraf, but was coincidentally similar to that used in the southern red sea. Horton showed Chittick's Persian colonization model to be untenable, there was simply too little evidence for Persians on the coast, with the only few external influences -If any- coming from the red-sea and southern Arabia.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-17-123316806) Mark Horton's findings at Shanga showed that the 8th century iron-age town emerged gradually as a small fishing and farming village, it occupants grew African grains, were marginally engaged in foreign trade and lived in round-thatched houses of mud walls before slowly replacing them with timber and coral-stone constructions, —this definitively proved an African origin of the Swahili cities, something hinted at by Chittick's excavations at Kilwa in 1965 before he abandoned this view after the Manda excavations[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-18-123316806). Further archeological digs over the subsequent decades would confirm the pattern of growth popularized by Horton, that Swahili cities emerged as African villages in the second half of the 1st millennium, grew into cosmopolitan mercantile towns by the 11/12th century, and became centers of agglomerated polities by the mid-second millennium. The most recent compilation of Swahili archeological studies and interdisciplinary research by more than 50 Swahilists was published in 2018, titled 'The Swahili world', was edited by the archeologists Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette. In their introduction, Wynne-Jonnes and LaViolette summarize this definitive shift in Swahili archeology and early history, writing that _**"There are now no serious scholars who suggest external origins or significant Arab or Persian colonisation as the starting point for coastal settlement.".**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-19-123316806) It should however be noted that while the dozens of Swahili cities show a gradual emergence from small villages to large cosmopolitan towns, there is one notable exception of Sanje ya Kati, which appears to have been founded, settled and abandoned in a short period of time during the 11th-13th century. Excavated by the archeologist Stephane Pradines who published his results in 2009, Sanje was identified as the ‘Shang’ of Kilwa’s chronicles. Its sudden appearance on a site with little prior settlement, with a fully developed architectural tradition and high proportion of imported wares could only have been the work of immigrants from the Persian gulf. [20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-20-123316806) While Sanje ya Kati provides some archeological evidence of Persians at the Swahili coast, no similar sites have been found on the coast which emerged suddenly like it did. All the recent archeological digs such as Tumbe and Chwaka on Pemba island display the same type of stratigraphy better known at Shanga, where a small 7th century African village grew into a cosmopolitan costal town by the 11th century.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-21-123316806) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc920e7fe-7c43-4963-b53d-5f4c86876b26_700x434.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F38570edb-af43-4134-833f-aaa233f5dcac_620x937.png) _**Mosque sequence revealed through excavation by Horton at Shanga, showing some of the remains of the earlier timber mosque and its post-holes, that was later enlarged several times until the final phases which used coral-stone.**_ **Linguists and Historians debating foreign influences on Swahili language and society (1980s-2010s)** At the same time Horton published his ground-breaking study of Shanga in the 1980s, linguists such as Thomas Hinnebusch, Derek Nurse, and Thomas spear proved that Swahili was a predominantly African language of the Sabaki subgroup, closely related to the mainland Sabaki speakers including Elwana, Pokomo, Comorian, and Mijikenda. These were inturn descended from a broader stream of Bantu-peaking peoples called the Northeast-Coastal Bantu-speakers, who had migrated to the coast and its from the Great Lakes region around 100-200 AD. By using the methods of historical linguistics, Nurse and Spear's 1985 book; _The Swahili: reconstructing the history and language_, helped to prove that the Swahili were entirely Bantu ("African") in their ancestry, and not "Arabs," as scholars as late as the 1960s had thought. Based on the evidence of loanwords, they contended further that "Persians", "Indians", "Arabs" and other exogenous peoples (including mainland Africans) played little role in Swahili history until the 19th century. The classification of Swahili as a Bantu language was widely accepted by Linguists and confirmed by subsequent research.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-22-123316806) While the linguists' conclusion that Swahili was a bantu (African) language was also accepted by historians in the decades since, some historians claim that when it comes to reconstructing early Swahili history based on linguistic evidence, the linguists were too dismissive of the exogenous influences. The historian most critical of the Linguists' view of early Swahili history was Randal Pouwells. In the years following Kirkman's publications, Pouwels and his peers such as Spencer Trimingham had in the 1960s dismissed the Persian colonist model as mostly legendary associated with the northern towns, differing from Freeman-Grenville who initially contended that the Swahili are of "pure Bantu stock" but that some would have descended from immigrant sailors. [23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-23-123316806) Pouwels also differed from his peers like James Allen and Thomas Spear who in the 1970s, suggested the nothern Swahili towns of cosmopolitan 'Shungwaya' (with its mixed Bantu, Cushitic and Arab population) were the dispersal point of the Shirazi legends. Pouwells instead found that the Shungwaya dispersal happened much later and was associated with the "Arab" families who played a prominent role post-1600, and who were the subject of Pouwel's studies.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-24-123316806) Beginning with his 1987 publication _"Horn and Crescent"_, and in later articles, Pouwels maintains that external contacts played as much of a role as internal changes in the development of Swahili society. The combined internal and external influences altered local value systems, created new symbols of power and furthered the growth of social complexity. Responding to the Linguists, Pouwels states that _**"The Northeast Coastal, Sabaki, and early Swahili did not live in a vacuum, so exogenous influences on their cultural metamorphoses have to be fully considered in any discussion"**_. He adds that _**"the fact that many of these items were confined to just a few spheres does not obviate the significance of these influences. To the contrary: they attest to the role played by foreign ideas in the social, economic, and cultural changes that were occurring in coastal societies"**_. Observing that the existence of Arabic as a written language by the 9th century, alongside Swahili as the lingua franca, means that the former may not have been _**"represented accurately in loanword evidence of the sort found in linguistics research".**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-25-123316806) Its important to note that many Swahili specialists adjusted their interpretations of early Swahili history when presented with new evidence, but generally speaking, there was a consensus on the Swahili's settlement's African origins even though there was disagreement on the role played by exogenous groups from the African mainland, the Persian gulf and the Arabian peninsular. There was much firmer evidence for Arabian (and mainland) influences on Swahili society in the 12th/13th century (coinciding with the Swahili's islamization) and accelerating in the post-1500s era. A short monograph by B. G. Martin in 1974 on early Arab migrations to the Swahili coast was the first of many studies that would reveal more conclusive evidence of small Arab families (often Alawi saintly families from Hadramawaut in Yemen) settling on the coast at varying intervals, while Pouwels' extensive studies of such migrations follows them well into the 19th century.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-26-123316806) Pouwels' study shows that the immigrant elites were never 'colonists' who imposed their cultural and political values on the Swahili but were instead thoroughly acculturated into the Swahili society, their offspring from marriage alliances with local elite women were then accepted into Swahili elite circles, they could accumulate wealth from trade, and some were buried in monumental tombs like other elites. It should be noted that the accepted 'arabs' only refered to a select class (often Alawis and northern Swahili families from Brava who claimed Arab origins) but not most Arabs who were disdained for being lowclass (eg Hadramis) or overbearing (eg Omanis). [27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-27-123316806) Pouwels stresses that _**"Swahili is not Arabic and coastal culture is not Arab culture, though both have borrowed some elements from the heartlands of Islam. Townspeople certainly recognized these facts in the past and, significantly, asserted the primacy of their language and civilization in the face of Arab pretensions time and time again"**_. Pouwels’ studies on the Arab saintly lineages have recently be expanded by Anne K. Bang's _‘Sufis and scholars of the sea’_ published in 2003. Both Pouwels and Bang highlighted the Alawis' contribution to Swahili literature, especially regarding poetry and genealogy, that had been mostly absent during the early centuries.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-28-123316806) **The 16th century Kilwa chronicle: disputed authorship and conflicting versions** While inscriptions from as early as the 9th century prove that the early Swahili society was a literate one, there's little evidence for a local pre-16th century text of history like the chronicle (s) of Kilwa. The Kilwa chroncile is therefore a rather exceptional work of Swahili historical literature, both for its early date and its content. There are two Kilwa chronicles, with the older chronicle having since been proven by the historian Adrien Delmas to be a collaborative effort between the Portuguese (who interfered in Kilwa's politics beginning in 1505) and their chosen allies (installed tenuously in 1506 but later deposed). of the two versions, the older chronicle survived only in a Portuguese version included in a wider history work of Joao de Barros in 1557, and a later Arabic one composed shortly after, titled Kitāb al-Sulwa, very likely in response to the earlier version. The Portuguese version was likely written by allies of the short-lived sultan Ancony (r.1506), and the Arabic one by the twice-installed sultan Ibrahim (r. -1505, 1512-).[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-29-123316806) Barros' account differs significantly the one appearing in the Arabic version, something that philologists and historians attribute to the partisan biases of the authors, and not necessary a reflection of the accuracy of either version of the chronicle. Eg: Barros's account mentions that Ali was born of a Persian sultan and an 'Abyssinian' slave mother thus forcing him to flee the disdain from his brothers by sailing to Kilwa with his companions. It adds that Ali avoided the "Arab" ruled Mogadishu and Brava (which were purportedly founded by seven "Arab" brothers from Al-hasa near Bahrain) because he was both black and Persian. Conversely, the Arabic version defends the nobility of Ali, his father, and his brothers stating, _**"This is based on strong evidence, that they were kings in their own country, and is a refutation of those who deny it. God knows all the truth!"**_, and adds six other places where the Sultan and Ali's brothers settled.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-30-123316806) Both chronicles agree that Ali settled at Kilwa, married a local princesses and established a new dynasty that begun with his son, and would continue to rule despite being briefly deposed after an attack from a nearby town of “Shang”. Around 1277, a sultan named al-Hassan Bin Talut ascended to the Kilwa throne, Barros identifies him as a son of the previous ruler, but the Arabic version says he was the founder of a new dynasty of Mahdali origin (claiming Yemeni affiliations). Barros’ version also contains some 13th century sultans not included in the Arabic version, but two of whom were credited with Kilwa's pre-eminence, seizing sofala's gold trade and constructing a large palace. But the Arabic version attributes Kilwa's prominence to the 14th century Mahdali era. In the Arabic version, the city-state is said to have been divided between an emirate (with military power but no sovereign power) and the kingdom, which eventually led to non-royals from the former to seize the latter. Non-royal elites would again emerge in the emirate as kingmakers just prior to the Portuguese, and form the basis for the rivary between Ancony (a non-royal) and Ibrahim (a royal).[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-31-123316806) **Shirazi traditions and the role of women in early Swahili society: Matrilineages and matrimonial alliances** Returning to the Shirazi traditions in the Kilwa chronicle and in other written and oral accounts, it should be noted that they are very widespread and there are far more extant versions than the few which have been published so far. The two 16th century chronicles provide rather abridged accounts of a mostly similar event in which Ali al-Shirazi settled at Kilwa, married and the princess of its ‘pagan’ king and “acquired” the island by giving the ‘pagan’ king alot of cloth.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-32-123316806) A more detailed account is contained in the 19th century copy of the Arabic chroncile. It mentions that Sultan Ali bin Selimani the Shirazi is said to have come to Kilwa, married a local princess of its ruler; Elder Mrimba, and gave the latter gifts (a lot of cloth to reach the mainland) so that Mrimba would leave Selimani and the princess on the island. Mrimba agreed to move to the mainland after receiving the gift, he later made war with Selimani but retreated, Selimani himself only had power on Kilwa and was at war with Sanje ya kati island, but he built no fort or wall at Kilwa, and didn’t tax his subjects since Kilwa was only a modest farming and fishing village. Selimani later had a son with the princess, whom he named Mahomed, the latter moved to the mainland to visit his grandfather Mrimba. It was Mrimba who then conferred power onto Mahomed, allowing the latter to return to Kilwa and rule as sultan of Kilwa and its mainland. _**"So Sultan Mahomed ruled, because the people saw he had power on the mainland. His relatives, who had come from Shiraz, did not take power. And the people of the town followed Sultan Mahomed on account of his power".**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-33-123316806) This tradition includes two important aspects which are relevant to understanding how the recent DNA studies have uncovered genetic record that has eluded archeologists and historians. The two aspects are; the nature of Swahili political structures, and the role of women in Swahili society. Swahili political organization was extremely diverse but the form of 'kingship' (al-mulk) appearing in the kilwa chronicle appears to have been the exception, as Swahili cities were often governed by a council of elders/patricians (waungwana) who represented heads of the oldest/wealthiest/powerful lineage groups[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-34-123316806). Eg, Mombasa and Lamu were organized into a dual principal of opposing sets of spatial and social halves of waungwana clans from diverse backgrounds (with the “shirazi” clans often being the oldest). The waungwana were organized into clan alliances which appointed members to a council and had great power over political affairs and over the 'sultan' or governor[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-35-123316806). In the 16th century matters of sucession, taxation, trade, justice, and military organization in the city of Pate were also in the hands of the council despite the presence of a king/royal dynasty[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-36-123316806). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ac0f263-90a4-46e6-b4fd-075c0a979eb1_529x578.png) _**Map showing Mombasa’s spatial and social divisions, the pre-Islamic quarter was governed by a ‘matriach’ named Mwana Mkisi or her dynasty, which was then replaced by a ‘shirazi’ dynasty of Shehe Mvita around the 13th century, before their power was also eclipsed in the 18th century by the “arab” Mazrui dynasty.**_[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-37-123316806) The tension between patrician "republican" government and hierarchical/dynastic kingship seems to permeate historical analyses of the coastal polities. In Kilwa, the political structure was also characterized by a distribution of power and influence despite its appearance as 'sultanate' with hierarchical kingship. Both royals and non-royals are represented as "the people of major decisions"[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-38-123316806) in connections with matters of sucession, trade and diplomacy with foreigners. The antagonism between Kilwa's kingship and the emirate in the chronicle, or between the kilwa sultan and his council in 16th century Portuguese accounts[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-39-123316806) may well represent this form of Swahili dynamism in which power couldn't be monopolized by the executive. The second important aspect is the role of women in early Swahili society. There is strong evidence that women in the pre-1600 cities enjoyed much higher status than in later centuries. Coastal traditions, dating from as far back as the 16th century, and Portuguese sources are awash with stories of influential women and queens who played prominent parts in Swahili public affairs. They oversaw important events concerning their kin groups, participated in public celebrations, attended mosques with their men, and were encouraged to become literate. They wielded greater social and economic power than was possible later, apparently having rights of inheritance and use of property equal to those enjoyed by men. There is also evidence that governing authority in some cities was inherited through female members of ruling lineages. For example, the epic conflict of Pate which pitted the shirazi noble Fumo Liongo and his half-brother, Mringwari, centered on the opposition between Islamic patrilineage (associated with Mringwari) and an older Bantu tradition of matrilineal inheritance (associated with Fumo Liongo). [40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-40-123316806) Matrilineal descent is a fairly common among some Bantu-speaking groups of Africa particulary in the so-called “matrilineal belt” stretching from Angola to Tanzania, as well as some west-African societies, and has been a subject of several studies. It should be noted that matrilineal descent doesn’t mean “matriarchal” power (rule by women), nor did it exist as a monolithic cultural phenomena but was diverse in practice with some matriclans recognizing dual descent and patrilocal marriages (wife moves to husband’s home).[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-41-123316806) However, there are relatively few anthropological studies on matrilineal descent in the Swahili towns, presumably because such traditions were greatly altered during the 19th century Omani era. On the east African coast, Matrilineal inheritance and lineages, as well as matrilocal marriages (where the husband moves into the residence of his wife) have been explored in greater detail on the Island of Comoros in Sophie Blanchy's _"Maisons des femmes, cités des hommes"_, and Iain Walker's _"Becoming the Other, Being Oneself"._ Ethnographically known Swahili houses (especially from 19th century Lamu) were often associated with women, who could inherit them (often at their wedding), and rarely left the block in which they lived. The Swahili's matrilocal marriages meant that houses would need to be extended to cater for incoming husbands, leading to the organic growth of domestic houses with annex rooms around the main complex. Property transferred to daughters (often from their fathers but attimes from their mothers) couldn't be owned by the husband, and it thus remained within the lineage.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-42-123316806) The existence of matrilineal inheritence among the Swahili has been challenged by a few scholars, notably the anthropologist John Middleton, who suggests that Swahili houses were mostly owned and transferred based on lineages (rather than individuals) and these lineages which may or may not be matrilineal. He adds that while matrilineal descent requires that the successor of a man in authority has to be his sister's son, the sucessors of Swahili patricians were often the sons thought most likely to suceed in business. Middleton instead postulates that the recognized mode of descent (particulary in 19th century Lamu) was both patrilineal and bilateral, Although its unclear whether this was the same several centuries earlier.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-43-123316806) While the exact nature of Swahili women's social power and their role in Swahili inheritence systems is disputed, there's little doubt that marriage alliances which they initiated/were engaged in, played a vital role in the political and social structures of Swahili society. While men held the highest political authority (atleast in the 19th century), women —particulary those of patrician descent— were the means through which the lineages perpetuated themselves, thus enabling the lineages to retain and accumulate wealth, and guarantee their political power.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-44-123316806) To quote Pouwels, _**"A crucial aspect of the development of many coastal settlements was the persistent, frequent necessity of integrating groups of such newcomers (wageni) with the established social order within them. A revealing feature of these traditions, though, is how the ambivalence of the Swahili townsman's relationships with the outside world is expressed in the dualisms built into their structures. the nature of these pairings in Swahili society, the terms in which such oppositions were perceived and expressed, were historically conditioned by the frequent arrival of strangers. These dualisms presented the essential opposition and connection between Swahili society and African and Middle Eastern societies alike"**_[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-45-123316806) The best documented integration of “Middle eastern" strangers” into Swahili society is represented by the Alawi immigrants of the 16th century who came from Yemen and were respected as saints.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-46-123316806) They are known to have married into several prominent Swahili families of Pate, Zanzibar, Comoros, Ozi, Vumba Kuu, Kilwa and Lamu, thus enabling local elites to take on the nisba al-Alawi. According to traditions, the rulers of stone-town (on Zanzibar island), who bear the title of Mwinyi Mkuu, descended from a 16th century matrimonial alliance between ta reigning queen of a “Shirazi” dynasty and a Sayyid Alawi who had links to Pate. The stone-town queen who reigned in the 1690s also had a grandson who reigned in 1729 as Sultan Hassan bin Ali Alawi, portuguese sources also mention sultans of Pemba with the al-alawi nisba in 1728, and a notable at Kilwa with the same nisba in 1635[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-47-123316806), while traditions from Comoros contain several prominent Alawis (often from Pate) who married local princesses Alima I and founded a new dynasty beginning with the daughter, who’d be suceeded by her son Sayid Alawi[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-48-123316806). That most Alawis were said to have come from Pate is unsurprising given the city-state’s political hegemony over the northern coast during the 16th-17th century, when it invited the Alawi family of Abi Bakr bin Salim to counter the Portuguese advance and herald a cultural and religious revival on the Swahili coast[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-49-123316806). In all cases however, the immigrants comprised a small community whose integration into Swahili society was determined by the pre-existing Swahili elites. As the historian Thomas Vernet notes; _**“in the space of one or two generations, the descendants of the hadrami migrants became Swahilis … Their descendants are both versed in the local culture and also master certain traits of the hadrami culture - at least for the very first generations. This phenomenon fits naturally into the capacity of ancient Swahili society to absorb. foreigners and to acculturate them”**_[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-50-123316806) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2a68032b-3696-49d2-aaa3-a8729ca225a0_396x605.png) _**Graveyard of the Al-Shaykh Abi Bakr b. Salim, Grande Comore Photo: Anne K. Bang**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE) **The two ancestry studies on ancient Swahili DNA.** In a 2011 ancient DNA study conducted by archeologist Chap Kusimba et.al, geneticists used the remains of 80 individuals recovered from 13 elite tombs found in the archeological site of Mtwapa, just north of Mombasa, dated to between 1615-1685. The study found that 94% of the Mtwapa swahili’s mtDNA are of the L mitochondrial haplogroup, typical of African populations, indicating a predominantly African maternal ancestry. However, paternal ancestry was evenly split, with 52% of Y-DNA belonging to the typically non-African F mega-haplogroup (often found between the strait of Hormuz and the Persian gulf) while 45% of the Y-DNA belonged to haplogroups typical of African populations (mostly from the coast of Tanzania and Kenya).[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-51-123316806) The authors concluded that _**“The genetic data are consistent with some settlement of non-African migrants in Swahili communities prior to the eighteenth century. However, these data should not be seen as supportive of the old colonial theories of Arabian colonies on the Swahili coast.”**_ A more comprehensive ancient DNA study of the Swahili was conducted by several archeologists and geneticists, and published in 2023. The study used the remains of atleast 80 individuals from elite graves in 7 towns ( Mtwapa, Manda, Faza, Kilwa, Songo Mnara and Lindi) dated to between 1250-1800. It found that 59 of the 62 individuals carried African mtDNA haplogroups, while the majority of the Y-DNA came from Southwest Asian haplogroups (plausibly Persian with some from the Indian subcontinent), with 16 of the 19 Mtwapa individuals carrying non-African paternal haplogroups, while 3 carried African paternal haplogroups (and a few had Austronesian ancestry) The researchers back-dated the event of this genetic mixing to around 1,000 AD, concluding that _**“our results suggest that the children of immigrant men of Asian origin adopted the languages of their mothers, a common pattern in matrilocal cultures, the elite inhabitants of Mtwapa and other sites developed from admixed populations and were not foreign migrants or colonists.”**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb0fa1a07-2475-4a71-9a7f-5aa08917c5d8_680x690.png) Both studies prove that the genetic admixtures between Africans and Persians in early Swahili society were real events rather than simple fables, but the stark absence of Persian cultural influences also reveals something more significant about how immigrants were acculturated into Swahili society contrary to what is expected of immigrant male settlers. As the geneticist David Reich admitted, it was his own “naïve expectation” that the patrilineal Persian settlers moved into the region by force and displaced local males. But this hypothesis proved untenable, Swahili language contains only 3% Persian loan words, and as the archeological and historical research on the Swahili has shown, there is little evidence of Persian colonists in Swahili material culture nor in external texts. An alternative theory was offered by the archeologists Adria LaViolette and Chap Kusimba, who explain that the _**“Swahili was an absorbing society”**_ and that Even as the Persians who arrived influenced the culture, _**“they became Swahili”**_. for this reason, _**“African women retained critical aspects of their culture and passed it down for many generations”**_. effectively making the Persians archeologically invisible.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-52-123316806) **Acculturating immigrant males: an example of how Bantu-speaking kingdoms and city-states were absorbed into Malagasy society of Madagascar.** That male settlers could be culturally absorbed into a another society isn’t too uncommon in east African coastal history. The genetic ancestry of modern Malagasy-speakers on Madagascar is predominantly African on the paternal side (about 70%) and south-east Asian on the maternal side (about 50%)[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-53-123316806). Recent research on Madagascar’s history and archeology have showed that the island was populated by free migrants from both Africa and south-Asia who set up their own states, intermarried and eventually produced the modern society we see today. Yet the African contribution in modern Malagasy culture pales in comparison to the south-east Asian influences, especially in their language ;Malagasy is an Austronesian language with few Bantu loanwords.[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-54-123316806) The fate of Madagascar’s African settlers could be uncovered in the demise of the Antalaotse city-states on the nothern coast of the islands, and the decline of the African kingdoms on the western coast of the island. Among the latter we have the kingdom of Guinguimaro, which according to contemporary Portuguese accounts, had subjects who included bantu-speakers (“Cafre” language of “Mozambique to Malindi”) in the 16th century, and would itself be absorbed into the Malagasy-speaking (“Buque”) kingdom of Boina of the 17th century. The Antalaotse cities, which were established by Swahili immigrants around the 10th century, would also be absorbed by Boina kingdom. The city of Mazalagem Nova with its “negro” traders who sold inland goods from Vua (ie: Uva/Merina kingdom), fell to the Boina state in 1685.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-55-123316806) The African groups like the Antalaotse who were absorbed into the Malagasy-speaking states often _**“married local Malagasy women, from whom the children would learn to speak Malagasy rather than the language of their fathers”**_[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-56-123316806) A curious athropological study in late 19th century north-western Madagascar mentions the presence of men known as ‘_**Biby**_’. These biby were mostly “Swahili-Arabs” who were married to Sakalava queens and in a reversal of gender norms _**“were subject to certain rules similar to those which bind the wife of an influential Arab or Swahili”,**_ they couldn’t leave their houses except with an escort, and had to remain faithful or he would be executed_**.**_[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-57-123316806) Its therefore not uncommon for the male derived cultural aspects of settlers to be completely absorbed and “disappear” into the local population, as it happened to the Persians on the Swahili coast, or to the Swahili themselves in Madagascar. **ICYMI:** [STONE CITIES ON PARADISE ISLAND](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-of-stone-77497948) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F71856d57-cfb4-4d07-9894-96bb719f0456_601x1170.png) **Conclusion: The Swahili as a cosmopolitan coastal civilization** What then can we make of the Persian origin traditions of the Swahili in light of the DNA discoveries? In my (non-specialist) opinion, i think the nearly century-long research into early Swahili history hasn’t been overturned by the discovery that the Persian ancestry wasn’t a myth, instead, the new DNA discoveries will complement what we already know about the Swahili past —a cosmopolitan civilization which linked the east African mainland with the Indian ocean world. As for the interpretation of the Shirazi traditions, its now clear that it wasn’t just seven men who got on a ship, but possibly a small group of settlers steadily migrating to the Swahili coast over several centuries and being integrated into the local culture. To quote Pouwels; **"One can identify the Shirazi traditions specifically as origin myths. As in most African origin myths, their creators identify certain fundamental symbols and institutions as uniquely their own, all of which set them apart from other peoples. As other origin myths, too, they relate the appearance/creation of these symbols/institutions to a single significant episode. In reality, of course, such episodes usually conceal what were complex social and cultural transformations which took place over many decades and even centuries, while the traditions, like the civilization whose history they relate, are themselves the end-products of this historical process."** **These processes included the conflation of several origin myths of slightly similar themes at varying points in time inorder to "pay honour to the uniqueness of coastal civilization; explain its creation (by their 'coming from' Shiraz/Shungwaya) in mythical time; and, somewhat more rarely, repay a historical debt coastal culture owes to its African roots. Theirs was a new world at the edge of a cultural frontier. Yet the culture that developed remained still a child of its human and physical environment, being neither wholly African nor 'Arab', but distinctly 'coastal', the whole being greater than the sum of its parts. Thus, if they became Muslims, they did not become 'Arabs'; if they built mosques, their styles were neither recognizably African nor Middle Eastern; if their houses were stone, the 'stone' in fact was coral; and if they took Cushitic megaliths for their tomb markers, the tombs faced Mecca and again were constructed from locally available materials".** **"The 'Shirazi' then were the Swahili par excellence, those original 'people of the coast', whose claims to residence in their coastal environs were putatively the most ancient. The greatest error might be the tendency to interpret coastal civilization only in terms of its non-coastal affinities, be they African or Arab. Whichever way one chooses to see coastal culture will depend on whether he is looking at Lamu, for instance from Aden or Shihr or from a Pokomo village. Surely by now though, Africanists can appreciate that any culture is greater than the sum of its parts, and in the hypothetical case of Lamu it would make more sense to look at Lamu both by itself and in association with Shihr and the Pokomo village.**[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-58-123316806) The Swahili were the architects of their own civilization, they were a cosmopolitan society linking Africa to the western Indian ocean through cultural syncretism, trade and matrimonial alliances. Their accomplishments weren’t products of foreign colonists but were instead organic creations that grew out of the diverse social institutions in which east-African cultural values were predominant. Its for this reason that immigrants could “disappear” archeologically but retain their presence in local traditions and in the Swahili’s DNA In the year 1086, a contingent of west Africans allied with the Almoravids conquered Andalusia and created the first of the largest african diasporas in south-western Europe. For the next six centuries, **African scholars, envoys and pilgrims travelled to Spain and Portugal from the regions of west africa and Kongo** read more about it here; [THE AFRICAN DIASPORA IN SPAIN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82902179) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8ea05ebd-675a-4b80-9dbc-054323a1931c_614x1149.png) _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE)

2023-05-24T14:31:11+00:00

a brief note on themes in African art.

Cartography, Culture and History in the artwork of the Bamum kingdom.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-themes-in-african

Sometime in the early 14th century, a skilled smith in the West African kingdom of Ife sculpted an image of a King's face into a mask of pure copper.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-themes-in-african#footnote-1-146842774) With its idealized features and naturalistic proportions, the copper mask of King Obalufon of Ife is considered one of the finest pieces of African art and is today one of many examples of African self-representation that informs our image of the continent's past. The rich heritage of African art represents a comprehensive visual document of the history of its many societies, each with its unique aesthetics and deep-rooted symbolism. The various art traditions that emerged across the continent —such as the famous [brass plaques of Benin](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument), the [sculptural art of the Kuba kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-art-of-power-in-central-africa), and the [intricately carved ivories of Loango](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500)— include specific themes that expressed African concepts of power and religion, as well as depicting daily life in African societies. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a86ee6b-16ce-4318-a4b0-5f1fcef1185d_1351x639.png) _**copper mask of King Obalufon Alaiyemore and crowned heads from the Wunmonije site of Ife. early 14th century. NCMM, Lagos, and British Museum.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F598d4084-42d7-431c-ad6d-c093871a21a0_1306x345.png) _**carved ivory tusk depicting scenes of daily life, late 19th century, Loango Kingdom, Gabon. British Museum**_ While sculptural art features prominently in most African art traditions, several societies also produced painted artworks and drawings on different mediums including on walls, cloth, paper, wood, and pottery. [African paintings and drawings](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations) primarily consist of mural paintings in buildings and tombs, paintings on canvas and panels, as well as illuminated manuscripts decorated with miniature illustrations and intricate designs. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9828d0a-a42c-4aad-abc2-49176ad997a1_1200x862.png) _**Ethiopian painting of "The Last Supper", tempera on linen, 18th century, Virginia museum of Fine Arts.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7473f9ae-0c54-430c-a6a9-49ff9a503520_1222x537.png) _**Swahili Qur’an, late 18th to early 19th century, Siyu, Kenya. Fowler Museum.**_ Many of the oldest forms of African paintings and drawings come from the regions of [ancient Nubia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art) and Ethiopia, which produced a vast corpus of murals, canvas and panel paintings, and miniature artwork in manuscripts. However, the production of illuminated manuscripts was more widespread with several examples from East Africa's Swahili coast and most parts of West Africa. In the West African kingdom of Bamum, the reign of its progressive king Njoya (1887-1933) was the height of the kingdom’s artistic production and innovation that resulted in the creation of some of Africa's most celebrated artworks. The highly skilled artists of Bamum produced maps of their kingdom and capital, drawings of historical events and fables, images of the kingdom's architecture, and illustrations depicting artisans, royals, and daily life in the kingdom. **The artworks of the kingdom of Bamum are the subject of my latest Patreon article,** **Please subscribe to read about them in this article where I explore more than 30 drawings preserved in various museums and private collections.** [THEMES IN WEST AFRICAN ART OF BAMUM](https://www.patreon.com/posts/108431007) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F994a859c-4aea-4dc0-a328-98607403b9e3_678x836.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a8940ae-8ca3-47ec-b321-24fc1d66eef9_787x573.jpeg) _**The Flight into Egypt, Bamileke artist, early 20th century, Quai Branly Museum.**_

2024-07-21T12:37:51+00:00

The kingdom of Ndongo and the Portuguese: Queen Njinga and the dynasty of women sovereigns (1515-1909)

The effects of early colonial warfare in central Africa

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese

Founded in the highlands of modern Angola near the Atlantic coast, the kingdom of Ndongo's political history was to be inextricably tied to Portuguese colonial interests in west-central Africa. For nearly a century, the armies of Ndongo battled with Portuguese in multiple wars that resulted in the loss of most of Ndongo's territory, until the rise of Queen Njinga ended the deepest colonial expansion into central Africa. Njinga of Ndongo is the undoubtedly the best known Queen in pre-colonial Africa's history. During her remarkable reign, she was involved in dozens of wars with the Portuguese, and forged trans-regional alliances with the Kongo kingdom and the Dutch. She skillfully performed and manipulated several legitimating practices to overcome challenges to her rule that were based on her gender, and the precedent she set produced an equally remarkable dynasty of women with atleast 6 Queen regnants succeeding her —an exceptional number in World History. This article outlines the history of Ndongo's wars with Portugal and the exceptional circumstances through which Queen Njinga managed to preserve her kingdom's autonomy and establish a dynasty of Women sovereigns. _**Map showing the kingdoms of Ndongo and Matamba in the early 16th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-1-95267173)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F88e2dcf3-b3b6-4ea1-92b0-e58a41c649fa_495x708.png) _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE) **An early history of the Ndongo and Matamba kingdoms, their relationship with Kongo and initial contacts with the Portuguese (1515-1580)** The kingdoms of Ndongo and Matamba were established in the early 16th century in the area south of the kingdom of Kongo in a region known as “Ambundo” named after its main language; Kimbundu. Ambundo was originally home to many small polities (murindas) of independent rulers that fought to expand their territory, and the most successful of them was Ngola (Angola) Inene whose dynasty ruled Ndongo. Traditions recorded in the 17th century claim Ngola Inene came from Kongo, but its equally likely this was simply meant to establish a prestigious genealogy.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-2-95267173) Both kingdoms were originally vassals of Kongo during its king Afonso I's reign when Matamba is recorded sending tribute of silver manilhas to Mbanza Kongo in 1530, and Ndongo received envoys from Portugal possibly after receiving permission from Afonso in 1520. But the exact nature of this vassalage is ambiguous as both states acted with near complete autonomy.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-3-95267173) Ngola Inene was succeeded in by Ngola Kiluanje (r.1515–1556) who established his capital at Kabasa, and expanded Ndongo's control over the lands north of the Kwanza River, bringing more Ambundo states under its orbit and away from Kongo, but he still accepted Kongo's nominal suzerainty including sending ambassadors to Afonso in 1518 to become Christian, before sending them to Portugal. By the 1520s, Ndongo occasionally bolstered its military with Portuguese mercenaries during its earliest expansion. The Portuguese had begun trading around Luanda and up the Kwanza river but Kongo's Afonso was opposed to their involvement in Ndongo which he considered a vassal. During the time of Ndongo's expansion which saw the conquest of the provinces of Ilamba and Kisama, Afonso is recorded launching campaigns to the same region in 1513 and 1516 in reaction to this expansion.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-4-95267173) In 1525 the Portuguese embassy that had arrived in Ndongo 5 years earlier was detained by Afonso, ostensibly, to protect them. It was soon after this that he sent his now famous letter to the Portuguese king complaining about the Portuguese traders' subversive activities among his vassals and that they were seizing “our natives, sons of the land and the sons of our noblemen and vassals and our relatives.” This complaint has often been misinterpreted by some scholars who see Afonso as a forerunner to the anti-colonial African leaders of the 19th century, but this interpretation bestows on Afonso a motive and sense of purpose which he would have had difficulty in recognizing, as Kongo was not a Portuguese colony, nor would Portuguese attempt any colonial invasions in central Africa until 1571. Afonso's letter was instead intended to assert Kongo's claim over Ndongo inorder to control the latter's foreign relations by directing Portuguese activities to Ndongo solely through Kongo. Afonso and his successor Diogo's attempt at controlling Ndogo's politics were fruitless, even after Diogo's campaigns to pacify Luanda included Portuguese traders among the war captives he took back in 1548 and 1549.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-5-95267173) Undeterred, Ndongo's king Kiluanje sent another embassy to Portugal in 1549 for religious and political reasons, as well as to sever Kongo's claim over the coastal region adjacent to it but the mission was detained for 9 years in Sao Tome, the response mission arrived in 1560 to find that King Kiluanje had been replaced by Ndambe (r.1556–1561), and later by Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambe (r.1561–1575).[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-6-95267173) The mission however, only consisted of priests and thus didn't achieve all that Kiluanje hoped for but king Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambe nevertheless hosted it generously. Diogo's successor Bernardo sent Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambe a letter in 1562 warning him that the Portuguese were only there _**“to see if Ndongo had silver or gold in order for the King of Portugal to take the land”**_ and that only he (Diogo) should be incharge of of trade with them. Despite the clearly selfish motive of the warning, Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambe heeded Diogo's advice as the religious mission was of little use to him, he detained and later expelled the Portuguese, save for a few priests. He continued expanding the kingdom westwards to the Atlantic, and southwards to the Benguela kingdom, which he conquered in 1563 although his successors had lost it by 1586. By this time, Matamba had fully broken off from Kongo in 1560 but its relationship with Ndongo was unclear.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-7-95267173) The kingdom of Ndongo was by the mid-16th century a relatively centralized state compared to the preceding Ambundo polities it had subsumed, but less so compared to the Kongo kingdom. Its administration consisted of core provinces ruled by subordinate royals controlling conquered polities, and in its peripheries were subordinate kings who sent soldiers and tribute but otherwise had local sovereignty[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-8-95267173). Like many states in west-central Africa, it was largely established by concentrating populations around a central core ruled by a hierarchical administration including '"makotas” who elected the King, “sobas” who led the provinces, and a litany of officials. The King's legitimacy, as considered by the electors, rested on a complex mix of practices including his lineage, his capacity to archive victories in war and accumulate resources for redistribution among the nobles, and his spiritual position in Mbundu cosmology.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-9-95267173) Ndongo's subjects primarily included the "ana murinda" (citizens), who paid taxes/tribute, and the "kijiko" (Serfs) who were dependents of the citizens, living in their own villages and farmed for both themselves and the royal court but couldn't be sold. It also included "mubika" (captives) acquired during its wars of expansion/rebellion that could be retained or sold. The very fragmented nature of the Ambundo region in which Ndongo was just one of many expansionist states, explains why the region was a major source of captives. Ndongo’s economy however, like all others in the region, was largely rural and agricultural, with significantly more cattle rearing than in Kongo, and a small specialist industry in textiles.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-10-95267173) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcdc28176-dab3-41d4-9d79-e6133d7db22c_543x540.png) _**The kingdoms of Ndongo and Matamba in 1550, and their known neighbors**_ **Ndongo’s wars with Portugal and the founding of the Angola-colony** Internal threats in Kongo forced Álvaro's to request Portugal's assistance, and the latter sent two missions that would lead to a greater military engagement by Portugal in west central Africa. Kongo had granted Luanda in exchange for Portugal’s assistance, and also offered to assist the second Portuguese mission in its objective of colonizing Ndongo. (The number of Portuguese soldiers for these two missions was 600, assisted by 10-12,000 African auxiliaries, i won't be quoting each force's might for each battle below so assume an average force of 300-400 Portuguese, and 8-12,000 Africans allies, against an average force of 10-15,000 soldiers and 300 musketeers of Ndongo or Kongo). The commander of the first Portuguese mission to Kongo went back after assisting Kongo in 1574, leaving his forces to be used by both Kongo and Ndongo as mercenaries. Additionally, the region of Luanda was returned to Kongo by 1576, although it would later be retaken by Portugal to serve as their colonial capital for Angola.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-11-95267173) Portugal's second mission under Dias de Novais saw slightly more success since a succession crisis in Ndongo that saw Njinga Ngola Kilombo (r.1575–1592) rise to the throne, made the king to request Novais' assistance to quash rebellions in Ilamba province, but just like Kongo's king Alvaro had done, Ndongo's king Kilombo turned on the Portuguese as soon as he was secure. His army killed the Portuguese in their ranks, with only few surviving to flee back to Novais' camp[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-12-95267173). Seeing that they were weak, Alvaro offered to assist the Portuguese hoping to conquer Ndongo himself, but the combined Kongo-Portugal army was crushed by Ndongo in May 1580 at the battle of Bengo.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-13-95267173) Novais nevertheless managed to ally with Ndongo's rebels in Ilamba and other provinces near the coast, prompting Ndongo to attack the alliance in August 1585 at the disastrous battle of Kasikola which Ndongo lost, leaving ilamba under Portuguese control. The Portuguese then built a small fort at Massangano. The Portuguese commander Novais was succeeded by Luis Serrão as governor of Luanda after his death in 1589, and the latter continued his predecessors' plans to colonize Ndongo. the kingdom of Matamba also reappears at this point in an alliance with Ndongo, and the two armies, led by Ndongo's king Kilombo descended upon the Portuguese and their allies at Lukala river in December 1589 and nearly annihilated them, forcing them back to Massangano.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-14-95267173) The Portuguese at Luanda under Francisco de Almeida would send another force in 1594 to Ndongo's southernmost province of Kisama but this too was defeated.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-15-95267173) To its south, Ndongo had its brief control over Benguela which by 1586 had sent a mission to Novias' camp but the mission was intercepted by Ndongo and defeated in 1587, although Benguela remained independent[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-16-95267173). In Benguela's immediate hinterland, a new marauding political force called the Imbangala emerged that profoundly altered the region. The Imbangala weren't sedentary but wandered from place to place and lived by pillaging palm wine, seizing cattle, and recruiting soldiers and they acquired a very reputation in the west-central African kingdoms. They attacked Ndongo's vassals in 1600 and reached the coast where they sold some of their captives and some formed alliances with the Portuguese. However, the Imbangala never formed a permanent alliance with any party and would frequently change sides as it suited them[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-17-95267173). Ndongo was under a succession crisis after the death of king kilombo, who was succeeded by Mbande a Ngola Kiluanje (r.1592–1617), his provincial armies were engaged in battles with the Portuguese and their allies who built another fort at Cambambe in 1603.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-18-95267173) In 1617, King Mbande was assassinated by his nobles. And while the electoral council of Ndongo had chosen its own successor, one of the deceased king's sons named Ngola a Mbande seized the throne and killed the nobles who opposed him. Sensing opportunity to conquer Ndongo, the Portuguese under Mendes de Vasconcelos formed an alliance with the Imbangala bands including Kasanje, and a rival candidate for the Ndongo throne named Mubanga who'd allowed them to build a fort at Ambaca (the furthest control in the interior). In 1618, they defeated Ndongo's forces and forced the king to flee, he later returned and besieged the Portuguese forts, prompting them to send another campaign in 1621 that forced him out to the Kindonga Islands, the imbangala went further inland, pillaging Matamba and selling captives to the Portuguese.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-19-95267173) The Portuguese failed to place a puppet on Ndongo's throne as no candidate had sufficient support while the king was at large. Taking advantage of the arrival of a different Luanda governor, King Ngola Mbande sued for peace in 1622, sending his three sisters Njinga, Kambu (Barbara), and Funji (Graça) to negotiate for him in Luanda, regaining his throne and provinces in exchange for peaceful relationship. Njinga had shrewdly chosen to convert as a way of assuring the Portuguese but this turned out to be superficial. The roaming Imbangala remained a threat to Ndongo, but King Ngola Mbande managed to ally some Imbangala bands such as Kasanje against other bands.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-20-95267173) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F411d8aca-1e26-4ee3-8796-abd27a6e4fb4_600x559.png) _**Njinga’s baptism in 1622, by Antonio Cavazzi, ca. 1668**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F21503c5a-b93f-46e6-b37e-03b8318d97b5_760x498.png) _**Furthest extent of Portuguese expansion into the interior of west-central Africa for over three centuries.**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-21-95267173) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4bee32e7-03f0-4abf-9554-61e5bbc711d5_805x620.png) “_**Forte de Nossa Senhora da Vitória de Massangano"**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-22-95267173)_**. at the height of the Ndongo invasions, such forts usually held a few hundred Portuguese soldiers surrounded by thousands of African allies.**_ **The reign of Queen Njinga (1624-1663)** The chosen successor of King Ngola Mbande was his 7-year old son who he had left with the support of the Kasanje band leader named Kasa; even though Njinga was the more capable candidate, especially since she had fought to defend Matamba during the 1620s invasion, turned some more enemy Imbangala into allies, and secured a peace treaty with Portugal.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-23-95267173) Unlike Ndongo's earlier succession crisis however, the Portuguese chose not to intervene because of a number of defeats they had suffered during this time. Emboldened by their victory over Ndongo in 1618-1620 and their newfound Imbangala allies, the Portuguese thought they could invade Kongo as well. They sent an army in 1622 that after a small initial victory at Mbumbi, was crushingly defeated by Kongo's royal army at the battle of Mbanda Kasi.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-24-95267173) Njinga had been involved in military campaigns so that she was well known in the army, was allowed her to sit in on affairs of state, and her skill as a diplomat was widely known, but some elites balked at the idea of a female ruler. Judging her candidature to be weak, Njinga initially chose to rule as a regent to the boy-king, styling herself as “Lady of Ndongo” rather than Queen. But when the boy-king died by 1625, Njinga, who was widely suspected to have been responsible, took on the title of Queen and begun to rule with full power. While she faced challenges to her legitimacy as a woman —with few historical precedents in both the traditional and Christianizing states of the region of a woman sovereign— her skillful manipulation of several legitimating devices gradually enabled her rule to be accepted, and arguably the most significant of these would be her wars against the Portuguese.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-25-95267173) Njinga's rule was opposed by Mubanga (mentioned above) who allied with another powerful noble named Hari a Kiluanje, who inturn allied with the Portuguese of Luanda under Fernão de Sousa and occupied the Ambaca fort. The Ndongo kingdom was invaded by de Sousa's allied force in 1626, forcing Njinga out of the kingdom, and enthroning Hari a Kiluanje's son Ngola Hari (after the former had died)[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-26-95267173). But unable to hold the country, the Portuguese withdrew a year later enabling Njinga to return and send several embassies to Luanda and Kongo pressing her claim. Kongo's king Ambrósio accepted it and sent gifts recognizing her but the Portuguese made plans for war.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-27-95267173) Njinga was again faced with a Portuguese invasion in 1629 but some of her allies had abandoned her; including the Kasanje leader Kasa who went north to Kongo but was driven back. Her forces were defeated after a lengthy battle, her sisters were taken as hostages, and she was forced to flee to join with Kasa's forces. But since Kasa as an Imbangala leader would only accept Njinga into his band without her forces, she chose to become an Imbangala herself, accepting recruited soldiers into a separate command under her senior commander ('Njinga Mona') who became her subordinate and was expected to succeeded her according to Imbangala custom[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-28-95267173). Njinga thus turned to Matamba, the old ally of Ndongo, and brought it under her control by 1630. She then launched a re-conquest of Ndongo facing off against the Portuguese in several battles and skirmishes nearly every year from 1630-1650. By the year 1635 retaken the islands of Kindonga. Njinga begun holding Portuguese traders hostage to release her sisters and sent agents to Luanda in 1637 to normalize relations. some of her former kasanje allies moved south and established their own state.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-29-95267173) After the Portuguese lost to a combined Kongo-Dutch force in 1642, Njinga pressed her forces forward and retook nearly all of Ndongo, but this drove the Portuguese to create new allies to prepare for war, choosing Ngola Hari as their candidate for Ndongo's throne.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-30-95267173) Njinga faced off with a Portuguese force in 1644 and defeated it taking many captive including Portuguese soliders and missionaries, but the Portuguese counter-attacked in 1645-6 and while she had driven them off and captured their supplies, her dispersed army was attacked and defeated. Njinga returned with a much bigger allied army that included Kongo's forces and the Dutch, the combined allied army defeated the Portuguese and their allies at Kumbi in October 1647, again at Ilamba in August 1648, and laid siege to their river fort of Massangano for a month. After Portuguese reinforcements arrived and bombarded Luanda, the Dutch signed (another) peace treaty with them, the relief force's commander Correia de Sá sent letters to Kongo's king Garcia and Ndongo's Njinga imploring them to make peace, judging his forces insufficient to retake the interior.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-31-95267173) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F59b7b856-0135-4ecc-b2d4-2c9554b46bef_815x576.png) _**Queen Njinga with captured missionaries**_[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-32-95267173) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6efa9e41-01d0-4c6a-bc3a-327f42caa06b_760x500.png) _**Map showing the Ndongo-Matamba kingdom during Njinga’s reign**_ Feeling secure in her position as Queen of Matamba and Ndongo, Njinga begun rebuilding her kingdom. Since her former allies of Kasanje had turned hostile in the 1630s, so she encouraged runaway slaves and mercenaries to join her army thus drew the few remaining Imbangala to serve under her command.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-33-95267173) Hoping to solve her succession conflict with Ngola Hari (who was pushing his Portuguese allies to invade Ndongo), and institutionalize the Imbangala, Njinga devised an elaborate religious strategy to convert to Catholicism through the auspices of a Kongo missionary whom she captured in 1648. She requested more missionaries to come in 1651, proposed a peace treaty with Luanda in 1654, and documented miraculous apparition that she claimed were incomprehensible to her traditional religious advisors but that compelled her to convert to Christianity. The Luanda governor eventually signed a peace treaty with Njinga, released her sister in 1656, withdrew support of her rival Ngola Hari, and the Queen became Christian.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-34-95267173) In January 1657, Njinga summoned her army and informed it that she had ceased the endless campaigns after signing a peace treaty with Portugal, and except a skirmish with Kasanje in 1661, the kingdom of Ndongo-Matamba remained at peace until her death in 1663.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-35-95267173) In her ceremonies in Ndongo-Matamba, and in negotiations with the Portuguese in 1655 she was careful to demand that all recognize her sister Barbara as her heir, and knowing that neither she nor Barbara would have any children, she promoted a royal named Joao Guterres Ngola Kanini as Barbara’s husband inorder to ensure that a member of the nobility related to her would continue to rule instead of her very powerful Imbangala general Njinga Mona.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-36-95267173) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff104907e-5592-452e-894f-17a078ec5e01_600x556.png) _**Queen Njinga with bow and arrow and battle ax, by Antonio Cavazzi, ca. 1668**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbd856fa1-1d34-42e6-b137-c3a50990cf98_507x743.png) _**Letter written by Queen Njinga’s to Father Serafno da Cortona, August 15, 1657**_ **Njinga’s successor Queens: the kingdom of Ndongo-Matamba from 1663-1909** Njinga was succeeded by her sister Barbara who, already old, reigned only briefly upto 1666 when she died. A succession dispute involving a complex set of alliances brought Njinga Mona briefly in power until 1669 when he was ousted in favor of Barbara's husband João Guterres, but his death led to the brief return of Njinga Mona before he was ousted again in favor of Francisco in 1671. During this time, the southernmost provinces of Ndongo we split between the Portuguese and the Matamba-Ndongo king Francisco after a peace treaty and the capture of João II, the successor of Ngola Hari, now a former ally-turned-rebel. This ended direct Portuguese campaigns against Ndongo for nearly a century.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-37-95267173) With the threat of a hostile state of Kasanje still looming in Ndongo-Matamba's south, Francisco used the opportunity of succession dispute to place an ally on its throne in 1680, but this was short-lived, and a rival candidate gathered allies including the Portuguese to fight Franscico's forces but the Portuguese were defeated in battle in 1681 and their captain was killed. Franscisco also died shortly after this war and was succeeded by his sister Verónica Kandala ka Ngwangwa (r.1681-1721). Veronica revised her alliance with the Portuguese inorder to isolate Kasanje in a treaty she signed in 1683. The queen initiated further expansion by moving against Kahenda in the Dembos region (between Kongo and Angola-colony) in 1688, but decided to consolidate Ndongo-Matamba.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-38-95267173) While few of her successors were engaged in further expansion, the kingdom that Njinga and Verónica left behind was no longer the weak, beleaguered state that was about to be swallowed up by the Portuguese colony; instead, Ndongo-Matamba would remain a major central African power in the 18th century, surviving the expansion of the Lunda empire. Verónica’s succession marked a continuation of female rule begun by Njinga, as her successors included the Queens; Ana II (r.1742-1756) , Verónica II (r. 1756-1759), Ana III (1759-1764) and Kamana (1800-1810)[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-39-95267173)Matamba had again faced off with the Portuguese early during the reign of Ana II in 1744 partly due to rival factions requesting for Portuguese aid but also because the kingdom had blocked trade and attacked the Portuguese market at Cabambe, the Portuguese sent a large force of 26,000 but Ana had retreated from her capital. As the Portuguese were running short of supplies, Ana's envoys were sent to negotiate a treaty, which was accepted and the Portuguese withdrew.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-40-95267173) Matamba would continue attacking Portuguese markets in 1755, but the Portuguese were unable to retaliate with any degree of success, the 1744 campaign would be the last major invasion into Matamba until 1909. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd47c4120-7062-472f-8629-f80c2040dbaf_909x531.png) _**Map of west-central Africa in 1850**_[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese#footnote-41-95267173) **Conclusion: Ndongo’s place in African history** The kingdom of Ndongo presents us with many exceptions in African history. As the site of the first and longest-lasting European colony outside north-Africa, the politics of Ndongo were determined as much by internal factors as they were by external actors. The Portuguese had advanced more than 150km into the interior where they would remain for over three centuries, and their colonial threat had a significant influence on the trajectory of Ndongo's history. The devastating invasions in which Ndongo's land was seized and many subjects were enslaved, created the unusual circumstances for the rise of Queen Njinga. Once Njinga had secured her power by permanently ending the Portuguese advance and uniting Ndongo with Matamba, her remarkable feat legitimized her contested reign as Queen. Njinga's shrewd political maneuvers in empowering her sister Barbara as her successor, established a dynasty that successfully preserved Ndongo-Matamba's hard-worn independence, and her precedent enabled the uncontested rule of women as sovereigns. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F716cc21a-0c09-4cff-a845-cf75466fd58c_512x680.png) While King Leopold was brutally exploiting African labour of the ‘congo free state’ to obtain rubber, **the same commodity was bringing alot of wealth to Africans in the independent kingdoms of Kongo and Ovimbundu**, right next door. read about it here; [BEYOND KING LEOPOLD'S GHOST](https://www.patreon.com/posts/76874237?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa87e48f8-9308-4b7c-8c4e-8ad5112e4727_391x900.jpeg) _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE) Thank you for reading African History Extra. This post is public so feel free to share it. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)

2023-01-08T14:25:50+00:00

The complete history of Gondar: Africa's city of castles (1636-1900)

Journal of African cities chapter 8

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas

Perched on the mountains of northern Ethiopia, the city of Gondar is one of Africa's best known historic capitals. For nearly three centuries, Gondar served as the political and cultural center of Ethiopia. Its impressive architectural monuments and artistic production constitute some of Africa's greatest cultural accomplishments. This article outlines Gondar's history since its founding in 1636. _**Maps showing the location of Gondar and the city’s landmarks**_[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-1-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd74c6436-571b-48ed-adad-91b7ee99249e_956x606.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The founding of an imperial capital: Gondar during the reign of Fasilädäs (1632-1667)** The years following the expulsion of the Portuguese and the Jesuits from Ethiopia in 1632 were marked by a cultural revival in Ethiopia and a reduction in the political upheavals of the preceding century. A large corpus of manuscripts documenting Ethiopia's cultural and political history were composed during this period, new schools of painting were developed and distinctive architectural styles emerged in several urban settlements across the empire.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-2-113489625) The principal sources of Ethiopia's cultural revival were internal, following processes of rediscovery and reconstitution of the institutions established during the preceding period. While relations with Europe ended, the Ethiopian state initiated contacts with its neighbors in the red sea and Indian ocean world, normalizing relations with formerly antagonistic Muslim peers and sending envoys as far as the courts of the Ottoman and Mughal empires. Its from the wide range of influences that the Ethiopian monarchs borrowed a variety of techniques, styles and materials which influenced the cultural revival.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-3-113489625) The most significant development was the founding of the city of Gondar, as the main capital of the Ethiopian state. The establishment of a permanent capital represented a decisive break from the earlier tradition of a mobile capital, where the residence of the King and his court moved in circuits around the empire. Royal capitals such as Gondar and its predecessors in the 16th century such as Imfraz, Gorgorá, and Dánqáz, were large metropolises protected by stone fortresses that housed a cosmopolitan population. The bulk of the urban population were the Habäsha Christians, but also included significant communities of local Betä Ǝsraʾel and Muslims, as well as small numbers of Egyptians, Greeks and Indians.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-4-113489625) Around the year 1636, the Emperor Fasilädäs settled at Gondar. Over the rest of his reign, Fasiladas constructed several churches, palaces, bridges in Gondar, creating the largest concentration of monuments in Ethiopia since the establishment of Lalibela. For the next century and a half, Fasiladas' sucessors would follow his initiative, adding more buildings to the city and transforming it into a large cosmopolitan metropolis.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-5-113489625) Despite its monumental urban character, Gondar was not an aberration in the Ethiopia's urban history. The new capital was simply the largest among several towns which dotted the Ethiopian highlands, these towns were the central nodes in the Gondarine administration, alongside their churches and monasteries.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-6-113489625) Gondar's iconic architecture was a direct product of the redefinition of Ethiopian concepts of kingship enforced by Susǝnyos and accomplished by his heir Fasiladas. _**"Unlike his forbears, the king no longer defined his attributes by waging war and expressing his religious devotion alone, but also by indulging in aesthetic, “elevated” experiences—the new architecture therefore served to underscore the ruler’s sense of refinement and good taste".**_[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-7-113489625) Fasilidas founded his capital within the region just north of lake Tana, where his predecessors had been most active. During the 4th year of his reign (around 1636), he established his royal camp near the preexisting Adabay Iyasus Church. He then commisioned the construction of the Madhane Alam church close to what was to become the castle complex of Gondar.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-8-113489625) Fasil begun the construction of his palace in the late 1630s, which would become the largest of the Gondar castles. The iconic castle of Fasil was a battlemented two-storey structure with a square castellated tower, four round corner towers, and doors and windows delineated with red tuff. According to an external account by a visiting Yemeni envoy in 1648, it was _**"the most beautiful of glorious marvels built of stone and lime".**_[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-9-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7b18c783-7f46-46f1-b379-d837fd5b9c21_800x532.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86397a18-40aa-4a9e-8949-723f81c6392c_800x598.jpeg) _**castle of Fasiladas**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-10-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F78ac5986-f39f-4ce1-91ae-008b36156ab3_673x496.png) _**Plan of Fasiladas’ castle,**_ by Víctor Manuel Fernández The lead mason for Fasiladas' castle was most likely 'Abdal Kerim, an artisan from Mughal India who is known to have participated in designing the construction of Susenyos' palace at Danqaz alongside the Ethiopian architect Gábrá Kristos. Kerim and his Muslim-Indian peers had been brought to Ethiopia during Susenyos' reign and joined the diverse community of artesans who participated in the empire's cultural revival.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-11-113489625) While some of the castle's architectural features were evidently anteceded by the styles introduced during Susenyos' reign that were a blend of Mughal and Portuguese fashions, the masons of Fasiladas and his sucessors discontinued some of Susenyos' architectural styles and added new ones. The model of construction used at Fasiladas' castle would also be applied in the construction of the Guzara palace, the bath at Qaha, as well as the restoration of the Maryam cathedral of Aksum.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-12-113489625) Following the establishment of Gondar, many of the highest figures of the Ethiopian church took up residence in the new capital and their power became increasingly urban. These include the Abun (metropolitan), the ǝḉḉäge (2nd head of the church) and the Aqabe Sa'at (3rd head of the church). The residence of the Abun was called Abuna bet, and was situated northwest of the castle palaces, while the Ecage resided in a well-built quarter called Ecage Bet.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-13-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3c664ff7-80af-42bd-aa14-79a8b5a4b620_1073x568.png) _**Fasil’s bath**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F663f63e9-377d-4488-a6de-4728c04718aa_948x535.png) _**Section of the Gondar city walls**_ **Gondar during the reign of Yohannes and Iyasu (1682-1706)** After a relatively long reign, Fasiladas passed away in 1667 and was suceeded by his son Yohannes I at Gondar. Like his predecessor, Yohannes built and endowed several churches across the state, and also commissioned the construction of a number of buildings in Gondar including a chancery and a library[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-14-113489625). Yohannes is also credited with the construction and endowment of the Kwe'erata Re'esu chapel in the castle complex.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-15-113489625) Unlike Fasil, Yohannes' buildings were entirely constructed by local masons who were led by an Ethiopian architect named Wáldá Giyorgis. This master mason is credited with the construction and designs of the structures built for both Emperor Yohannes I and his son Iyasu I. He is described in one chronicle as a man "endowed with intelligence," and in another chronicle as "able, intelligent, and of good renown."[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-16-113489625) Gondar was major commercial center during the 17th century. It was the site of a flourishing market, which was held on "a wide, spacious place" near the principal palace. The city's commerce, like that of many earlier cities, was largely dominated by local Muslim merchants. The domestic economy largely consisted of agro-pastoral products as well as clothmaking, leatherworking, blacksmithing and other crafts. Exports included civet, ivory, gold, captives and aromatic plants, which were exchanged for Indian textiles, firearms and other items.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-17-113489625) Following a religious edict in 1668 and 1678, Yohannes moved most of the Muslim population of Gondar and the main market to a new quarter of the city. By the late 18th century, this Muslim quarter had grown significantly and constituted nearly a third of the city's population. The head merchant of Gondar was titled Nagadras, and such served as the "principal merchant" of the royal court, he also collected taxes from his quarter and settled minor legal concerns.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-18-113489625) Yohannes also created a quarter for the Beta-Israel, known as Kaila Meda that was located in the western section of the city. The Beta-Israel comprised the most significant artisanal population in Gondar. They were employed as masons, blacksmiths, leatherworkers and carpenters and would play a significant role in the construction of the city's monuments during and after his reign.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-19-113489625) Yohannes was suceeded by Iyasu after the his death in 1682. Iyasu's reign from 1682 to 1706 epitomized the Gondarine period at its height, he campaigned frequently to expand the empire's borders and instituted significant reforms in the state's economy. Iyasu constructed a large palace as mentioned above, as well as the churches of Addabābāy Takla Hāymānot in december 1682, and Dabra Berhān Sellāsē in January 1694. The church was consecrated with great pomp, with the king proceeding on horseback carrying the altar stone up to the church.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-20-113489625) Several constructions at Gondar were also undertaken during his reign, including the Wešeba Gemb which served as a medical thermal bath, as well as the Feqr Gemb which was said to be allocated to the monarch’s paramours.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-21-113489625)Most of the masons of the period were drawn from a diverse group of local artesans. The split-cane ceiling of the palace of Iyasu was constructed by Beta-Israel artisans, while resident Greek artisans decorated the same palace with mirrors from Venice set in gilt frames, and wooden casings covered with ivory.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-22-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F245cff18-4396-4fb7-b17c-d1de7ab9278f_1076x516.png) _**Chancery and Library of Yohannes**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F18eaf4a4-1e91-48d6-84b5-b55e02c3e157_812x617.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1bc8c51f-28e2-44a0-8721-02031389a022_1080x957.jpeg) _**Iyasu’s Palace**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd3b8b54d-1303-41ee-bbb2-a81500a1d2a9_845x599.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff600959d-9461-4c54-b079-6d85971e325a_829x618.png) _**Debre Berhan Selassie and Wešeba Gemb,**_ photos by Linda De Volder **Gondar from the reign of Takla Haymanot to Bakaffa (1706-1730)** Near the end of Iyasu's reign, an earthquake struck the region of Gondar in 1704, destroying parts of the castle complex and nearby churches.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-23-113489625) Around the year 1705, Iyasu's health begun to deteriorate and one of his sons named Takla Haymanot eventually took over in a palace coup against Iyasu's preferred sucessor Dawit. Iyasu was later assassinated in 1706 and the empire briefly descended into a period of political turmoil.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-24-113489625) Four emperors suceeded Iyasu in just 15 years during a period marked by with several rebellions. Takla Haymanot was assassinated in 1708 and suceeded by his uncle Tewoflos. The emperor Tewoflos had been working with Yost'os, a great-grandson of Yohannes, who would suceeded Tewoflos in 1711 upon the latter's untimely death. Tewoflos is credited with restoring and completed churches built by Yohannes in Gondar and across the empire. He also instituted a memorial fast for Iyasu at Gondar, and founded a church dedicated to Yohannes. But his brief reign ended just three years and he was suceeded by Yost'os who would also be deposed shortly after.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-25-113489625) During the power struggles that characterized this period, the palace regiment (wellaj) which was created during the early Gondarine period become kingmakers. First mentioned in the chronicle of Iyasu I of 1689, they gained notoriety during the latter years of Yost'os. As powerful state officials in the capital held a council that chose to appoint Yost'os's son to succeed him, the wellaj locked up the palace, executed several councilors and nominated Dawit instead.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-26-113489625) Dawit had a rather unremarkable reign characterized by rebellions and religious disputes within the church. His construction activities at Gondar were limited a church dedicated to saint Michael adjacent to the castle compound in 1716. The wellaj again intervened in the succession process by seizing the palace and proclaiming the succession of Bakaffa.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-27-113489625) Bakaffa's accession in 1721 ushered in five more decades of dynastic stability and political order. His reign reinvigorated the cultural revival of the 17th century with a renewed wave of construction, painting and writing. Urban life flourished in Gondar as nobels, merchants, scholars and priests were drawn from all over the empire to re-populate the cosmopolitan metropolis.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-28-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbd96eddf-a474-43e6-b04a-5a2522f3d47d_800x589.png) _**Dawit’s castle**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9eec7d7e-cb90-44cf-9622-388b74eb6806_797x598.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbea240bd-a2cf-4552-9292-7cf1703ef9af_1167x423.png) _**Bakaffa’s palace,**_ second image by Zamaniproject Thank you for reading African History Extra. This post is public so feel free to share it. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Gondar during the Mentewwab era (1730-1769)** Bakaffa was suceeded by his son Iyasu II (r. 1730-1755) and then by the latter's son Iyo'as (r. 1755-1769). However, political power during this period was largely controlled by Bakaffa's consort; Empress Mentewwab. The latter had risen to prominence during the last years of Bakaffa's reign. Two of her relatives; Niqolawos and Arkaledes were appointed into prominent positions at the behest of Mentewwab's grandmother Yolyana --who had introduced Bakaffa to the empress.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-29-113489625) Upon Bakaffa's death in September 1730, Niqolawos called the council of nobles to announce that Iyasu had been designated sucessor. Iyasu was crowned immediately after, and his mother Mentewwab was also crowned in her own right on December 2nd. From the beginning of Iyasu's reign, power rested with Mentewwab and her relatives. Following the death of Yolyana and Niqolawos in 1732, disgruntled nobles rebelled against the co-regents Mentewwab and Iyasu by besieging the Gondar castle compound in December 1732. The rebellion was quickly suppressed and precipitated the rise of Walda Le'ul as the most important political figure of Mentewwab's reign.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-30-113489625) Substantial construction work around Gondar was undertaken during the Mentewwab era with the most significant works undertaken in 1732 and 1740. These include the establishment of the dabra sahay Qwesqwam complex just outside Gondar, Mentewwab's castle in Gondar, and the Ras Ghimb castle that was occupied by Walda Le'ul.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-31-113489625) The growth of Gondar led to a substantial expansion of urban land ownership records of such transactions are found in the marginalia of many manuscripts of this period, including several looted by the British in 1868 and now housed in the British Library.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-32-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3fc3bdaf-9368-4698-83aa-ce8dcaa725bf_607x538.png) _**Mentewwab’s castle at Gondar**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F393ca889-34fe-4b36-8236-86bd5fd6838f_749x1141.png) _**Banqueting Hall of the dabra sahay Qwesqwam complex, outside Gondar**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc38dda80-b248-4e5a-a000-252e9bb96dc9_1072x532.png) _**Ras Gimb castle**_ The empress was a patron of the arts, and her era witnessed a resurgence of Ethiopian painting, in both manuscript illustration and church decoration. The art of Mentewwab’s era is termed the second gondarine style. This style was characterized by the appearance of more "naturalistic" compositions in which many local motifs and scenes were introduced into religious visual themes, as well as the heavy modeling of flesh, carefully rendered patterns of imported fabrics and brightly shaded backgrounds.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-33-113489625) Royal and princely patronage of art at this time also found expression in the practice whereby a painter would place beneath his work, a representation of the ruler or other noble who had commissioned the work often shown lying prostrate below the figure of Mary. This custom, which became common during the first gondarine style flourished during the Mentewwab, and, added to the inclusion of paiters' signatures, resulted in the painting of numerous pictures of the redoubtable Empress Mentewwab and her son Iyasu II by named ethiopian artists such as Sirak, Asab Rufa'el Fanta, Wasan, and Hezekiel.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-34-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6354972-7ef9-4e7a-a92d-0e2f59ab2031_509x665.jpeg) _**‘Wall painting c. 1747, Narga Sellase, lake Tana, Queen Mentewwab is depicted below the Virgin’**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F924b55dd-c97f-4d76-bd25-7d53262317d8_479x544.png) _**18th century manuscript, Acts of George**_, British library Or. 714, caption reads: _**"King of kings Iyasu and his mother Queen Walatta Giyorgis"**_. Bottom figure is Mentewwab's mother Wayzaro Enkore, to the lower left is Blattengeta Arkaledes and Ras Walda Le'ul (her uncle and brother). To the left of Mentewwab is Mamher Aynte and below her is Blattengeta Asayo.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-35-113489625) **Gondar during the ‘era of Princes’ (1769-1855)** After the death of Walda Le'ul in 1767, the political power of Mentewwab and her allies was significantly reduced within Gondar. She was forced to rely on several external allies, the most notable of whom was Mika'el Sehul. Mika'el was a nobleman from Adwa who had briefly rebelled against the Gondar rulers in 1746. The royal army sent to crush his rebellion at Amba Samayata in 1748 forced him to submit to Iyasu's authority and he was reinstated. He entered a matrimonial alliance with Mentewwab's court by arranging the marriage of his son Walda Hawaryat to Mentewwab's daughter Alt'ash in 1755. And by 1768, Mika'el arrived at Gondar after he had been appointed by Mentewwab as a Ras -an powerful royal title-.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-36-113489625) After a series of internecine power struggles between the allies of Iyo'as led by his uncle Lubo against the forces of Ras Mika'el, which involved several battles in the vicinity of Gondar, Mika'el's forces prevailed. Mika'el then crowned Yohannes as king and executed Iyo'as on May 1769, effectively crushing Lubo's faction but inadvertently ending the authority of the Ethiopian emperors. After the execution of Iyo'as, the equilibrium between the capital and the regional lords, collapsed as rival political factions and powerful nobles reduced the emperor to a mere figured.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-37-113489625) Its during this period that the explorer James Bruce arrived in Ethiopia and spent several months at Gondar between 1769 and 1771. Besides providing a rather brief account of the city's layout and monuments, he estimated that Gondar had a population of about 60,000. while this figure has since become a subject of considerable debate, it nevertheless accurately captures the significance of Gondaras the empire’s capital, especially considering the rather unflattering description of the ongoing civil war at the time.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-38-113489625) During this period of regionalization (known as Zemene Mesafint: era of princes) several provincial lords became virtually independent, and established dynasties of their own. Among the provincial states of Shewa, Tigre, Gojjam and Bagemder, the most powerful of these provincial lords was the ruler of Bagemder. The significance of Bagemder lay in the fact that it surrounded the capital, Gondar, which thus depended on it for most of its provisions. The result was that the government of Bagemder was entrusted to "none but noblemen of rank, family, and character", who were "able to maintain a large number of troops."[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-39-113489625) The ruling dynasty of Bagemder were the Yajju, a northern Oromo group that had played a prominent role during the 17th-18th century Gondarine politics. They later established their capital at Dabra Tabor after the decline of Gondar as a political capital. However, Gondar remained an important cultural center especially for the Ethiopian church, as it was home to the residences of the Abun and the Ecage, which were considered places of asylum.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-40-113489625) While the puppet emperors at Gondar had virtually no power, and were routinely deposed and installed several times, atleast one of them undertook some major restoration work in the old city. The emperor Egwale Seyon (r. 1801-1818) is credited with the reconstruction and decoration of Iyasu’s church of Dabra Berhān Sellāsē, covering it with several of his own portraits depicted in the second Gondarine style.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-41-113489625) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f1f5247-6051-4f04-8cd4-4833f5043989_726x500.png) _**Murals in the church of Dabra Berhān Sellāsē**_ Gondar was an important scholarly center. The Ethiopian education system in the 18th and 19th century was conducted through two types of church schools; the elementary-level rural schools led by an individual dabtara (lay clerics); and the advanced-level 'urban' schools led by several teachers, priests, and dabtaras who specialized in different subjects. Students wishing to attend the more important schools often had to travel to the larger centers like Gondar. In the late 1830s, towns such as Aksum, Adwa, and the Shewa capital of Ankobar were home to several schools, some with over 100 students; eg the church of Giyorgis at Ankobar was attended by 60 children who received instruction from 6 teachers. All students intended to go to Gondar to "take holy orders".[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-42-113489625) The city also retained some commercial importance. With the resident merchant population consisting nearly a third of its 10,000-18,000 urban residents. Its merchants organized caravans that linked various regional trade routes to long distance routes terminating in Sudan and on the red-sea port of Massawa. The merchants of the city were said by be the "most wealthy and influential body in the land." according to contemporary accounts which placed them "next to the clergy and aristocracy".[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-43-113489625) Gondar was also a major hub of crafts industries. According to contemporary accounts, the city was one of the places _**"where one finds the professions of the tailor, miller, baker and a mass of others unknown in Abyssinia." these "weavers, curriers, leatherworkers, harness-makers, blacksmiths, saddlemakers and sandal-makers, parchment-makers, book-binders, scribes and copyists, goldsmiths and copper-workers, embroiders and carpenters"**_.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-44-113489625) The highly skilled masons of Gondar were employed domestically as well as regionally by provincial lords such as king Sahla Sellase of Sawa, who commisioned them to construct the church of Madhane 'Alam at Ankobar. The city's craftworkers reflected its cosmopolitan character, most of the masons were Beta-Israel, many of the embroiders and tailors were Muslim, and its gunsmiths were Greeks. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc416004-364d-4802-8c64-d0d28fcff325_732x501.png) _**Illustration of Gondar from 1885**_ **Gondar during the late 19th century** By the early 19th century, the powers of the emperor in Gondar had decreased further. Virtually none of the provincial lords brought any tribute to the capital and the small palace regiment had been extinguished. In 1830 and 1840, Gondar was looted by forces of the feuding lords who exhausted all its provisions. Bagemder was ruled by Ras Ali Alula, who was virtually the "master and king" of the empire according to contemporary accounts. While Ras Ali had several subordinate lords, his power was relatively limited compared to other provincial lords such as the dynasty of Sawa, although his taxing of Gondar’s trade made his court relatively wealthy.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-45-113489625) The rise of Tewodros in the 1850s and his defeat of Ras Ali and other lords ended the regionalism of the previous era, but was devastating to the fortunes of Gondar. After a series of political miscalculations in the early 1860s Téwodros, began to lose any semblance of control over the nascent state. After disputes with the church, Tewodros imprisoned the Abun in 1864 at his capital in Magdala, and ordered his troops to sack the city[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-46-113489625). His forces would again sack Gondar in December 1866 under the pretext that its inhabitants refused to pay taxes. his troops sacked both the churches of Gondar and the (Muslim) merchant houses, carrying off loot (including some manuscripts that would later be seized by the British in 1868). Following this attack, many of the inhabitants of Gondar, Christians as well as Muslims, fled the town.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-47-113489625) After the defeat of Tewodros by the British at Magdala in 1868, he was suceeded by Takla Giyorgis (r. 1868-1871). Takla attempted to shore up his imperial legitimacy by restoring Gondar's churches and castles, he also restored the church lands taken away by Tewodros, and arranged for a special burial for the Abun who had died at Magdala with Tewodros. A contemporary chronicler wrote that _**“after Fasil, there was no one who did for Gondar as Ase Takla Giyorgis did”**_.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-48-113489625) Takla Giyorgis's reign was cut short by his defeat at the hands of Yohannes IV who suceeded him in 1871. Yohannes constructed a new church at Gondar and made minor repairs on a few of the old churches, but maintained Tewodros' less than cordial policy towards Gondar's merchants. The city's remaining merchants decided to flee to Sudan where a independence movement led by the Mahdi expelled the Ottoman-Egyptian government.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-49-113489625) In 1888, the Mahdist armies from Sudan defeated the forces of the Gojjam province in retaliation for an earlier raid by its lord, and they sacked Gondar while advancing deep into the Ethiopian highlands[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-50-113489625). The most damaged among the city's buildings was the church of Takla Haymanot where most of the earlier Gondarine structure was destroyed save for its two square towers.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-51-113489625) Yohannes responded to the Mahdist invasion by charging into Sudan at the head of a large army in 1899. Despite crushing the Mahdist forces, he was killed in battle, and would shortly after be suceeded by Menelik. The latter entered into [an alliance of convenience with his western neighbor](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-6-55958101)s, in the face of the advancing European threat represented by the Italians in the red sea, and the British in Sudan. This conciliatory approach was reflected domestically as merchants gradually repopulated Gondar and trade recovered in the last decade of the 19th century.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas#footnote-52-113489625) The gradual resurgence of Gondar was however overshadowed by the founding of Addis Ababa as Menelik’s capital in 1892. After nearly three centuries as the seat of power, the old town of Gondar no longer served as the commercial and cultural center of Ethiopia. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F838f380e-3ba2-4b25-a395-93f4a40dd092_1536x1024.jpeg) The eastern Mediterranean was for centuries home to one of Africa’s most significant diasporas. **African pilgrims, scholars and travelers from the regions of Nubia and Ethiopia settled in the Holy Lands where they maintained a permanent presence**. read about this on our Patreon: [THE AFRICAN DIASPORA IN THE HOLY LANDS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80883718?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffa10ffb6-4985-4668-8710-01f6490d8ad7_888x581.png)

2023-04-09T15:01:56+00:00

Guns and Spears: a military history of the Zulu kingdom.

Popular history of Africa before the colonial era often divides the continent’s military systems into two broad categories —the relatively modern armies along the Atlantic coast which used firearms, versus the 'traditional' armies in the interior that fought with arrows and spears.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history

Popular history of Africa before the colonial era often divides the continent’s military systems into two broad categories —the relatively modern armies along the Atlantic coast which used firearms, versus the 'traditional' armies in the interior that fought with arrows and spears. And it was the latter in particular, whose chivalrous soldiers armed with antiquated weapons, are imagined to have quickly succumbed to colonial invasion. Nowhere is this imagery more prevalent than in mainstream perceptions of the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879. Descriptions of Zulu armies armed with short spears and shields, bravely rushing over open ground in the face of heavy fire in an attempt to get to grips with the redcoats, has come to dominate our understanding of colonial warfare. It casts this 'traditional' African army as an atavistic warrior people in their twilight, whose supposed failure to innovate doomed them to their seemingly inevitable fall. Like all simplified narratives, the popular division between traditional and modern military systems is more apparent than real. The guns of Queen Njinga’s army in Matamba (Angola) were just as effective at defeating the Portuguese colonial armies in the 17th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-1-138168101), as the arrows of Chagamire Dombo were at crushing the colonialists forces in Mutapa (Zimbabwe).[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-2-138168101) And as the the 19th century colonial expansionism intensified, the Zulu armies defeated the British in the field on no less than three occasions. This article explores the history of Zulu military innovations within their local context in south-east Africa, and the overlooked role of firearms in Zulu warfare. _**Map of southern Africa in the early 19th century showing the Zulu kingdom.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F468cf231-d3ed-482a-b730-a31700d75933_828x527.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Genesis of the Zulu military system: Southern African armies and weapons from the 16th to the 18th century.** The Zulu kingdom emerged in the early 19th century, growing from a minor chiefdom in Mthethwa confederation, to become the most powerful state in south-east Africa. Expanding through conquest, diplomacy and patronage, the kingdom subsumed several smaller states over a large territory measuring about 156,000 sqkm. The Zulu state owed much of its expansion to its formidable army during the reign of King Shaka (1812-1828), the kingdom's first independent ruler. The Zulu military developed during Shaka's reign utilized a distinctive form of organization, fighting formations and weapons, that were popularized in later literature about colonial warfare in Africa. Chief among these was the regiment system, and the short-spears known as assegai that were utilized in the famous cow-horn formation of close-combat fighting.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-3-138168101) Like most historical traditions which attribute important cultural innovations to the kingdom's founder, these innovations are thought to have been introduced by king Shaka. However, they all predate the reign of the famous Zulu king, and most of them were fairly common among the neighboring states of south-east Africa. Among such states was the Thuli chiefdom, which, during its expansion south of the Thukela River in the late 18th century, employed the short-spear in close combat. Another tradition relating the the Mtehthwa king Dingiswayo also attributes the use of short stabbing spears to his armies, replacing the throwing spear. The line of transmition then follows both of these innovations from Dingiswayo's son to a then prince Shaka, when the Zulu were still under Mtehthwa's suzerainty.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-4-138168101) The short spear often associated with king Shaka was itself a relatively ancient weapon among the polities of south-east Africa. The earliest descriptions of armies in the region from the mid 16th century include mentions of warriors armed with wooden pikes _**"and some assegais \[spears\] with iron points.”**_ These descriptions came from shipwrecked Portuguese sailors whose desperation attimes drove them to cannibalism against the Africans who they found near the coast, and thus invited severe retaliation from the African armies. One such incident of cannibalism by the Portuguese crew near Delagoa bay[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-5-138168101) (Maputo Bay) resulted in the shipwrecked crew being attacked by an African army _**“throwing so many assegais**_ \[azagayas, or spears\] _**that the air was darkened by a cloud of them, though they seemed afterwards to be as well provided with them as before.”**_ A similar attack is described by another shipwrecked crew in 1622 whose camp was showered with more than 530 assegais and countless wooden spears.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-6-138168101) The type of assegais used in the region where the Zulu kingdom would later emerge would have been fairly similar to the ones associated with Shaka. One account from 1799 mentions that the armies in Delagoa bay region were _**"armed with a small spear"**_ which they _**"throw with great exactness thirty or forty yards**_". The account also describes their armies' war dress, their large shields and their form of organization with guard units for the King. These were all popularized in later accounts of the Zulu army but were doubtlessly part of the broader military systems of the region. [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-7-138168101) The above fragmentary accounts of military systems in south-east Africa indicate that traditions attributing the introduction/invention of the Zulu’s military formations and weapons to Shaka were attimes more symbolic than historical, although they would be greatly improved upon by the Zulu. **Development and innovation of the Zulu military system from Shaka to Dingane: Assegais and Firearms.** According to the Zulu traditions recorded in the late 19th century, Shaka trained his warriors to advance rapidly in tight formations and engage hand-to-hand, battering the enemy with larger war-shields, then skewering their foes with the short spear. Shaka's favorite attack formation was an encircling movement known as the _impondo zankomo_ (beast's horns), in which the the _isifuba_, or chest, advanced towards the enemy’s front, while two flanking parties, called _izimpondo_, or horns, surrounded either side.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-8-138168101) There were many types of assegais in 19th century Zululand, including the _isijula_, the larger _iklwa_ and _unhlekwane_, the _izinhlendhla_ (barbed assegais), and the _unhlekwana_ (broad-bladed assegai) among others. Assegais were manufactured by a number of specialized smiths, who enjoyed a position of some status, and were made on the orders of, and delivered to, the king, who would distribute them as he saw fit. The assegai transcended its narrow military applications as it epitomized political power and social unity of the state. It also played an important part in wedding and doctoring ceremonies, as well as in hunting. It acquired an outsized position in Zulu warfare and concepts of honor that emphasized close combat battle.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-9-138168101) The Zulu army originally formed during the reign of Shaka's predecessor, Senzangakhona (d. 1812), was an age-based regimental force that developed out of pre-existing region-based forces called _amaButho_. These regiments were instructed to build a regional barracks (_Ikhanda_) where they would undergo training. The barracks served as a locus for royal authority as temporary residences of the King and a means to centralize power. Shaka greatly expanded this regimental system, enrolling about 15 regiments, with the estimated size of his army being around 14,000 in the early 19th century, which he sent on campaigns/expeditions (_impi_) across the region.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-10-138168101) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb588bf3b-da12-4f63-868c-3e55eeb1c51a_413x476.png) _**Zulu Soldiers of King Panda's Army, 1847.**_ [Library of Congress.](https://www.loc.gov/item/2021670160/) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe435ec9c-ddfe-4c1c-bf5d-d8ace11f53e0_1071x601.png) _**‘Zulu Braves’ in ceremonial battle dress**_, [National Archives UK](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_National_Archives_UK_-_CO_1069-224-48.jpg), late 19th/early 20th century. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F17744c08-1ce4-48b7-b079-4774be3710d7_800x511.jpeg) _**the Zulu in ceremonial war dress**_, early 20th century photo, [smithsonian museum](https://www.si.edu/object/archives/components/sova-naa-photolot-97-ref14637) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) The exact size of the regiment, the location of their barracks and the number of regiments varied under sucessive rulers. When a new regiment was formed, the king appointed officers, or _izinduna_ to command it. These were part of the state officials, specifically chosen by the king to fulfil particular roles within the administrative system. Regiments consisted of companies (_amaviyo_) under the command of appointed officers, which together formed larger divisions (_izigaba_) also commanded by appointed officers, who were in turn under the senior commanders of the Zulu army.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-11-138168101) The creation of the different regiments was largely determined by the King, while the military training of the cadets who joined them was mostly an informal process. Some of the regiments dating back to Shaka's time were still present at the time of the Anglo-Zulu war, others had been created during the intervening period, while others were absorbed. The regiments were distinguished by their war dress and shields, although these two changed with time. These regiments were armed with both the short spear and large shield, but they also carried guns —an often overlooked weapon in Zulu historiography. One particular regiment associated with this weapon in the Anglo-Zulu war were the _abaQulusi_, a group which eventually came to consider themselves to be directly responsible to the King.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-12-138168101) The Zulu had been exposed to firearms early during kingdom's creation in the 1820s. Shaka was keenly intrested in the guns carried by the first European visitors to his court and acquired musketry contigents to bolster his army.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-13-138168101) He also sent Zulu spies to the cape colony and intended to send envoys to England inorder to learn how to manufacture guns locally. His sucessors, Dingane (r. 1828-1840) and Mpande (r. 1840-1872), acquired several guns from the European traders as a form of tribute in exchange for allowing them to operate within the kingdom.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-14-138168101) **<<the journey from Zululand to England wouldn't have been an unusual undertaking, since African explorers —including from southern Africa— had been [travelling to western Europe since the 17th century.](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true) \>\>** While firearms acquired by the Zulu during Dingane’s reign were not extensively used in battle before the war between the Boers and the Zulu between 1837-1840, they quickly became part of the diverse array of weaponry used by his army. The Zulu had innovated their fighting since Shaka’s day, bringing back the javelin (_isiJula_) for throwing at longer distances, as well as knobkerries (a type of mace or club). Dingane also armed some of his soldiers with firearms, the majority of which seem to have been captured from the Boers after some Zulu victories. The Zulu army of Dingane also rarely fought using the cow-horn formation but frequently took advantage of the terrain to create more dispersed formations, often seeking to surprise the enemy and prevent them from making any effective defense.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-15-138168101) The Zulu developed an extensive vocabulary reflecting their familiarity with the new technology, with atleast 10 different words for types of firearm, each with its own history and origin, as well as a description of its use. These included a five-foot long gun called the _ibala_, a large barreled gun known as the _imbobiyana_, a double barreled shotgun known as the _umakalana_ which was reserved for the elite, two other shotguns known as _isinqwana_ and _ifili_ (the first of which was used in close range fighting), and the "elephant gun" known as the _idhelebe_ which unlike the rest of the other guns was acquired from the Boers rather than the Portuguese. Other guns include the _iginanda_, _umhlabakude, igodhla,_ and _isiBamu_.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-16-138168101) The bulk of firearms in the kingdom arrived from the British colony of Natal and the Portuguese station at Delagoa Bay, especially during the reign of Cetshwayo (r. 1872-1879/1884). The king utilized the services of a European trader named John Dunn whose agents transshipped the weapons from the Cape and Natal to Delagoa Bay and into Zululand. In the 1860s and 70s, the exchange price of a good quality double-barrel muzzle loader dropped from 4 cows or £20 to just one, while an Enfield rifle that was standard issue for the British military in the 1850s cost even less. This trade was often prohibited by the British in the Cape and Natal who feared the growing strength of the Zulu, but the "illegal" sales of guns carried on until the Portuguese were eventually forced to prohibit the trade in 1878.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-17-138168101) Portuguese accounts indicate that between 1875 and 1877, 20,000 guns, including 500 breech-loaders, and 10,000 barrels of gunpowder were imported annually, the greater proportion of which went to the Zulu kingdom. This indicates a total estimate of 45,000 guns including 1,125 breech loaders and 22,500 barrels of gun powder. Another account from 1878 mentions the arrival of 400 Zulu traders at Delagoa who purchased 2,000 breech loaders. Zulu smiths learned how to make gunpowder under the supervision of the king's armorer, Somopho kaZikhala with one cache containing about 1,100 lb of gunpowder in 178 barrels.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-18-138168101) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F252d9d74-34dd-477e-bb91-001c742b1479_607x440.png) _**Flintlock Brown Bess musket bearing the Tower mark, typical of the firearms carried by the Zulu in 1879**_, Zululand Historical Museum, Ondini [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F15887722-253b-41e7-a4e6-b6cda65d4c11_1044x381.png) (left) _**illustration of a Zulu attack formation at Isandlwana, with shields, guns and short spears**_ . (right) '_**Followers of the Zulu king, Cetshwayo, including his brother, Dabulamanzi, all carrying long rifles**_. photo taken in 1879 after the war, [National Army Museum](https://collection.nam.ac.uk/detail.php?acc=1954-06-5-2-13) **Firearms and Assegais in the Zulu victory over the British.** By the time of the Anglo-Zulu war in 1878, the majority of Zulu fighters were equipped with firearms, although they were unevenly distributed, with some of the military elites purchasing the best guns while the rest of the army had older models or hardly any. King Cetshwayo became aware of this when a routine inspection of members of one of the regiments revealed that they had few guns, and he ordered them to purchase guns from John Dunn. While the number of guns was fairly adequate, ammunition and training presented a challenge as they often had to use improvised bullets, and not many of them were drilled in good marksmanship.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-19-138168101) From the Zulu army's perspective however, the kingdom was at its strongest despite some of the constraints. The British estimated King Cetshwayo’s army at a maximum strength of 34 regiments of which 7 weren't active service, thus giving an estimate of 41,900, although this was likely an over-stated. The force gathered at the start of the Anglo-Zulu War, which probably numbered about 25,000 men, was the largest concentration of troops in Zulu history.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-20-138168101) With about as many guns as the Asante army (in Ghana) when they faced off with the British in 1874. The perception of the Zulu army by their British enemies often changed depending on prevailing imperial objectives and the little information about the Zulu which their frontier spies had collected. One dispatch in November 1878 noted that the _**“introduction of firearms”**_ wrought _**“great changes, both in movements and dress”**_, upon the _**“ordinary customs of the Zulu army”**_. Another dispatch by a British officer in January 1879 observed that Zulu armies _**“are neither more bloodthirsty in disposition nor more powerful in frame than the other tribes of the Coast region”.**_ The slew of seemingly contradictory dispatches increased close to the eve of the battle, with another officer noting that the Zulu army's "_**method of marching, attack formation, remains the same as before the introduction of fire arms.".**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-21-138168101) The above assessments, and the other first-hand accounts provided below must all be treated with caution given the context in which they were made and the audience for which they were intended. Throughout January 1879, a low-intensity war raged in the northwestern marches of the kingdom, culminating with a major clash at Hlobane. One account of the first battle of Hlobane on 21st January details the abaQulusi regiment's careful charges to minimize losses and their extensive use of firearms. The officer noted that his force was _**"engaged with about 1,000 Zulus, the larger proportion of whom had guns, many very good ones; they appeared under regular command, and in fixed bodies. The most noticeable part of their tactics is that every man after firing a shot drops as if dead, and remains motionless for nearly a minute. In case of a night attack an interval of time should be allowed before a return shot is fired at a flash".**_ He also noted that they fired guns when the British advanced but utilized the assegai when the enemy was in retreat.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-22-138168101) While the first engagement at Hlobane ended in a British victory, this minor defeat for the Zulu was reversed the next day once they engaged with the bulk of the colonial forces at Isandlwana. Instead of a wild charge down the hill and across the wide plain, the Zulu regiments filed down the gullies of the escarpment and made a series of short dashes from one ridge to another toward the British position, only rising up to charge at the enemy once they were within a very short distance of the camp. The battle of Isandlwana, on 22 January 1879, was an imperial catastrophe, and a monumental victory for the Zulu, resulting in the loss of over 1,300 soldiers, including 52 officers and 739 Colonial and British men, 67 white non-commissioned officers and more than 471 of the Natal Native Contingent.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-23-138168101) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86c7a878-19cf-4a18-8ff1-1da0e22e2f92_600x425.webp) _**a fairly accurate Illustration of a Zulu charge, made by Charles E. Fripp in 1879, showing the complete array of weapons.**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=V8JH22DR9QARY) **Firearms in Zulu military strategy.** The role of firearms in the Zulu victory was understated in later accounts for reasons related to the changing purposes to which depictions of the Zulu were put by the British over the course of the war. The dispatch by the colonial commissioner who had ordered the invasion, Henry Frere, suggested that the defeat resulted from the British having faced _**“10 or even 20 times their own force, and \[having been\] exposed to the rush of such enormous bodies of active athletes, perfectly reckless of their own losses, and armed with the short stabbing assegai"**_. Another dispatch noted that _**"every Zulu is a soldier, and as a nation they are brave, fond of fighting, and full of confidence in themselves … There can be no doubt of the warlike character of the Zulu race. Their present military organization would also show that they are capable of submitting to a severe discipline."**_ [24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-24-138168101) Yet there are reports of the same battle which accurately describe the Zulu advance using firearms, before the last charge with assegais. One officer notes that the Zulu army advanced carefully, noting that _**"it was a matter of much difficulty to do really good execution among the ranks of the enemy, owing to the fact that with marvelous ingenuity they kept themselves scattered as they came along"**_, another observed that _**"From rock and bush on the heights above started scores of men; some with rifles, others with shields and assegais. Gradually their main body; an immense column opened out in splendid order upon each rank and firmly encircled the camp”**_.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-25-138168101) This contradicts the notion that the Zulu were simply throwing hordes of spearmen into the battle, something that would've been extremely costly given the kingdom's relatively low population (of just 100-150,000 subjects[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-26-138168101)) and very limited manpower compared to what the British could muster from the neighboring colonies. This tactic was also witnessed at a later battle at Gingindlovu, on 2 April. The officer observed that once the Zulu were within 800 yards of the British camp, _**"they began to open fire. In spite of the excitement of the moment we could not but admire the perfect manner in which these Zulus skirmished. A knot of five or six would rise and dart through the long grass, dodging from side to side with heads down, rifles and shields kept low and out of sight. They would then suddenly sink into the long grass, and nothing but puffs of curling smoke would show their whereabouts."**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-27-138168101) A later interview with Zulu war veterans in 1882 summarizes their preferred tactics as thus; _**"They went through various manoeuvres for my entertainment, showing me how they made the charges which proved so fatal to our troops. They would rush forward about fifty yards, and imitating the sound of a volley, drop flat amidst the grass; then when firing was supposed to have slackened, up they sprung, and assegai and shield in hand charged like lightning upon the imaginary foe, shouting ‘Usutu’."**_ Its likely that Henry Frere's account of charging athletes with assegais was an oversimplification of this final advance, when the initial slow advance with firearms gave way to a swift charge with assegais.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-28-138168101) The choice to utilize both firearms and assegais was influenced as much by cultural significance of the assegai as it was by the relatively low quality of the firearms and marksmanship. Zulu guns were of diverse origins, including German, British and American muskets, but some were old models having been made in 1835, in contrast to the British's Martini-Henry which was made just 8 years before the war. While these Zulu guns had been relatively effective in the earlier wars, they constrained the range at which Zulu marksmen could accurately fire their weapons and increase enemy causalities. The Zulu captured 1000 Martini-Henrys and 500,000 rounds of ammunition at Isandlwana which they put to good use in later battle of Hlobane which they won on 28th March 1879 and as well as the defeat at Khambula the next day. As one British officer at Khambula observed, the Zulu he encountered were _**"good shots"**_ who _**"understood the use of the Martini-Henry rifles taken at Isandlwana"**_. However, the captured weapons weren't sufficient for the whole army to use in later engagements and were distributed asymmetrically among the soldiers.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-29-138168101) King Cetshwayo had hoped his victory at Isandlwana would persuade the British to reconsider their policies, but it only provoked a bitter backlash, as more British reinforcements poured into the region. Isandlwana had been a costly victory, a type of fighting which the Zulu army had not before experienced, and the terrible consequences of the horrific casualties they suffered became more apparent with each new battle, with the successive defeats at Gingindlovu and Ulundi eventually breaking the army.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-30-138168101) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F41f20d58-a7a6-4b8e-808e-5bfcb5758985_540x700.jpeg) _**The King Cetshwayo in exile,**_ London, 1882. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Conclusion.** The Zulu army was a product of centuries in developments in the military systems of south-east Africa. The Zulu’s amaButho system and fighting formations were well-adapted to the South African environment in which they emerged, and were continuously innovated in the face of new enemy forces and with the introduction of new weapons, including guns. While the Zulu did not kill most of their enemy with firearms, references to the Zulu’s mode of attack suggest that their tactical integration of firearms reflected a greater familiarity and skill in their use than is often acknowledged. The Zulu frequently demonstrated adaptive skills in their tactical deployment of a diverse array of weapons and fighting styles that defy simplistic notions of traditional military organization. The gun-wielding regiments that quietly crept behind the hill of Isandlawana, with their shields concealed behind the bushes, were nothing like the charging hordes of imperial adventure that blindly rushed into open fields to be mowed down by bullets. The Zulu army was a highly innovative force, acutely aware of the advantages of modern weaponry, the need for tactical flexibility in warfare, and the limits of the kingdom’s resources. In this regard, the Zulu were a modern pre-colonial African army par excellence. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc87f7108-4819-4813-95b6-2883329bc73c_1292x551.png) _**Isandlwana and graves of the fallen of 1879.**_ **In the 16th century, Africans arrived on the shores of Japan, many of them originally came from south-east Africa and eastern Africa, and had been living in India**. read more about this African discovery of Japan here: [AFRICAN PRESENCE IN JAPAN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F533e2e7c-7f07-45d6-bfcc-ed00d8f9b487_640x966.png) nn

2023-10-22T15:36:13+00:00

a brief note on the African exploration of Asia

plus; the African presence in Japan (1543-1639)

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-african-exploration-a90

For much of Africa’s history, many of its travelers who ventured outside the continent often went to western and southern Asia. In antiquity, the North-East African kingdoms of Kush and Aksum which were closest to Asia, extended their control over parts of western Asia and Arabia. African rulers, soldiers, merchants, pilgrims and other settlers established communities across the region —from Nineveh in Iraq to [Sanʿāʾ in Yemen](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632?l=fr)— and engaged in cultural exchanges which linked societies on either shores of the red sea. Over the middle ages, envoys and merchants from Aksum travelled further into south Asia, [sailing regulary to the island of Sri Lanka](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-aksumite-empire-between-rome) and the south-western parts of India. Their exploratory initiative was later taken over by the Swahili who plied the routes between the Persian gulf and India, eventually travelling to the south-east Asian islands of Malaysia, and reaching the east-Asian state of China. What initially begun as sporadic contacts between China and the kingdoms of Aksum and Makuria, rapidly grew into regular diplomatic exchanges involving several African envoys from many different Swahili, Somali and Ethiopian states travelling to China during the Song dynasty. In the 10th-14th century period alone, [more than 8 envoys are documented to have travelled to China from 5 different African kingdoms](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true). Chinese travelers reciprocated these visits, sending two major exploratory missions that reached eastern Africa in the early 14th and early 15th century, a few decades prior to the European irruption in the Indian ocean. The African exploration of Asia wasn't halted by the arrival of Portuguese interlopers, but was instead re-oriented to exploit the changes in the political and commercial landscape of the Indian ocean world. As political alliances shifted between different regional and global powers, African kingdoms alternated their external interests between western Asia and south Asia, depending on their relationship with the Portuguese. Africans converged in the Portuguese city of Goa in India, creating a diasporic community that included visiting royals and envoys, catholic priests, mercenaries, and servants. It was from this African community in south-Asia that the first Africans who travelled to Japan originated, arriving on the island nation in the 1540s. **The history of African travel to Japan is the subject of my latest Patreon post,** **Read more about it here:** [AFRICAN PRESENCE IN JAPAN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F533e2e7c-7f07-45d6-bfcc-ed00d8f9b487_640x966.png) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-african-exploration-a90?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff0a8fc7d-6405-4f5c-82b0-f94146406b29_860x592.png) detail of a 17th century folding screen depicting African guests in a house at the port city of Nagasaki, No. _2015.300.109.1, .2_ Met Museum

2023-10-14T16:22:21+00:00

A history of the west African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem before 1900

The legacy of west African travel to Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora

Tucked along the western edges of the world's most contested religious site, are the residencies of west Africa's oldest diaspora in the eastern Mediterranean. The west-African quarter of Jerusalem's old city is one of three major diasporic communities established by west African Muslims outside Africa, the other two are found in the cities of Mecca and Medina The history of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem is a fascinating and often overlooked aspect of the African diaspora. For centuries, West Africans have traveled to these regions as scholars and pilgrims, leaving an indelible mark on their intellectual and religious traditions of the middle east. This article explores the history of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem, tracing the growth of the diaspora from Egypt to Arabia and Jerusalem, and highlighting their intellectual and cultural contributions. _**Map showing the route taken by west African pilgrims to Arabia and Jerusalem**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8489e7fd-99be-4d59-a2af-4e218a54da14_701x418.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Foundations of a west African diaspora: the Takruri residents of Cairo** Scholars, pilgrims and travelers from west Africa had been present in Arabia and Palestine since the early second millennium. Initially, the west African diaspora only extended into Egypt, where the earliest documented west African Muslim dispora resided. The enigmatic Cairo resident named al-Shaikh Abu Muhammad Yusuf Abdallah al-Takruri lived in Egypt during the 10th century. After he died, a mausoleum and mosque was built over his grave, and later rebuilt around 1342. His nisba of "al-Takruri" was evidently derived from the medieval west African kingdom of Takrur which was widely known in the Islamic world beginning in the 11th century and would become the main ethnonym for west African pilgrims travelling to the Holy lands.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-1-114998573) By the 14th century, the west African diaspora in Cairo had grown significantly especially after several pilgrimages had been undertaken that included reigning west African kings. The west African community in Egypt (or more likely the ruler of Bornu) commisioned the construction of the Madrasat ibn Rashiq around 1242 to house pilgrims from Bornu[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-2-114998573). The community must have been relatively large, given the presence of a west African scholar named Al-Haj Yunis who was the interpreter of the Takrur in Egypt and provided the information on west African history written by Ibn Khaldun.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-3-114998573) A particulary important locus for the west African diaspora in Egypt was the university of al-Azhar. The first residence for West African students and pilgrims was established in Al-Azhar during the mid-13th century for Bornu’s students and pilgrims (Riwāq al-Burnīya). By the 18th century, 3 of the 25 residences of Al-Azhar hosted students from West Africa. These included the abovementioned Bornu residence, the Riwāq Dakārnah Sāliḥ for students from Kanem, and the Riwāq al-Dakārinah for students from; Takrūr (ie: all kingdoms west of the Niger river), Sinnār (Funj kingdom in Sudan), and Darfūr.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-4-114998573) Among the most prominent west African scholars resident in Egypt was Muḥammad al-Kashnāwī, a scholar from the Hausa city-state of Katsina in northern Nigeria. He boasted a comprehensive scholarly training before leaving Katsina around 1730, having been a student of the Bornu scholar Muḥammad al-Walī al-Burnāwī. al-Kashnāwī became well known in Egypt especially as the author of an important treatise on the esoteric sciences and as the teacher of Ḥasan al-Jabartī, the father of the famous Egyptian historian ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Jabartī.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-5-114998573) Another prominent west African resident in Cairo was Shaykh al-Barnāwī (d. 1824) from Bornu and was one of the important members of the Khalwati sufi order. He thus appears in the biographies of prominent Egyptian and Moroccan scholars of the same order as their teacher including ʿAlī al-Zubādī (d. 1750) and ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Tāzī (d. 1791).[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-6-114998573) Many west African scholars are known to have resided permanently in Cairo. Archives from Cairo include lists of properties and possessions owned by west African Muslims on their way to the Hijaz. These include Hajj Ali al-Takruri al-Wangari who left 200 mithqals of gold and camels in 1562, and another document from 1651 listing nearly 500 mithqals of gold, cloth and several personal effects belonging to atleast 6 west Africans, 4 of whom had the nisba “al-Takruri”.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-7-114998573) The Cairo disporic community would doubtlessly have enabled the establishment of smaller disporic communities in the 'Holy cities' of Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F09326447-5cf0-4757-91aa-21f7bb0e6af5_550x412.jpeg) _**students at the Al-azhar university in Cairo, early 20th century postcard.**_ **The west African diaspora in Mecca and Medina.** The Holiest city of Islam was the ultimate destination for the pilgrimage made by thousands of west Africans for centuries, yet despite its importance, few appear to have resided there permanently. There’s atleast one reference to a 17th century Bornu ruler purchasing houses in Cairo, Medina and Mecca in order to lodge pilgrims; he also bought stores to meet the costs of the houses.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-8-114998573) Some of the more detailed descriptions of west Africans in Mecca are derived from 19th century accounts. In 1815, the traveler Johann Ludwig Burckhardt noted the presence of “_**Takruri**_” "_**Negro Hadjis**_" residing in Messfale (misfala quarter of mecca) and at Suq al-saghir (about 200m from the Kaaba). But all appear to have been temporary residents, some of whom were engaged in trade to cover the cost of their journey back to west Africa.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-9-114998573) The account of Richard Burton in 1855 further corroborates this. He describes the city’s "_**heterogeneous mass of pilgrims**_" as including the _**'Takrouri' "and others from Bornou, the Sudan**_ (Darfur and Funj)_**, Ghdamah near the Niger and Jabarti from the Habash".**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-10-114998573) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4a29b06-bcb1-4c66-8f85-efb1e05b7d60_696x553.png) _**view of the Kaaba at Mecca, early 20th century**_ In contrast to Mecca, west Africans had a significant presence in Medina. Pious west Africans attimes took up residence in the city towards the end of their lives, to spend their last days, and then to be buried 'close' to the Prophet's grave. For example, the west African scholar Abu Bakr from the city of Biru (walata) travelled with his family to Medina on his second pilgrimage, and settled in the city where he'd later be buried in 1583.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-11-114998573) Another west African known to have resided in Medina was the 18th century scholar and merchant named Muhammad al-Kànimì, the father of the better known scholar Shehu al-Kanimi who ruled Bornu. Originally from Kanem, Muhammad moved to the Fezzan, before retiring in medina where he later died during the late 18th century.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-12-114998573) Given the importance of Medina to West African pilgrims, rulers such as the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad made charitable donations at several sacred places in the Hijaz, and purchased gardens in Medina which he turned into an endowment for the people of Takrur. Writing in 1655, the Timbuktu chronicler al-Sa'di indicates that the Askiya’s gardens were still in use at the time, mentioning that _**"these gardens are well known there"**_.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-13-114998573) similarly, the Bornu ruler Mai Idris Alooma purchased a garden in Medina during the 16th century where he installed his followers.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-14-114998573) However, the experience of some 18th century west African scholars indicates that the gardens may have been abandoned at the time. The shinqit-born scholar Abd al-Rashid Al-Shinqiti, who was a resident of Medina, went to great lengths to receive stipends from the foundations of Maghribis (mostly Moroccans) in Medina, and despite obtaining support from Egyptian and Moroccan scholars in 1785, he was still denied the stipends. His contemporary named Abd al-Ramàn al-Shinqiti (d. 1767) who also resided in the city lived in household of a non-west African —in the Zawiya of the Sammàniyya founder Muhammad as-Samman.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-15-114998573) There are a number of west African scholars who gained prominence in Medina besides the above mentioned scholars from Shinqit (Chinguetti). The latter city was itself a major departure point for many west African pilgrim caravans heading to Mecca during the 18th and 19th centuries, among these pilgrims was the scholar Ṣāliḥ al-Fullānī. Born in Futa Jallon (modern-day Guinea), al-Fullani came to reside in Medina with a wide reputation for Islamic scholarship.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-16-114998573) al-Fullani was educated locally in Futa Jallon, Adrar and Timbuktu before proceeding to Marrakesh, Tunis and Cairo, and arriving at Medina in 1773. While in medina, he studied many subjects, and after he had _**"read all the major Islamic writings of his time"**_, he became a teacher. His students included the qadi of mecca Abd al-Ḥāfiẓ al-ʿUjaymī (d. 1820) as well as Muḥammad ʿAbīd al-Sindī (d.1841) from sindh in Pakistan. His notable African students included Muḥammad al-Ḥāfiẓ al-Shinqītī (d. 1830), as well as the Moroccan scholar Ḥamdūn b. al-Ḥājj (d. 1857).[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-17-114998573) Such was al-Fullani's influence that the Indian scholar, Muḥammad ʿAẓīmābādī (d. 1905), referred to him as the scholarly renewer (mujaddid) of his age, and his writings inspired India’s Ahl al-Ḥadīth movement.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-18-114998573) **See this Patreon post on al-Fullani's influence in India:** [FROM GUNIEA TO INDIA: AL-FULLANI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/61683129) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6102789-8a45-45ec-9266-09be6057fabb_1024x682.jpeg) _**Ruins of Chinguetti, southern Mauritania**_ **The west African diaspora in Jerusalem** During the Umayyad period when the Hajj tradition was firmly established, the city of Jerusalem was transformed into the 3rd holy city of Islam after the construction of the Dome of the Rock on the ruins of an old temple. This construction followed an Islamic tradition about the prophet ascending to heaven from the Dome. Jerusalem was therefore an important center of pilgrimage for all Muslims alongside other Abrahamic religions. West African Muslims likely travelled to Jerusalem early since the emergence of their pilgrimage tradition, but evidence for this is limited. The earliest reference to a west African Muslim community in Jerusalem likely dates to the Mamluk era when a Jerusalem waqf was given to a resident West African community, granting them a historic role as one of the guardians of the Al-Aqsa mosque.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-19-114998573) Jerusalem's west African Muslim community (called the 'Tukarina') grew significantly during the Ottoman era especially around the al-Aqsa mosque’s council gate (Bab al-Nazir). Around the early 16th century, the Ribat ‘Ala’ al-Din and the Ribat al-Mansuri, which were originally built in the 13th century as hostels for pilgrims, were officially transformed into permanent residencies for west African pilgrims.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-20-114998573) The Tukarina found jobs as the official guardians for the colleges and residencies around the entrance of al-Aqsa. Such was the Tukarina's control of the gates to prevent non-Muslims from entering that they were detained in 1855 by the local ottoman governor of Jerusalem to prevent them from denying entrance to the then Belgian prince Leopold II —the first Christian ruler since the Crusades to be allowed into the Dome of the Rock, prior to his infamous colonization of Congo.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-21-114998573) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fec79f768-5a47-43cb-a8f8-7101e33d178a_747x555.png) _**exterior and interior of the Ribat al Mansuri, early 20th century, The Israel Antiquities Authority**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-22-114998573) Arguably the most notable west-African resident in Jerusalem (albeit briefly) was the Tukulor empire founder Umar Tal. Al-Hajj Tal left his homeland of Futa-Toro in 1826, arrived in Mecca in 1828 and stayed there for several years. He later traveled to Jerusalem and after several weeks departed for Cairo, before traveling back to west Africa. While in Jerusalem, Umar’s reputation for piety and learning were recognized, he led the prayer in the Dome of the Rock and treated a son of Ibrahim Pasha.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-23-114998573) These two ribats of ‘Ala’ al-Din and Ribat al-Mansuri now comprise the largest "African quarter" in Jerusalem (al-jaliyya al-Afriqiyya) adjacent to the gates of the famous Al Aqsa Mosque. After the arrival of more African Muslims from colonial west africa during the early 20th century, the diasporic community now has a population of about 500 (but far more Africans live outside the quarter itself).[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-24-114998573) While relatively small compared to the modern dispora of west Africans in mecca and medina, its position in front of one of the word's most contested sites has given the community a significant place in politics of the Old city. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6ecb230-d0c2-4420-a704-22e4a9dfd082_805x562.png) _**Hall of the Ribat of al-Mansur Qalawun**_, photo by ‘Discover Islamic Art’ **Conclusion: west africa’s diaspora in world history** Examining the significance of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem, allows us to gain a deeper understanding of the complex historical and cultural connections that exist between Africa and the Middle East. From the writings of resident west African scholars in Medina and Cairo, to the cultural roles of west Africans in Jerusalem, the region’s African communities highlights the diversity of the Muslim world, and the many ways in which it has been shaped by different cultural influences over time. And as a testament to the often overlooked presence of the African diaspora in the eastern Mediterranean, Jerusalem’s historical African quarters for west Africans and Ethiopians are located within about 200 meters of each other. This underscores the cosmopolitan nature of African communities outside the continent as active agents in world history. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e2eb401-916a-4682-b418-464e027e263f_787x575.png) _**Map showing the west-African and Ethiopian quarters in the Old city.**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-25-114998573) on **AFRICANS DISCOVERING AFRICA**: Far from existing in autarkic isolation, African societies were in close contact thanks to the activities of African travelers. These **African explorers of Africa were agents of intra-continental discovery** centuries before post-colonial Pan-Africanists [AFRICANS DISCOVERING AFRICA: chapter 1](https://www.patreon.com/posts/81510350?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc994d418-08fd-458d-aeb1-ad66d8c99539_944x611.png) **On the Nubian and Ethiopian diaspora in Jerusalem:** [THE AFRICAN DIASPORA IN THE HOLY LANDS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80883718?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffa10ffb6-4985-4668-8710-01f6490d8ad7_888x581.png) _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE)

2023-04-16T13:49:56+00:00

Anti-slavery laws and Abolitionist thought in pre-colonial Africa

the view from Benin, Kongo, Songhai and Ethiopia.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist

In 1516, the King of Benin imposed a ban on the exportation of slaves from his kingdom. While little is known about the original purpose of this embargo, its continued enforcement for over two centuries during the height of the Atlantic slave trade reveals the extent of anti-slavery laws in Africa.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-1-143128851) A lot has been written about the European abolitionist movement in the 19th century, but there's relatively less literature outlining the gradual process in which anti-slavery laws evolved in response to new forms of slavery between the Middle Ages and the early modern period. For example, while many European states had anti-slavery laws during the Middle Ages[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-2-143128851), the use and trade in slaves (mostly non-Christian slaves but also Orthodox Christian slaves[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-3-143128851)) continued to flourish, and the later influx of enslaved Africans in Europe after the 1500s[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-4-143128851) reveals that the protections provided under such laws didn't extend to all groups of people. The first modern philosopher to argue for the complete abolition of slavery in Europe was Wilheim Amo —born in the Gold Coast (Ghana)— who in 1729 defended his law thesis _**‘On the Rights of Moors in Europe’**_ using pre-existing Roman anti-slavery laws to argue that protections against enslavement also extended to Africans[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-5-143128851). Amo's thesis, which can be considered the first of its kind in modern abolitionist thought, would be followed up by better-known abolitionist writers such as Ignatius Sancho, Olaudah Equiano, and William Wilberforce.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-6-143128851) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91e16cd3-8ad6-429e-8caa-05f75231c81b_504x602.png) **Portrait of Sancho, ca. 1768.** The fact that the first and most prominent abolitionist thinkers in Europe were Africans should not be surprising given that it was they who were excluded from the anti-slavery laws of the time. However, such abolitionist thought would largely remain on paper unless enforced by the state. Official abolition of all forms of slavery that was begun by Haiti in 1807, followed by Britain in 1833 and other states decades later, often didn't mark the end of the institution's existence. Despite abolition serving as a powerful pretext to justify the colonial invasion of Africa, slavery continued in many colonies well into the 20th century.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-7-143128851) Abolition should therefore be seen as a gradual process in which anti-slavery laws that were initially confined to the subjects/citizens of a society/state were extended to everyone. Additionally, the efficacy of the anti-slavery laws was dependent on the capacity of the state to enforce them. And just as anti-slavery laws in European states were mostly concerned with their citizens, the anti-slavery laws in African states were made to protect their citizens. In the well-documented case of the kingdom of Kongo, [the enslavement of Kongo's citizens was strictly forbidden and the kings of Kongo went to great lengths to enforce the law even during periods of conflict](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-kongo-and-the-portuguese). During the 1580s and the 1620s, thousands of illegally enslaved Kongo citizens were carefully tracked down and repatriated from Brazil in response to demands by the Kongo King Alvaro I (r. 1568-1587) and King Pedro II (r. 1622-1624). Kongo's anti-slavery laws were well-known by most citizens, in one case, a Kongo envoy who had stopped by Brazil on his way to Rome managed to free a person from Kongo who had been illegally enslaved.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-8-143128851) Anti-slavery laws at times extended beyond states to include co-religionists. In Europe, anti-slavery laws protected Christians from enslavement by co-religionists and export to non-Christians, despite such laws not always being followed in practice.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-9-143128851) Similarly in Africa, Muslim states often instituted anti-slavery laws against the enslavement of Muslims. [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-10-143128851) (again, despite such laws not always being followed in practice.) The protection of African Muslims against enslavement was best articulated in the 17th-century treatise of the Timbuktu scholar Ahmad Baba titled _Miraj al-Suud ila nayl Majlub al-Sudan_ (The Ladder of Ascent in Obtaining the Procurements of the Sudan). Court records from Ottoman Egypt during the 19th century include accounts of several illegally enslaved African Muslims who successfully sued for their freedom, often with the help of other African Muslims who were visiting Cairo.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-11-143128851) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fde1a5bd3-00ff-4cb6-87b3-6b619884476c_668x454.png) Copy of _**Ahmad Baba’s treatise on slavery**_, Library of Congress[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-12-143128851) African Muslim sovereigns such as the kings of Bornu not only went to great lengths to ensure that their citizens were not illegally enslaved, but also demanded that their neighbors repatriate any enslaved citizens of Bornu[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-13-143128851). Additionally, the political revolutions that swept 19th-century West Africa justified their overthrow of the pre-existing authorities based on the pretext that the latter sold freeborn Muslims to (European) Christians. After the ‘revolutionaries’ seized power, there was a marked decrease in slave exports from the regions they controlled.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-14-143128851) The evolution of anti-slavery laws and abolitionist thought in Africa was therefore determined by the state and the religion, just like in pre-19th century Europe before such protections were later extended to all. In Ethiopia, anti-slavery laws and abolitionist thought followed a similar trajectory, especially during the 16th and 17th centuries. Pre-existing laws banning the enslavement and trade of Ethiopian citizens were expanded, and philosophers called for the recognition of all people as equal regardless of their origin. The anti-slavery laws and abolitionist philosophy of Ethiopia during the 16th and 17th centuries are the subject of my latest Patreon article; Please **subscribe to read more about it here**: [ANTI-SLAVERY LAWS IN ETHIOPIA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/101416410?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0135d8a4-8ff5-46fb-bf4f-570ada514945_620x1030.png)

2024-03-31T16:35:42+00:00

Roads and wheeled transport in African history.

Why the kingdoms of Kush and Dahomey used wheels while Asante did not.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa

The wheel is often regarded as one of humanity's greatest inventions, yet its historical significance remains a subject of considerable debate. Vehicles with wheels require good roads, but in most parts of the world, road construction could only be undertaken by large hegemonic states whose primary interest in building those roads was improving the mobility of their armies, rather than increasing civilian transport. Road building and maintainence in Africa appears to have been more extensive than has been previously understood. The list of Africa's road-building states wasn't just confined to the 'great road system' of Asante and the paved roads of the Aksumite kingdom and Gondarine Ethiopia, it also includes the [roads of the Bokoni in southern Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian) used for transporting people and their cattle, the [road system of Buganda](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom) which has drawn parallels with Asante, as well as the less extensive road networks in Dahomey. Yet in all these African road-building societies, there was a noted absence of wheeled transport. The stone blocks used in constructing the great obelisks of Aksum were not moved in wagons, nor were Aksumite armies campaigning along the kingdom's paved roads in chariots, even though Aksum was familiar with societies that had both wagons and chariots such as the kingdom of Kush. Similary, the Asante did not utilize wheeled transport, despite being in contact with Dahomey where wheeled vehicles were relatively common, and with the Europeans at the coast, for whom wheel technology was becoming increasingly important. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe79d556d-5c78-4782-bd72-3fc28d93f3d0_1296x579.png) _**an ancient paved road at Aksum and a gondarine-era bridge on the blue Nile, built by emperor Fsilides in 1660 but blown up during the Italian invasion of 1935.**_ The history of wheeled transport in the African kingdoms of Kush and Dahomey, as well as the absence of wheels in the road-building kingdom of Asante shows that the historical significance of the wheel in pre-industrial transport and technology is far more complex than is often averred. In this **two-part article**, I outline the history of the wheel in Kush and Dahomey by placing it in the global context of wheeled transport from its invention around 4,000BC to the industrial era. Using recent research that shows how the wheel was first spread across the ancient world, before it was abandoned for over a millennia, only to later re-emerge in the 17th century, **I argue that Africa wasn't exempt to these trends**. The kingdom of Kush adopted wheeled transport just like the rest of the ancient world, and that its sucessors (such as the Aksumites, the Arabs, and even post-Roman Europe) largely abandoned the wheel just as it was disappearing everywhere else, before early modern kingdoms like Dahomey re-discovered wheeled transport as a consequence of the wheel’s re-popularization in western Europe. **The second half the article, which is included below**, explains why the Asante kingdom did not adopt wheeled transport despite posessing an extensive road system. Using comparisons with the road system of the kingdom of Burma which had wheeled transport in the 19th century, its shown that **Asante's road users would not have seen any significant improvements in travel speed had they adopted wheeled transport**. I also include a section of the colonial governor Lord Lugard's failed ox-cart project in nothern Nigeria, showing that the non-adoption of wheeled transport wasn't due to Africans’ ignorance of its benefits —as colonialists often claimed— but because the cost of wheeled transport greatly outweighed the returns. **PART I; on wheeled transport in Kush and Dahomey:** [THE WHEEL IN AFRICAN HISTORY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/95169362) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff10e429f-777d-4bc3-b2e4-5644f792c775_696x909.png) **PART II** **Built roads but absent wheels: why wheeled transport wasn't fully adopted in precolonial Asante, comparisons with Burma and lord Lugard's failed ox-cart project in northern Nigeria** The absence of wheeled transportation in sub-Saharan Africa is a topic most Africanists tend to avoid despite it being frequently mentioned as an example of Africa's technological backwardness. This has created an asymmetry between non-specialists on African history who exaggerate the wheel's centrality In pre-modern technology (especially in transport), versus Africanists who either; avoid it the "wheel question" altogether or downplay the wheel's importance without offering convincing explanations. It's important to note that the wheel was present in sub-saharan Africa, especially in ancient Nubia; from the Kerma era's representations of wheeled chariots in lower Nubia; to the extensive use and depictions of chariots in Kushite warfare; to the medieval era where the _saqia_ water-wheel was used in agriculture. However, this extensive use of the wheel was mostly confined to the region of Sudan, even though many parts of Africa were familiar with the wheel since antiquity. One particulary notable society that was familiar with the wheel was the kingdom of Asante in what is now Ghana. Considering Asante's extensive road network and the kingdom's contacts with europeans in coastal forts, it may on first sight appear to be rather surprising that Asante didn't adopt the use of wheeled transport. However, a comparison of Asante with the 18th century kingdom of Burma (Myanmar) which also had a road system but used wheeled transport, reveals that using wheels offered no significant advantages in logistics. This article explores the history of transportation in Asante, comparing it with the Konbaung dynasty of Burma to explain why wheeled transportation was absent in most of Africa, and why colonialists like lord Lugard failed to implement wheeled transport in northern Nigeria. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd15c01c3-b800-49d6-97a9-5fcfd4ec1862_820x510.png) _**19th century Asante treasure box made of brass mounted on a 4-wheeled stand, Pitt rivers museum**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **A summary of Antony Hopkins' and Robin Law's arguments on the absence of wheeled transport in precolonial Africa:** Atleast two west Africanists have studied the history of wheel in west Africa; the first was a brief comment on the wheeled transport in Antony G. Hopkins’ _Economic history of west Africa_, the second is a monograph on _wheeled transport in pre-colonial west Africa_ by Robin Law. Hopkins argues that besides the tsetse infested areas where the value of wheeled vehicles was reduced by the high mortality of draught animals, even in places where draught animals were available and used in transportation, wheeled vehicles were considered uneconomic because its greater cost was not justified by the proportionately greater returns because the poor quality of the roads would have greatly reduced the efficiency of wheeled vehicles and the cost of improving the system would have been prohibitive, he concludes that pack animals predominated because they were cheap to buy, inexpensive to operate and well suited for the terrain.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-1-140040604) Robin law on the other hand, argued that wheeled transport could not be adopted without improved roads, but the roads would not be improved as long as there was no wheeled transport to use them, he observed that improving roads solely to accommodate wheeled vehicles would be a speculative gamble on the future profits to be realized from such improvements, the kind of gamble the Asante were in no position to make, but one that colonial governments with a more aggressive ideology of economic progress (or exploitation) could undertake.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-2-140040604) He goes over the history of the wheel in Africa, particularly the disappearance of the horse drawn chariot in the Sahara that was replaced by the camel, and thus ushering in the caravan trade which rendered wheeled transportation all but obsolete, he then covers the ceremonial wheeled carriages in the coastal kingdoms of Asante and Dahomey from the 17th to the 19th centuries, and the practice of rolling barrels down roads rather than using carts which one west African trader found would be too expensive to maintain due to the poor quality of the roads that were built for foot travel rather than wheeled carriages, he also covers the use of the wheeled gun carriages in much of west Africa.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-3-140040604) This article follows both Antony Hopkins and Robin law's argument that the Asante government appreciated the necessity of good roads and undertook their construction to such an extent that they were central to its administration, but the cost of building roads good enough for wheeled transport was prohibitive because of the speculative nature of such an infrastructure investment. Using a recent study by Michael Charney comparing the kingdom of Asante with the kingdom of Burma, I advance the argument that the adoption of the wheel by itself wouldn't greatly improve the speed or robustness of Asante's road system since its presence in the fairly similar kingdom of Burma didn't result in a better or faster overland transportation system there, and that discourses on the history of wheeled transportation overestimate its importance in pre-modern transport, instead, the real transportation revolution happened with the internal combustion engine of trains and cars, both of which would be adopted much faster under the colonial and post-independence era governments. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2569ae6b-8961-4615-a703-8d21d05eaddc_842x479.png) _**Locations of the Asante kingdom in Ghana and the kingdom of Burma (Myanmar)**_ **The Asante kingdom's great roads system** The Asante kingdom was a precolonial state near the southern Atlantic coast of west Africa that was established in 1701 until its fall to the British in 1900 after which its territory was ruled under the gold coast colony, and at independence became the modern country of Ghana. The great roads of the Asante were "conduits of authority" beginning at the capital and ending at the frontier, the road system radiated out of Kumasi - the Asante capital, and was central to Asante expansion, the empire followed the road rather than the road system following the empire's expansion, but also importantly, these roads augmented the old established trade routes connecting the Asante capital Kumasi to the commercial cities of the west Africa, ie: Bonduku, Daboya, Yendi to its north -which would then meet the caravan routes to Jenne, Timbuktu and Katsina; and to its south, the great roads linked Kumasi to the coastal ports such as Accra and Elmina thus joining the maritime routes terminating in Europe and the Americas.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-4-140040604) Before this road system was built in the early 18th century, travel in the interior of the gold coast was virtually impossible, the road systems were thus built to make overland travel less arduous, the road building process followed the imperial expansion of the Asante, and their salience in Asante's administration was such that opposition to road building in conquered states (eg the closure of existing roads) was the earliest indication of rebellion Asante roads were constructed by clearing the vegetation, leveling the soil, lining the sides with trees and for a few in the metropolitan Kumasi, the roads were paved with stones. Bridges were also built along the major highways, using posts that are sunk into the centers of the river, on these posts are placed strong beams that are fasted onto the posts, poles are then placed on top of the beams and covered with earth 6 inches thick.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-5-140040604) The road building process involved negotiations of agreements between local chiefs where these roads passed and control posts manned by highway police were set up at strategic points along these roads, usually at the halting places , these halting places, were central to the administration of the empire, not only serving to provision and accommodate passing travelers but also as centers for local authority to which reference could be made whenever cases of banditry were reported on these highways. The majority of these halting places would then grew into sizable towns and it was the authorities in these towns that were tasked with repair work along the highways; all were paid a significant sum in gold to carry out these works.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-6-140040604) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F98823af1-96ea-4246-908f-858804ee6266_527x618.png) _**Map of Asante’s great roads system by Ivor Wilks**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6c1e4ef-6a21-4c52-a9ba-ee12603d1165_675x438.png) _**Illustration of Road Travel in Ashanti published in the 'Illustrated London News', 28 February 1874**_, photo from M. Charney’s collection The state official in charge of maintaining highways was the akwanmofohene, this roads "minister" was authorized to make payments to laborers who cleared the roads and to fine those committing nuisances (such as highway robberies) revenues from such amounted to 6,750 ounces of gold. Another state official was the nkwansrafo, who headed the highway police, garrisoned control points on the routes close to the frontiers of the kingdom, monitored the flow of commodities and taking custom duties.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-7-140040604) One such repair of a highway was undertaken by Asante king Osei Bonsu in 1816, the roads were straightened, cut to a standard width of 30-40 feet and roots dug up, this repair work was complete by 1817 , one traveler named Huydecoper who used this road said of it _**"the highway is fairly good, despite the roots and tree stumps that still remain"**_ As a result of these improvements, the roughly 210 km long journey between cape coast and kumasi was reported to have been accomplished by William Hutton in 6 days, at an average speed of 35 km per day in 1820.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-8-140040604) However, records from the 1840s indicate that travel speeds had greatly improved. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa0e3acc0-8770-4df9-b461-a9e7d020b64d_651x271.png) _**Summary of two detailed itineraries for Asante, recorded in the 1840s, the journey speeds shown here vary anywhere between 107km per day to for the Manso-Foso road to 45km per day for the Moase-Ankase road.**_[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-9-140040604) The rate of repairing these roads however couldn't be maintained to the same degree of the modern state as environmental factors made the cost of maintain them quite heavy, Ghana experiences heavy seasonal rains such that the cost benefit of regularly clearing such roads was untenable (save for the annual repair of the highways) an example of this limitation can be seen in Bowdich's account of one of the Kumase-Bosompora river road one of the main highways in the system; Bowdich had found the road to be well cleared and it was in many places about 8 feet wide, this he observed in May of 1817, but on his return journey using the same road in September of that year, the rainy season had set in violently and the pristine road had been reduced to "a continued bog" so much that Bowdich's Asante escort was reluctant to travel on it.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-10-140040604) Throughout their interactions with European travelers and missionaries, the Asante got to learn of ways of improving their transportation, the four wheeled carriage that had been gifted to him and transported by the missionary Freeman in 1840s was just one of the items that aroused the Asante king's curiosity , even more so when he was told of the transportation system that was in England **"the rapidity with which travelling is performed by railroads and steam-packets, very much interested and astonished him"**[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-11-140040604) As Wilks writes **"the Asante government begun to explore the possibilities of utilizing European capital ad skills to create a railroad system in Asante"**. But the defeat of 1874 and the disintegration of the kingdom in the 1890s forced them to abandon these plans. Fortunately, the Asante's road building legacy continued into the colonial and independent era; two thirds of the Asante road network would become motor roads under the later governments.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-12-140040604) **Asante vs Burma : wheeled transportation in a tropical kingdom** Michael Charney's study offers an excellent comparison of transportation systems the Asante and the Konbaung kingdom of Burma. While Burma lies on a much higher latitude than Asante (at 21° N vs 7° N), and is us capable of supporting draught animals, it has a fairly similar climate with heavy seasonal rainfall. Burma adopted wheeled transportation and had a similar road system as the Asante although it was markedly less robust since the Burmese state was more focused on restricting the mobility of its agriculturalist population than the on exporting gold, kola and slaves like the Asante, for whom good mobility was paramount.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-13-140040604) Perhaps the most enabling feature of Burma's adoption of wheeled transportation was the terrain, thin vegetation and the dry climate of much of its northern heartland As charney writes **"Much of the Burmese heartland was flat and dry and easily traversable on buffalo carts, even off of the tracks and roads. In wetter areas of the kingdom, such as the Lower Burma delta, the overgrowth was not nearly as impenetrable as the West African jungle and any road controls in the former would have been easily circumvented"** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb19d56ad-9429-48d1-a539-6e345d3391da_679x459.png) _**Pre-colonial Burmese cart with one type of slab-wheel, published in the 'Illustrated London News', 22 June 1889**_, photo from M. Charney’s collection. These conditions also existed in Asante's northern tributaries but were absent in much of its central and southern regions, which only 200 years before Asante's ascendance were covered in dense tropical rainforests that required the **importation** of slave labor from west-central Africa to clear the forests and transform the land into terrain more suitable for agriculture. But more importantly, Burma had extensive contacts with the Chinese empires and various western Asian empires among whom, wheeled transportation was known unlike the Asante who northern contacts were the Hausa and _Juula_ traders from the Sahel who only used pack animals. Charney writes that highway robbery in Burma was a significant problem for overland transport unlike in Asante, in part because the Burmese government was less focused on policing and maintaining its road system primarily because the traffic couldn't be restricted to these roads unlike in Asante, this meant less customs revenues could be collected by the Burmese state from roads thus obviating the need to maintain them. with no central infrastructure for road repair nor any highway police focus was instead placed on the irrawaddy river whose traffic was much easier to control and thus collect customs from traders.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-14-140040604) While Charney doesn't provide figures for the speed of road transportation in precolonial Burma, the speed of its road travel can be derived from the neighboring Chinese province of Yunnan where ox-drawn carts are used, in the 19th century the distance between the cities of Xundian and Weining averaged 17km and 12.3km per day, which is roughly half the travelling speed in Asante of 35 km a day.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-15-140040604) In both states , transportation and communication systems can be seen to be fairly sufficient relative to each state's capacity to control trade traffic. The adoption and use of wheeled transport in Burma didn't by itself result in a more robust or even faster overland transportation system than in Asante, and its therefore unlikely that Asante's transportation would be significantly improved by a wide scale adoption of animal powered or human-powered wheeled vehicles. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdccf54b4-a39b-4b0b-b520-5714c364e98e_973x466.png) _**Location of the Xundian to Weining route relative to the Burma kingdom capital.**_ while relatively more mountainous, the region’s road system shared many similarities with Burma’s and even allowing for thrice the speed would still barely match the best of Asante’s travel time. It should be noted that the travel time estimates provided use ‘day-stages’ similar to the Asante itineraries, they are not the exact distance that could be travelled without stopping for a day. **Lugard's failed ox-cart project in northern Nigeria: a counter-factual on the adoption of the wheel in pre-colonial Africa** While the significance of the internal combustion engine in revolutionizing transport in western Europe during the industrial period is beyond the scope of this article, it's important to note that before its introduction in west Africa, early colonial administrators complained about the prohibitive cost required to maintain roads in the gold coast colony. as Robin law writes; **"Even the British colonial government in the Gold Coast baulked at the gamble in 1870, concluding that roads suitable for wheeled traffic would be too expensive to build and were in any case undesirable since 'even if good roads were built, there would be no vehicles to travel on them",** or as As the Reverend C. C. Reindorf succinctly put it in the 1880s: **“We have the wheel-wrights but where are the roads?"**.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-16-140040604) Additionally, the Europeans in their various forts and small coastal protectorates made little use of wheeled transportation either, and made little effort in building roads in their nascent colonies. It should be noted that it was the Asante who built the best roads in the gold coast region, not the British colony of the Fante. An example of what would have happen if wheeled transport in the form of ox-drawn or human-drawn carts had been introduced in Asante could be seen in lord Lugard's failed attempt to use such vehicles in northern Nigeria where transport was dominated by mules and other pack animals. Frustrated with the labor costs for pack animals and head porterage, which the colonial government and state monopolies such as the Niger company primarily relied upon in transport, Lugard purchased 1538 oxen and 100 carts in 1904-05 and brought drivers and mechanics from India to operate a transport service, the acting commissioner Wallace also promoted Lugard's transport scheme by quoting rates of 1/9d per ton mile for ox carts vs double for carriers. However, the Niger company deemed the scheme unworkable knowing that the oxcarts could only operate for 9 months being useless in the wet season, something which Lugard had ignored. In reality, the Ox-cart transport in fact ended up costing slightly more per ton mile than other carriers, the cart road being operational only 5 months a year afterwhich the carts wore out and the animals died of pleuropneumonia. By the end of the decade , the scheme was abandoned, and the government reverted back to using pack animals and head porterage by 1908, having failed at using a quick fix of wheeled carts.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-17-140040604) It's important to note that Lugard's scheme involved no significant investment in road infrastructure particularly bridges which would have vindicated Wallace's estimates, but the advantages Wallace claimed in his estimates hinged on improving the methods of transport without significant improvement in roads; the later improvements would no doubt cancel out whatever advantages would have been realized. **conclusion: the (in) effeciency of wheeled transport.** It was therefore not the absence of the wheel that placed a constraint on transportation in Asante, nor the lack of draught animals or wheeled vehicles themselves (as we have seen that the regions which had these still fared no better in robustness of transportation) but as with all pre-industrial technologies, it was the discovery of new sources of power (in this case, the fuel used in the internal combustion engine) that would result in significant improvement in transportation. As Hopkins concluded: before the industrial revolution, the use of wheeled vehicles in western Europe was just as constrained as it was in Africa, and often due to the same causes. (**[I go into greater detail on how wheeled transport was rare in pre-17th century Europe in the first part of my article](https://www.patreon.com/posts/95169362)**) Hopkins provides the example of 18th century Spain, where pack animals like donkeys were the most important means of transport, and that even though oxcarts were widely available, they were used in short haul work. He adds that the same century in England, a writer commented on the use of pack animals in the country: **"Long trains of these faithful animals, furnished with a great variety of equipment … wended their way along the narrow roads of the time, and provided the chief means by which the exchange of commodities could be carried on’."**[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa#footnote-18-140040604) It can therefore be concluded that Africa's transportation systems were fairly robust and were best suited for African conditions, and that the wheel's non-adoption was solely because it wouldn't offer significant advantages to offset its costs, it was due to this inefficiency that other means of transportation such as pack animals and head porterage proved more efficient for both pre-colonial and colonial governments before the widespread use of the trains and cars. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F76e69d2d-9b30-4fc3-8f6a-ddef779b1d76_800x600.jpeg) _**Nubians bringing tribute, Tomb of Huy,  Viceroy of Kush under Tutankhamen (ca 1341- 1323 BC)**_

2023-12-24T13:15:12+00:00

When Africa discovered Europe

*my article for New Lines Magazine

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africa-discovered-europe

When Africa discovered Europe - by isaac Samuel =============== [](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/) [African History Extra](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/) ============================================================= SubscribeSign in #### Share this post [  African History Extra When Africa discovered Europe](https://substack.com/home/post/p-112205772?utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=web) Copy link Facebook Email Notes More When Africa discovered Europe ============================= ### \*my article for New Lines Magazine [](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel) [isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel) Apr 02, 2023 25 #### Share this post [  African History Extra When Africa discovered Europe](https://substack.com/home/post/p-112205772?utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=web) Copy link Facebook Email Notes More [9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africa-discovered-europe/comments) 1 [Share](javascript:void(0)) Please Read, Share and Subscribe: [Did Europeans Discover Africa? Or Was It the Other Way Around?](https://newlinesmag.com/essays/did-europeans-discover-africa-or-the-other-way-around/) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f270390-4395-47f9-b9ba-d646a50a938f_821x1000.jpeg) _Miguel de Castro, Kongo’s Ambassador to the Netherlands, 1641._ * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work. Subscribe 25 #### Share this post [  African History Extra When Africa discovered Europe](https://substack.com/home/post/p-112205772?utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=web) Copy link Facebook Email Notes More [9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africa-discovered-europe/comments) 1 [Share](javascript:void(0)) #### Discussion about this post Comments Restacks  [](https://substack.com/profile/106895777-capers-simmons?utm_source=comment) [Capers Simmons](https://substack.com/profile/106895777-capers-simmons?utm_source=substack-feed-item) [April 2, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africa-discovered-europe/comment/14173490 "Apr 2, 2023, 5:34 PM") Liked by isaac Samuel What fascinating accounts! Thanks for “discovering” them for all of us who’ve never heard of these intrepid individuals. I know the primary sources existed long ago, if we’d cared to pursue them, but works like yours really are a discovery for casual readers like me. Thanks again Expand full comment Reply Share [1 reply by isaac Samuel](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africa-discovered-europe/comment/14173490) [](https://substack.com/profile/38930249-joe?utm_source=comment) [Joe](https://substack.com/profile/38930249-joe?utm_source=substack-feed-item) [April 3, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africa-discovered-europe/comment/14207527 "Apr 3, 2023, 7:32 PM") Liked by isaac Samuel You’ve outdone yourself this time, a great article. Thanks for the opportunity to see the full picture after having read so many books about European visitors and explorers to Africa. Expand full comment Reply Share [1 reply by isaac Samuel](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africa-discovered-europe/comment/14207527) [7 more comments...](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africa-discovered-europe/comments) Top Latest Discussions No posts Ready for more? Subscribe © 2024 isaac Samuel [Privacy](https://substack.com/privacy) ∙ [Terms](https://substack.com/tos) ∙ [Collection notice](https://substack.com/ccpa#personal-data-collected) [Start Writing](https://substack.com/signup?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=web&utm_content=footer)[Get the app](https://substack.com/app/app-store-redirect?utm_campaign=app-marketing&utm_content=web-footer-button) [Substack](https://substack.com/) is the home for great culture #### Share Copy link Facebook Email Notes More

2023-04-02T13:03:53+00:00

The myth of Mansa Musa's enslaved entourage

"Stories about his [Mansa Musa's] journey have numerous anecdotes which are not true and which the mind refuses to admit".

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved

The pilgrimage of Mansa Musa in 1324 is undoubtedly the most famous and most studied event in the history of the west-African middle ages. The ruler of the Mali empire has recently become a recognized figure in global history, in large part due to recent estimates that was the wealthiest man in history. Thanks to the abundance of accounts regarding his reign, Musa has become a symbol of a prosperous and independent Africa actively participating in world affairs, leaving an indelible mark not just on European atlases, but also in the memories and writings of West Africa. But as is often common with any interest in Africa’s past, there's a growing chorus of claims that Mansa Musa was escorted by thousands of enslaved people to Egypt, which would make him one of the largest slave owners of his time. While many who make these claims don't ground them in medieval accounts of Musa's pilgrimage, they have found some support in the book '_African dominion_' written by the west-Africanist Michael Gomez, who asserts that the Mansa travelled with an entourage of 60,000 mostly enslaved persons. However, other specialists in west African history such as John Hunwick find these numbers to be rather absurd, arguing that they were inflated in different accounts and were based on unreliable sources. Indeed, the multiplicity of historical accounts regarding Musa's pilgrimage seem to have favored the emergence of dissonant versions of the same event, which were eventually standardized over time. This article outlines the various accounts on Mansa Musa's entourage, inorder to uncover whether the Malian ruler was the largest slave owner of his time or he was simply the subject of an elaborately fabricated story. _**Detail from the 14th century Catalan Atlas showing Mansa Musa**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F957ca8f0-8ac9-40f7-a599-720c5ea4205b_1024x730.jpeg) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The Limits of west-African sources on Mansa Musa.** Most claims that Mansa Musa was followed by a large entourage of slaves rely on the west African chronicle titled _Tarikh al-Sudan_, written by a scholar named Abd al-Rahman Al-sa'di in 1655. Al-Sa'di's chronicle was one of three important 17th century west African manuscripts —the others being; the _Tarikh al-Fattash_ and the _Notice Historique_— which modern historians call the Timbuktu chronicles. The Timbuktu chronicles were written not long after the fall of Mali’s sucessor; the Songhai empire, by scholars whose families were prominent during its heyday. In their desire to construct a coherent and legitimating narrative of the ‘western Sudan’ (an area encompassing modern Mali to Senegal), the chroniclers offer a special place to the Mali empire. They include details on both the former empire which had fallen to the Askiya dynasty of Songhai, as well as the contemporaneous state which was at almost constant war with Songhai before the latter’s collapse. [1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-1-139364603) As some of the oldest internal sources written by west Africans about their own history, modern historians had long considered them to be more reliable reconstructions of the region’s past compared to external accounts written outside the region. However, specialists on west African history have recently acknowledged the limitations of the Timbuktu chronicles and their authors regarding the earlier periods of the region's history. The historian Paulo de Moraes Farias, who uncovered a number of inscribed stelae from the medieval city of Gao from which the Askiya title and the first Muslim west-African rulers are first attested, has shown that Al-Sa'di was not aware of Gao significance but dismissed it as a center of 'undiluted paganism'. Cautioning modern historians, Paulo de Moraes writes that: _**"They**_ (the Timbuktu chroniclers) _**were not mere informants but historians like ourselves, and they had their own difficulties in retrieving evidence and reconstructing the past from the point of view of their novel intellectual and political stance".**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-2-139364603) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd20f9795-c786-43d0-a1a6-211fd54ca4b9_979x584.png) _**Commemorative Stela of a King and Queen from Gao, Mali, dated to the 12th century, first one is at the Musée national du Mali, second one is at Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar, Senegal**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9e75c70a-ef11-4c5b-8eb5-c02aa3a22a2d_756x484.png) _**The old city of Gao in 1920, archives nationales d'outre mer**_ Similary, the historian Mauro Nobili has shown that the Tarikh al-Fattash was mostly a 19th century chronicle that utilised information from two 17th century chronicles; _Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar_ of the west African chronicler Ibn al-Mukhtar and the _Tarikh al-Sudan_ of Al-Sa’di . He also argues that the Timbuktu chronicles were not mere repositories of hard facts waiting to be mined by modern historians, but were, like all historical documents, [carefully crafted reconstructions of the past that were heavily influenced by their authors' social and political context](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/how-africans-wrote-their-own-history).[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-3-139364603) The Timbuktu chroniclers, like all historians past and present, were themselves aware of the limitations of their sources, with one Timbuktu chronicler for example, mentioning that there were no internal documents on the Kayamagha dynasty of the Ghana empire.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-4-139364603) This limitation of textural sources wasn't alleviated by the oral sources available to the Timbutku historians. For example, Ibn al-Mukhtar's chronicle, which was written in 1664, includes many anecdotes about Mansa Musa derived from oral accounts, but he also relayed the fact that there were a significant number of stories said about Mansa Musa's pilgrimage that seemed fabricated, warning his readers that; **"Stories about his \[Mansa Musa's\] journey have numerous anecdotes which are not true and which the mind refuses to admit".** He adds that **"Among these, the fact that every time he was in a town on Friday on his way here towards Egypt, he did not fail to build a mosque there the same day"** Others include having his servants dig a pool for his wife in the middle of the desert, and one of his scouts descended into a well to capture a highway robber who was cutting the buckets from the ropes that they were lowering into the well, so that Musa’s carravan couldn’t draw water.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-5-139364603) Even though such stories were evidently exaggerated and fabricated, the anecdotes about Mansa Musa's pilgrimage show that the era of the Mali empire was a turning point in the Islamic and imperial identity of the western Sudan —an identity which the Timbuktu writers were furthering despite their objections to the unreliability of their sources. Besides internal accounts, the Timbuktu chroniclers also utilized external sources from the “East”, especially those coming from Mamluk Egypt and Morocco. In his account of Mansa Musa’s pilgrimage for example, al-Sa'di specifically mentions his source to be Ibn Battuta's _Riḥla_ (Travels) which contains a section on the famous globe-trotter's stay in Mali from 1352-1353. However, al-Sa'di only used Ibn Battuta as a source regarding a short anecdote on the place Musa stayed while he was in Cairo, but other details about Musa's entourage were clearly derived from another unamed source since Ibn Battuta makes no mention of Musa's companions besides naming several 'black Hajjis' who accompanied their sovereign to Mecca.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-6-139364603) We therefore turn to the so-called 'Eastern' sources to uncover the documents which the Timbuktu chroniclers used for their information on Musa's entourage. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The earliest accounts of Mansa Musa’s pilgrimage and entourage from Egypt, Syria and Mecca.** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F58b3d3e8-bc3f-4c72-8724-46862b53bc6e_1800x1101.png) _**Mansa Musa’s pilgrimage route in 1324, Map by Juan Hernandez**_ The oldest Egyptian account of Mansa Musa's pilgrimage comes from a text by the Mamluk official Šihāb al-Nuwayrī in his Nihāyat al-arab that was written around 1331. A high administrator and controller of the financial office during the reign of Mamluk sultan Al-Malik al-Nāṣir (r. 1293 to 1341), al-Nuwayri had access to state documents and provides us with what is so far the earliest account of Musa’s arrival in Egypt and his entourage. Al-Nuwayri writes that; **"During this year \[1324\] King Musa, ruler of the country of Takrur, arrived in the Egyptian lands with the aim of making the pilgrimage. He went to the noble Hejaz. He returned to his country in the year 25 \[1325\]. His company had brought in a considerable sum of gold. Thus he had spent it all, had scattered it, had exchanged part of it for fabrics so that he needed to go into debt for a large sum to merchants and others before his journey \[towards Mecca\].**[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-7-139364603) This account doesn't identify the status of Musa's entourage, which he calls his ‘company’, but simply mentions that they came with a lot of gold and spent it lavishly in Egypt. Another, much longer account about Musa's time in Egypt was written by a son of a Mamluk official named, Ibn al-Dawādārī, in his _kanz al-durar_, that was written around the year 1335. **"During this year \[1324\] the king of Takrur arrived, aspiring to the illustrious Hejaz. His name, Abū Bakr b. Mūsā. He appeared before the noble stations of the holy places of Mecca and kissed the ground. He stayed for a year in the Egyptian regions before going to Hejaz. He had with him a lot of gold, and his country is the country that grows gold … Then the king of Takrur and his companions bought all sorts of things in Cairo and Egypt. We thought their money was inexhaustible"** His account —which I have shortened for the sake of brevity, as i will most accounts mentioned below— is similar to the one of al-Nuwayri, but adds more details about Mali’s gold sources and Musa’s meeting with the Mamluk sultan. However, Al-Dawadari also doesn't describe the status of Musa's entourage, but simply refers to them as 'companions'.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-8-139364603) Another early account on Musa’s pilgrimage was written by the Syrian historian Šams al-Dīn al-Ḏahabī in his _Duwal al-Islām_, completed before 1339, but it only describes Musa's entourage in Cairo as a **"large crowd"**. Al-Dahabi's section on Musa's pilgrimage was repeated verbatim by the Mamluk official Šihāb al-ʿUmarī in the first version of his _Masālik al-Absâr_, before he later wrote a more detailed account using his own sourcs in the second version of the same work that is now famous in the historiography of Musa's pilgrimage.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-9-139364603) In the second version of al-ʿUmarī's _Masālik al-Absâr_, the Mamluk official provides a more detailed account of Musa's stay in Cairo, based on interviews with officials who hosted the Malian ruler. In a very lengthy account which includes details of Musa arriving with **"a hundred camel-loads of gold"**, and his meeting with the Mamluk sultan where both parties exchanged gifts, al-Umari writes that **"He \[the Mamluk sultan\] continued to send him \[Mansa Musa\] Turkish slaves and abundant provisions throughout his stay"** and that **"He had a quantity of provisions purchased for his \[Mansa Musa's\] companions and his suite."** Like the previous authors, al-Umari simply describes Musa's entourage as companions, and the only mention of 'slaves' in the context of Musa's pilgrimage were the **"Turkish slaves”** gifted to Musa by the Egyptian sultan. The first reference to slaves in Musa’s entourage appears to be the Turkish slaves gifted to him by the Egyptian ruler. Al-Umari’s account on Mansa Musa would be repeated almost verbatim by other Egyptian scholars, including Aḥmad al-Muqrī (fl. 1365) who also refered to them simply as 'companions'.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-10-139364603) Our next source on Mansa Musa's pilgrimage comes from the 'Holy city' of Mecca, where an exceptional eyewitness account is provided by the Meccan scholar Abd Allāh al-Yāfiʿī (d. 1367) in his _Mirʾāt al-ǧinān_ completed some time before his death. The people of Mali arrived in the Hejaz at a time following years of unrest in Mecca, and against a backdrop of strengthening Mamluk-Egyptian control over the holy cities. There had been several conflicts over the control of the city between the Rasulid dynasty of Yemen, the Mamluks of Egypt and a few independent figures who all claimed protection over the city. Mansa Musa's carravan arrived under the protection of the Mamluks, and this is the description of his time in the Holy city that al-Yāfiʿī witnessed: "**During this year, the king of Takrūr Mūsā b. Abī Bakr b. Abī al-Aswad presented himself for the pilgrimage with thousands of his soldiers** (ʿaskar) **…** **I add, concerning his spirit of common sense and wisdom, that I saw him while he was at the latticed window rising above the Ka'ba of the building from ribāṭ al-Ḫūzī. He had calmed his restless companions following a discord (**fitna**) which had arisen between them and the Turks. They had brandished, during this discord, the swords in the Sacred Mosque (**al-masǧid al-ḥarām**), while Musa, being in an overhanging position, had seen upon them. He had ordered them to reconsider their intention to fight showing an intense anger towards them because of this fitna. It is a sign of the superiority of his \[Musa’s\] intelligence because he had no place of retreat or helper apart from those of his fatherland and his people, if the broad strength of his cavalry and his infantry had come to be reduced. The king of Takrūr Mūsā returned to Egypt. The sultan clothed him in a royal robe of honor, a circular turban, a black ǧubba, and a golden sword."**[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-11-139364603) The Meccan author specifically uses "I add" and “I saw” to mark this passage out as his own eye-witness account, making his account the only primary source that retells specific events which were seen by the author. Importantly, the description of the fitna (quarrel/discord) which he recounts provides the first rough estimate of Mansa Musa's companions, and their status. Such violent quarrels were relatively common in the _Ḥaram_ of Mecca in the context of pilgrimages, as they often reflected political struggles over the control of the Holy cities, but this one in particular was an internal dispute between the Malians and the Mamluks (Turks). This account indicates that Mansa Musa's entourage numbering in the thousands was heavily armed, and were it not for Musa's wise intervention, this would have been added to the 7 fitnas in Mecca that were recorded in the 14th century. Al-Yāfiʿī's account would be copied verbatim by later Meccan scholars such as Taqī al-Dīn al-Fāsī (d. 1429) .[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-12-139364603) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4a29b06-bcb1-4c66-8f85-efb1e05b7d60_696x553.png) _**the Ka’aba at Mecca during the early 20th century**_ **Later accounts of Musa’s pilgrimage and the first estimates of his entourage: from ‘Companions’ to ‘Maids’.** Our next source on Mansa Musa's entourage in Egypt comes from the Syrian qadi Zayn Ibn al-Wardī in his _Tatimmat al-muḫtaṣar_ which was completed in the late 1340s. He writes that: **"King Šaraf al-Dīn Mūsā b. Abī Bakr, king of Takrūr, arrived for the pilgrimage. His company numbered more than 10,000 Takrūrī."** While he also doesn't specify the status of Musa's companions, he identifies them as Takruri, a term often used to refer to pilgrims from west-Africa when they were in Egypt and the Hejaz. It is derived from the medieval kingdom of Takrur (in modern Senegal), which was allied to the Almoravid conquerors of Andalusia (Spain). This term, which specifically marks out Musa’s entourage as pious free-born Muslims, fits well with the prestigious title of Šaraf al-Dīn (“Eminence of the faith”) that the author gave to Mansa Musa. This text also marks the first time Musa's entourage is estimated to be 10,000, an absurdly high figure that would be repeated further exaggerated in later accounts.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-13-139364603) Just like Al-Ḏahabī —the other Syrian historian mentioned before— Al-Wardi never met Musa and his entourage, nor did he have access to Mamluk officials or archives, but instead based his story on oral accounts and hearsay circulating in the region. This approach to collecting information on Musa’s pilgrimage was similary taken by another Syrian historian, named Ibn Kaṯīr in his 1366 work _al-Bidāya wa alnihāya_. The Syrian writes that **"the king of Takrur arrived in Cairo on account of the pilgrimage on the 25th of Ragab. He established his camp at Qarafa. He had with him Maghribīs** (North Africans?) **and servants** (khadam) **numbering around 20,000."**[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-14-139364603) This is the only mention of 'North Africans' in Musa's entourage which is now said to number 20,000, and it’s also the first mention of the presence of 'servants' using the specific term _Kadam_ that usually refered to male attendants.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-15-139364603) However, this particular deviation is only encountered in this account, as other writers, especially those in Egypt, continue to refer to Musa's entourage as 'companions' or 'large crowds'. These include; Zayn al-Dīn ʿUmar Ibn al-Wardī (d. 1349) who calls them a **"company of 10,000 Takruri"**, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ṣafadī (d. 1363) who refers to them as a **“large crowd”**, Badr al-Dīn (d. 1377) who refers to them as a company made up of 10,000 of his **“subjects”**, and the Meccan historian Taqī al-Dīn al-Fāsī (d. 1429) who refers to them as **"15,000 Takārura"**.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-16-139364603) Later accounts focus more on Musa's meeting with the Mamluk sultan, without mentioning anything about his 'companions', with the exception of the Mamluk-Egyptian encyclopedist Al-Qalqašandī who in his 1412 book Ṣubḥ al-aʿšā, wrote that: **“It is said that 12,000 maids** (waṣāʾif) **dressed in brocade tunics carried his effects."** This specific sentence, which again begins with the characteristic 'it is said' to indicate that its based on hearsay, provides a figure not based on any previous estimate but on an attempt to reconcile different estimates of Musa's entourage. The author claims to have taken this particular estimate from the _Kitab al-ʿIbar_ of the historian Ibn Ḫaldūn (1406), but the latter did not in fact provide any figures on Mansa Musa's companions in his section on the Malian king's pilgrimage.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-17-139364603) The use of the term waṣāʾif which was used for female servants in domestic contexts in Mamluk-Egypt (instead of jawārī for female slaves)[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-18-139364603), is yet more evidence that this anecdote was simply a fabrication by Al-Qalqašandī, whose sources refered to Mansa Musa’s entourage as his “companions" who were by all indications entirely male and well-armed, and not some roving harem of medieval fantasy. However, the brief detail on Musa acquiring servants/slaves in Egypt is again brought up by the Mamluk-Egyptian historian Al-Maqrīzī (d. 1442) in his al-Sulūk li-maʿrifat duwal almulūk, which he completed later in his life. He writes that **"He \[Mansa Musa\] stayed in Cairo and spent a lot of gold on the purchase of servants, clothes and other products to such an extent that the dinar fell by six dirhams"**[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-19-139364603) This passage is evidently copied directly from earlier accounts on Musa's initial stay in Cairo, specifically al-ʿUmarī’s mention of Turkish slaves sent by the Mamluk sultan, although its not implausible that Musa and his companions acquired other slaves in Egypt on their own account (as will be mentioned below). Al-Maqrīzī later provides a more detailed account of Mansa Musa's entourage in his monograph on the pilgrimages made by Muslim sovereigns, titled _al-Ḏahab al-masbūk_. He writes that; **"It is said that he \[Mansa Musa\] came with 14,000 maids for his personal service. His companions showed consideration by purchasing Turkish and Ethiopian servants, singers and clothing."** Writing more than a century after Musa's arrival in Cairo, Al-Maqrizi seems to have taken a lot of liberties with his description of Musa's entourage. The expression "it is said that" which is followed by an inflated number of Musa's maids indicates that this passage was based on hearsay that had been exaggerated. However, this exceptional account on Musa's supposedly all-female entourage, who now included ‘Ethiopians’ wouldn't appear in later Egyptian accounts of the 15th and 16th century, such as the description of Musa's pilgrimage by al-Maqrizi's rival Badr al-Dīn al-ʿAynī (d. 1451), nor did they appear in the work of Ibn Ḥaǧar (d. 1449), nor in the work of Ibn Iyās (d. 1524).[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-20-139364603) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The disputed estimates of Musa’s entourage and their status in pre-colonial and modern western African historiography.** It was this estimate of over 10,000 companions of Mansa Musa that would be uncritically copied in later accounts, and further exaggerated to absurd proportions, that were eventually reproduced in the Timbuktu chronicles. The Ta’rīkh al-fattāsh claims that the Mansa embarked **“with great pomp and vast wealth \[borne by\] a huge army”** numbering **8,000 people**. While Ta’rīkh as-sūdān uses a much larger estimate, claiming that Musa **“set off in great pomp with a large party, including 60,000 soldiers and 500 slaves, who ran in front of him as he rode. Each of the slaves bore in his hand a wand fashioned from 500 mq. of gold.”**[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-21-139364603) Its important to note that the _Tarikh al-Sudan_ of Al-Sa’di mentions that there were only 500 slaves in the entire entourage numbering 60,000. Some specialists on west African history who take these figures at face value, such as Michael Gomez, claim the 'disparity' between the two Timbuktu chronicles is due to Mansa Musa having begun his journey with many more followers than actually arrived with him in Cairo. Other specialists, such as John Hunwick, rightly dismiss both estimates as **"grossly inflated"**, explaining that "**logistical problems of feeding and providing water during the crossing of the Sahara rule out numbers of this order"**[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-22-139364603) Indeed the outline of external sources on Musa's entourage provided above supports Hunwick's argument that these numbers were deliberately fabricated, and this was mostly like done by different authors inorder to paint a laudatory portrait of Mansa Musa’s remarkable pilgrimage. None of the early sources provide estimates of Musa's entourage or their exact status, with the exception of the eye-witness account from Mecca which describes them as 'thousands' of well-armed men. All accounts that include exact estimates of Musa's entourage mention that it was based on hearsay, and later accounts would add more absurd fabrications, claiming that Musa's entourage was an all-female troop of servants. While Musa's companions did acquire 'Turkish' slaves that were brought back to Mali (and were met by Ibn Battuta), we can be certain based on the available evidence that Musa's entourage consisted almost entirely of free west African Muslims who accompanied their emperor on a journey that many of them were very familiar with. This undermines the Michael Gomez's claim that "the vast majority of the royal retinue was enslaved", an assertion that relies on him ignoring the multiple sources that specifically identify Musa's companions as west-African muslims (Takruri), to instead focus on the few sources that claim Musa entourage was made up of servants termed; _waṣāʾif_ and _khadam_, both of which Gomez also mistranslates as ‘slaves’, not to mention his willful misrepresentation of Al-Sa’di’s passage which explicitly mentions that there were only 500 slaves in the 60,000 strong entourage. Also relevant to these accounts of Musa’s entourage are the estimates of '100 camel-loads' of gold (about 12 tonnes) on which Musa's title for history's wealthiest man rests, some of which were supposedly carried by his retinue. The amount of gold itself doesn’t seem out of the ordinary if we consider that not all the gold was his, and with the exception of Al-Sa’di’s chronicle, there is no mention of people carrying this gold but only camels. [Similar accounts of west African pilgrims in Egypt for example show that they were fabulously wealthy](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora), and they often left their properties in the form of gold, luxury cloth and camels under the care of Egyptian officials for their return journey after visiting Mecca. With one pilgrim leaving behind 200 mithqals of gold and camels in 1562, while another group of six west Africans left 500 mithqals gold, cloth and several personal effects. During his visit to Mali, Ibn Battuta met atleast four Hajjis, some of whom had accompanied Mansa Musa to Mecca, these include; Hajj Abd al-Rahman who was the royal Qadi and lived in the capital of Mali; Hajj Farba Margha who was a powerful official that lived near Mema; Hajj Farba Sulaiman who was another official that lived near Timbuktu (he also owned an Arab slave girl from Damascus presumably acquired while on pilgrimage), and Hajj Muhammad al-Wajdi who was a resident of Gao and had visited Yemen.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-myth-of-mansa-musas-enslaved#footnote-23-139364603) Its therefore likely that many of Mansa Musa's companions were free west African Muslims, and that a significant share of the ruler’s golden treasure belonged to them. The above outline shows that despite the abundance of accounts regarding Musa’s pilgrimage, the event was not recorded from authoritative informants but from a combination of only partially reliable sources that were inturn altered by the different interpretations of multiple writers with their own authorial intentions. A more objective account of Musa’s pilgrimage can thus only be obtained after untangling the web of fabrications and biases which colour the works of past historians as well as modern ones. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff4b6ce1-ef7a-4f8a-9de6-a674ec7c630b_1200x622.jpeg) _**A fanciful illustration of Musa’s pilgrimage, complete with an implausibly large entourage that includes maids carrying sacks of gold**_ Mansa Musa’s pilgrimage was one of several occasions where Africans explored their own continent and some accounts claim he passed by the great pyramids of Giza. More than 3,000 years before Musa, **people from the North-East African kingdoms of Kush and Punt also regulary travelled to and settled in ancient Egypt.** **Read more about this on our Patreon:** [ANCIENT EGYPT IN AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/93554322?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a0872bd-0022-4b1b-ba13-afe33e295765_641x1094.png)

2023-12-03T14:16:22+00:00

The textile trade of pre-colonial Africa

In December 1633, a Dutch ship reached the fort of Nassau on the ‘Gold Coast’ (modern Ghana), carrying more than 6,000 pieces of cloth which was to be exchanged for gold.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-textile-trade-of-pre-colonial

In December 1633, a Dutch ship reached the fort of Nassau on the ‘Gold Coast’ (modern Ghana), carrying more than 6,000 pieces of cloth which was to be exchanged for gold. However, unlike most cloth imported to the West African coast at the time, this cloth didn't come from India or Europe, but from the West African kingdom of Benin.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-textile-trade-of-pre-colonial#footnote-1-151462502) By the middle of the century, trade in Benin cloth expanded rapidly to over 16,000 pieces annually even as its price quadrupled.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-textile-trade-of-pre-colonial#footnote-2-151462502) The European buyers learned that the cloth came from the town of Koffo, _**"which lies one day's journey from Great Benin, but no white man may go there".**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-textile-trade-of-pre-colonial#footnote-3-151462502) Near the close of the century, this cloth was reported to have come from much further inland, and only part of the trade was controlled by Benin.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-textile-trade-of-pre-colonial#footnote-4-151462502) The cloth trade became so lucrative that it drew in [African mariners, who sailed from the Gold coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the?utm_source=publication-search) in order to cut out the European middlemen and purchase the cloth directly from Benin and its neighbors. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9e4dd167-18bf-443d-904a-e369ffc02afa_1200x907.jpeg) _**17th-century Dutch engraving depicting the city of Benin**_. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff255be31-e2db-45b1-8394-bd69007a2178_1303x582.jpeg) _**18th-century engraving of El-mina on the Gold coast, depicting local sail-boats.**_ The trade of textiles was one of the most important aspects of Africa's economic history. The growth of textile manufacturing across the continent was underpinned by domestic and external demand, facilitated by long-distance trade which linked producers to local and regional markets. The volume and complexity of the trade induced innovations in its organization, making African cloth competitive not just in local markets but in foreign markets within the continent and beyond. Along the Swahili coast, the increase in demand for trade cloth led to the emergence of textile-producing centers on the islands of Mombasa and Pate in modern Kenya. 16th century accounts mention that the weavers of the island of Pate are particularly famous along the coast, for making silk and cotton cloth embroidered with gold and silver. These 'Pate cloths' found a ready market among the Swahili and in the interior kingdoms along the Zambezi, where they were used in the gold and ivory trade, and were considered more valuable than Gujarati cloths from India. In 1762, skippers from Pate and Mombasa were exporting about 10,000 pieces of cloth to the Kerimba Islands of Mozambique.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-textile-trade-of-pre-colonial#footnote-5-151462502) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F064cf81e-3dc5-41eb-ad76-24ce2dc3cb1a_778x539.png) _**Mombasa beachfront, ca. 1934**_, Deutsche Digitale Bibliothek As early as the 14th century, the city of Mogadishu in Somalia was renowned for its trade in local textiles, which, according to Ibn Battuta, were _**“unequaled and exported from it to Egypt and elsewhere.”**_ By the 19th century, a fifth of Mogadishu's population of 5,000 worked in its textile industry to make an estimated 50,000 pieces of cloth annually, most of which were exported by local traders to the interior and across the coast as far as Zanzibar, with about 10% of the total being sent overseas. [6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-textile-trade-of-pre-colonial#footnote-6-151462502) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5e241d7a-8584-4d9c-bc13-b201205e0920_773x596.png) _**Mogadishu, Somalia ca. 1909**_, Société géographique italienne. In the Hausaland region of West Africa, the city of Kano emerged as the leading center of [the Sokoto empire’s textile industry](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry) during the 19th century. In 1851, the city of 60,000 inhabitants produced an estimated 100,000 pieces of cloth annually, a fifth of which were exported to Timbuktu. Kano cloth could be found anywhere between the Atlantic and southern Mediterranean coasts, where it was carried by local merchants to places as distant as Tripoli and Lagos. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4c9fd3c-03b5-4654-a88d-a5fc01afe5fb_1019x519.png) _**The city of Kano**_, Nigeria, ca 1931, Walter Mittelholzer. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5db1325b-33e6-4adb-a77b-5fcc3682ea73_684x482.png) _**a Hausa cloth-trader in Ghana**_, ca. 1925. Basel Mission Archives. The dynamism of cloth-production and trade in Africa contributed to the growth of multiple textile traditions across the continent. The vibrant and diverse textile economies of pre-colonial Africa were not displaced by imports of foreign cloths, but rather expanded to meet increased demand from other parts of the continent and beyond. This is especially evident in the great 'textile belt' of central Africa, where large volumes of cloth have been produced and exported since the 16th century. While much of the region's documentary record is concerned with Kongo's extensive export trade in cloth —**which during the 17th century outmatched all the places mentioned above**— most of this cloth wasn't made in Kongo itself but came from the interior. Long-distance trade routes in central Africa connected disparate cloth-producing regions as far inland as the shores of Lake Tanganyika, bringing the celebrated textiles of societies such as the Kuba and Luba to coastal markets in Kongo and Loango. **The history of cloth trade in the ‘Central African Textile Belt’ is the subject of my latest Patreon article; please subscribe to read about it here:** [CLOTH TRADE IN CENTRAL AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/115726507?pr=true&forSale=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8087fe07-58d6-472b-9257-668821434999_451x1207.png) ### Subscribe to African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past

2024-11-10T18:04:41+00:00

a brief note on Africa's Scientific Manuscripts

plus; the history of Medicine in Africa.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africas-scientific

Among the oldest manuscripts and inscriptions written by Africans are documents relating to the study of science. The writing and application of scientific knowledge on the continent begun soon after the emergence of complex societies across the continent, from the ancient kingdoms of the middle Nile and the Ethiopian highlands, to the west African empires and East African city-states of the middle ages. The continent is home to what is arguably the world's oldest astronomical observatory at the ancient Nubian capital of Meroe —the first building of its kind exclusively dedicated to the study of the cosmos. [Meroe's astronomer-priests used a very technical approach to](https://www.patreon.com/posts/discovery-of-in-56930547) _[decan](https://www.patreon.com/posts/discovery-of-in-56930547)_ [astronomy](https://www.patreon.com/posts/discovery-of-in-56930547) inorder to time events and predict meteorological phenomena. Their observatory complex was complete with inscriptions of astronomical equations and illustrations of people handling astronomical equipment. Besides this fascinating piece of ancient technology, many of the continent's societies were home to intellectual communities whose scholars wrote on a broad range of scientific topics. From the Mathematical manuscripts of the 18th century scholar Muhammad al-Kishnawi, to the Geographical manuscripts of the 19th century polymath Dan Tafa, to the Astronomical manuscripts found in various private libraries across the cities of Timbuktu, Jenne, and Lamu. The history of science in Africa was shaped by the [interplay between invention and innovation](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/science-and-technology-in-african), as ideas spread between different regions and external knowledge was adopted and improved upon in local contexts. This interplay between innovation and invention is best exemplified in the development of medical science in Africa. **The history of medical writing in Africa encompasses the interaction of multiple streams of therapeutic tradition**, these include 'classical' medicine based on the humoral theory, 'theological' medicine based on religious precedent, and the pre-existing medical traditions of the different African societies. West Africa has for long been home to some of the continent's most vibrant intellectual traditions, and was considered part of the Islamic world which is credited with many of the world's most profound scientific innovations. The well established and highly organized regional and external commercial links which linked the different ecological zones of the region, encouraged the creation of highly complex societies, but also brought the diseases associated with nucleated settlements and external contacts. West African societies responded to these health challenges in a variety of ways, utilizing their knowledge of _materia medica_ and pharmacopeia to treat and prevent various diseases which affected their populations. Many of these treatments were procured locally, but others were acquired through trade between regional markets and across the Sahara. These supplemented the intellectual exchanges between the two regions, as scholars composed medical manuscripts documenting all kinds of medical knowledge available to them. The Medical manuscripts written by west African scholars are the subject of my latest Patreon article, In which I **look beyond the simple acknowledgement of the existence of scientific manuscripts in Africa to instead study the information contained in these historical documents.** **Read more about it here:** [HISTORY OF MEDICINE IN AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-of-in-on-90073735) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa3148824-fad8-40e5-9044-16ed62cc4c6d_654x1001.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc6165e8-6495-4d93-9801-a1094c7e025c_706x501.png) _**a 16th century copy of Ibn Sina’s canon of medicine originally written in 1025.**_ Ibn Sina’s work appears frequently in the medical manuscripts of west Africa (as it does in the rest of the Muslim world as well as in Europe as _Avicenna_), He is one of several physicians cited by atleast two of the four west African scholars in my essay.

2023-09-30T16:14:01+00:00

The heroic age in Darfur: a history of the pre-colonial kingdom of Darfur ca. 1500-1916.

The political marginalization of the Darfur region since the creation of colonial Sudan has resulted in one of the continent's longest-standing conflicts, which threatens to destroy the country's social fabric and its historical heritage.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history

The political marginalization of the Darfur region since the creation of colonial Sudan has resulted in one of the continent's longest-standing conflicts, which threatens to destroy the country's social fabric and its historical heritage. Just as the plight of modern Darfur continues to receive little attention, its historical significance in shaping the political landscape of pre-colonial Sudan is equally overlooked. The modern region of Darfur derives its name from the pre-colonial kingdom/sultanate of Darfur, a vast multi-ethic state nearly twice the size of France that flourished for over four centuries between the end of medieval Nubia and the establishment of modern Sudan. As a central authority in the region since the end of the Middle Ages, the kingdom had a direct influence on all facets of life in Darfur's diverse society through the establishment of governance tools and structures, administrative institutions, customs, and traditions that sustained the region's autonomy for centuries. This article explores the history of the Darfur kingdom, its institutions, and its society before its marginalization during the colonial and post-colonial era. _**Map of Sudan during the 16th and 18th centuries**_, _**showing the kingdom of Darfur.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-1-146114512)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd1da6e34-c0f6-4908-be3c-42a643ea90de_587x511.png) **Support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by donating to the community kitchen in Omdurman here:** [GofundMe Omdurman](https://www.gofundme.com/f/for-sudan-help-us-feed-families-in-omdurman?utm_campaign=p_cp+share-sheet&utm_medium=copy_link_all&utm_source=customer) **or reach out to [Khartoum Aid Kitchen](https://x.com/KhartoumKitchen), and follow [Mohanad Elbalal](https://x.com/MohanadElbalal) for updates.** **Background to the rise of Darfur: the kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur** Between the 10th and 15th centuries, new political formations emerged among the various Nubian-speaking groups in the semi-arid regions to the west of the Christian-Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia, which preceded the formation of the kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur. The rulers of the Daju were credited with establishing the first dynasty in the region that later became Darfur, according to most traditional accounts transcribed in later periods. Historians suggest that the Daju are likely to be the 'Tajuwa' in the 12th-century account of al-Idrisi, who located their capital of 'Tajawa' between the kingdoms of Nubia and Kanem. Later accounts from the 13th and 15th centuries by Ibn Sai’d and Al-Maqrizi mention that the ‘Tajuwa/Taju were absorbed by the Kanem empire, and identify them as part of the Zaghawa of Kanem ‘who work with stone’. There are a number of ruined sites with stone structures, palaces, and graves eg Dar Wona and Jebel Kilwa, which are attributed to the Daju, but remain undated.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-2-146114512) At the end of the Middle Ages, societies in the region of modern Darfur became part of a broader cultural and political renaissance under Islamic auspices that extended from the Nile valley to the eastern shores of Lake Chad. Much of the available documentary and archeological record of this period comes from the Nubian Nile valley which was controlled by the Funj kingdom after the fall of Christian Nubia. a few fragmentary accounts and traditions relate to the Tunjur kingdom that succeeded the Daju, and laid the foundation for the emergence of the early Darfur state. A religious endowment in Medina by the Tunjur monarchs that's dated to 1576 indicates that the Tunjur rulers were Muslims. However, the institution of Islam coexisted with other pre-existing religious traditions, often associated with sacred hilltop sites and agricultural rites.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-3-146114512) The history of the Tunjur is mostly known from traditions and written accounts about its collapse and the formation of the new kingdoms of the 17th century that replaced it, especially Darfur and Wadai, which claim that the Tunjur reportedly forced their subjects to remove the tops of mountains so that their castles could be constructed there.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-4-146114512) While this likely exaggerates the Tunjur's coercive power, archeological surveys at the ruined sites of Uri , ‘Ayn Farāh and Dowda have uncovered the remains of these impressive red-brick structures, including palaces, paved roads, cemeteries, and two buildings that could be mosques, that were architecturally similar to elite residences in the Bornu empire, and in the Nile valley. The material culture recovered from these sites was predominantly local in origin, indicating that they were constructed by autochthons, but some of it shares some similarities with that found in the Nubian Nile valley, suggesting contacts between these regions during this period.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-5-146114512) The 1582 account of the geographer Lorenzo d’Anania indicates that Tunjur was a large state, noting that _**"Uri, a very important city, whose prince is called Nina, or emperor, and who is obeyed by neighbouring countries, namely the kingdom of Aule, Zurla, Sagava \[Zaghāwa\], Memmi \[Mīma\], Musulat \[Masālīt\], Morga, Saccae and Dagio \[Daju\]. This prince, who is allied to the Turks, is very powerful and is supplied with arms by merchants from Cairo"**_.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-6-146114512) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9230e9e9-ca02-4280-9ad7-448fee977287_1212x616.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F10ce04f0-e266-4757-8a65-c0784c4e1a92_1068x520.png) _**ruins of the 16th century Tunjur capital Ain Fara in DarFur, Sudan, including sections of the mosque, palace, and a reception hall**_. Photos by A. J. Arkell, Peter Verney. [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The kingdom of Darfur from the 17th to 18th century.** The era of the Tunjur was shortlived, as traditions recorded in the 19th century describe a shift in power from the Tunjur royals to the Keira royals of the Fur-speaking groups through intermarriage that produced the first Darfur king Daali and involved the activities of a _**fuqara**_ (holy-man/scholar) from the Nubian Nile valley. This description of the change of power from the Tunjur to the Keira condenses a complex history that indicates the existence of a Keira kingdom in Darfur contemporary with the Tunjur between the semi-legendary king Daali and the first historical Darfur sultan Sulayman.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-7-146114512) The Keira royal lineage originated from the Kunjara section of the Fur people, who controlled a kingdom in the Jabal Marra that recognized the suzerainty of the Tunjur monarchs and was likely linked to it through intermarriage. There are several ruins at the site of Turra, associated by local tradition with a long line of Keira rulers from Daali upto the sultan Muḥammad Tayrāb (d. 1785), including palaces, tombs and mosques. A dynastic split forced some of the Keira royals eastwards to the region of Kordofan where they formed the kingdom of Musabba‘āt. Others fled to the southern kingdom of Masālīt, before one of them, Sulaymān returned to Jabal Marra.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-8-146114512) Sultan Sulaymān is remembered in the traditions as a warrior and conqueror; in one version he is said to have led thirty-three campaigns, subsuming various neighboring kingdoms including the Masālīt, Oro and Marārīt to the west, the Zaghāwa to the north and the Birged, Beigo and Tunjur to the south and east. While most of the campaigns attributed to him were undertaken by his later successors, there is some documentary evidence for an expansionist Darfur in the late 17th century, particularly in the Kordofan region between Darfur and Funj, where a section of the army was reportedly captured by followers of a faqīh Ḥammad b. Umm Maryūm (1646-1729) before he sent them back as missionaries.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-9-146114512) Sulayman and his successors reinvigorated the external trade developed by the Tunjur as well as the Islamization of the kingdom's institutions by constructing mosques and inviting scholary families from the Nubian Nile valley and west Africa that were given grants of land and exempted from paying tribute. It’s during this period that Darfur appears in external accounts from 1668 and 1689, with the former account describing _**'the land of the Fohr'**_ (Fur), as the terminus of an important trade route to Egypt, from where ivory, tamarind, captives, and ostrich feathers were obtained. These commodities would continue to feature in the kingdom’s external trade, although they represented a minor fraction of the domestic trade in agro-pastoral economy.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-10-146114512) Firmer documentary evidence for the kingdom's expansion comes from the reign of Aḥmad Bukr (r. 1682-1722), who, according to accounts transcribed in the 19th century, moved his capital (_**fashir**_) as he campaigned outside Jabal Marra. Aḥmad Bukr conquered the kingdom of Dār Qimr, and formed marital alliances with the various Zaghāwa polities between Darfur and Wadai. This invited retaliation from Sultan Ya‘qūb of Wadai, who invaded Darfur but was later driven back by Aḥmad Bukr's army, which then turned east to campaign in Kordofan where he would later die.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-11-146114512) By the time of Bukr’s death about 1730, the Darfur kingdom extended over 360,000 sqkm, bringing its borders closer to equally powerful kingdoms of Funj and Wadai, whose competition with Darfur would dominate the region's political landscape for the next two centuries.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-12-146114512) Internal and regional contests for power characterized the reign of Ahmad Bukr’s successors, especially Umar Lel (r. 1732-1739), whose authority was challenged by disgruntled keira royals like his uncle Sulaymān alAbyad. The latter had fled to Kordofan which prompted an attack by Umar Lel, who forced Sulaymān to form an alliance with a group of herders on the Darfur frontier known as the Rizayqāt, who promptly invaded Darfur but were defeated. Umar Lel then attacked Wadai, whose king supported Sulaymān, but the sultan was defeated and imprisoned at the Wadai capital. He was succeeded by Abu’l-Qāsim (r. 1739-1752) who continued the war with Wadai but was abandoned by the nobles and deposed in favor of Muḥammad Tayrāb (r. 1752-1785) who established a fixed capital at El-Fashir, concluded a peace treaty with Wadai and delineated a border between the two kingdoms marked by stone cairns and walls, known as the _**tirja**_ (barrier).[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-13-146114512) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F35e963de-6fe8-45cd-9973-18d6d4b536fc_629x449.png) _**interior of the Jadeed al sail mosque built by Sultan Tayrab in 1760 at Shoba, north of El-Fashir**_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-14-146114512), photo by Intisar Soghayroun el Zein [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99ccb30a-000b-4e11-ac2f-4303087ba71f_1044x432.png) _**ruins of the Shoba mosque and Sultan Tayrab’s Palace**_. photos by Andrew McGregor **The administrative structure of Darfur: Politics, Land tenure, Military and Society.** The political organization of the sultanate evolved as it expanded and as the different sultans and the royal lineage gradually centralized their power at the expense of pre-existing title-holders and lineage heads. At the head of the kingdom's administration was the Sultan (_**aba kuuri**_) who only came from the Keira royal lineage, and whose installation was often confirmed by the most powerful nobles/titleholders at the capital. Besides the numerous titleholders, the Sultan was also assisted by other royals, most importantly the royal women such as the Queen (_**iiya kuuri**_), the king's sister (_**iiya baasi**_) and traditional religious heads, as well as the chosen heir (khalifa), that were later joined by non-royal dependants who populated the king’s capital at El-Fashir.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-15-146114512) The sultans were surrounded by a complex and elaborate hierarchy of title-holders numbering several hundred, some of whom were appointed, some hereditary, some territorial, and others were religious figures. These offices, whose titles often included the term _**‘abbo’**_ or _**‘aba’**_, (eg the _**ába ǎw mang**_ and _**ába dima’ng**_) are too many to list here, but some of the most important among the appointed offices included the _**wazīr**_, the _**maqdūms**_ (commissioners), the _**jabbayīn**_ (tribute collectors), the _**takanyāwī**_ (the provincial governor in the north), etc[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-16-146114512). The basis of administration was the quadrant division into provinces (_**dar al-takanawi**_ in the north, _**dar dali**_ in the east, _**dar urno**_ in the south, and dar diima in the southwest), each under a provincial governor (_**aba diimaŋ**_), sub-governors (_**shartay**_), local chiefs (_**dimlijs**_), and village heads (_**eliŋ wakīl**_), the first three of whom had their own administrative systems, raised armies for the sultan and sent taxes and tribute at the annual _**jalūd al-naḥās**_ festival,[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-17-146114512) According to one 19th century visitor, Gustav Nachitgal, records of taxes and tributes were kept at the Sultan’s palace, along with other government records, and books of laws containing the basic principles of administration[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-18-146114512). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdf6f9eef-0a50-49bf-bce0-4dec87095f5f_872x594.png) _**Map of the Darfur kingdom’s administrative divisions**_ by al-Tunusi, redrawn by Rex O’Fahey. The maghrebian traveler Al-Tūnisī, who lived in Darfur from 1804-1814, and whose account provides much of the documentary record about the kingdom until that date, mentions various small kingdoms on Darfur's frontier, including Mīdawb, Bartī, Birqid, Barqū, Tunjūr, and Mīmah, noting that _**“Each of these kingdoms had a ruler called a sultan appointed by the Fur sultan".**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-19-146114512) He also describes how the title-holders were granted, in lieu of salary, estates, out of whose revenues they maintained their soldiers and followers. These estates (ḥākūra) developed out of local systems of land tenure, and would later be expressed in the terminology used in the Islamic heartlands when land charters began to be issued by the Darfur sultans in the 17th century.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-20-146114512) The control of Land and regulation of its transfer and sale was central to the administration of the kingdom, the rewarding of loyal titleholders, and the integration of foreign scholars. \[[This contradicts the often-repeated claims that land was generally considered unimportant in pre-colonial Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/land-and-property-in-pre-colonial)\] The ḥākūra system became essential to the maintenance of a privileged class of title-holders, especially at the capital, and the land charters it produced provided the bulk of the surviving documents from pre-colonial Darfur which contain precious information on the kingdom’s official chancery, its legal system and its land tenure. [21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-21-146114512) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F67d9f440-a3c6-47f2-bed8-0be1e7ff8bb1_865x594.png) _**land charter of Darfur king Muhammad al-Fadl to a Zaghawa nobleman's family in Darfur**_, [dated 1801](https://x.com/rhaplord/status/1455871301294432256), _**Court transcript of a land dispute**_, [dated 1805](https://x.com/rhaplord/status/1440617999837192204). [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) The basis of Darfur's military strength were the levies (_**jureŋa**_) mobilized by the provincial governors and local chiefs, each under a war leader (_**ɔrnaŋ**_), who provided soldiers with fighting equipment. However, as the kingdom expanded, the Sultans also raised personal armies to reduce their dependence on the title holders, they thus equipped small units of horsemen and infantrymen with imported arms and armor. An account from 1862, reported that the kingdom’s army consisted of about 3,000 cavalry, of whom 600 to 1,000 were heavily armed, and some 70,000 infantry armed with swords, laces and javelins.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-22-146114512) Besides the many sedentary groups that recognized the sultan's authority, the kingdom was surrounded from the east and south by many groups of mobile herders, including the Fulbe, and the Arab-speaking[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-23-146114512) Messiriya and Rizaigat groups, who were tributaries of the Sultan but not subjects of the kingdom, and often fled south to avoid the armies of Darfur. Tayrāb registered better success in the east, where he defeated the Musabba‘āt king Hashim and brought much of Kordofan under Darfur's control, campaigning as far as Ormdurman.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-24-146114512) The kingdom reached its apogee during the reign of Abd Abd al-Raḥmān (r1785-1801) and his son, Muḥammad al-Faḍl (r. 1801-1838). These kings ruled over a vast state which now covered approximately 860,000 sqkm, they consolidated their predecessor's gains, and appointed qadis (_**judges**_) and scholars (_**Fuqara**_) as advisors. The kingdom’s domestic economy was largely based on exchanges of agro-pastoral products, textiles, and other crafts between regional markets, as well as larger towns and cities like el-Fashir and Nyala, while its relatively small external trade remained mostly the same as it had been described in the account of 1668 mentioned above.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-25-146114512) The kingdom hosted many scholarly families from the Funj region and west Africa and became an important stop point along the pilgrimage route from the west African kingdoms of Bornu and Birgimi. As an inducement to settle, the sultans could offer the _**fuqara**_ land through the ḥākūra system or tax exemptions, and some of them, eg Alī al-Fūtūwī eventually became involved in the political contents at the capital.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-26-146114512) While Darfur is a predominantly Muslim society, the adoption of Islam was gradual and varied, as practitioners of the religion continued to co-exist with other traditional belief systems and practices. In his description of Darfur’s society, Al-tunsi often contrasted it with his home country, especially regarding the role of women, noting that _**“the men of Darfur undertake no business without the participation of the women,”**_ and that _**“In all other matters**_ \[besides war\]_**, men and women are equal”**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-27-146114512) The kingdom's external contacts increased, likely as a consequence of its geographic importance in the pilgrimage route from West Africa and the growth of its local scholarly communities that were linked with Egypt. In 1792, the Darfur Sultan ‘Abd al-Raḥmān sent an embassy to the Ottoman sultan, who replied by awarding him the honorific title _al-rashīd_ (‘the just’) which duly appeared on his royal seals. Abd al-Raḥmān also corresponded with the French general Napoleon during the latter’s brief occupation of Egypt.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-28-146114512) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F53384158-e4a2-40e9-a1d4-02770302bf8c_840x614.png) _**Letter from ʿAbd al-Raḥmān of Darfur to Selim III,.**_ Cumhurbaşkanliği Osmanli Arşivi, Istanbul_**, Letter from ʿAbd al-Raḥmān of Darfur to the ‘sultan of France’ Napoleon Bonaparte**_. Service historique de la Défense (Vincennes), gr B6 60, cl. M. Tuchscherer. **Darfur in the 19th century** During the later half of Muḥammad al-Faḍl's reign, the kingdom lost the province of Kordofan in 1821 to the armies of Muḥammad ‘Alī, the Ottoman governor of Egypt who also invaded the Funj kingdom but failed to expand to Darfur. To the west of the Kingdom, Muḥammad al-Faḍl took advantage of the succession crisis in Wadai by installing one of the rival claimants, Muḥammad al-Sharīf, to claim the throne in exchange for recognizing the suzerainty of Darfur, which was later repudiated. Campaigns against the mobile herders in the north such as the Arab-speaking Maḥāmīd, Mahrīya, ‘Irayqāt, and Zayādīya brought the region under Darfur's control, but campaigns against the herder groups in the south saw limited success.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-29-146114512) During the second half of the 19th century, the extension of direct trade routes between the Nile valley and the southern frontier of Darfur during the reign of Muhammad al-Husayn (r. 1838–1873), as well as the restriction of firearm sales from Egypt, gradually undercut some of the sources of the long-distance trade to the kingdom, and forced the sultans to raise taxes on their subjects, which proved unpopular. In the 1860s, militant traders like al-Zubayr Raḥma carved out their own empires in the region by building local alliances and raising armies, often acting independently of their overlords in Egypt.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-30-146114512) The reigning sultan Muḥammad al-Ḥusayn (d. 1873) tried to weaken al-Zubayr's confederation by breaking up some of his alliances, prompting a diplomatic conflict with the latter that devolved into war. After the installation of Sultan al-Husayn's son Ibrāhīm, the armies of al-Zubayr advanced into Darfur and fought several battles with the Sultan's armies between November 1873 and October 1874, before the latter capitulated. Al-Zubayr then entered the capital, where he was joined a few days afterward by Ismā‘īl Pasha, who formally incorporated Darfur into the Khedive empire against al-Zubayr's wishes.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-31-146114512) Al-Zubayr went to Cairo to protest but was detained by the Khedive’s officers, while the deposed sultans of Darfur retreated into Jabal Marra, where they sought to maintain the Kingdom, with some degree of success. The Ottoman-Egyptians were later expelled by the Mahdist movement in 1881 whose rulers took over much of the Khedive’s territories in modern Sudan, but the Keira sultan ‘Alī Dīnār b. Zakarīya, a son of Sultan Muḥammad al-Faḍl supported the anti-Mahdist forces before he surrendered in 1891 and spent 7 years detained at the court of the Mahdist rulers. After the British invasion of the Mahdist state in September 1898, ‘Alī Dīnār returned to el-Fashir with a group of Fur and other chiefs to Dār Fūr and declared himself sultan.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-32-146114512) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0564976a-d479-42f5-9c67-6bf4c78e4fcb_720x419.png) _**Palace of Ali Dinar at El-Fashir**_, Sudan. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9c50e16d-38f8-476e-b44d-c363aab069a7_891x573.png) _**An embassy from Sultan Ali Dinar in Khartoum, capital of British Sudan**_, ca 1907, Quai branly. The newly established colonial government in Sudan had no immediate wish to annex Dār Fūr, and from 1898 to 1916 ‘Alī Dīnār ruled the sultanate, reviving the old administrative system, constructed a palace, regranted the old titles and ḥākūras, and drove back the Arab nomads who had encroached on the settled land during the chaos of the preceding period. Ali Dinar’s relations with the colonial government deteriorated, mainly over the threat of the French colonial expansion from modern Chad, and in 1916, influenced by the Pan-Islamic propaganda of the Turks and the Sanūsīya in Libya, he declared war on the British. Dār Fūr was invaded by the colonial armies which defeated ‘Ali Dīnār’s army at Birinjīya near al-Fāshir and formally incorporated the kingdom into colonial Sudan.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-33-146114512) Darfur was largely neglected during the colonial period unlike the riverine regions of Sudan where many of the people of Darfur were compelled to travel for employment and education. This continued into the post-colonial period when the riverine elites inherited the colonial administration and the region’s neglect led to the rise of armed rebellions in the early 2000s.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share%22#footnote-34-146114512) The government responded to these rebellions by arming local militias (_janjaweed_) drawn from the Arab-speaking nomads, marking the start of a gruesome war that eventually led to the current conflict. << as of writing this article, the old city of [El-Fashir remains the Sudanese army’s last stronghold in the region of Darfur](https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/sudan/b198-halting-catastrophic-battle-sudans-el-fasher), despite the brutal siege by the Janjaweed-RSF militia, its defenders consider it too strategically significant to abandon \>\> [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdf5394e3-1485-45bc-b790-8148b2aad7aa_1024x768.png) Ali Dinar’s palace. Like many of Sudan’s historic monuments in populated centers, the old palace is unlikely to have survived the war. **Support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by donating to the community kitchen in Omdurman here:** [GofundMe Omdurman](https://www.gofundme.com/f/for-sudan-help-us-feed-families-in-omdurman?utm_campaign=p_cp+share-sheet&utm_medium=copy_link_all&utm_source=customer) or reach out to [Khartoum Aid Kitchen](https://x.com/KhartoumKitchen), and follow [Mohanad Elbalal](https://x.com/MohanadElbalal) for updates.

2024-06-30T16:40:58+00:00

A history of Zanzibar before the Omanis (600-1873)

Journal of African cities chapter 7

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the

For most of the 19th century, the western Indian ocean was controlled by a vast commercial empire whose capital was on the island of Zanzibar. The history of Zanzibar is often introduced with the shifting of the Omani capital from Muscat to Stone-town during the 1840s, disregarding most of its earlier history save for a brief focus on the Zanj revolt. Zanzibar was for centuries home to some of Africa's most dynamic urban societies, long before it became the commercial emporium of the 19th century. With over a dozen historical cities and towns, the island played a central role in the political history of east Africa —from sending envoys as far as China, to influencing the activities of foreign powers on the Swahili coast. This article explores the history of Zanzibar, beginning with the island's settlement during late antiquity to the formal end of local autonomy in 1873. _**Map of the east African coast showing the location of Zanzibar island[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-1-110622881)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c759a79-7d1b-43d1-ae61-f2030dd0dfae_850x564.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Zanzibar in the 1st Millennium: From Unguja to China** The island of Zanzibar (Unguja) is the largest in the Zanzibar Archipelago, a group of islands that includes Pemba, Mafia and several dozen smaller islands. Zanzibar has a long but fragmentary record of human settlement going back 20,000 years, as shown by recent excavations at Kuumbi Cave. But it wasn’t until the turn of the common era that permanent settlements were established by sections of agro pastoral populations that were part of the wider expansion of Bantu-speakers.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-2-110622881) According to the Perilus, a 1st-century text on the Indian ocean world, the local populations of the east African island of Menouthias (identified as Pemba, Zanzibar or Mafia) used sewn watercraft as well as dugout canoes to travel along the coast, and fished using basket traps. There's unfortunately little archeological evidence for such communities on Zanzibar itself during the 1st century, as occupation is only firmly dated to around the 6th century.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-3-110622881) Between the late 5th and early 6th century, Zanzibar, like most of the East African coast, was home to communities of ironworking agriculturalists speaking Swahili and other Northeast-Coast Bantu languages[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-4-110622881). Two early sites at Fukuchani and Unguja Ukuu represent the earliest evidence for complex settlement on Zanzibar island. The discovery of imported roman wares and south-asian glass indicates that the island’s population participated in long distance trade with the Indian ocean world, albeit on a modest level .[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-5-110622881) Like most of the early Swahili settlements during the mid-1st millennium, the communities at Unguja Ukuu and Fukuchani constituted small villages of daub houses whose occupants used local pottery (Tana and Kwale wares). Subsistence was based on agriculture (sorghum and finger millet), fishing and a few domesticates. Craft activities included shell bead-making and iron-working, as well as reworking of glass. By the late 1st millennium, the Zanzibar sites of Unguja Ukuu, Fukuchani, Mkokotoni, Fumba and Kizimkazi were able to exploit their position to become trade entrepôts.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-6-110622881) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2138c41b-26cf-43c8-b03f-afd5f572072b_519x723.jpeg) _**Kizimkazi mosque, early 20th century photo.**_ An inscription decorating the qiblah wall of the mosque was dated to 1107. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3f74d2f2-fdd2-4497-a8a8-c7014ba8bfe5_891x619.jpeg) _**Map of Zanzibar island showing some of the towns mentioned in this text.**_ The town of Unguja Ukuu, which covered over 16ha in the 9th century, became the largest settlement on Zanzibar island during this period, and one of the largest along the Swahili coast. The rapid growth of Unguja Ukuu can be mapped through massive quantities of imported material derived from trade. While Ugunja's material culture remained predominantly local in origin, significant amounts of imported wares (about 9%) appear in Unguja's assemblages beginning in the 6th century, that include Indian and Persian wares, as well as Tang-dynasty stoneware from China, Byzantine glass vessels and glass beads from south Asia.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-7-110622881) The imports at Unguja would have been derived from its external trade with the African mainland and Indian ocean world, which is also evidenced by its local population's gradual adoption of Islam and their construction of a small mosque around 900. Additionally, copper and silver coins were minted locally by two named rulers during the 11th century, and the foreign coins from the Abbasids and Song-dynasty China were used.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-8-110622881) A similar but better-preserved mosque was built at Kizimkazi around 1107. it features early Swahili construction styles where rectilinear timber mosques with rectangular prayer halls were translated into coral-stone structures.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-9-110622881) Unguja is one of the earliest Swahili towns mentioned in external accounts, besides its identification as Lunjuya by al-Jāḥiẓ (d. 868), its also mentioned in the Arabic Book of Curiosities ca.1020 which contains a map showing the coasts of the Indian Ocean from China to eastern Africa where its included as ‘Unjuwa’ alongside ‘Qanbalu’ (Pemba island). [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-10-110622881) The elites of Unguja were also involved in long distance maritime travel. During Song dynasty china, the african envoy named Zengjiani who came from Zanzibar (rendered Cengtan in Chinese = Zangistân) and reached Guangzhou in 1071 and 1083, is likely to have come from Unguja.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-11-110622881) Zengjiani gave a detailed description of his home country including his ruler's dynasty that had been in power for 5 centuries, and the use of copper coins for trade[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-12-110622881). Despite probably being embellished, this envoy's story indicates that his ruler's dynasty was about as old as Ugunja and may reflect the town's possibly hegemonic relationship with neighboring settlements. Historically, most Swahili city-states developed as confederations which included a major cultural and trading center like Unguja, surrounded by various less consequential settlements located at a distance on the mainland or on other parts of the island.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-13-110622881) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7777b330-2fda-4fd1-8827-e43a90cb9fbb_686x1024.jpeg) _**ruins of a late medieval structure at Unguja Ukuu**_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-14-110622881) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa04c8ed7-83d7-4f87-b110-4365b9e57989_1138x650.jpeg) _**Unguja Ukuu, Local silver coins**_ (1-11) _**and one Chinese bronze coin**_ (11) _**Among the local coins are those belonging to an Unguja ruler named Muhammad bn Is-haq**_ (1-3) _**dated to the 11th century, one belonging to an Unguja ruler named Bahram bn Ali**_ (5) _**also dated to the 11th century, and uninscribed local pieces**_ (5-10) _**also dated to the same period, the chinese coin is from the mid-12th century.**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-15-110622881) **Unguja Ukuu, the Indian ocean world and the Zanj episode** Given the Zanzibar island's central location between the early mainland Swahili settlements such as Kunduchi and Kaole, and the offshore islands such as Pemba, the town of Unguja would have controlled some of the segmented trade between the mainland, the coast and the Indian ocean world. Most of this trade would have been locally confined given the paucity of imported material and the modest size of the settlements, but some would have involved exports. Exported products likely included typical products attested in later accounts such as ivory, mangrove, iron, and possibly captives, although no contemporary account mentions these coming from Zanzibar.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-16-110622881) Despite Unguja's relatively small size and its modest external trade, the town's importance had been exaggerated by some medievalists as the possible origin of the so-called Zanj slaves who led a revolt in Abassid Iraq from 869 and 883. This has however been challenged in recent scholarship, showing that actual Zanj slaves were a minority in the revolt. Not only because the very ambiguous ethnonym of 'Zanj' was applied to a wide variety of people from africa who were in Iraq, but also because most rebel leaders of the Zanj revolt were free and their forces included many non-africans.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-17-110622881) Additionally, there's also little mention of slave trade from the Swahili coast before 950 in accounts written during the period just after the revolt[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-18-110622881) (the account of al-Masudi, who visited Pemba in 916, only mentions ivory trade). There's also little mention of slave trade in the period between 960 and the Portuguese arrival of 1499; (the secondary account of Ibn Shahriyar in 945 which does mention an incident of slave capture was copied by later scholars, but Ibn Batutta's first hand account in the 1330s makes no mention of the trade.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-19-110622881)) Furthermore, the moderate volumes from the east African coast between the 15th and 18th century were derived from secondary trade in Madagascar prior to the trade's expansion in the 19th century. The Swahili cities were too military weak to obtain captives from war, and their external trade was too dependent on transshipment from other ports (their "exports" were mostly re-exports).[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-20-110622881) **Zanzibar between the 12th and 15th century: The rise of Tumbatu** Unguja Ukuu gradually declined after 1100 when its last ruler is attested[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-21-110622881). During this period, the island of Zanzibar appears to have gone through a period of settlement reorganization coinciding with the expansion of other Swahili city-states along the coast, and the emergence of new settlements on Zanzibar. This includes the town of Tumbatu, which emerged on the small island of Tumbatu around 1100 and remained the largest on the Island until the 14th century,[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-22-110622881) and other settlements, e.g at stone town.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-23-110622881) By the 13th century, Tumbatu was a relatively large city of large coral houses with associated kiosks and atleast three monumental mosques. The rulers at Tumbatu struck coins of silver and copper between the 12th and 14th century, which share stylistic similarities with those later attested at Kilwa.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-24-110622881) The mosque at Tumbatu followed the design established at Unguja and kizimkazi with a few additions including the use of floriate Kufic and a trefoil arch. The rise of Tumbatu benefited other towns such as Shangani and Fukuchani which all show significant settlement expansion during the 13th century.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-25-110622881) Tumbatu declined after 1350 following a sudden and violent abandonment with signs of burning and deliberate destruction of houses and its mosques, and its elites most likely moved to Kilwa.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-26-110622881) The famous globetrotter Ibn Battua also failed to mention Tumbatu (or even Zanzibar island) during his visit to the Swahili coast, in stark contrast to the city’s prominence one century prior. However, settlements on the island of Zanzibar itself would continue to flourish especially at Shangani and Fukuchani. The discovery of both local and foreign coins at both sites, as well as the continued importation of Islamic glazed wares and Chinese celadon, demonstrates the continuity of Zanzibar's commercial significance.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-27-110622881) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F253e7294-0b07-46a4-a7f3-96d791345ed4_900x507.jpeg) _**Friday mosque at Tumbatu**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Zanzibar from the 15th to the 18th century: The Portuguese era** More settlements emerged on Zanzibar island at Uroa and Chwaka around the late 14th/early 15th century, and the ruined town of Unguja Ukuu was reoccupied prior to the Portuguese arrival in the 1480s. Like many of its Swahili peers, Zanzibar's encounter with the Portuguese was initially antagonistic. Unguja was sacked by the Portuguese in 1499, with the reported deaths of several hundred and the capture of 4 local ships from its harbour.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-28-110622881) And in 1503 20 Swahili vessels loaded with food (cereal) were captured by the Portuguese off the coast of Zanzibar.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-29-110622881) However, some of the states on Zanzibar (presumably those on the western coast of the island) whose political interests were constrained by Mombasa's hegemony would ally with the Portuguese against their old foe. In 1523, emissaries from Zanzibar requested and obtained Portuguese military assistance in re-taking the Quirimbas Islands (in northern Mozambique) that were under Mombasa's suzerainty. By 1528, Zanzibar's elites welcomed Portuguese fleet and offered it provisions in its fight against Mombasa. And by 1571, a ‘king’ from Zanzibar also obtained Portuguese military assistance in putting down a rebellious mainland town.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-30-110622881) Like other Swahili city-states, the political system on Zanzibar island would have been directed by an assembly of representatives of patrician lineage groups, and an elected head of government. The titles of "King" and "Queen" used in Portuguese accounts for the leading elites of Zanzibar were therefore not accurate descriptors of their political power. The pacification of Mombasa in 1589 was followed by the establishment of a Portuguese colonial administration along the Swahili coast that lasted until 1698, within which Zanzibar was included. The colonial authority was represented by the ‘Fort Jesus' at Mombasa, a few garrisons at Malindi, and a few factors in various cities. It was relatively weak, the token annual tribute was rarely submitted, and rebellions marked most of its history. However, the pre-existing exchanges on Zanzibar -- especially its Ivory, cloth and timber trade-- were further expanded by the presence of Portuguese traders.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-31-110622881) The western towns of Shangani and Forodhani emerged around the 16th century, and became the nucleus of Mji Mkongwe (Old Town), later known as 'stone town' . The residence of a Portuguese factor was built near Forodhani in 1528, rebuilt in 1571, and was noted there by an English vessel in 1591. An Augustinian mission church was also built around 1612 supported by a small Portuguese community. [32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-32-110622881) But the northern and southern parts of the Island appear to have remained out of reach for the weak colonial administration at stone-town. The settlements of Fukuchani and Mvuleni which are dated to the 16th century feature large fortified houses of local construction that were initially thought to be linked to Portuguese agricultural activities. But given the complete absence of the sites in Portuguese accounts and their lack of any Portuguese material, both settlements are largely seen as home to local communities mostly independent of Portuguese control.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-33-110622881) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb12e1f0d-da7c-4a44-b7d0-740418204391_960x720.jpeg) _**ruined house at Fukuchani**_ The growing resistance against the Portuguese presence especially by the northern Swahili city of Pate led to its elite to invite the Alawi family of Hadrami sharifs. Swahili patricians seeking to elevate the prestige of their lineages entered into matrimonial alliances with some of the Alawis, creating new dynastic clans.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-34-110622881)In stone-town, the dynastic Mwinyi Mkuu lineage entered matrimonial alliances with the Sayyid Alawi with Hadrami and Pate origins. These Zanzibari elites therefore adopted the nisba of Alawi, but the Alawi themselves had little political influence, as shown by the continued presence of women sovereigns in Zanzibar.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-35-110622881) By 1650 stone-town’s queen Mwana Mwema who’d been allied with the Portuguese joined other Swahili elites in rebellion by forming alliances with the Ya'rubid dynasty of Oman. In 1651, Mwana Mwema invited a Ya'rubid fleet which killed and captured 50-60 Portuguese resident on the island, and she called for further reinforcements by sending two of her ships. However, the reinforcements didn’t arrive, and the elites of Kaole —stone-town's rival city on the mainland— would ally with the Portuguese to force the Queen out of Zanzibar by 1652.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-36-110622881) By the late 1690s, there were further rebellions led by Mombasa and Pate which invited the Ya'rubids to oust the Portuguese, but stone-town's elites didn't feature in this revolt. Stone-town’s queen Fatuma Binti Hasan was still a Portuguese ally by the time of the Ya'rubid siege of fort Jesus in 1696-1698, and her residence was located next to the church at Forodhani. Stone-town and other allied Swahili cities sent provisions to the besieged Portuguese and allied forces at Fort Jesus, which invited retaliation from the Ya'rubids and allied cities.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-37-110622881) After expelling the Portuguese, the Ya'rubids imposed their authority on most of the Swahili coast by 1699 by placing armed garrisons in several forts, and deposing non-allied local elites like Fatuma to Oman. In stone-town, the church at Forodhani was converted into a small fortress by 1700[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-38-110622881). But Yaʿrubid control of the Swahili coast was lost during the Omani civil war from 1719 to 1744, during which time stone-town was ruled by Fatuma's son Hasan.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-39-110622881) This war was felt in stone-town in 1726, when a (Mazrui) Omani faction based in Mombasa attacked a rival faction in stone-town, resulting in a five-month siege of the Old Fort. The defenders left stone-town, and the Portuguese briefly used this conflict to reassert their control over Mombasa and stone-town from 1728 and 1729 but were later driven out. Stone-town reverted to the authority of the so-called Mwinyi Mkuu dynasty of local elites.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-40-110622881) Other towns on the island such as Kizimkazi continued to flourish under local control during the mid to late 18th century.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-41-110622881) According to traditions, the population of southern Zanzibar extending from Stone-town to Kizimkazi were called the maKunduchi (kae) while those in the northern section of the island were called the waTumbatu. Kizimikazi's mosque was expanded around the year 1770 and this construction is attributed to a local ruler named Bakari who controlled the southern most section of the island.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-42-110622881) **Zanzibar from 1753-1873: From local autonomy to Oman control.** Zanzibar's polities remained autonomous for most of the 18th century despite attracting foreign interest. In 1744, political power in Oman shifted to the Bu’saidi dynasty, who for most of the 18th century, failed to restore any of the Yaʿrubid alliances and possessions on the Swahili coast, except at stone-town.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-43-110622881) The Mwinyi Mkuu of stone-town sought out the protection of the Bu'saidi as a bulwark against Mazrui expansion, and allowed a governor to be installed in the old fort in 1746. The Mazrui would later besiege stone-town in 1753 but withdrew after infighting. Despite the alliance between stone-town's elites and the Busaidi, the latter's control was constrained by internal struggles in Oman and only one brief visit to stone-town was undertaken in 1784 by the then prince Sultan bin Ahmad.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-44-110622881) Sultan bin Ahmad later ascended to the Oman throne at Muscat in 1792 but died in 1804 and was succeeded by his son Seyyid Said. Events following the victory of Lamu against Mombasa and Pate around 1813, compelled the Lamu elites to invite Seyyid's forces and stave off a planned reprisal from Mombasa. Seyyid forged more alliances along the coast, garrisoned his soldiers in forts and increasing his authority in stone town.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-45-110622881) In 1828 Said bin Sultan made the first visit by a reigning Busaid sultan to the Swahili coast, shortly after commissioning the construction of his palace at Mtoni. His visits to Zanzibar became increasingly frequent, and by 1840 stone-town had become his main residence. Contrary to earlier scholarship, the shift from Muscat to stone-town was largely because Seyyid's authority was challenged in Oman, while stone-town offered a relatively secure location for his political and commercial interests.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-46-110622881) Seyyid's control of stone-town was largely nominal as it was in Lamu, Pate and Mombasa. Effective control amounted to nothing more than a nominal allegiance by the local elites (like in Tumbatu and stone-town) who retained near autonomy, they occasionally shared authority with an appointed 'governor' and customs officer assisted by a garrison of soldiers.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-47-110622881) The Mwinyi Mkuus ruled from their capital at Mbweni during the reign of Seyyid (1840-1856) and his successor Majid (1856-1870). The most notable among whom was Muhammad bin Ahmed bin Hassan Alawi also known as King Muhamadi (1845-1865), he moved his capital from Mbweni to Dunga where he built his palace in 1856. He held near complete political power until his death in 1865, and was succeeded by his son Ahmed bin Muhammad[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-48-110622881). The last Mwinyi Mkuu Ahmed died in 1873, and the reigning Sultan Barghash (r. 1870-1888) refused to install another Mwinyi Mkuu, formally marking the end of Stone-town’s autonomy.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-49-110622881) The gradual expansion of Sultan Barghash's authority followed the abolition of the preexisting administration, and the island was governed directly by himself shortly before most of his domains were in turn taken over by the Germans and the British in 1885[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-50-110622881). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F89800cd0-402c-4e4b-8509-566c56e99cf8_578x684.jpeg) _**The Mwinyi Mkuu of stone-town; Muhammad bin Ahmed bin Hassan Alawi, with his son, the last Mwinyi Mkuu Ahmed.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F424a203f-85a9-46fd-9e10-117c301fb9fa_855x608.png) _**The Mwinyi Mkuu’s palace at Dunga, ca. 1920**_ **Zanzibar was one of several cosmopolitan African states whose envoys traveled more than 7,000 kilometers to initiate contacts with China**, Read more about this fascinating history here: [HISTORICAL LINKS BETWEEN AFRICA & CHINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcab8ef93-4c8e-439e-a2c7-7d8d3ee99c9f_641x1120.jpeg)

2023-03-26T14:55:11+00:00

A muslim kingdom in the Ethiopian highlands: the history of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520.

During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian

During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape. The history of one of these dynasties, often referred to as the Solomonids, has been sufficiently explored in many works of African history. However, the history of their biggest political rivals, known as the Walasma dynasty of Ifat, has received less scholarly and public attention, despite their contribution to the region’s cultural heritage. This article outlines the history of the Walasma kingdoms of Ifat and Adal, which influenced the emergence and growth of many Muslim societies in the northern Horn of Africa. _**Map of the northern Horn of Africa during the early 16th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-1-145667530)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F145af03f-2d38-4807-b120-ad8bec20f787_491x553.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Background to the Ifat kingdom: the enigmatic polity of Šawah.** Near the end of the 13th century, an anonymous scholar in the northern Horn of Africa composed a short chronicle titled _**Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ**_ (ie: “the Annals”), that primarily dealt with the rise and demise of a polity called ‘Šawah’ which flourished from 1063 to 1290 CE. The text describes the sultanate of Šawah as comprised of several urban settlements, with the capital at Walalah, and outlying towns like Kālḥwr, and Ḥādbayah, that were controlled by semi-autonomous rulers of a dynasty called the Maḫzūmī.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-2-145667530) The author of the _**Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ's**_ notes the presence of a scholarly elite in Šawah, was aware of the sack of Baghdad in 1258 by the _**‘Tatars’**_ (Mongols) , and mentions that the state’s judicial system was headed by a _**‘qāḍī al-quḍā’**_ (ie: “cadi of the cadis”). The text also mentions a few neighboring Muslim societies like Mūrah, ʿAdal, and Hūbat. The information provided in the chronicle is corroborated by a Mumluk-Egyptian text describing an Ethiopian embassy in 1292, which notes that _**“Among the kings of Abyssinia is Yūsuf b. Arsmāya, master of the territory of Ḥadāya, Šawā, Kalǧur, and their districts, which are dominated by Muslim kings.”**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-3-145667530) The composition of the chronicle of Šawah represents an important period in the emergence of Muslim societies in north-eastern regions of modern Ethiopia, which also appears extensively across the region’s archeological record, where many inscribed tombs, mosques, and imported goods were found dated between the 11th and 15th century, particularly [in the region of Harlaa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city). While the towns of Šawah are yet to be found, the remains of contemporaneous Muslim societies were generally urbanized and were associated with long-distance trade that terminated at the coastal city of Zayla. It’s in this context that the kingdom of Ifāt (ኢፋት) emerged under its founder Wālī ʾAsmaʿ (1285–1289), whose state eclipsed and subsumed most of the Muslim polities across the region including Šawā.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-4-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F923da5d0-ca0c-4d1b-a6b2-704cb7d91fab_608x557.png) _**Important polities in the northern Horn during the late middle ages, including the Muslim states of Ifat, Adal, Hadya and Sawah.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-5-145667530) **The Walasma kingdom of Ifat during the 14th century.** In the late 13th century, Wālī Asma established an alliance with Yǝkunno Amlak —founder of the Solomonic dynasty of the medieval Christian kingdom of Ethiopia— acknowledging the suzerainty of the latter in exchange for military support. Wālī ʾAsma’s growing power threatened the last ruler of Šawah; Sultan Dilmārrah, who attempted to appease the former through a marital alliance in 1271. Ultimately, the armies of Wālī Asma attacked Šawah in 1277, deposed its Maḫzūmī rulers, and imposed their power on the whole region, including the polities at Mūrah, ʿAdal, and Hūbat, which were conquered by 1288.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-6-145667530) The establishment of the Ifat kingdom coincided with the expansion of the power of the Solomonids, who subsumed many neighboring states including Christian kingdoms like Zagwe, as well as Muslim and 'pagan' kingdoms. By the 14th century, the balance of power between the Solomonids and the Walasma favored the former. The rulers of Ifat were listed among the several tributaries mentioned in the chronicle of the ʿAmdä Ṣǝyon (r. 1314-1344), whose armies greatly expanded the Solomonid state. The Walasma sultan then sent an embassy to Mamluk Egypt’s sultan al-Nasir in 1322 to intercede with Amdä Ṣǝyon on behalf of the Muslims.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-7-145667530) It’s during this period that detailed descriptions of Ifat appear in external texts, primarily written by the Mamluks, such as the accounts of Abū al-Fidā' (1273-1331) and later al-Umari in the 1330s. According to al-Fidā' the capital of Ifat was _**"one of the largest cities in the Ḥabašā \[Ethiopia\]. There are about twenty stages between this town and Zayla. The buildings of Wafāt are scattered. The abode of royalty is on one hill and the citadel is on another hill"**_. Al-Umari writes that Ifat was the most important of the _**"seven kingdoms of Muslim Abyssinia.**_" He adds that _**"Awfāt is closest to Egyptian territory and the shores facing Yemen and has the largest territory. Its king reigns over Zaylaʿ; it is the name of the port where merchants going to this kingdom approach."**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-8-145667530) The Sultanate of Ifat is the best documented among the Muslim societies of the northern Horn during the Middle Ages, and its archeological sites are the best studied. The account of the 14th-century account of al-Umari and the 15th-century chronicle of Amdä Ṣeyon (r. 1314-1344) both describe several cities in the territory of Ifat that refer to the provincial capitals of the kingdom. These textural accounts are corroborated by the archeological record, with at least five ruined cities —Asbari, Masal, Rassa Guba, Nora, and Beri-Ifat— having been identified in its former territory and firmly dated to the 14th century.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-9-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F971ab563-b468-4a24-b65b-49e72c2999c5_1000x664.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4bb6de08-618e-49a1-a8ca-8595ed4a4267_1000x664.jpeg) _**ruins of the mosques at Beri-Ifat and Nora.**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-10-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fae1778ba-3537-4207-99b3-28ca4c9bd0af_806x607.png) _**Location of the archeological sites of Ifat and the kingdom’s center.**_ The largest archeological sites at Nora, Beri-Ifat, and Asbari had city walls, remains of residential buildings preserved to a height of over 2-3 meters, and an urban layout with streets and cemeteries, set within a terraced landscape. The material culture of the sites includes some imported wares from the Islamic world, but was predominantly local, and included iron rods that were used as currency. Each of the cities and towns possessed a main mosque in addition to neighborhood mosques (or oratories) in larger cities like Nora, built in a distinctive architectural style that characterized most of the settlements in Ifat.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-11-145667530) The above archeological discoveries corroborate al-ʿUmarī’s account, which notes that _**“there are, in these seven kingdoms, cathedral mosques, ordinary mosques and oratories.”,**_ and the city layout of Beri-Ifat is similar to the account provided by al-Fidā', who notes that the capital’s buildings were scattered. The discovery of inscribed tombs of a _**“sheikh of the Walasmaʿ”**_ of Šāfiʿite school who died in 1364, also corroborates al-Umari's accounts of this school's importance in Ifat, as well as the providing evidence for the origin of the [diasporic scholarly community known as the](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282) _**[Zaylāiʿ](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282)**_ [at the important Shāfiʿī college of al-Azhar in Cairo](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-12-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F59804888-1c64-46ba-9c3e-c1eb5b68e0bf_1000x664.jpeg) _**Mosque of Ferewanda, part of the city of Beri-Ifat.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F730f8a72-7660-4950-8229-0cbbd69552b0_1000x667.jpeg) _**Square house with a wall niche at the site of Nora**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F11ce4133-3605-4967-98e2-7e79ae7be3bb_580x439.png) _**Tomb T8 near the sultan’s residence close to the mosque of Beri-Ifat. It belongs to sultan al-Naṣrī b. ʿAlī \[Naṣr\] b. Ṣabr al-Dīn b. Wālāsma, and is dated Saturday 15 ṣafar 775 h., \[i.e. August 6, 1373\]**_ **Trade, warfare, and the decline of Ifat.** According to Al-ʿUmarī, the kingdom of Ifat dominated trade because of its geographical position near the coast and its control of Zayla, from where imports of _**“silk and linen fabrics"**_ were obtained. Later accounts describe trading cities like “Manadeley” where one could _**"find every kind of merchandise that there is in the world, and merchants of all nations, also all the languages of the Moors, from Giada, from Morocco, Fez, Bugia, Tunis, Turks, Roumes from Greece, Moors of India, Ormuz and Cairo"**_.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-13-145667530) Another important trading city of Ifat was Gendevelu, which appears in internal accounts as Gendabelo since the 14th century and likely corresponds to the archeological site of Asbari. External descriptions of the city mention _**"caravans of camels unload their merchandise"**_ and _**"the currency is Hungarian and Venetian ducats, and the silver coins of the Moors."**_ While the rulers of Ifat didn’t mint their own coins, most sources note the use of imported silver coins, as well as commodity currencies like cloth and iron rods.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-14-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7342bf6a-67de-41a1-afd1-5deb517e3cd4_1408x594.jpeg) _**The main mosque of Asbari.**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-15-145667530) Much of the political history of Ifat was provided in an internal chronicle titled _**'Taʾrīḫ al-Walasmaʿ**_ written in the 16th century, as well as an external account by the Mamluk historian al-Maqrīzī in 1438. Both texts describe a major dynastic split in the Walasma family of Ifat that occurred in the late 14th century, between those who wanted to continue recognizing the suzerainty of the Solomonids, and those who rejected it. According to al-Maqrizi, the Solomonids could install and depose the Walasma rulers at will, retain some of the Ifat royals at their court, and often provided military aid to those allied with them.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-16-145667530) In the 1370s, sultan Ali of Ifat was aided by the armies of the Ethiopian emperor in fighting a rebellion led by Ali's rival Ḥaqq al-Dīn (r. 1376–1386), who established a separate kingdom away from the capital. After the destruction of the Ifat capital during the dynastic conflict, and the death of Ḥaqq al-Dīn in a war with the Solomonids, his brother Saʿd al-Dīn continued the rebellion but was defeated near Zayla around 1409[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-17-145667530). In response to the continuous conflict, the Solomonids formerly incorporated the territories of Ifat, appointed Christian governors who adopted the name Walasmaʿ (in Gǝʿǝz, _wäläšma_), deployed garrisons of their own soldiers, and established royal capitals in Ifat territory.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-18-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f9bdf20-2176-4412-b314-d34868c88023_1051x587.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbacdbb7c-e896-4335-9a4c-d5de0a949ff3_1053x590.png) _**The mosque of Jéʾértu**_.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-19-145667530) **The re-establishment of Walasma power in the 15th century until their demise in 1520.** After the death of Saʿd al-Dīn, his family took refuge in Yemen, at the court of the Rasūlid sultan Aḥmad b. al-Ašraf Ismāʿil (r. 1400–1424). Saʿd al-Dīn's oldest son, Ṣabr al-Dīn (r. 1415–1422), later came back to Ethiopia, to a place called al-Sayāra, in the eastern frontier of the province of Ifat, where the soldiers who had served under his father joined him. They established a new sultanate, called Barr Saʿd al-Dīn (“Land of Saʿd al-Dīn”) which appears as Adal in the chronicles of the Solomonid rulers, who were by then in control of the territory of Ifat.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-20-145667530) Beginning in 1433, the Walasma rulers of Barr Saʿd al-Dīn established their capital at Dakar, which likely corresponds to the ruined sites of Derbiga and Nur Abdoche located near the old city of Harar. They imposed their power over many pre-existing Muslim polities including Hūbat, the city of Zaylaʿ, the Ḥārla region surrounding Harar, and parts of northern Somalia. An emir was appointed by the sultan to head each territory, with the prerogative of levying taxes (ḫarāǧ and zakāt) on the population.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-21-145667530) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feecb3ed4-62e3-415d-91e5-22c5027c4c9c_580x404.png) _**The Derbiga mosque in 1922**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-22-145667530) The Walasma rulers at Dakar reportedly maintained fairly cordial relations with the Solomonids in order to facilitate trade, but wars between their two states continued especially during the reigns of the sultans Ṣabr al-Dīn (r. 1415–1422), Manṣūr (r. 1422–1424), Ǧamāl al-Dīn (r. 1424–1433) and Badlāy (r. 1433–1445). Repeated incursions into 'Adal' by the armies of the Solomonid monarchs compelled some of the former's dependents to pay tribute to the latter, and in 1480, Dakar itself was sacked by the armies of Eskender (r. 1478-1494).[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-23-145667530) However, by the early 16th century, the armies of the Walasma begun conducting their own incursions into the Solomonid state. The sultan Muḥammad b. Saʿd ad-Dıˉn, who had the longest reign from 1488 to around 1517, is known to have undertaken annual expeditions against the territories controlled by the Solomonids. After the death of Sultan Muḥammad, the kingdom experienced a period of instability during which several illegitimate rulers followed each other in close succession and a figure named Imām Aḥmad rose to prominence.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-24-145667530) The tumultuous politics of this period are described in detail by two internal chronicles written during this period. The first one, titled _**Taʾrıkh al-Walasmaʿ**_, was in favor of Sultan Muḥammad’s only legitimate successor, Sultan Abū Bakr (r. 1518-1526), while the other chronicle, _**Taʾrıkh al-muluk**_, favored Imām Aḥmad’s camp. Both agree on the shift of the sultanate’s capital from Dakar to the city of Harar in July 1520, but the former text ends with this event while the latter begins with it. This shift marked the decline of Sultan Abū Bakr’s power and was followed by his death at the hands of Imām Aḥmad who effectively became the real authority in the sultanate, while the Walasma lost their authority[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-25-145667530). Imām Aḥmad would then undertake a series of campaigns that eventually brought most of the territory controlled by the Solomonids under his control, briefly creating one of Africa’s largest empires at the time, and beginning a new era in the region’s history. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F49401fa3-c82f-4e06-bcd2-aa7f5056b011_1348x559.png) _Panorama of Harar and its hinterland in 1944, quai branly_ **The ancient coast of East Africa was part of an old trading system linking the Roman world to the Indian Ocean world, with the metropolis of Rhapta in Tanzania being one of the major African cities known to classical geographers.** **Read more about the ancient East African coast and its links to the Roman world here:** [ANCIENT EAST AFRICA AND THE ROMANS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/105868178) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa02dc2b6-500a-4e26-bafe-28947296eeef_1102x623.png)

2024-06-16T14:54:37+00:00

A complete history of Madagascar and the island kingdom of Merina.

State and society on Africa's largest island.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar

Lying about 400km off the coast of east Africa, the island of Madagascar has a remarkable history of human settlement and state formation. A few centuries after the beginning of the common era, a syncretized Afro-Asian society emerged on Madagascar, populating the island with plants and animals from both east Africa and south-east Asia, and creating its first centralized states. From a cluster of small chiefdoms centered on hilltop fortresses, the powerful kingdom of Merina emerged at the end of the 18th century after developing and strengthening its social and political institutions. The Merina state succeeded in establishing its hegemony over the neighboring states, creating a vast empire which united most of the island. This article outlines the history of Madagascar and the Merina kingdom, from the island's earliest settlement to the fall of the Merina kingdom in the late 19th century. _**the nineteenth century Merina empire**_, map by G. Campbell. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd79a7aba-f6c6-4952-97f1-601fc19327f7_480x633.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and to keep this blog free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Background on the human settlement of Madagascar.** The island of Madagascar is likely to have been first settled intermittently by groups of foragers from the African mainland who reached the northern coast during the 2nd to 1st millennium BC.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-1-135963873) Permanent settlement on Madagascar first appears in archeological record during the second half of the 1st millennium, and was associated with the simultaneous expansion of the Bantu-speaking groups from the mainland east Africa and its offshore islands, as well as the arrival of Austonesian-speaking groups from south-east Asia.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-2-135963873) Linguistic evidence suggests that nearly all domesticates on Madagascar were primarily introduced from the African mainland, while crops came from both Africa and south-east Asia.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-3-135963873) There were significant exchanges between the northern coastal settlements of Madagascar and the Comoros archipelago, with chlorite schist vessels and rice from the former being exchanged for imported ceramics and glass-beads from the latter. These exchanges were associated with the expansion of the Swahili world along the east African coast and the Comoros islands, of which northern Madagascar was included, especially the city-state of Mahilaka in the 9th-16th century. Other significant towns emerged all along the island's coast at Vohemar, Talaky, Ambodisiny, and in the Anosy region, although these were not as engaged in maritime trade as Mahilaka.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-4-135963873) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F55f7cfc7-1a32-4dd3-9c18-6b1c09278af5_826x491.png) _**the peopling of Madagascar,**_ map by P Beaujard [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9cccf223-0627-4ecd-b4f8-15a44543c991_820x613.jpeg) _**Ruins of the city wall of Mahilaka in north-western Madagascar**_, the Swahili town had a population of over 10,000 at its height in the early 2nd millennium It was during this early period of permanent settlement that the Malagasy culture emerged with its combined Austronesian and Bantu influences. The Malagasy language belongs to the South-East Barito subgroup of Austronesian languages in Borneo but its vocabulary contains a significant percentage of loanwords from the Sabaki subgroup of Bantu languages (primarily Comorian and Swahili) as well as other languages such as other Austronesian languages like Malay and Javanese.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-5-135963873) Genetically, the modern coastal populations of Madagascar have about about 65% east-African ancestry with the rest coming from groups closely related to modern Cambodians, while the highland populations have about 47% east-African ancestry with a similar ancestral source in south-east Asia as the coastal groups.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-6-135963873) More significantly however, is that this Bantu-Austronesian admixture occurred more the 600-960 years ago at its most recent, and most scholars suggest that the admixture occurred much earlier during the 1st millennium, with some postulating that it occurred on the Comoros archipelago before the already admixed group migrated to Madagascar.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-7-135963873) This combined evidence indicates that the population of Madagascar was thoroughly admixed well before the emergence of the earliest states in the interior and the dispersion of the dialects which make up the modern Malagasy language such as the Merina, Sakalava, Betsileo, etc.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-8-135963873) The creation of ethnonyms such as “Merina” is itself a very recent phenomenon associated with their kingdom’s 18th-19th century expansion.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-9-135963873) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F19008c56-b675-4e49-b08f-489fdf7d363b_776x573.jpeg) _**rice cultivation**_, 1896, madagascar , quai branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffec3b523-7469-4789-b57e-74ec15d48387_836x573.jpeg) _**Sculpture of a Zebu cow**_. 1935, Antananarivo, quai branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F42f8301b-9973-4f4f-b96d-083fa8783a9e_568x848.png) _**Madagascar in the late 1st millennium, ancient sites and ‘ethnic’ groups.**_ Map by G. Campbell [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The emergence of kingdoms in Madagascar and the early Merina state from the 16th to the 18th century.** The first settlements in the interior highlands appear in the 12th-13th century at the archeological sites of Ambohimanga and Ankadivory. Similar sites appear across the island, they are characterized by fortified hilltop settlements of stone enclosures, within which were wooden houses and tombs, with inhabitants practicing rice farming and stock-breeding. Their material culture is predominantly local and unique to the island but also included a significant share of imported wares similar to those imported on the Swahili coast and the Comoros archipelago. These early settlements flourished thanks to the emergence of social hierarchies, continued migration and the island's increasing insertion into regional and international maritime trade.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-10-135963873) The history of the early Merina polity first appears in external accounts from the 17th century, that are later supplemented by internal traditions recorded later. Prominent among these traditions is Raminia, a person of purportedly Islamized/Indianized Austronesian origin with connections to Arabia and the Swahili coast, whose descendants (the _**Zafiraminia**_) settled at the eastern coast of the island. Among these was a woman named Andriandrakova who moved inland and married an autochtonous _**vazimba**_ chief to produce the royal lineage of merina (_**Andriana**_).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-11-135963873) These traditions were initially interpreted by colonial scholars to have been literal migrations of distinct groups, but such interpretations have since been discredited in research which instead regards the traditions to be personifications of elite interactions between various hybridized groups with syncretic cultures, some of whom had been established on the island while others were recent immigrants.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-12-135963873) From the 16th century to the early 17th century, Madagascar was a political honeycomb of small polities. The central part of the highlands comprised several chiefdoms divided between the Merina and Betsileo groups, all centered at fortified hilltop sites. Intermittent conflicts between the small polities were resolved with warfare, alliances and diplomacy mediated by local lineage heads and ritual specialists. One of the more significant hilltop centers was Ampandrana, village southwest of the later capital Antananarivo. The elite of at Ampandrana gradually assumed a position of leadership from which came the future dynasty of _Andriana_, with its first (semi-legendary) rulers being; king Andriamanelo and his sucessor; king Ralambo. These rulers are credited with several political and cultural institutions of the early Merina state and establishing their authority over the clan heads through warfare and marital alliances. Ralambo's sucessor Andrianjaka would later found Antananarivo as the capital of the Merina state in the early 17th century. [13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-13-135963873) Merina then appears in external accounts as the kingdom (s) of the Hova/Hoves/Uva/Vua, and was closely related to the export trade in commodities (mostly cattle and rice) and captives passing through the northwestern port of Mazalagem Nova that ultimately led to the Comoros archipelago, the Swahili coast and Arabian peninsula.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-14-135963873) The term ‘Hova’ is however not restricted to the Merina and is unlikely to have represented a single state as it was a social rank for the majority of highland Malagasy.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-15-135963873) Neverthless, its appearance sheds some light on the existence of hierachical polities in the interior. One Portuguese account from 1613 mentions that **“Some Buki \[**Malagasy**\] slaves are led from the kingdom of Uva, which is located in the interior of the island, and they are sold at Mazalagem to Moors from the Malindi coast \[**Swahili**\]”**. It later describes these captives from Uva as resembling the **"the palest half-breeds"**, but adds that some had curly hair, some straight hair, and some had dark skin. Mazalagem depended on the Merina state more than the reverse, as one account from 1620 **"When I asked a negro from Mazalagem if his fellow-countrymen used to go and trade at Vua, he replied that the people from Mazalagem no longer go there since the people of Vua, who are very wicked, had stripped them of their wares and their silver and had killed a great number of their people"**. Neverthless, trade continued as one account from the late 17th century describes 'Hoves' coming to Mazalagem Nova with **"10,000 head of cattle and 2 or 3,000 slaves”.**[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-16-135963873) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9022c5b9-ad83-40fc-aa6e-cb52c778eb77_820x547.jpeg) _**Ruins of Mazalagem Nova**_, the 17th century town displaced the earlier town of Lagany as the main entreport for overland trade. While Mazalagem’s prosperity was largely tied to its virtual monopoly over the trade from the interior, it was only one of about 40 towns along the northern coast, most of which weren’t economically dependent on trade from the interior. **Read more about the history of the Swahili city-states of Madagascar here**: [STONE CITIES OF MADAGASCAR](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-of-stone-77497948) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3acb9b43-41aa-49c9-aa97-09c87c71a382_791x573.jpeg) _**street scene in Mahajanga (Majunga) in 1945**_, quai branly. This town suceeded Mazalagem in the 18th century and remained Merina’s principal port in the west until the kingdom’s collapse. These accounts don't reveal much about the internal processes of the Merina state, save for corroborating internal traditions about the processes of the kingdom's expansion, its agro-pastoral economy and its gradual integration into maritime trade in the 17th and 18th century. The population growth in central Merina compelled its rulers to expand the irrigated areas, which were mostly farmed by common subjects, while the royal estates were worked by a combination of corvee labour and captives from neighboring states. The most significant ruler of this period was king Andriamasinavalona (ca. 1675-1710) who expanded the borders of the kingdom, created more political institutions and increased both regional and coastal trade. He later divided his realm into four parts under the control of one of his sons, but the kingdom fragmented after his death, descending into a ruinous civil war that lasted until the late 18th century.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-17-135963873) In 1783, the ruler of the most powerful among the four divided kingdoms was Andrianampoinimerina . He negotiated a brief truce of with the other kings, fortified his dependencies, purchased more firearms from the coastal cities, and created more offices of counsellors in his government.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-18-135963873) In 1796 he recaptured Antananarivo, and after several campaigns, he had seized control of rest of the divided kingdoms, creating a sizeable unified state about 8,000 sqkm in size. It was under the reign of his sucessor Radama (r. 1810-1828) that the kingdom greatly expanded to cover nearly 2/3rds of the island (about 350,000-400,000 sqkm) through a complex process of diplomacy and warfare, conquering the Betsileo states by 1822, the Antsihanaka states in 1823, the sakalava kingdom of Iboina in 1823, and the coastal town of Majunga in 1824.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-19-135963873) Radama's rapid expansion brought Merina into close contact with the imperial powers of the western Indian ocean, primarily the French in the Mascarene islands (Mauritius & Reunion), and the British who ships often stopped by Nzwani island[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-20-135963873). The intersection of Radama's expansionist interests and British commercial and abolitionist intrests led to the two signing treaties banning the export of slaves from regions under Merina control in exchange for British military and commercial support. Slaves from Madagascar comprised the bulk of captives sent to the Mascarene plantations in the 18th and early 19th century, some of whom would have come from Merina along with the kingdom's staple exports of cattle, rice and other commodities.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-21-135963873) However, competing imperial interests between the Merina, British and French compelled Radama to adopt autarkic policies meant to decrease his empire's reliance on imported weaponry and shore up his domestic economy. His policies were greatly expanded under his sucessor, Queen Ranavalona (1828-1861) and it was during their respective reigns that Merina was at the height of its power.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-22-135963873) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6754f61a-6302-4cf9-baf8-901138a66a82_413x573.jpeg) _**one of the residences of King Andrianampoinimerina within the Rova of Antananarivo, built in the traditional style.**_ photo ca. 1895, quai branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F96bb5e4d-46fc-412e-b6d7-600d76672eaa_799x573.jpeg) _**The seven tombs where the remains of king AndrianJaka and his descendants lie**_, Antananarivo, Madagascar. photo ca. 1945, quai branly. Originally built in the 17th/18th century, reconstruction was undertaken in the mid 19th century. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2c991dec-95c0-47cf-a97f-87a68ed483d8_820x595.png) _**Expansion of the Merina kingdom in the early 19th century.**_ Maps by G. Campbell **State and Society in early 19th century Merina: Politics, Military and the industrial economy.** The government in Merina was headed by the king/Queen, who was assisted by a council of seventy which represented every collective within the kingdom, the most powerful councilor being the prime minister. Merina's social hierachy was built over the cultural institutions that pre-existed the kingdom such as castes and clan groups, with the noble castes (_**andriana**_) ruling over the commoner clans (_**foko**_) and their composite subjects (_**Hova**_), as well as the slaves (_**andevo**_). The kinsmen of the King received fiefs (_**menakely**_) from which was derived tribute for the capital and labour attached to the court. The subjects often came together in assemblies (_**fokonolona**_) to enact regulations, and effect works in common such as embankments and other public constructions, and to mediate disputes.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-23-135963873) Both the Merina nobility and the subjects attached great importance to their ancestral lands (_**tanindrazana**_) controlled by clan founders (_**tompontany**_). Links between the ancestral lands and clan are maintained by continued burial within the solidly constructed tombs that are centrally located in the ancestral villages and towns, including the royal capital where the Merina court and King's tombs have a permanent fixture since the 17th century. Additionally, the clan founders and/or elders were appointed as local representatives of the Merina monarchy, in charge of remitting tribute and organizing corvee labour (_**fanompoana**_) for public works as well as for the military.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-24-135963873) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf51ad23-b154-4713-89e3-0e63a783b9d4_790x573.jpeg) the Tranovola of Radama I, built in the hybridized architectural style that gradually influenced the royal architecture of Merina. photo ca. 1945, quai branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F368ba68d-b5e7-4bc3-aef4-de4ddfed686f_409x573.jpeg) _**the Manjakamiadana palace of Ranavalona built by Jean Laborde in 1840, and encased in stone by Ranavalona II.**_ photo ca. 1895, quai branly. Merina armies initially consisted of large units drawn from ancestral land groups and commanded by the clan elders. when assembled, they were led by a commander in chief appointed by the king. After 1820 Radama succeeded in forming a standing army using the _**fanompoana**_ system, who were supplied with the latest weaponry and stationed in garrisons across the kingdom. Radama's standing force and the traditional army units controlled by elders were both allowed to be engaged in the export trade, sharing their profits with the imperial court and enforcing Merina control over newly conquered regions. Radama's syncretism of Merina and European cultural institutions encouraged the settlement of Christian missionaries and the establishment of a school system whose students were initially drawn from the nobility and military, but later included artisans and other subjects.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-25-135963873) Merina's economy was predominantly based on intensive riziculture and pastoralism, supplemented by the various handicraft industries such as cloth manufacture, and metal smithing. Merina was at the center of a long-distance trade network of exchanges that fostered regional specialization, each province had regulated markets, and exchanges utilized imported silver, and commodity currencies. After the breakdown in relations between Merina and the Europeans, which included several wars where the French were expelled from Fort Daughin in 1824, and Tamatave in 1829, king Radama embarked on an ambitious program of industrialization that was subsquently expanded by Queen Ranavalona. Merina's local factories which were staffed by skilled artisans and funded by both the state and foreign entrepenuers (such as Jean Laborde), they produced a broad range of local manufactures including firearms, swords, ammunition, glass, cloth, tiles, processed sugar, soap and tanned leather. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcc69d76f-22c5-4f66-a8fc-cc1184b4365f_820x526.png) _**Factory building in Mantasoa, Madagascar ca. 1900**_, the town of Mantasoa was the largest of several industrial settlements and plantations set up during the first half of the 19th century in one of the most ambitious attempts at industrialization in the non-western world. **read more about it here:** [EARLY INDUSTRIALIZATION IN MERINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164?pr=true) **The Merina state in the late 19th century: stagnation, transformation and collapse.** During Queen Ranavalona's reign, increasing conflicts between the court and the religious factions in the capital led to the expulsion of the few remaining missionaries and the expansion of the _**tangena**_ judicial system to check political and religious rivaries. Ranavalona's reign was characterized by increased Merina campiagns into outlying regions, the corvee labour system which supplied the industrial workforce and military, and the transformation of domestic labour with war captives from neighboring states, as well as imported captives from the Mozambique channel[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-26-135963873). Merina retained its position as the most powerful state on the island thanks in part to the growing power of the prime minister Rainiharo, its armies managed to repel a major Franco-British attack on Tamatave in 1845, and to expel French agents from Ambavatobe in 1855. Rebellions in outlying provinces were crushed, but significant resistance persisted and Merina expansion effectively ground to a halt.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-27-135963873) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe7837eb5-0dee-4437-81e1-1b8ee9098c1c_827x573.jpeg) _**Tomb of Rainiharo constructed by Jean Laborde,**_ photo ca. 1945 quai branly After Ranavalona's death in 1861, she was suceeded by Radama II, her chosen heir who undid many of her autarkic policies and re-established contacts with the Europeans and missionaries who regained their positions in the capital. But internal power struggles between the Merina nobility undermined Radama's ability to maintain his authority, and he was killed in a rebellion led by his prime minister Rainivoninahitriniony in 1863. The later had Radama's widow, Rasoherina (r. 1863-1868), proclaimed as Queen, who inturn replaced him with the commander in chief Rainilaiarivony as prime minister in 1864. From then, effective government passed on to Rainilaiarivony, who occupied two powerful offices at once, reduced the Queen's executive authority and succeeded in ruling Merina until 1895, in the name of three queens that suceeded Rasoherina as figureheads; Ranavalona II (1868-1883), and Ranavalona III (1883-1897). [28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-28-135963873) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0e4c39a2-3086-4690-b16c-f8a2ea2b48fb_541x617.png) _**View of Antsahatsiroa,**_ Antananarivo, Madagascar, 1862-1865 [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1806228c-1812-45dd-b2c7-cab90d2d9857_796x573.jpeg) _**Tombs of King Radama I and Queen Rasoherina at the Rova of Antananarivo,**_ photo ca. 1945, quai branly Rainilaiarivony radically transformed Merina's political and cultural institutions, accelerating the innovations of the preceeding sovereigns. Merina's administration was restructured with more ministers/councilors under the office of the prime minister rather than the Queen, a code of laws was introduced to reform the Judicial system in 1868 and later in 1881, the military was rapidly modernized, and the collection of tribute became more formalized. Christianity became the court religion, mission schools were centralized, with more than 30,000 students in protestant mission schools alone by 1875.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-29-135963873) The increasing syncretism of Merina and European culture could be seen in the adoption of brick architecture in place of timber and stone houses, the uniformed military and the replacement of the sorabe script (an Arabo-Malagasy writing system) with the latin script as printing presses became ubiquitous. However, the evolution of Merina society was largely determined by internal processes, the court remained at Antananarivo which was the largest city with about 75,000 inhabitants, but besides a few coastal towns like Majunga and Tamatave, most Merina subjects lived in relatively small agricultural settlements under the authority of the clans and feudatories.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-30-135963873) Regionally, some of the political changes in Merina occurred in the background of the Anglo-French rivary in the western Indian ocean, which in Merina also played out between the rival Protestant and Catholic missions. As Rainilaiarivony leaned towards the British against the French, the latter were compelled to invade Merina and formally declare it a protectorate. In 1883, an French expedition force attacked Majunga and occupied Tamatave but its advance was checked in the interior forcing it to withdraw. A lengthy period of negotiations between the Merina and the French followed, but would prove futile as the French invaded again in December 1894. Their advance into the interior was stalled by the expedition's poor planning, only one major engagement was fought with the Merina army as the kingdom had erupted in rebellion. The Merina capital was taken by French forces in September 1895 and the kingdom formally ceased to exist as an independent state in the following month.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-31-135963873) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8d4a3e4b-7160-4b2e-8fa0-f82dbce24607_777x573.jpeg) _**Palace of prime minister Rainilaiarivony**_, photo ca. 1895, quai branly [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3f075aeb-0941-4736-b3d9-c7178b274158_834x573.jpeg) _**Antananarivo**_, ca. 1900, quai branly In the early 19th century when the **Merina state was home to one of the most remarkable examples of proto-industrialization in Africa.** read more about it on Patreon: [EARLY INDUSTRIALIZATION IN MERINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbb781c61-2c51-400d-8b1f-e4003fd3534b_624x1078.png)

2023-08-13T14:31:08+00:00

A history of the Rozvi kingdom (1680-1830)

From Changamire's expulsion of the Portuguese to the ruined cities of Zimbabwe.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680

After nearly a century of unchallenged political dominance in south-eastern Africa, the Portuguese colonial project in the Mutapa kingdom was ended by the formidable armies of Chagamire Dombo, who went on to establish the Rozvi kingdom which covered most of modern Zimbabwe The Rozvi era in southern Africa is one of the least understood periods in the region's history. In its 150 year long history, the Rozvi state was a major regional power, its elaborate political system, formidable military and iconic architecture left a remarkable legacy on modern Zimbabwe's cultural landscape. This article explores the history of the Rozvi kingdom and its capitals, which are among Africa's most impressive ruins. _**Map showing the maximum extent of Rozvi political influence in the 18th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-1-121189815)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F585854bd-1c2e-4c97-9a16-f5eae01590a0_603x614.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Early Rozvi history and the enigmatic figure of Changamire Dombo (1670-1695)** The Rozvi state emerged during the period of political upheaval of the Portuguese colonization of Mutapa. In the century after the arrival of Francisco Barreto’s troops at the port of Sofala in 1571, the Mutapa kingdom had gradually come under Portuguese influence, formally becoming a colony in 1629. But by the close of the 17th century, the Portuguese were expelled from the Mutapa interior by the armies of an emerging power led by a ruler who they called Changamire Dombo.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-2-121189815) The name/title of “Changamire/Changamira” first appears in 16th century Portuguese documents associated with several foes of the Mutapa kingdom. It was first associated with a Toloa/Torwa chief who rebelled against Mukombo, the king of Mutapa around the year 1493. Mukombo was expelled from his capital but his son managed to kill the Changamire although the Torwa (who were a ruling lineage group) retained their independence. This account was recorded in 1506 at Sofala, the same port in whose hinterland another Changamire would rise in 1544 and disrupt a Portuguese invasion force.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-3-121189815) The Torwa lineage(s) is associated with the Butua state in south-western region of Zimbabwe and the so-called “Khami-style” ruins in the region including Khami, Naletale and Danangombe.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-4-121189815) While its unlikely that the Changamire who appears with the name ‘Dombo’ in the 17th century accounts is related to those mentioned in the earlier accounts, he was associated with the Torwa settlements of the south-west, especially since he was one of the southern vassals of the Mutapa ruler[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-5-121189815). Despite living in separate states and societies, the bulk of the populations in these regions spoke the Kalanga dialect of the Shona language, and were associated with many of the old settlements and polities which emerged in the region beginning in the 10th century.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-6-121189815) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3430eaed-c066-4db2-bc49-9dc35370aa62_976x611.jpeg) _**Map showing south-eastern Africa’s political landscape from the 13th-17th century**_ Contemporary accounts mention that the Mutapa king Mukombwe (r. 1667-1694) granted land and wealth to Changamire Dombo around 1670, in response to an earlier conflict which pitted Dombo against a combined Mutapa-Portuguese force. However, Dombo used the wealth to attract a large following (which he called the Rozvi) and rebelled again, A combined Mutapa-Portuguese army attacked Changamire's forces in 1684 at Maungwe but Changamire defeated both of them, acquiring more land from the declining Mutapa state.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-7-121189815) Dombo's authority was extended to the region of Manyica around the late 17th century, requiring Portuguese miners and merchnats in the region to pay tribute. But when they refused to pay this tribute, Dombo’s forces attacked the Portuguese settlements in Manyika over the late 1680s.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-8-121189815) After the death of Mutapa king Makombe sometime between 1692-1694, there was a sucession dispute in which one of the candidates, Nyakunembire, allied with Changamire in 1693-1694 in a war against the Portuguese. This resulted in several devastating raids on Portuguese settlements especially Dambarare, forcing the Portuguese to evacuate all their settlements across Mutapa except at Manyika. But after Changamire descended on Manyika as well, the Portuguese withdrew to their strongholds at Tete and Sena.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-9-121189815) Dombo's attacks across Mutapa territory were so effective that the Portuguese relinquished their occupation of most of the Mutapa state, retaining a nominal presence using strategic political alliances. These alliances paid off when they defeated a lone force of Nyakunembire around 1695-6 and installed a puppet king named Dom Pedro to the Mutapa throne.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-10-121189815) This was around the time Dombo died and was suceeded by another unamed ruler who restored Rozvi control over Mutapa with a major attack in 1702 which sent the Portuguese fleeing back to Mozambique[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-11-121189815). The Rozvi maintained some control over Mutapa during the early 18th century, counterbalancing the Portuguese by deposing and installing allies. Most notably In 1712, when a son of Nyakunembire named Samutumbu was installed on the Mutapa throne with Rozvi support. Aware of his political weakness, Samutumbu pragmatically chose to balance his Rozvi support with a token Portuguese alliance, accepting a small garrison at his capital and received goods from Portuguese traders. The political conflict in Mutapa thereafter became a mostly internal affair as rival claimants deposed each other in close sucession. [12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-12-121189815) The southern wing of the Rozvi state also expanded not long after Dombo’s victory at Maugwe. The Rozvi forces sacked the city of Khami in the late 1680s, the settlement was burned as its residents fled, leaving their charred possessions behind.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-13-121189815) The expansion of the Rozvi control over the south was directed against the cities of Danagombe, Manyanga and Naletale. While these settlements predate the Rozvi incursions of the late 17th century, the Rozvi based the core of their state in this region and continued to build their capitals in the pre-existing architectural styles.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-14-121189815) By the early 18th century, Rozvi control had extended from southern Zimbabwe to Manyica, Maungwe, Butua and across the Mutapa territories. Trade was restricted to stations at Zumbo on the Zambezi river and in Inhambane. The smaller chieftaincies throughout this territory remained mostly autonomous but recognized the suzeranity of the Rozvi rulers in matters of sucession and in handling the activities of foreign traders.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-15-121189815) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff42b0bbf-f6a8-43a9-880b-61eea3604500_1024x768.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff46e329e-fc6e-4aab-9ac4-4a6e23efc555_2048x1401.jpeg) **Ruins of the Butua capital of Khami, read more about the history of this kingdom here:** [STONE TERRACES OF KINGS: KHAMI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/62065998) **The Rozvi kingdom, Politics, Trade and Architecture** The Rozvi state was made up of many pre-existing Kalanga polities which acknowledged the authority of the Changamire. From their impressive stone-walled towns, the Rozvi aristocracy based their rule on ownership of land and cattle, both of which were distributed to subordinate chiefs in return for tribute. They took over the rich goldfields of Butua and were also engaged in long-distance trade in ivory.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-16-121189815) Power in Rozvi was split between the king and a body of councilors who were in charge of adminsitration. The councilors were drawn from the Rozvi aristocracy constituting pre-existing chiefs and provincial chiefs, Rozvi royals, priests, and military leaders. The priests who were involved in the investiture of vassal chiefs and the military which enforced the king's authority, were the most important Rozvi institutions. In particular, the Rozvi army's more professionalized hierarchical structure resembled the formidable 19th century armies of the Zulu more than the pre-existing war bands found in Mutapa.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-17-121189815) Contemporary accounts describe the Rozvi royal court at the capital as consisting of several large stone houses within which Changamire used to store his goods. These included firearms that were bought and/or captured from the Portuguese, as well as ivory tusks which are said to have lined the walls of the royal residence. While this account was partly exaggerated, its reflected the external trade of the Rozvi rulers and the basis of their military power, as traditions recall that Dombo built his own capital on (presumably Danangombe) his own hill that was ascended by ivory steps, inorder to overshadow his rivals.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-18-121189815) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff3139f9-ddd6-46c2-9092-f3e92778c674_1440x1080.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fafc35f1a-6816-48a4-8797-a83c6641ed61_1440x1080.png) _**Ruins of Danangombe**_ Danangombe is situated on a granite hill with a wide view of the countryside. Its central building complex consists of tow large sub-rectangular platforms disected by passages. The western platform covers 900 msq and has a retaining wall of well-fitted stone blocks rising over 6 meters while the larger eastern platform covers over 2,800 sqm and rises to a height of 3m. Its retaining walls are profusely decorated with checker, cord, herringbone and chevron patterns. The entire settlement housed an estimated population of 5,000 and inside its houses were found imported chinese porcelain, locally-worked gold jewelery, glass, copper bangles, all dated to between 1650-1815.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-19-121189815) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4126824b-93dc-46f6-ad68-db2d7d2137eb_1339x512.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6c9b27b0-ca83-4ddf-8d00-cee73f6526e1_2200x1457.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fce582b37-430d-4a4c-9024-600cb2e5fd60_1280x853.jpeg) _**Ruins of Naletale**_ Naletale is a ruined settlement on a granite hill situated about 5km east of Danangombe, It has the most elaborately decorated walls of the dzimbabwes with chevron, herringbone, chessboard patterns. Its elliptical enclosure wall has a diameter of 55 meters, within atleast 9 battlements which makes the ruins appear like a fortress. Like on the great zimbabwe's acropolis, there were monoliths fixed ontop of four of the 9 battlements. Naletale was an important centre though its size suggests it served as an ancillary capital of Rozvi, controlling an area with similary decorated but smaller ruins.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-20-121189815) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3e0c5726-ae92-4054-b445-bc03328e9b14_812x815.jpeg) ruins of Manyanga (Ntaba-za-mambo) was the last settlement associated with the Rozvi and the site of the last major battle that marked the end of Rozvi hegemony in the early 19th century. The site hasn’t been studied as much as the other two, but a survey in the 1960s found clay crucibles for smelting gold.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-21-121189815) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) The Rozvi had a largely agro-pastoral society with less external trade and mining than the Mutapa. Tribute collected from vassal chiefs often consisted of grain and cattle, but attimes included gold, ivory, which were major exports. Many of the gold mines that were taken over by the Rozvi continued operating under their control, providing a valuable product for export that would be exchanged for several imports including Indian textiles and Chinese porcelain found in several Rozvi ruins.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-22-121189815) However, external trade was not sufficiently important to the power of Rozvi's ruling elite, and only represented an extension of regional trade routes. Trade was not monopolized by the Rozvi rulers, who allowed subordinate chiefs and local merchnats (vashambadzi) to move from station to station trading items for local markets and for export. The vashambadzi displaced the Portuguese traders and miners who had dominated Mutapa's foreign trade during the early 17th century, and also traded on behalf of the remaining Portuguese in Rozvi territories.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-23-121189815) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F531a7b76-99a1-4f2d-8dbf-de78dcc285c2_1351x584.png) _**Gold objects and jewelry stolen from the ruins of Danangombe and Mundie**_ _**(from: The ancient ruins of Rhodesia by Richard Hall)**_ So strictly was the policy of Portuguese exclusion enforced that the Portuguese captives who were taken in the battle of Manica during 1695 remained permanent prisoners in the Rozvi capital. An attempt to ransom them in 1716 failed and the captives reportedly settled down and married, for in the middle of the century, the Rozvi king asked for a priest to be sent to minister to them.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-24-121189815) After the Portuguese withdrew from Mutapa and recognized Rozvi authority, the only Portuguese activities in the region were limited to the activities of merchant-priests whose also handled some of Rozvi's export trade, especially at the town of Zumbo[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-25-121189815). One such merchant-priest was the vicar of Zumbo named Pedro de Tridade who in 1743, called on the Rozvi to help secure Mutapa after the latter's descent into internecine sucession wars. The Rozvi king sent an armed force of 2,000, but the dispute was sucessful reportedly quelled before there was any need for battle.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-26-121189815) The Rozvi again defended the town of Zumbo during a Mutapa sucession war led by the Mutapa prince Ganiambaze. The Rozvi sent another force of about 3,000 strong to assist the town of Zumbo when it was under pressure from the Mutapa prince Casiresire. In the 1780s, the Rozvi sent an army to the kingdom of Manyika to guard Portuguese traders who were setting up a trading town in the region.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-27-121189815) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F21f673be-079a-4f4d-96bf-8a2e582e1f51_692x485.png) _**muzzle loading cannon from the Portuguese settlement of Dambarare found at Danangombe after it was taken by Changamire’s forces**_ Rozvi's internal politics are less known than its external activities, traditions hold that they were factions within the Rozvi elite which split from the core state after Dombo's death. One of them moved to Hwange and established a polity among the Nambya and Tonga. Another crossed the Limpompo river and founding a polity named the Thovhela kingdom among the Venda with its capital at Dzata. The latter state appears in external accounts recorded by Dutch traders active at delagoa bay in 1730.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-28-121189815) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff75a2711-8226-481f-b9c9-210cccd55ca4_1347x621.png) _**Ruins of Mtoa**_ **The last decades of the Rozvi kingdom.** The core of the Rozvi state remained largely intact as evidenced by its firm control over the trading towns in the 1770s-1780,s and as late as 1803 when Portuguese traders were requesting the Rozvi king to monopolize trade at Zumbo using his appointed agent.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-29-121189815) The popularized use of 'Mambo' as a dynastic title within and outside the Rozvi state, attests to the continued influence of the Changamire in ratifying the sucession of subordinate chiefs and neighboring polities who recognized him as their suzerain. Internally, fluctuating alliances and the emergence of royal houses would characterize the factionalised politics of the early 19th century.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-30-121189815) By the early 19th century, Rozvi was still in control of the core regions around Danangombe, Manyanga, and Khami, as well as parts of Manyica. But there were major splits during the reigns of; king Rupandamanhanga at the turn of the 19th century, and Chirisamhuru in the 1820s, which resulted in the migration of the house of Mutinhima, among others, during the early 1830s away from the core regions of the state. By then, only the lands around Danangombe and Manyanga were directly controlled by the king, while his subordinates controlled nearby regions. [31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-31-121189815) Around the same time, Ngoni-speaking groups crossed the Limpopo in a nothern migration as they advanced into the Rozvi kingdom. The Ngoni chief Ngwana attacked the Rozvi settlements in the south during the 1820s, and other chiefs such as Zwangendaba and Maseko raided Rozvi territories before they were forced out by the remaining Rozvi armies. the swazi forces of queen Nyamazana ultimately killed Changamire Chirisamhuru and burnt his capital.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-32-121189815) After the death of Chirisamhuru, no sucessor was chosen by the council until the late 1840s when his son Tohwechipi was installed using Mutinhima support. Shortly before this, a large group of Nguni-speakers called the Ndebele arrived in the Rozvi region around 1830 where they were initially confronted by the Mutinhima's forces before the two groups reached a settlement. By the time the Matebele kingdom's founder Mzilikazi assumed control of his emerging state around 1840, the remaining Rozvi houses had become subordinate, a few decades prior to arrival of the colonial armies.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-33-121189815) Many of the walled settlements were gradually abandoned in the latter half of the 19th century, except for Manyanga which became an important religious center during the Matebele era and would become the site of a minor battle between the Matebele king Lobengula and the British in 1896. The rest of the ruins, such as Danangombe, would be plundered for gold by Cecil rhodes, while Naletale was abandoned and overgrown by vegetation. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffc847c8b-fc39-4da1-86c0-1f368341c62c_1440x1080.jpeg) In the year 1086, a contingent of west Africans allied with the Almoravids conquered Andalusia and created the first of the largest african diasporas in south-western Europe. For the next six centuries, **African scholars, envoys and pilgrims travelled to Spain and Portugal from the regions of west africa and Kongo** read more about it here; [THE AFRICAN DIASPORA IN SPAIN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82902179) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8ea05ebd-675a-4b80-9dbc-054323a1931c_614x1149.png) _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE)

2023-05-14T13:41:47+00:00

State and society in southern Ethiopia: the Oromo kingdom of Jimma (ca. 1830-1932)

Modern Ethiopia is a diverse country comprised of many communities and languages, each with its history and contribution to the country's cultural heritage.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia

Modern Ethiopia is a diverse country comprised of many communities and languages, each with its history and contribution to the country's cultural heritage. While Ethiopian historiography is often focused on the historical developments in the northern regions of the country, some of the most significant events that shaped the emergence of the modern country during the 19th century occurred in its southern regions. In a decisive break from the past, several monarchical states emerged among the Oromo-speaking societies in the Gibe region of southwestern Ethiopia, the most powerful of which was the kingdom of Jimma. Reputed to be one of the wealthiest regions in Ethiopia, the kingdom's political history traverses several key events in the country's history. This article explores the history of the kingdom of Jimma from its emergence in 1830 to its end in 1932, reframing the complex story of modern Ethiopia from an Oromo perspective. _**Map of Jimma in southwestern Ethiopia**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F45aea984-0e8d-476e-98ff-beae17e6b5f2_1047x539.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Background on the political landscape of southern Ethiopia between the 16th and early 19th century.** Around the 16th century, the Gibe region of south-western Ethiopia was dominated by Oromo-speaking groups, who, through a protracted process of migration and military expansion, created diverse societies and political structures over some pre-existing societies such as the Sidama-speaking polities of Kaffa and Enarea. By the mid-18th century, increased competition for land, livestock, markets, and trade routes, between these Oromo societies led to the emergence of several states in the region.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-1-141096534) At the turn of the 19th century, there were at least five polities in the upper Gibe region that were known by contemporary visitors as the kingdoms of Limmu-Enarea; Gomma; Guma; Gera; and Jimma. The emergence of these kingdoms was influenced as much by internal processes in Oromo society; such as the emergence of successful military leaders, as it was by external influences; such as the revival of Red Sea trade and the expansion of trade routes into southern Ethiopia.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-2-141096534) Initially, the most powerful among these states was the kingdom of Limmu-Enarea founded by Bofo after a successful defense of the kingdom against an invasion by the kingdom of Guma. Limmu-Enarea reached its height during the reign of Bofu's son Ibsa Abba Bagibo (1825-61), a powerful monarch with a well-organized hierarchy of officials. Its main town of Sakka was an important commercial center on the trade route between Kaffa and the kingdoms of Shewa and Gojjam (part of the Ethiopian empire). It attracted Muslim merchants from the northern regions, who greatly influenced the adoption of Islam in the kingdom and its neighbors including the kingdom of Jimma.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-3-141096534) The polity of Jimma was established in the early 19th century by Abba Magal, a renowned Oromo warrior who expanded the kingdom from his center at Hirmata. By 1830, the kingdom of Jimma emerged as a powerful rival of Enarea, just as the latter was losing its northern frontier to the kingdom of Shewa. Jimma's king, Sanna Abba Jifar, had succeeded in uniting several smaller states under his control and conquered the important centers along the trade route linking Kaffa to the northern states of Gojjam and Shewa. In several clashes during the late 1830s and 1840s, Jimma defeated its neighbors on all sides, including Enarea. Abba Jifar transformed the kingdom from a congeries of small warring factions to a centralized state of growing economic and political power.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-4-141096534) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faf0f19e1-2212-4586-9814-dab872f097a5_804x551.png) _**Map of the Jimma kingdom in the late 19th century, showing the principal towns and settlements.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-5-141096534) **The government in Jimma** Abba Jifar created many administrative and political innovations based on pre-existing institutions as well as external influences from Muslim traders. Innovations from the latter in particular were likely guided by the cleric and merchant named Abdul Hakim who settled near the king's palace at Jiren. However, traditional institutions co-existed with Islamic institutions, and the latter were only gradually adopted as more clerics settled in Jima during the late 19th century.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-6-141096534) Administration in Jimma was centralized and controlled by the king through a gradually developed bureaucracy. The capital of Jimma was at Jiren where the palace compound of the King was established in the mid-19th century on a hill overlooking Hirmata, around which were hundreds of soldiers, servants and artisans.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-7-141096534) The building would later be reconstructed in 1870 by Abba Jifar II after a fire.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-8-141096534) Near the palace lived court officials, such as the prime minister, war minister, chief judge, scribes, court interpreters, lawyers, musicians, and other entertainers. There were stables, storehouses, treasuries, workshops, reception halls, houses for the royal family and visitors, servants, soldiers and a mosque.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-9-141096534) The kingdom was divided into sixty provinces, called _**k'oro**_, each under the jurisdiction of a governor, called an _**abba k'oro**_, whose province was further divided into five to ten districts (ganda), each under a district head known as the _**abba ganda**_. These governors supplied soldiers for the military and mobilized corvee labor for public works, but retained neither an army nor the right to collect taxes.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-10-141096534) Appointed officials staffed the administrative offices of Jimma, and none of the offices were hereditary save for the royal office itself. Officials such as tax collectors, judges, couriers, and military generals were drawn from several different categories including royals and non-royals, wealthy figures and men who distinguished themselves in war, as well as foreigners with special skills, including mercenaries, merchants, and Muslim teachers. These were supported directly by the king and through their private estates rather than by retaining a share of the taxes sent to the capital.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-11-141096534) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1128792e-5fa6-4e00-bfc9-00dc161b5ac8_640x462.webp) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F527e7561-c508-4e4f-b49f-211a4ef4f8d6_808x417.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4d93dc1b-04a4-4081-9bf9-1d59914f0edb_1072x597.png) _**Aba Jifar’s palace in the early 20th century, and today.**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Expansion and consolidation of Jimma in the second half of the 19th century** Abba Jifar was succeeded by his son Abba Rebu in 1855 after the former's death. He led several campaigns against the neighboring kingdom of Gomma during his brief 4-year reign but was defeated by a coalition of forces from the kingdoms of Limmu, Gera, and Goma. His successor, Abba Bo'Ka (r. 1858-1864), also reigned for a relatively brief period during which Jimma society was Islamized, mosques were constructed near Jiren and land was granted to Muslim scholars. He also ordered his officials to build mosques in their respective provinces and to support local Sheikhs, making Jimma an important center of Islamic learning in southern Ethiopia.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-12-141096534) Abba Bo'ka was succeeded by Abba Gommol (r.1864-1878), under whose long reign the kingdom's borders were expanded eastwards to conquer the kingdom of Garo in 1875. The latter's rulers were integrated into Jimma society through intermarriage and appointment as officials at Jiren, and wealthy figures from Jimma settled in Garo. After he died in 1878, Gommol was succeeded by his 17-year-old son Abba Jifar II, who was soon confronted with the southward expansion of the kingdoms of; Gojjam under Takla Haymanot; and Shewa under Menelik II.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-13-141096534) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0ffb5421-162a-4a85-82d3-b7cc5de2adcd_1062x567.png) _**mid-19th century manuscript of Sheikh Abdul Hakim, currently at the cleric’s mosque in Jimma**_.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-14-141096534) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f0e6cb9-a25c-4792-9b5f-e7e7af64b245_1249x514.png) _**Late-19th-century manuscripts of Imam Sidiqiyo (d. 1892) at the Sadeka Mosque**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-15-141096534) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcb403864-1a0a-41e9-8622-8cf2fb877130_740x477.png) _**The old mosque of Afurtamaa (mosque of forty Ulama) was originally built as a timber structure by Abba Bo'ka, but was later reconstructed in stone by Abba Jifar II.**_[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-16-141096534) [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Jimma during the reign of Abba Jifar II** At the time of Abba Jifar II's ascension, many who visited Jimma accorded him little hope of retaining his kingdom for long in the face of the expansionist armies of Shewa and Gojjam. But the shrewd king avoided openly confronting the armies of Gojjam, which were themselves defeated by the Shewa armies of Menelik in 1882. Abba Jifar then opted to placate Menelik's ambitions by paying annual tribute in cash and ivory, while Jimma's neighboring kingdoms would later become the target of Shewa's expansionist armies. Aside from a brief incident coinciding with Menelik’s enthronement as the Ethiopian emperor in 1889, Jimma remained firmly under the control of Abba Jifar II who would ultimately outlive his suzerain.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-17-141096534) During Abba Jifar II's long reign, trade flourished, agriculture and coffee growing expanded, and Jimma and its king gained a reputation for wealth and greatness. It is described by one visitor in 1901 as **"almost the richest land of Abyssinia"** and its capital Jiren was visited by 20-30,000 merchants where **"all the products of southern Ethiopia are sold there, in many double rows of stalls about a third of a mile long**.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-18-141096534) A later visitor in 1911 remarks that Abba Jafir was an intelligent ruler who **“takes great pride in the prosperity of his country.”** especially road-making[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-19-141096534) Another visitor in 1920 observed that **“Jimma owes its riches, not to any great natural superiority over the rest of the country, but to the liberal policy which encourages instead of cramping the industry of its inhabitants.”**[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-20-141096534) The markets of Jimma attracted long-distance caravans and were home to craft industries whose artisans furnished the palace and the army with their products. Hirmata, the trade center of Jimma's capital, was the greatest market of southwestern Ethiopia, attracting tens of thousands of people to it from all directions. Tolls were levied on caravans passing through the tollgates of the kingdom, while markets were under the control of a palace official.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-21-141096534) The basis of the domestic economy in Jimma, like in the neighboring states, was agro-pastoralism, concentrating on grains such as barley, sorghum, and maize, as well as raising cattle for the household economy. The main exports from Jimma to the regional markets included ivory and gold that were resupplied from the south, and coffee that was grown locally.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-22-141096534) While Coffee hardly featured in the agricultural products of Jimma in the 1850s[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-23-141096534), it had become the dominant export by the late 19th century. In 1897, another visitor to Jimma observed **"very extensive"** farming of Coffee with "almost no fallow land", adding that the farmers produced **"not only to meet local needs and pay taxes but also for export of bread** \[grain\]**"** The economic prosperity of Jimma brought about by its better-managed coffee production relative to neighboring Ethiopian provinces attracted migrant farmers, and would later become a major source of conflict between the kingdom, its neighboring provincial governors, and its suzerains at Addis.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-24-141096534) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91a36ffd-ca5e-42fa-a484-945e0aeb7af4_482x655.png) _**High-class Oromo farmers in south-western Ethiopia**_, ca. 1920[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-25-141096534) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6510f838-80ce-4d67-be2b-baf910acc9a7_842x635.png) _**section of the Jiren market in 1901, with baskets containing agricultural produce**_ **The fall of Jimma in the early 20th century** In the later years, Abba Jifar's kingdom was surrounded on all sides by Ethiopian provinces directly administered by Menelik's appointees who intended to add Jimma to their provinces by taking advantage of Menelik's withdrawal from active government. Abba Jifar thus strengthened his army by purchasing more firearms and recruiting Ethiopian soldiers. The era of Menelik's successor Lij Iyasu (r. 1913-16) offered temporary respite. Still, relations became tense under Iyasu’s successor Empress Zewditu, as Haile Sellassie gradually took control of the government and eventually succeeded her in 1930. He then began centralizing control over the empire, especially its rich coffee-producing south.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-26-141096534) By 1930, the aging king retired from active rule and left the government in the hands of his grandson Abba Jobir, who was faced with a combination of increased demand of tribute to Addis, the appointment of an Imperial tax collector, and falling coffee prices. Abba Jobir’s attempts to assert his autonomy by directly confronting the Imperial armies were stalled when he was imprisoned by Haile Selassie and a rebellion broke out in Jimma that was only suppressed in 1832. After this rebellion, a governor was directly appointed over Jimma, ending the kingdom's autonomy.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-and-society-in-southern-ethiopia#footnote-27-141096534) During the Italian occupation, Abba Jobir was freed and appointed sultan of the province of Galla-sidamo albeit without full autonomy. He was later re-imprisoned after the return of Haile Selassie who would later free him. By then, the kingdom of Jimma had been subsumed under the Ethiopian province of Kaffa, and is today part of the Oromia region. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4856639f-079d-4fff-9d01-06601b87b973_748x594.png) _**Portrait of [Aba Jifar II](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Abba_Jifar_II.jpg), and his [wife](https://www.flickr.com/photos/rugscape/8053101078/)**_, early 20th-century photo Many cultural developments along the East African coast are often thought to have been introduced by foreigners from southwestern Asia who migrated to the region, but recent research has revealed that **East Africans regularly traveled to and settled in Arabia and the Persian Gulf** where they established diasporic communities Read more about this **history of East African travel to Arabia here:** [EAST AFRICANS IN ARABIA AND PERSIA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/96900062) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff790103-f823-43b7-863e-c2097a151004_847x615.png)

2024-01-28T14:59:52+00:00

a brief note on the intellectual contributions of African scholars in the diaspora

the biography of a West African mathematician in Cairo.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d

Around the year 1198, the West African scholar Ibrahim al-Kanimi from the town of Bilma (in Niger) traveled to the Almohad capital Marakesh (in Morocco), and gained the audience of its sultan, before moving to Seville (in Spain) where he settled and became a celebrated grammarian and poet that appeared in many Andalusian biographies of the time.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-1-143571510) Al-Kanimi’s career exemplifies the patterns of the global intellectual exchanges in which several African scholars in the diaspora played an important role. Historical inquiries into the African diaspora across the old world often pay less attention to the intellectual contributions of those Africans to the societies that hosted them, thus leaving us with an incomplete picture of the role of Africans in global history. Yet many diasporic Africans whose biographies are known were important scholars who left a significant intellectual legacy across the world. In the 16th century, [the dozens of Ethiopian scholars who came to reside in Rome](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051) turned their monastery of Santo Stefano degli Abissini (near the Vatican Basilica) into a center of Africanist knowledge, where theological, geographic, and political information regarding Ethiopia and the Eastern Christian world could be obtained from scholars like Täsfa Seyon —who had an influence on Pope Marcellus II and Jesuit founder Ignatius of Loyola.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-2-143571510) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5efe236b-e878-407b-ba2e-e052a9f6b3f4_605x539.png) _**Painting depicting Pope Paul III, the Jesuit founder Ignatius of Loyola (kneeling), and the Ethiopian scholar and cleric Tasfā Ṣeyon (standing behind the Pope with another priest)**_, 27th September 1540, anonymous painter, Chiesa del Gesu, Rome. Similarly, in Portugal's capital Lisbon, the Ethiopian envoy Sägga Zäᵓab wrote a critique of the dogmatic Catholic counter-reformation in his 'faith of the Ethiopians' in 1534, writing that _**"It would be much wiser to welcome in charity and Christian love all Christians, be they Greeks, Armenians, Ethiopians…because we are all sons of baptism and share the true faith."**_ The book was well received by European scholars in the regions opposed to the counter-reformation, most notably the Dutch theologian Desiderius Erasmus, and his student; the Portuguese philosopher Damião de Góis, who eventually published 'The Faith' in 1540.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-3-143571510) In the 18th century, some of the West African scholars who had been visiting the pilgrimage cities of Mecca and Medina eventually settled in the region and became influential teachers in the scholarly community (_ulama_) of Medina. [The most prolific West African scholar in Medina was Salih al-Fullani (d. 1803) from Futa Jallon in Guinea](https://www.patreon.com/posts/from-guinea-to-b-61683129), an influential hadith teacher whose students include many prominent figures of the era, such as; the qadi of Mecca, Abd al-Ḥāfiẓ al-ʿUjaymī (d. 1820); the Moroccan Tijānī scholar Ḥamdūn al-Ḥājj (d. 1857); and the Indian scholar Muḥammad al-ʿAbīd al-Sindī (d. 1841) who became the qadi and shaykh of the _ulama_ of medina.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-4-143571510) Among the most prominent diasporic communities of African scholars was the ['Jabarti' diaspora from the region around Zeila in northern Somalia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282), whose presence extended from Yemen to Medina to Cairo, and who included prominent figures such as the historian Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti (d. 1825) who was one of the most prominent scholars in Ottoman Egypt. Al-jabarti was also acquainted with many of his peers, including the Timbuktu scholar Muḥammad ibn Saʿīd al-Tunbuktī, whom he refers to as an eminent teacher in Medina.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-5-143571510) Al-Jabarti's father, Hasan al-Jabarti penned a glowing tribute to the Kastina mathematician Muhammad al-Kashnāwī, who was also his teacher, describing him as _**"the cynosure, the theologian, the ocean of learning, the sea of knowledge, the unparalleled, the garden of science and disciplines, the treasury of secret and witticisms”**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-6-143571510) The biography and works of Muhammad al-Kashnāwī are the subject of my latest Patreon article, focusing on the West African scholar's contributions to the scientific writings of Egypt. please subscribe to read about it here: [LIFE & WORKS OF AL-KASHNAWI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/102321250?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86bfddab-6173-43fe-9816-718701f3540a_674x993.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F489511e6-6cd2-42ff-b990-bafc99844aed_820x465.png) _**Chessbook of Alfonso X the Wise, fol. 22r. Spain (1283).** "The paintings in a manuscript dating from 1283 show us how realistically the people of this mixed world of Spain were depicted after the conquest. Certain Muslim noblemen are sometimes depicted dark-skinned … among the servants is one playing a harp, another is engaged in a game of chess"._ Image of the black in Western Art, Volume 2, issue 1, pg 78. **\[see my previous [article on the African diaspora in Spain for the biography of Al-Kanimi, the so-called Moors, and the Kongolese diaspora in Iberia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-diaspora-82902179)**\]

2024-04-14T16:18:33+00:00

The colonial myth of 'Sub-Saharan Africa' in medieval Islamic geography: the view from Egypt and Bornu.

.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan

Few intellectual figures of the Muslim world were as prolific as the 15th-century Egyptian scholar Jalal al-Suyuti. A polymath with nearly a thousand books to his name and a larger-than-life personality who once claimed to be the most important scholar of his century, Jalal al-Suyuti is considered the most controversial figure of his time.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-1-141551376) One of the more remarkable events in al-Suyuti's life was when he acted as an intermediary between the ruler of the west-African kingdom of Bornu, and the Abbasid caliph Al-Mutawakkil II —an important figure descended from the Abbasid rulers whose empire fell in 1258 , but was reconstituted at Cairo without their temporal power. Recounting his encounter with the ruler of Bornu, al-Suyuti writes that; _**"In the year 889**_ **\[**1484 A.D**\]**_**, the pilgrim caravan of Takrur \[west-Africa\] arrived, and in it were the sultan, the qadi, and a group of students. The sultan of Takrur asked me to speak to the Commander of the Faithful**_ \[Al-Mutawakkil\] _**about his delegating to him authority over the affairs of his country so that his rule would be legitimate according to the Holy Law. I sent to the Commander of the Faithful about this, and he did it."**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-2-141551376) The Bornu sultan accompanying these pilgrims was Ali Dunama (r. 1465-1497), his kingdom controlled a broad swathe of territory stretching from southern Libya to northern Nigeria and central Chad. Bornu's rulers and students had been traveling to Egypt since the 11th century in the context of the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, making stopovers at Cairo's institutions to teach and study. Their numbers had grown so large that by 1242, they had built a school in Cairo and were regularly attending the college of al-Azhar.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-3-141551376) Al-Azhar hosted students from many nationalities, each of whom lived in their own hostel headed by a teacher chosen from their community, who was in turn under a rector of the college with the title of _Shaykh_ al-Azhar. In 1834, the _shaykh_ al-Azhar was Hasan al-Quwaysini, an influential Egyptian scholar whose students included Mustafa al-Bulaqi, the latter of whom was a prominent jurist and teacher at the college. Through his contacts with Bornu’s students, al-Quwaysini acquired a didactic work of legal theory written by the 17th-century Bornu scholar Muhammad al-Barnawi and was so impressed by the text that he copied it and asked al-Bulaqi to write a commentary on it. Mustafa's commentary circulated in al-Azhar's scholarly community and was later taken to Bornu in a cyclic exchange that characterized the intellectual links between Egypt and Bornu. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdd834765-3781-49be-80f0-cabb8dc310d6_1346x646.png) _**'Shurb al-zulal' (Drinking pure water) by Muhammad al-Barnawi, ca. 1689-1707.**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-4-141551376) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) There's no misconception more persistent in discourses about Africa's past than the historicity of the term sub-Saharan Africa; a geo-political term which ostensibly separates the African regions bordering the Mediterranean from the rest of the continent. Many proponents of the term's usage claim that it is derived from a historical reality, in which the ruling Arab elite of the southern Mediterranean created geographic terms separating the African territories they ruled from those outside their control. They also claim that the 'racial' and 'civilizational' connotations that this separation carries were reflected in the nature of the interaction between the two regions, purporting a unidirectional exchange in which cultural innovations only flowed southwards from "North" Africa but never in reverse. However, a closer analysis of the dynamic nature of exchanges between Egypt and Bornu shows that the separation of "North Africa" from 'Sub-Saharan' Africa was never a historical reality for the people living in either region, but is instead a more recent colonial construct with a fabricated history. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1e9a9a0-eb6b-4da7-8624-c987cb37bf55_796x567.png) _**Sketch of the Bornu Empire**_ About a century before al-Suyuti had brokered a meeting between the Bornu sultan and the Abbassid Caliph, an important diplomatic mission sent by the Sultan of Bornu ʿUthmān bin Idrīs to the Mamluk sultan al-Ẓāhir Barqūq had arrived in Cairo in 1391. The Bornu ambassador carried a letter written by their sultan's secretary as well as a 'fine' gift for the Mamluk sultan according to the court historian and encyclopedist al-Qalqashandī (d. 1418). The letter related a time of troubles in Bornu when its rulers were expelled from its eastern province of Kanem after a bitter succession crisis. In it, the Bornu sultan mentions that a group of wayward tribes of “pagan” Arabs called the _judham_, who roamed the region between Egypt and Bornu had taken advantage of the internal conflict to attack the kingdom. He thus requested that the Mamluk sultan, whom he accords the title of _Malik_ (king), should _**"restrain the Arabs from their debauchery"**_ and release any Bornu Muslims in his territory who had been illegally captured in the wars.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-5-141551376) In their response to the Bornu sultan, the titles used by the Mamluk chancery indicated that the Bornu sultan, whom they also referred to as _Malik_, was as highly regarded as the sultanates of Morocco, Tlemcen or Ifrīqiya and deserved the same etiquette as them. This remarkable diplomatic exchange between Bornu and Mamluk Egypt, in which both rulers thought of each other as equal in rank and their subjects as pious Muslims, underscores the level of cultural proximity between Egyptian and Bornuan society in the Middle Ages.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-6-141551376) Bornu eventually restored its authority over much of Kanem, pacified the wayward Arabs who were reduced to tributary status, and established its new capital at Ngazargamu which had become a major center of scholarship by the time its sultan Ali Dunama met Al-Suyuti in 1484. The Egyptian scholar mentions that the pilgrims who accompanied Sultan Ali Dunama included a _qadi_ (judge) and _**"a group of students"**_ who took with them a collection of more than twenty of al-Suyuti's works to study in Bornu.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-7-141551376) Al-Suyuti also mentions that he brokered another meeting between the Abbasid Caliph and another sultan of Takrur; identified as the Askiya Muhammad of Songhai (r. 1493-1528), when the latter came to Cairo on pilgrimage in 1498. Al-Suyuti was thus the most prominent Egyptian scholar among West African scholars, especially regarding the subject of theology and tafsīr studies (Quranic commentary). His influence is attested in some of the old Quranic manuscripts found in Bornu, which explicitly quote his works.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-8-141551376) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fec8b3a23-45bf-476a-93a9-07244478b201_621x816.png) _**undated Borno Qur’an page showing the commentary on Q. 2:34 (lines 8–10) which was taken from Tafsīr al-Jalālayn of al-Suyuti. (translation and image by Dmitry Bondarev), SOAS University of London**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) The vibrant intellectual traditions of Bornu were therefore an important way through which its society was linked to Mamluk Egypt and the rest of the Islamic world, both politically and geographically. Works on geography by Muslim cartographers such as the _Nuzhat_ of al-Idrisi (d. 1165) and the _Kharīdat_ of Ibn al-Wardī (d. 1349) were available in Bornu where its ruler Muhammad al-Kanemi (r.1809-1837) showed a map to his European guest that was described by the latter as a _**“map of the world according to Arab nations”**_. Such geographic works were also available in Bornu’s southwestern neighbor; the empire of Sokoto, where they were utilized by the 19th-century scholar Dan Tafa for his work on world geography titled _‘Qataif al-jinan’_ (The Fruits of the Heart in Reflection about the Sudanese Earth (world)".[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-9-141551376) Both Dan Tafa and the classical Muslim geographers defined different parts of the African continent and the people living in them using distinct regional terms. The term _**Ifriqiyya**_ —from which the modern name of the continent of Africa is derived— was only used to refer to the coastal region that includes parts of Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, which used to be the Roman province of Africa. The term _**Maghreb**_ (West) was used to refer to the region extending from Ifriqiyya to Morocco. The region below the _Maghreb_ was known as _**"Bilad al-Sudan"**_ (land of the blacks), extending from the kingdom of Takrur in modern Senegal to the kingdom of Kanem \[Bornu\].[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-10-141551376) Providing additional commentary on the origin of the term Bilad al-Sudan, Dan Tafa writes that _**"Sudan means the southern regions of the earth and the word is the plural for ‘black’ stemming from the ‘blackness’ of their majority.”**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-11-141551376) The term _'Sudan'_ is indeed derived from the Arabic word for the color 'black'. Its singular masculine form is _Aswad_ and its feminine form is _Sawda_; for example, the black stone of Mecca is called the _'al-Ḥajaru al-Aswad'_. However, the use of the term _Sudan_ in reference to the geographic regions and the people living there wasn't consonant with 'black' (or 'Negro') as the latter terms are used in modern Europe and America. Some early Muslim **writers** such as the prolific Afro-Arab writer Al-Jahiz (d. 869) in his work ‘_Fakhr al-Sudan 'ala al-Bidan’_ (The Boasts of the Dark-Skinned Ones Over The Light-Skinned Ones) utilised the term 'Sudan' as a broad term for many African and Arab peoples, as well as Coptic Egyptians, Indians, and Chinese.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-12-141551376) However, the context in which al-Jahiz was writing his work, which was marked by intense competition and intellectual rivalry between poets and satirists in the Abbasid capital Bagdad[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-13-141551376), likely prompted his rather liberal use of the term _Sudan_ for all of Africa and most parts of Asia. A similarly broad usage of the term _Sudan_ can be found in the writings of Ibn Qutayba (d. 889) whose account of the ancient myth of Noah’s sons populating the earth, considered Ham to be the father of Kush who in turn produced the peoples of the ‘Sudan’; that he lists as the ‘Nuba’, Zanj, Zaghawa, Habasha, the Egyptian Copts and the Berbers.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-14-141551376) which again, don’t fit the Euro-American racial concept of ‘Black’. On the other hand, virtually all of the Muslim **Geographers** restricted their use of '_Bilad al-Sudan_' to the region of modern West Africa extending from Senegal to the Lake Chad Basin, and employed different terms for the rest of Africa. Unlike the abovementioned writers, these Geographer’s use of specific toponyms and ethnonyms could be pinpointed to an exact location on a map. It was their choice of geographic terms that would influence knowledge of the African continent among later Muslim scholars. The middle Nile valley region was referred to as _**Bilad al-Nuba**_ (land of the Nubians) in modern Sudan. The region east of Nubia was referred to as _**"Bilad al-Habasha"**_ (land of the Habasha/Abyssinians) in modern Ethiopia and Eritrea, while the east African coast was referred to as _**"Bilad al-Zanj"**_ (land of the Zanj). The region/people between al-Sudan and al-Nuba were called _Zaghawa_, and between al-Nuba and al-Habasha were called _Buja_. On the other hand, the peoples living between al-Habasha and al-Zanj were called _Barbar,_ the same as the peoples who lived between the Magreb and Bilad al-Sudan.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-15-141551376) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff1ef587f-4ea8-4a13-8387-67139c426773_588x571.png) _**A simplified copy of Al-Idrisi’s map made by Ottoman scholar Ali ibn Hasan al-Ajami in 1469, from the so-called “Istanbul Manuscript”, a copy of the Book of Roger.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa7750d84-0ed0-4509-9654-753e943997ac_1229x562.png) _**A redrawing of al-Idrisi’s map of the world by German cartographer [Konrad Miller](https://www.loc.gov/resource/g3200.ct001903/?r=-0.138,-0.025,1.275,0.507,0) in 1923, is considered more accurate than the more simplified Ottoman map above.**_ \*both maps are originally oriented south but the images here are turned to face north\* These terms were utilized by all three geographers mentioned above to refer to the different regions of the African continent known to Muslim writers at the time. Most of the names for these regions were derived from pre-existing geographic terms, such as the classical terms for Nubia and Habasha which appear in ancient Egyptian and Nubian documents[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-16-141551376), as well as the term 'Zanj' that appears in Roman and Persian works with various spellings that are cognate with the Swahili word ‘Unguja’, still used for the Zanzibar Island.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-17-141551376) While Muslim geographers made use of pre-existing Greco-Roman knowledge, such as al-Idrisi’s reference to Ptolemy’s Geographia in the introduction to his written geography, the majority of their information was derived from contemporary sources. The old greco-roman terms such as ‘_**aethiopians**_’ of Africa that were vaguely defined and located anywhere between Morocco, Libya, Sudan, and Ethiopia, were discarded for more precise terms based on the most current information by travelers.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-18-141551376) But their information was understandably limited, as they thought the Nile and Niger Rivers were connected; believing that the regions south of the Niger River were uninhabited, and that all three continents were surrounded by a vast ocean.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-19-141551376) There was therefore no broad term for the entire African continent in the geographic works of Egypt and the rest of the Muslim world, nor was there a collective term for “black” Africans. The Arab sociologist Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) who lived most of his later life in Cairo, was careful to caution readers about the specificity of these geographic terms and ethnonyms, noting in his _al-Muqaddimah_ that _**"The inhabitants of the first and second zones in the south are called Abyssinians, the Zanj and the Sudan. The name Abyssinia however is restricted to those who live opposite Mecca and Yemen, and the name Zanj is restricted to those who live along the Indian Ocean."**_[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-20-141551376) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F33d85da1-fb28-4825-a706-19e904e19c4c_583x594.png) _**Translation of the toponyms found on the simplified copy of al-Idrisi’s world map by Joachim Lelewel.**_ The names of the different peoples from each African region were also similar to the broad geographic terms for the places where they came from, such as the _'Sudan'_ from West Africa, the _‘Nuba_’ from Sudan, the ‘_Habasha’_ from Ethiopia, and the _Zanj_ from East Africa. While some writers used these terms inconsistently, such as the term ‘_Barbar_’ which could be used for Berber, Somali, and Nubian Muslims, or Zanj which could be used for some non-Muslim groups in 19th-century west-Africa; the majority of writers used them as names of specific peoples in precise locations on a map.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-21-141551376) On the other hand, the Muslims who came from these regions were often named after the most prominent state, such as the Takruri of West Africa who were named after the kingdom of Takrur, and the Jabarti of the northern Horn of Africa who were named after the region of Jabart in the Ifat and Adal sultanate[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-22-141551376). It’s for this reason that the hostels of Al-Azhar in the 18th century were named after each community; the _Riwāq al-**Dakārinah**_ for scholars from Takrūr, the _Riwāq Dakārnah Sāliḥ_ for scholars from Kanem, and the _Riwāq al-**Burnīya**_ for scholars from Bornu.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-23-141551376) Others recorded in the 19th century include the _Riwāq al-**Djabartiya**_ for scholars from the Somali coast, _Riwāq al-**Barabira**_ for Nubian scholars (from modern Sudan).[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-24-141551376) While each community concentrated around their hostels and their respective shayks, the different scholars of al-Ahzar frequently intermingled as the roles of ''teacher' and 'student' changed depending on an individual scholar's expertise on a subject. For example, prominent West African scholars such as Muhammad al-Kashinawi (d. 1741) from the city of Katsina, southwest of Bornu, were among the teachers of Hasan al-Jabarti (d. 1774), the father of the famous historian ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Jabartī (d. 1825) whose family was originally from the region around Zeila in northern Somalia. Abd al-Raḥmān al-Jabartī included Muhammad al-Kashinawi in his biography of important scholars and listed many of the latter’s works. Another prominent West African scholar at Al-Azhar was the 18th-century Shaykh al-Burnāwī from Bornu whose students and contemporaries included prominent Egyptian and Moroccan scholars such as Abd al-Wahhab al-Tāzī (d. 1791) .[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-25-141551376) Both Muhammad al-Kashinawi and Shaykh al-Burnāwī acquired their education in West Africa, specifically in Bornu where most of their teachers were attested before they traveled to Cairo to teach. It’s in this context that the writings of scholars from Bornu such as the 17th-century jurist Muhammad al-Barnawi, mentioned in the introduction, became known in Egypt among the leading administrators of al-Azhar like Mustafa al-Bulaqi (d. 1847) who was the chief _Mufti_ (jurisconsult) of the Maliki legal school of Egypt and Hasan al-Quwaysini, who was the rector of the college itself.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-26-141551376) The Bornu scholar Al-Barnawi, also known as Hajirami in West Africa, was the imam of one of the mosques in the Bornu capital Ngazargamu, and was a prominent teacher before he died in 1746. He is known to have authored several works, the best known of which was his didactic work of legal theory titled _**'Shurb al-zulal**_' (Drinking pure water) written between 1689 and 1707. The work follows the established Maliki tradition of Bornu, citing older and contemporary scholars from across the Muslim world including Granada, Fez, Cairo, and Timbuktu. In the early 19th century, the Maliki mufti al-Bulaqi wrote a commentary on al-Barnawi's which he titled _**Qaşidat al - Manhal al-Sayyāl li - man arāda Shurb al-Zulal**_. Many copies of the latter found their way back to the manuscript collections of northern Nigeria.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-27-141551376) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F93b21218-6cf4-4415-a449-0e09f423a5bf_589x393.png) _**Copy of al-Mustafa al-Bulaqi’s commentary, [Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, Arabe 5708, fol 104-115.](https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9065707t/f108.item.r=5708.zoom#)**_ After the Portuguese sailed around the southern tip of Africa in 1488, the classical geography of al-Idrisi was updated in European maps, along with many of the geographic terms of Muslim cartography. Over the centuries, additional information about the continent was acquired, initially from [African travelers from Ethiopia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051) and Kongo who visited [southern Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-diaspora-82902179) and [western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-and-of-89363872), and later by European travelers such as James Bruce and Mungo Park who visited East and West Africa in the eighteenth century. As more information about Africa became available to European writers, it was included in the dominant discourses of Western colonialism —a political and social order that purported a racial and cultural superiority of the West over non-Western societies. Such colonial discourses were first developed in the Americas by writers such as John Locke[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-28-141551376) and were furthered by Immanuel Kant[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-29-141551376) and Georg Hegel in their philosophies of world history. Hegel in particular popularized the conceptual divide between "North Africa" (which he called “European Africa”), and the rest of Africa (which he called "Africa proper"), claiming the former owes its development to foreigners while condemning the latter as "unhistorical".[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-30-141551376) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffab36125-7347-4346-8879-77b49dc8ec76_984x600.png) _**[An 18th century European map of Africa](https://library.princeton.edu/visual_materials/maps/websites/africa/maps-continent/continent.html) in which ‘Negroland’, ‘Nubia’ and ‘Abissinia’ are separated from ‘Barbaria’, ‘Biledugerid’, and ‘Egypt’ by the ‘Zaara desert’ and the ‘desert of Barca’.**_ These writers provided a rationale for colonial expansion and their “racial-geographical” hierarchies would inform patterns of colonial administration and education, especially in the French-controlled regions of the Maghreb and West Africa, as well as in British-controlled Egypt and Sudan. The French and British advanced a Western epistemological understanding of their colonies, classifying races, cultures, and geographies, while disregarding local knowledge. Pre-existing concepts of ethnicity were racialized, and new identities were created that defined what was “indigenous” against what was considered “foreign”.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-31-141551376) The institutionalization of disciplines of knowledge production in the nineteenth century transformed concepts of History and Geography into purely scientific disciplines, thus producing particular Geo-historical subjectivities such as the "Arab-Islamic" on the one hand, and "African" on the other. In this new conceptual framework, the spatial designations like ‘North Africa’ and ‘Sub-Saharan Africa’ were imaged as separate geographical entities. Any shared traditions they have are assumed to be the product of unidirectional links in which the South is subordinate to the North.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-32-141551376) The modern historiography of the Islamic world also emerged in the context of European colonialism and largely retained its Euro-American categorization of geographic entities and peoples. The Sahara was thus re-imagined as a great dividing gulf between distinct societies separating North from South, the “Black/African” from “White/Arab”.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-33-141551376) The old ethnonyms such as _'Sudan'_, _'Habash',_ and ‘Zanj’ were translated as 'Black' —a term developed in the Americas and transferred to Africa—, and the vast geographic regions of _Bilad al-Sudan, Bilad al-Habasha,_ and _Bilad-al-Zanj_ were collapsed into 'Sub-Saharan' Africa. Gone are the complexities of terms such as the _Takruri_ of Sudan, or the _Jabarti_ of Habash, and in come rigid terms such as 'Sub-Saharan Muslims' from 'Black Africa'. The intellectual and cultural exchanges between societies such as Egypt and Bornu, where rulers recognized each other as equals and scholars such as al-Suyuti and al-Barnawi were known in either region, are re-imagined as unidirectional exchanges that subordinate one region to the other. Contacts between the two regions are approached through essentialized narratives that were re-interpreted to fit with Eurocentric concepts of 'Race.'[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-34-141551376) While recent scholarship has discarded the more rigid colonial terminologies, the influence of modern nationalist movements still weighs heavy on the conceptual grammar and categories used to define Africa’s geographic spaces. Despite their origin as anti-colonial movements, some of the nationalist movements on the continent tended to emphasize colonial concepts of "indigeneity" and"national identity" and assign them anachronistically to different peoples and places in history. For this reason, the use of the terms ‘North-Africa’ and ‘Sub-Saharan Africa’ are today considered politically and culturally expedient, both negatively and positively —by those who want to reinforce colonial narratives of Africa's separation and those who wish to subvert them. Whether it was a product of the contradiction between the Arab nationalism championed by Egypt’s Abdel Nasser that sought to 'unite' the predominantly Arab-speaking communities, that clashed with —but at times supported— Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah whose Pan-Africansm movement included the North.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-35-141551376) Or it is a product of the continued instance of UN agencies on the creation of new and poorly-defined geopolitical concepts like MENA ("The Middle East and North Africa")[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-36-141551376) and the other fanciful acronyms like WANA, MENASA, or even MARS[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-37-141551376). The result was the same, as communities on both sides of the divide internalized these new identities, created new patterns of exclusion, and imbued them with historical significance. **But for whatever reason the term 'Sub Saharan' Africa exists today, it did not exist in the pre-colonial world in which the societies of Mamluk Egypt and Bornu flourished.** It wasn't found on the maps of Muslim geographers, who thought the West African kingdoms were located within the Sahara itself and nothing lived further south. It wasn't present in the geo-political ordering of the Muslim world where Bornu's ruler Ali Dunama, even in the throes of civil war, addressed his Egyptian peer as his equal and retained the more prestigious titles for himself. In the same vein, his successor Idris Alooma would only address the Ottoman sultan as 'King' but rank himself higher as _Caliph_[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-colonial-myth-of-sub-saharan#footnote-38-141551376), similar to how Mansa Musa refused to bow to the Mamluk sultan, but was nevertheless generously hosted in Cairo. The world in which al-Suyuti and al-Barnawi were living had no concept of modern national identities with clearly defined boundaries, It had its own ways of ordering spaces and societies that had little in common with the colonial world that came after. It was a world in which scholars from what are today the modern countries of Nigeria, Somalia, and Morocco could meet in Egypt to teach and learn from each other, without defining themselves using these modern geo-political concepts. **It was a world in which Sub-Saharan Africa was an anachronism, a myth, projected backward in colonial imaginary.** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F09326447-5cf0-4757-91aa-21f7bb0e6af5_550x412.jpeg) _**students at the Al-azhar University in Cairo, early 20th-century postcard.**_ The northern Horn of Africa produced some of Africa’s oldest intellectual traditions that include the famous historian Abdul Rahman al-Jabarti of Ottoman-Egypt. Read more about the intellectual history of the Northern Horn on Patreon: [INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF THE N.E AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe923c769-b41b-4d62-902b-25b79662674d_495x1189.png)

2024-02-11T15:45:22+00:00

The stone ruins of South Africa: a history of Mapungubwe, Thulamela and Dzata. ca. 1000-1750CE.

The dzimbabwe ruins of south-eastern Africa are often described as the largest collection of stone monuments in Africa south of Nubia.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a

The _**dzimbabwe**_ ruins of south-eastern Africa are often described as the largest collection of stone monuments in Africa south of Nubia. While the vast majority of the stone ruins are concentrated in the modern countries of Zimbabwe and Botswana, a significant number of them are found in South Africa, especially in its northernmost province of Limpopo. Ruined towns such as Mapungubwe, Thulamela, and Dzata have attracted significant scholarly attention as the centers of complex societies that were engaged in long-distance trade in gold and ivory with the East African coast. Recent research has shed more light on the history of these towns and their links to the better-known kingdoms of the region, enabling us to situate them in the broader history of South Africa. This article outlines the history of the stone ruins of South Africa and their relationship to similar monuments across the region. _**Map of south-eastern Africa highlighting the ruined towns mentioned below.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-1-148075295)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F131125fd-ab75-4c14-bd18-6bcbe469e584_546x645.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **State formation and the ruined towns of Limpopo: a history of Mapungubwe.** During the late 1st millennium of the common era, the iron-age societies of southern Africa mostly consisted of dispersed settlements of agro-pastoralists that were minimally engaged in long-distance trade and were associated with a widely distributed type of pottery known as the _Zhizho_ wares. The central sections of these Zhizo settlements, such as at the site of Shroda (dated 890-970 CE) encompassed cattle byres, grain storages, smithing areas, an assembly area, and a royal court/elite residence, in a unique spatial layout commonly referred to as the 'Central Cattle Pattern'[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-2-148075295). By 1000 CE, Shroda and similar sites were abandoned, and the Zhizo ceramic style largely disappeared from southwest Zimbabwe and northern South Africa. Around the same time, a new capital was established at the site known as ‘K2’, whose pottery tradition was known as the 'Leopard’s Kopje' style, and is attested at several contemporaneous sites. The size of the K2 settlement and changes in its spatial organization with an expanded court area indicate that it was the center of a rank-based society.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-3-148075295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff419b500-46ce-483b-b90a-a4bc93023b68_645x536.png) _**Map showing some of the earliest ‘Zimbabwe culture’ sites including Shroda, K2 and Mapungubwe in south Africa.**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-4-148075295) Around 1220CE, the settlement at K2 was abandoned and a new capital was established around and on top of the Mapungubwe hill, less than a kilometer away. The settlement at Mapungubwe contains several spatial components, the most prominent being the sandstone hill itself, with a flat summit 30m high and 300 m long, with vertical cliffs that can only be accessed through specific routes. The hill is surrounded by a flat valley that includes discrete spatial areas, a few of which are enclosed with low stone walling.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-5-148075295) Mapungubwe's spatial organization continued to evolve into a new elite pattern that included a stonewalled enclosure which provided ritual seclusion for the king. Other stonewalling demarcated entrances to elite areas, noble housing, and boundaries of the town centre. The hilltop became a restricted elite area with lower-status followers occupying the surrounding valley and neighboring settlements, thus emphasizing the spatial and ritual seclusion of the leader and signifying their sacred leadership.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-6-148075295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3b87b556-d357-41b9-906f-42f0b6a39b95_786x523.png) _**Mapungubwe Hill, the treeless area in front housed commoners**_. photo by Roger de la Harpe. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F475adcd0-9407-4ef9-a073-59bbf4db3ad8_989x544.png) _**terrace stone walls at Mapungubwe**_, photos by L Fouché. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9d3f8754-7ec2-42aa-9999-4eda6ff645b3_1236x497.png) _**collapsed stone walls in the Mapungubwe area**_, ca. 1928, Frobenius Institute. It should be noted that the site was known before the more famous ‘discovery’ by L. Fouché in 1933[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-7-148075295). Mapungubwe had grown to a large capital of about 10 ha, inhabited by a population of around 2-5000 people, sustained by floodplain agriculture of mixed cereals (millet and sorghum) and pastoralism. Comparing its settlement size and hierarchy to the capitals of historically known kingdoms, such as the Zulu, suggests that Mapungubwe probably controlled about 30,000 km2 of territory, about the same as the Zulu kingdom in the early 19th century.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-8-148075295) There are a number of outlying settlements with Mapungubwe pottery in the Limpopo area which however lack prestige walling and instead occupy open situations. Those that have been investigated, such as Mutamba, Vhunyela, Skutwater and Princes Hill were organized according to the Central Cattle Pattern, indicating that they were mostly inhabited by commoners. However, the recovery of over 187 spindle whorls from Mutamba, about 80 km southeast of Mapungubwe, indicates that textile manufacture and trade weren’t restricted to elite settlements.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-9-148075295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F57f7c76b-eb56-43e5-84b4-909e30fd6109_653x456.png) _**Map showing some of the ruins contemporary with Mapungubwe**_.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-10-148075295) **Gold mining and trade before and during the age of Mapungubwe.** Wealth from local tributes and long-distance trade likely contributed to the increase in political power of the Mapungubwe rulers. The material culture recovered from the capital and other outlying settlements, which includes Chinese celadon shards, dozens of spindle-whorls for spinning cotton textiles, and thousands of glass beads, point to the integration of Mapungubwe into the wider trade network of the Indian Ocean world via East Africa's Swahili coast.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-11-148075295) Prior to the rise of Mapungubwe, the 9th-10th century site of Schroda was the first settlement in the interior to yield a large number of ivory objects and exotic glass beads, indicating a marked increase in long-distance trade from the Swahili coast, whose traders had established a coastal entrepot at Sofala to export gold from the region. These patterns of external trade continued during the K2 period when local craftsmen produced their own glass beads by reworking imported ones and then selling their local beads to other regional capitals.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-12-148075295) It is the surplus wealth from this trade, and its associated multicultural interaction, that presented new opportunities to people in the Mapungubwe landscape. A marked increase in international demand contributed to an upsurge in gold production that began in the 13th century and is paralleled by an economic boom at [the Swahili city of Kilwa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological) on the East African coast. The distribution of Mapungubwe pottery in ancient workings and mines such as at Aboyne (1170 CE ± 95) and Geelong (1230CE ± 80) in southern Zimbabwe, indicates that the Mapungubwe kingdom may have expanded north to control some of the gold fields.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-13-148075295) A large cache of gold artifacts was found in the royal cemetery of Mapungubwe, dated to the second half of the 13th century. The grave goods included a golden rhino, bowl, scepter, a gold headdress, gold anklets and bracelets, 100 gold anklets and 12,000 gold beads, and 26,000 glass beads. Radiocarbon dates indicate that the gold objects were all made in the early 13th century, at the height of the town’s occupation.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-14-148075295) Analysis of the gold objects suggests that they were manufactured locally. Metal was beaten into sheets of the required thickness and then cut into narrow strips, or the strips were made from wire that was hammered and smoothed using an abrasive technique. The strips were then wound around plant fibers to form either beads or helical structures for anklets and bracelets, or around a wooden core for the rhino and bovine figurines.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-15-148075295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f66e22c-ec87-454b-a5ec-bfe84a5ac4f6_985x690.png) _**golden rhinoceros, bovine and feline figures, scepter, headdress, and gold jewelry from Mapungubwe**_, University of Pretoria Museums, Museum of Gems and Jewellery, Cape Town. Its however important to emphasize that long-distance trade in gold from Mapungubwe and similar ‘_Zimbabwe culture_’ sites (the collective name for the stone ruins of southern Africa) was only the culmination of processes generated within traditional economies and internal political structures that were able to exploit external trade as one component of emergent hierarchical formations already supervising regional resources on a large scale.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-16-148075295) The trade of gold in particular appears to have also been driven by internal demand for ornamentation by elites, alongside other valued items like cattle, copper and iron objects, glass beads, and the countless ostrich eggshell beads found at Mapungubwe and similar sites that appear to have been exclusively acquired through trade with neighboring settlements.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-17-148075295) Gold has been recovered from numerous '_Zimbabwe culture_' sites, but few of these have been excavated professionally by archaeologists and subjected to scientific analysis, with the exception of Mapungubwe and the site of Thulamela (explored below). Incidentally, Gold fingerprinting analysis shows that the Thulamela gold and part of the Mapungubwe collection came from the same source, indicating that miners from Mapungubwe exploited it before miners from Thulamela took it over.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-18-148075295) Around 1300 CE, the valley and hilltop of Mapungubwe were abandoned, and the kingdom vanished after a relatively brief period of 80 years. The reasons for its decline remain unclear but are likely an interplay of socio-political and environmental factors. In most of the ‘_Zimbabwe culture_’ societies, sacred leadership was linked to agricultural productivity, rainmaking, ancestral belief systems, and a ‘high God’, all of which served to confirm the legitimacy of a King/royal lineage. Climatic changes and the resulting agricultural failure would have undermined the legitimacy of the rulers and their diviners while emboldening rival claimants to accumulate more followers and shift the capital of the kingdom.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-19-148075295) It’s likely that the sections of Mapungubwe’s population shifted to other settlements that dotted the region, since Mapungubwe-derived ceramics have been found in association with a stonewalled palace in the saddle of Lose Hill of Botswana[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-20-148075295). Others may have moved east towards the town of Thulamela whose earliest occupation dates to the period of Mapungubwe’s ascendancy, and whose elites derived their gold from the same mines as the rulers of Mapungubwe. **The ruined town of Thulamela from the 13th to the 17th century.** Thulamela is a 9-hectare site about 200km east of Mapungubwe. It consists of several stone-walled complexes and enclosures on the hilltop overlooking the Luvuvhu River which forms a branch of the Limpopo River. The stone-walled enclosures cluster according to rank in size and position, with the majority being grouped around a central court area situated at the highest and most isolated part of the site. The status of the inhabitants is reflected in the volume of stone used, all of which are inturn surrounded by non-walled areas of habitation in the adjacent valley.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-21-148075295) Archeological evidence from the site indicates that a stratified community lived at Thulamela, with elites likely residing on the top of the hill while the rest of the populace occupied the adjacent areas below. A main access route intersects the central area of the hill complex leading to an assembly area, which in turn leads to a private access staircase to the court area. construction features including stone monoliths, small platforms, and intricate wall designs are similar to those found in other ‘Zimbabwe culture’ sites likely denoting specific spaces for titled figures or activities.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-22-148075295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F53113563-db11-4ac0-bb9f-4250fe1aa620_720x516.jpeg) _**Thulamela ruins, aerial view.**_ The site has seen three distinct periods of occupation, with phase I beginning in the 13th century, Phase II lasting from the 14th to mid-15th century, and Phase III lasting upto the 17th century. The earliest settlements had no stone walling but there were finds of ostrich eggshell beads similar to those from Mapungubwe. Stone-walled construction appeared in the second phase, as well as long-distance trade goods such as glass beads, ivory, and gold.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-23-148075295) Occupation of the site peaked in the last phase, with extensive evidence of metal smithing of iron, copper, and gold, Khami-type pottery ([from the Torwa kingdom capital in Zimbabwe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/stone-terraces-62065998)), and a double-gong associated with royal lineages. Other finds included Chinese porcelain from the late 17th/early 18th century associated with the [Rozvi kingdom capital of DhloDhlo in Zimbabwe](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680), spindle-whorls for spinning cotton, ivory bangles, and iron slag from metal production.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-24-148075295) Two graves were discovered at the site, with one dated to 1497, containing a woman buried with a gold bracelet and 290 gold beads, while the other was a male with gold bracelets, gold beads, and iron bracelets with gold staple, dated to 1434. The location of the graves and the grave goods they contained indicate that the individuals buried were elites of high rank at Thulamela, and further emphasize the site's similarity with other ‘Zimbabwe culture’ sites like Mapungubwe.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-25-148075295) The recovery of other gold beads, nodules, wire, and fragments of helically wound wire bangles, along with several fragments of local pottery with adhering lumps of glassy slag with entrapped droplets of gold, provided direct evidence of gold working in the hilltop settlement. The fabrication technology employed in Thulamela's metalworking was similar to that found at Mapungubwe.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-26-148075295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc6d44551-9319-4c71-b718-5bf319007ba9_1276x930.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fad60b631-1baf-422c-bf49-84e6c641f349_1276x930.jpeg) _**Thulamela ruins**_, photos by Chris Dunbar [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4b68998f-52c7-4290-9597-ee72f9b401a0_1325x536.png) _**Gold bracelets, iron and gold bangles, and ostrich eggshell beads from Thulamela.**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Thulamela and the kingdoms of Khami and Rozvi during the 15th to 17th century.** The presence of gold and iron grave goods, along with Chinese porcelain and glass from the Indian Ocean world indicates that trade and metallurgy were salient factors in urbanization, social structuring, and state formation across the region. The site of Thulamela was the largest in a cluster of three settlements near the Luvuvhu River, the other two being Makahane and Matjigwili. The three sites exhibit similar features including extensive stone walling and stone-built enclosures, and the division of the settlement into residential areas. Archeological surveys identified the central court area of Makahane on the hilltop, enclosed in a U-shaped wall, with the slopes being occupied by commoners. A gold globule found at Makahane indicates that it was also a gold smelting site. The site is traditionally thought to have been occupied in the 17th-18th centuries according to accounts by the adjacent communities of the Lembethu, a Venda-speaking group who still visited the site in the mid-20th century to offer sacrifices and pray at the graves of the kings buried there.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-27-148075295) The sites of Thulamela and Makahane occupy an important historical period in south-eastern Africa marked by the expansion of the kingdoms of Torwa at Khami and the Rozvi state at DhloDhlo in Zimbabwe, whose material culture and historical traditions intersect with those of the sites. It’s likely that the two sites represent the southernmost extension of the Torwa and Rozvi traditions (similar to [the ruined stone-towns of eastern Botswana](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone)), without necessarily implying direct political control[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-28-148075295). The Rozvi kingdom is said to have split near the close of the 17th century after the death of its founder Changamire Dombo who had [in the 1680s expelled the Portuguese from the kingdom of Mutapa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese) after a series of battles. According to Rozvi traditions, some of the rival claimants to Changamire’s throne chose to migrate with their followers into outlying regions, with one moving the the Hwange region of Zimbabwe, while another moved south and crossed the Limpopo river to establish the kingdom of Thovhela among the Venda-speakers with its capital at Dzata, which appears in external accounts from 1730.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-29-148075295) Besides Thulamela and Makahane, there are similar ruins in the Limpopo region with material culture associated with both the Torwa and Rozvi periods. The largest of these is the site of Machemma, which is located a few dozen kilometers south of Mapungubwe. It was a large stone-walled site with highly decorated walls, whose court area yielded Khami band-and-panel ware, ivory, gold ornaments, and imported 15th-century Chinese blue-on-white porcelain.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-30-148075295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6bd3b05-1e26-4a99-ace2-c610a5669dbe_1174x471.png) _**section of the ruins of Machemma and Makahane Ruins**_, photos by Chris Dunbar, ACT Heritage. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9a1c6822-0eb8-4f9f-9b07-bf6699eddea6_728x464.png) _**Outline of the Makahane ruins,**_ by T. Huffman. **A brief social history of south-east Africa and the transition from Thulamela to Dzata.** The fact that both Thulamela and Makahane were well known in local tradition indicates their relatively recent occupation compared to Mapungubwe and other early ‘_Zimbabwe culture_’ sites which were abandoned many centuries prior. The construction of the ‘_Zimbabwe culture_’ sites is attributed to the Shona-speaking groups of south-eastern Africa.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-31-148075295) The site of Makahane is however associated with the Nyai branch of the Lembethu, a Venda-speaking group. Venda is a language isolate that shows lexical similarities with the Shona language, which linguists and historians mostly attribute to the southern expansion of an elite lineage group known as the Singo from Zimbabwe during the 18th century.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-32-148075295) Although it should be noted that the Singo would have encountered pre-existing groups that likely included other Venda speakers indicating that the Shona elements in the Venda language were acquired much earlier than this.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-33-148075295) Venda traditions on the southern migration of the Singo describe the latter’s conquest of pre-existing societies to establish a vast state centered at the site of Dzata, which later collapsed in the mid-18th century. They identify the first Singo rulers as Ndyambeu and Mambo, who are both associated with the Rozvi kingdom (Mambo is itself a Rozvi aristocratic title). It’s likely that the traditions of the Singo’s southern migration and conquest of pre-existing clans refer to this expansion associated with the split between Changamire's sons after his demise.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-34-148075295) The same traditions mention that when the Singo emigrated from south-central Zimbabwe, they first settled in the Nzhelele Valley and established themselves at Dzata. The latter was a stone-walled settlement that was initially equal in size to the pre-existing capitals of the Lembethu at Makahane Ruin, and the Mbedzi at the Tshaluvhimbi Ruin, before the Singo rulers expanded their kingdom and attracted a larger following by the turn of the 18th century. **The Singo kingdom of Dzata in the 18th century.** Dzata is a 50-hectare settlement located on the northern side of the Nzhelele River, a branch of the Limpopo River. The core of the settled area is a cluster of neatly coursed low-lying stone walls, with a court area about 4,500 sqm large, surrounded by a huge ring of surface scatters with some rough terraced walling. Dzata is the only level-5 ‘Zimbabwe culture’ site south of the Limpopo River, indicating it was the center of a large kingdom with a population equal to that found at Khami and Great Zimbabwe.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-35-148075295) A Dutch account obtained from a Tsonga traveler Mahumane, who was visiting the Delagoa Bay in 1730, mentions the dark blue stone walls of Dzata, in the kingdom, called ‘Thovhela’ (possibly a title or name of a king), where he had been a few years earlier. The account identifies the capital as ‘Insatti’ (a translation of Dzata) which was _**"wholly built with dark blue stones —the residences as well as a kind of wall which encloses the whole",**_ adding that _**"The place where the chief sits is raised and also \[made\] from the mentioned kind of stone..."**_[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-36-148075295) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F50a51a40-1ddc-438c-9ae9-77eca34d3a13_1082x814.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff3ccadcc-ce46-4843-8bcd-d1249cd1caee_1082x814.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ad167e5-4b5b-455c-a33b-785a4f39820b_1200x800.jpeg) _**the ruins of Dzata, with low-lying walls of dark-blue stones**_. photos by Musa Matchume, Faith Dowelani. Ethnohistoric Information from other Venda sites indicates that the central cluster of stone walls at Dzata demarcated the royal area, whereas the big surrounding ring housed the commoners. According to some traditions, Dzata experienced more than one construction phase, associated with two kings. The town grew during the reign of Dimbanyika, the fourth king at Dzata, after he had finished consolidating his authority over the Venda. It was later expanded by King Masindi after the death of King Dimbanyika.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-37-148075295) Changes in the styles of walling and other features likely reflected political shifts at Dzata. The settlement was intersected by a central road through the commoner area to the stone walled royal section, which was separated by cattle byres. On the opposite side of the byres was the assembly area with a small circular platform and stone monoliths. Excavations of this area yielded four radiocarbon dates, all calibrated to around 1700 CE,[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-38-148075295) while other sites near and around Dzata provided multiple dates ranging from the 16th century to the early 19th century.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-39-148075295) The material culture recovered from Dzata includes iron weapons and tools, coiled copper wire interlaced with small copper beads, spindle whorls, ivory fragments, bone pendants, and blue glass beads. The numerous remains of iron furnaces and copper mines in its hinterland corroborate 18th-century accounts of intensive metal working and trading from the region, which was controlled by the ruler of Dzata. Gold, copper, and ivory from Dzata were exported to the East African coast through Delagoa Bay, where a lucrative trade was conducted with the hinterland societies.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-40-148075295) Trade between Dzata and the coast declined drastically around 1750, around the time when the Singo Venda abandoned Dzata. Following the collapse of the Singo kingdom, other stone-walled sites were built across the region, with interlocking enclosures separating elite and commoner areas[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-41-148075295). Limited trade between the coast and the Limpopo region continued, as indicated by an account from 1836, mentioning trade routes and mining activities in the region, as well as competition between Venda rulers for access to trade goods.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-42-148075295) By the mid-19th century, however, the construction of stone-walled towns had ceased, after social and political changes associated with the kingdoms of the so-called _[mfecane](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/revolution-and-upheaval-in-pre-colonial)_ [period](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/revolution-and-upheaval-in-pre-colonial)[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a#footnote-43-148075295). The old ruins of Thulamela, Makahane, and Dzata nevertheless retained their significance in local histories as important sites of veneration, or in the case of Dzata, as the capital of a once great kingdom that is still visited for annual dedication ceremonies called _Thevhula_ (thanksgiving). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F443bcd44-71fd-4ad7-906e-2039abc49d62_1920x1229.jpeg) _**Thulamela.**_ **Traditional African religions often co-existed with “foreign” religions for much of African history, including in places such as the kingdom of Kongo, which was considered a Christian state in the 16th century but was also home to a powerful traditional religious society known as Kimpasi.** **Please subscribe to read about the history of the Kimpasi religious society of Kongo on our Patreon:** [THE KIMPASI SOCIETY OF KONGO](https://www.patreon.com/posts/110322080) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffea369af-82cd-485e-b888-436da1e25ec9_670x1146.png)

2024-08-25T14:19:16+00:00

A general history of African explorers of the Old world, and a 19th century Bornu traveller of twenty countries across four continents.

This article provides a brief outline of over sixty African explorers who traveled across the ‘Old World’ from the classical period to the turn of the 20th century.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers

This article provides a brief outline of over sixty African explorers who traveled across the ‘Old World’ from the classical period to the turn of the 20th century. The linked articles and the footnotes include sources on individual travelers for further reading. In antiquity, African travelers and diasporic communities began appearing across several societies in the eastern Mediterranean world and beyond. From the 8th century BC, classical accounts from ancient Assyria to ancient Greece mention the presence of Africans referred to as 'Kusaya'/'Aithiopians' who appeared in various capacities, as rulers, diplomats, charioteers, mercenaries, and horse-trainers, and were often associated with the [Kingdom of Kush](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-legacy-of-kushs-empire-in-global) which had expanded into parts of modern Palestine and Syria.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-1-150176734) By the 5th century BC, [Aithiopian auxiliaries from Carthage](https://www.patreon.com/posts/between-carthage-94409122) were involved in the Battle of Himera on the Island of Sicily, and would later appear as mahouts in the ancient Punic wars between Carthage and Rome. However, most of these _Aithiopians_ would have come from the Maghreb rather than from Kush or from West Africa.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-2-150176734) _E_nvoys, priests, and pilgrims from Kush and _Aithiopian_ travelers from other parts of Africa would begin to [travel across the Roman world](https://www.patreon.com/posts/africans-in-rome-75714077) beginning in the 1st century BC and continuing into the early centuries of the common era. While most of their activities would be concentrated in Roman Egypt, such as the Meroite envoys; **Pasan son of Paese**, and **Abaratoye** in 253 CE and 260 CE, a handful of them would travel to the Greek Island of Samos, and the cities of Rome and Constantinople, along with envoys from the neighboring kingdoms of the Blemmyes and the Aksumites.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-3-150176734) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6a23c66-ac0a-4836-9ae5-5aee7082e96d_820x447.png) _**Roman mural from Herculaneum (Italy) showing african figures among the priests and worshippers of the deity Isis. 1st century, National Archaeological Museum of Naples**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-4-150176734) From the 3rd century of the common era, Aksum's armies, merchants, and settlers were active across much of the western Indian Ocean and the Red Sea coast. [Aksumite people, coinage, and inscription](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-aksumite-empire-between-rome)s, appear in multiple places from western India and the island of Sri Lanka, to Yemen and western Arabia, to the Jordanian port city of Aila and the Eastern Roman capital Constantinople. Aksumite envoys would also visit the Chinese capital of Luoyang in the 1st century.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-5-150176734) By the 6th century, a large Aksumite army conquered the kingdom of Himyar in the western Arabian peninsula, ostensibly to protect the diasporic communities of Aksumite Christians and their allies. Under [the Aksumite general Abraha and his successors](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632), the province of Himyar would extend its control over most of western, southern, and central Arabia, although the diasporic communities of Aksumite elites and soldiers would be concentrated in Yemen.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-6-150176734) Envoys from the kingdom of Aksum and the medieval Nubian kingdom of Makuria appeared in Constantinople in 532, 549 and 572 CE, while [Nubian and Aksumite pilgrims begun to travel to the 'Holy lands' in Palestine](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80883718?pr=true), beginning in the 8th century. By the late Middle Ages, royals, scholars, and other pilgrims from the kingdoms of Nubia and the successor states of Aksum would establish diasporic communities in Egypt, Palestine, Lebanon, and Cyprus.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-7-150176734) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc2425146-4232-4340-b110-e2f0348b173f_820x545.jpeg) _**The Ethiopian church of Kidane Mehret in Jerusalem, part of the Dabra Ganat monastery complex built in the late 19th century.**_ The itineraries of travelers like the 12th-century Nubian king **Moses George**, the Ethiopian scholar **Ewostatewos** (d. 1352), and other pilgrims would take them [as far as Armenia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-africa-and), Constantinople, and the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela in Spain. In the centuries following the rise of Islam, west African Muslims from the kingdom of Takrur and the empires of Ghana and Kanem would appear across the Muslim world from Andalusia (Spain) to the Hejaz (western Saudi Arabia) and to Palestine in various capacities. Some were scholars like **Ibrahim Al-Kanemi (d. 1211)** and auxiliaries from Takrur and Ghana who [visited Andalusia due to their alliance with the Moorish empires](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-diaspora-82902179) of the Almoravids and Almohads during the 11th to 13th century, [Others were pilgrims who journeyed across Egypt, western Arabia and Palestine](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora), including [royals like the Kanem king Mai Hume and the Malian king Mansa Musa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage), and ordinary travelers like the Timbuktu scholar and Medina resident **Abu Bakr Aqit (d. 1583)**, while others were military leaders like **[Sawdan](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-kingdom-87931499)** [who ruled the kingdom of Bari in southern Italy](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-kingdom-87931499) during the 9th century. [8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-8-150176734) [African travelers from the Muslim societies of the northern Horn of Africa](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282) were also attested across multiple places from the Eastern Mediterranean and western Indian Ocean. The Jabarti and Zaylai scholars from the kingdom of Ifat, Adal, and the city of Zeila formed diasporic communities from Damascus to Egypt, the Hejaz, and Yemen. [Historical accounts associated with the coastal city of Zeila (in Somalia)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla) mention itinerant scholars such as **Sharaf al-din Isma'il al-Jabarti (d. 1403)** became administrators in Zabid in the Rasulid kingdom of Yemen, others like **Ahmad b. 'Umar al-Zayla'ī** established the port town of al-Luhayya in Yemen in 1304, while ordinary merchants from the city of Zeila sailed to Aden where they joined diasporic communities that included Africans from Mogadishu and the rest of the East African coast. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8d1468df-684b-47d9-977c-39f0b0df04a7_820x544.jpeg) _**Old mosque in the town of Luhayya, Yemen, 19th century engraving.**_ There is archaeological and documentary evidence for the presence of [diasporic communities of Africans from the cities of the East African coast in Arabia, the Persian Gulf](https://www.patreon.com/posts/96900062), and China during the late Middle Ages. This is attested in the towns of Sharma (Yemen), al-Hamr al-Sharqiya (Oman), and Julfār (U.A.E), and accounts of East African traders and pilgrims from Barawa, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Zanzibar, Pate and Lamu and Comoros in Mecca, al-Shihr, Mocha, Hormuz, Muscat, Socotra and Sri Lanka.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-9-150176734) Known travelers from the [East African coast during the late Middle Ages appear frequently in Chinese accounts](https://www.patreon.com/posts/historical-and-80113224), especially during the Song and Ming dynasties. They include the [Zanzibari envoy](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the?utm_source=publication-search) **[Amîr-i-amîrân Zengjiani](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the?utm_source=publication-search)** who traveled to China twice in 1071 and 1083, the envoy Puluo Shen (**Abu-al-Hasan**) from Yuluhedi (Manda, Kenya) who reached who arrived in Bianliang on December of 1073. These were later followed by many unnamed envoys from; Mogadishu (1101 CE); 'Gudanu' and 'Yaji' in Ethiopia (1283 CE, 1328 CE); and the envoys sent to meet the 15th-century Chinese admiral Zheng He, who traveled from the cities of Zhubu, Mogadishu, Barawa in Somalia, and Malindi in Kenya.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-10-150176734) Other early East African travelers include the 14th-century Mogadishu scholar Sa'id who visited the Hejaz, India, and China, and the 15th-century Qadi of Lamu who traveled to Mecca and Egypt where he met the scholar al-maqrizi.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-11-150176734) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcb9201f6-bfae-4fcf-86ea-e294bc733919_533x429.png) _**Pilgrims from Zanzibar in Jedda, Saudi Arabia, ca. 1888,** Qatar National Library digital repository_ Beginning in the 15th century, several African kingdoms sent embassies to the kingdoms of southern Europe. These include the Ethiopian embassies to Venice (1404), Rome (1403,1404, 1450, 1481, 1533), Aragon (1427, 1450), and Portugal (1452, 1527), led by [envoys and scholars such as](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051) **[Sägga Zäᵓab and Yohannes of Cyprus](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051)**, who visited and briefly resided in Lisbon in 1527, and Rome in 1533, where the latter scholar would also be received by an established community of pilgrims led by **Tomas Wāldā Samuʾel (1515-1529)** and **Yoѐannǝs of Qänṭorare (1529- ca. 1550)** and forty-one other resident scholars that included **Täsfa Sәyon (d. 1553)**.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-12-150176734) They were soon joined by African embassies from the kingdoms of the Atlantic Coast to the Portuguese capital Lisbon. These came from the Kingdom of Benin (Nigeria) in 1486-87, led by **Ohen-Okun**, the Kingdom of Kongo (in Angola) in 1487-88, led by **Kala ka Mfusu**, and the Kingdom of Jolof (in Senegal) in 1488, led by **Prince Jelen**.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-13-150176734) Over the 16th and 17th centuries, the Christian Kingdom of [Kongo and the neighboring kingdom of Ndongo would send several embassies, royals, and students to Portugal, Spain, Rome, and the Netherlands.](https://www.patreon.com/posts/99646036) These included **Prince Henrique Ndoadidiki Ne-Kinu a Mumemba** who was a resident of Lisbon and became the first black Catholic Bishop in 1518, king Afonso Nzinga's cousin; **Pedro de Sousa**, who traveled as an envoy to Lisbon in 1512 where he was knighted in the ‘Order of Saint James of the sword’, the Kongo nobleman **Antonio Vieira** who was an envoy and resident of Lisbon where he was married in the 1540s; the envoy of the Kongo King Diogo ( r. 1545-1561) to Lisbon named **Jacome de fonseca**; the Ndongo envoy **D. Pedro da Silva** who traveled to Lisbon in 1579 where he was also knighted in the ‘Order of Saint James of the sword’[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-14-150176734). Others include; [the Kongo envoys to Rome](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-kongo-and-the-portuguese) such as; **Antonio Vieira (1595) and António Manuel Nsaku ne Vunda** (1604); and the envoy **[Dom Miguel de Castro](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552)** [from the Kongo province of Soyo who traveled to the Dutch Republic in 1643](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552).[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-15-150176734) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5ee68876-4ac2-44ea-8ffe-e3ef47bd0390_820x477.png) _**African knight of the order of Saint James of the Sword, in Chafariz d’el Rey (The King’s Fountain) painting in the Alfama District,** Anonymous painter, ca. 1560-1580, Lisbon._ African travel across the Old World grew exponentially between the late 16th to mid-19th centuries, with multiple African explorers from different parts of the continent traveling as far as [Western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true) and [Japan during the Sengoku period](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238), as well as more proximate places like western India and Istanbul. Known travelers from this period include; the Ethiopian traveler **Abba Gorgoryos** who traveled to Rome in 1649 where he briefly resided before journeying to Nuremberg in Germany around 1652; the Ethiopian prince **Zaga Christ**, who traveled to Europe in 1634 and documented his journey across Italy and France where he was hosted by various nobles; The ambassador of the kingdom of Allada (in Benin), **Don Matteo Lopez**, who traveled to Paris in 1670, and the Assine princes **Aniaba and Banga** from Cote D'ivoire, who traveled to Paris in 1687, the envoy of Annamaboe (in Ghana), **Louis Bassi, Prince de Corrantryn** who traveled to and briefly resided in Paris during in the 1740s, while his brother **William Ansah Sessarakoo** also traveled to London in 1749 as an envoy; **Philip Kwaku** from Cape coast (Ghana) who traveled to England in the late 1750s where he studied and married before returning in 1765. Later travelers included the 'Ga' Prince **Frederick Noi Dowunnah** who traveled to Copenhagen (Denmark) from Ghana in the 1820s; the 'Temne' Prince **John Frederic** who traveled to England in 1729, the two pairs of young Asante princes **Owusu Ansa and Owusu Nkwantabisa,** and **Kwame Poku and Kwasi Boakye**, who were sent to England and the Netherlands in 1836 and 1837; and the Xhosa prince **Tiyo Songa** who traveled from South Africa to Scotland in 1846.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-16-150176734) Known [travelers from Africa to Istanbul](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman) during this period include; the Bornu envoy **El-Hajj Yusuf** who reached the Ottoman capital in 1574; scholars from the Funj kingdom (Sudan) like, **Ahmad Idrìs al-Sinnàrì (b. 1746)** who traveled from the Funj Kingdom (Sudan) across Yemen, Hejaz, and Istanbul before settling down in Syria; and **Ali al-Qus (b. 1788)** who traveled across Syria, Crete, the Hijaz Yemen and Istanbul, before returning to settle at Dongola; and the scholar **Muhammad Salma al-Zurruq (b. 1845)** from Djenne who traveled across Ottoman territories and Morocco in the 1880s. Known [travelers from Africa to western India](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese?utm_source=publication-search) during this period include; Swahili Prince **Yusuf ibn al-Hasan** of Mombasa (Kenya) who traveled from Kenya to Goa in 1614 where he briefly resided, the Mombasa envoys **Mwinyi Zago and Faki Ali wa Mwinyi Matano** who traveled to Goa in 1661 and 1694 respectively; the Swahili merchants; **Bwana Dau bin Bwana Shaka** of Faza (Kenya) who settled in Goa after 1698; **Mwinyi Ahmed Hasani Kipai** who traveled to Surat and Goa in 1724 and **Bwana Madi bin Mwalimu Bakar** from Pate, who regularly traveled to Surat in the 1720s. Others include the Kalanga princes from Mutapa (zimbabwe) who were sent to Goa such as **Dom Diogo** in 1617, **Miguel da Presentacao** in 1629 (and Lisbon in 1630), and the princes **Mapeze and Dom Joao** who were sent to Goa in 1699. By the mid-19th century, African travelers began to document their extensive travels across the Old World. These include; [the travel accounts of the Hausa travelers](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300) **[Dorugu and Abbega](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300)** who visited England and Prussia (Germany) in 1856[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-17-150176734), The Swahili traveler **[Amur al-Omeri](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112049775)** [who journeyed across Germany in 1891](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112049775)[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-18-150176734), the Comorian traveler **[Selim Abakari](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157)** [who explored Russia in 1896, and Ethiopian traveler,](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157) **[Dabtara Fesseha Giyorgis](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157)** [who explored Italy in 1895](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157)[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-19-150176734), and [the book-length travelogue](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570) **[Ham Mukasa and Apolo Kagwa](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570)** [from Buganda (Uganda) who visited England in 1902](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570),[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-20-150176734) where they encountered a delegation led by King Lewanika of the Lozi kingdom, and another delegation led by Ethiopia's Ras Mokannen, who also produced an account of his travel to England.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-21-150176734) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F04126df4-7d9d-4d41-b188-299c0eae2b3a_1303x501.jpeg) (L-R) _**Ras Mäkonnen and his entourage in 1902, Apolo Kagwa, Katikiro of Buganda and Ham Mukasa, King Lewanika in court dress.**_ While the above outline of African travelers is far from exhaustive, as it excludes the numerous scholars from across the continent who traveled to western Arabia and Palestine for pilgrimage and trade, it demonstrates that the history of Africa's exploration of the Old World is sufficiently known, including the individual African travelers and some of their own accounts of the exploratory journeys. My Latest Patreon article unites the history of African exploration of the ‘Old World’ with the ‘**New World’** through the travel account of the Bornu explorer Muhammed Ali ben Said who traveled across over twenty countries in the four continents of; Africa, Asia, Europe and America between 1849 and 1860. After serving in the Union Army during the American Civil War, Said settled in the state of Alabama and published a fascinating account of his life and travels. Employed as a ‘_Valets de chambre’_ by two Russian aristocrats and a Dutch abolitionist, Said presents an insider's perspective of the aristocratic families of the Ottoman, Russian, and Austrian empires, a first-hand account of the politics of the Italian reunification, the customs of Victorian England, the complex history of Haiti, and the racialized society of the southern United States. **Please subscribe to read about the remarkable journey of the world explorer Muhammed Ali ben Said here;** [AN AFRICAN EXPLORER OF FOUR CONTINENTS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/19th-century-and-113868704) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcad29ed5-2769-43bd-856a-72d954b05df6_675x1232.png)

2024-10-13T17:15:45+00:00

Mansa Musa and the royal pilgrimage tradition of west Africa: 11th-18th century

Why Africa's caravans of gold stopped travelling to Arabia.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage

The golden pilgrimage of Mansa Musa was a landmark event in west African history. Travelling 3,000 kilometers across Egypt and Arabia with a retinue of thousands carrying over a dozen tonnes of gold, the wealth of Mansa Musa left an indelible impression on many Arab and European writers who witnessed it and increased their knowledge about west Africa before the Atlantic era. Mansa Musa's journey was part of a royal pilgrimage tradition in west Africa that saw more than 20 sovereigns undertaking the perilous journey to Mecca while still in power. The objectives of these royal pilgrimages have confounded many, it's thought that their ostentatious displays of wealth were intended at attracting commercial attention; that their diplomatic exchanges were for gaining international recognition, and that the multiple journeys undertaken by some west African sovereigns were simply acts of piety. Equally confounding was why, after more than seven centuries, did the practice of Royal pilgrimages suddenly stop. This article provides an overview of the royal pilgrimage tradition of west Africa, it looks at the evolution of the hajj as an important legitimating device in the internal political context of west Africa inorder to explain why it was eventually abandoned. _**Map of Mansa Musa’s pilgrimage route in 1324[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-1-93892142)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F58b3d3e8-bc3f-4c72-8724-46862b53bc6e_1800x1101.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Before Mansa Musa; early royal pilgrimages from the empire of Kanem between the 11th-13th century.** West Africans, both royals and non-royals begun gradually adopting Islam in the late 10th century, and like all Muslims, accepted the major pillars of the religion which included the obligation to undertake the Hajj (pilgrimage to mecca). The pilgrimage to Mecca is simultaneously a religious, social, economic and political phenomenon, which has mobilized the faithful from all over West Africa. However, it was in the states of Mali, Songhai and Kanem-Bornu that the practice of this religious duty was most closely associated with the power and functioning of the state.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-2-93892142) While there are plenty of references to non-royal pilgrims from west Africa before the 13th century —especially from the Ghana empire— there are relatively few external sources documenting west African rulers making the journey themselves at this time; possibly because the act of pilgrimage hadn't yet acquired the political objective which it would later be associated with. The earliest mention of a royal pilgrimage made by a west African sovereign comes from internal sources, with the first being of the ruler (Mai) of Kanem named Ḥummay (r.1075-1086) who was the founder of the empire’s Sefuwa dynasty. He is credited with the construction of a mosque in Cairo and is said to have died on his way back from pilgrimage. He was soon followed by his successor Dūnama b. Ḥummay (1086-1140) who may have made the pilgrimage thrice. Last among these early pilgrim kings was Mai Dūnama b. Salma (1210-1248) who likely performed a pilgrimage prior to the construction of a school in Cairo in 1242 meant to accommodate Kanem pilgrims and scholars.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-3-93892142) The Kanem sultans' construction of schools and lodges for pilgrims and students, which would be emulated by later rulers, was a long-term investment in favor of pilgrims coming from the Lake Chad region, providing the necessary infrastructure to allow the sultans to benefit from local relays and facilitating the logistics of the pilgrimage and scholarship.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-4-93892142) Unlike later pilgrimages however, these three early royal hajjs from west Africa are only mentioned in local documents written centuries after the event, but corroboration by external sources only begins in the 13th century. One early royal pilgrimage attested in external accounts was made by a minor mande ruler named Barmandana who according to Ibn Khaldun and al-Maqrizi, performed the hajj prior to the flourishing of the Mali empire's founder Sunjata keita.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-5-93892142) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3c72c285-a1e1-43b4-84e7-f86ba40b3156_580x421.png) _**Map of the Kanem empire in the early 2nd millennium**_ **The Age of Imperial Mali and Mansa Musa’s pilgrimage :14th century** The establishment of a Royal pilgrimage tradition in Mali is tied to the foundation of the empire as recounted in the "sunjata epic" about the first ruler (Mansa) of Mali; Sunjata keita. A central theme in the Sunjata epic is his banishment and subsequent movement from kingdom to kingdom (including to the historic capitals of Ghana and Mema), establishing an arterial network of alliances.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-6-93892142) This tradition was likely influenced by a tradition in Mande-speaking groups in which hunters enter the wilderness for considerable periods to learn their craft and survivability, as well as to harness occult power from defined spaces that together constitute a "sacred geography".[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-7-93892142) Using the alliances he had created in exile including the cavalry from Ghana and Mema and the hunters from various Mande polities, Sunjata defeats the armies of Sumaoro, who had taken over the collapsed empire of Ghana. Sunjata, who took on the title Mansa, then establishes the core of the Mali empire through a combination of diplomacy and war. He creates Mali's “Grand Council” or “General Assembly” led by lineage heads and generals from the allied states.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-8-93892142) At this point, while Islam was present in Ghana and a few mande states, the religion was on the periphery of Mali's society which was still dominated by the non-Islamic hunter cults whose adherents featured prominently in Mali's political structure.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-9-93892142) In the period after Sunjata's death, a succession conflict pitted the gradually Islamizing council against the hunter guilds, in which the latter's power was eroded and led to the succession of three muslim Mansas; Ulī, Wātī and Khalīfa. These three Mansas are all said to have been sons of Sunjata, but even more importantly, according to Ibn Khaldūn, Mansā Ulī undertook a pilgrimage during the reign of the Mamluk sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars sometime between 1260 and 1277. _**"This Mansa Uli"**_, says Ibn Khaldun, _**"was one of their greatest kings",**_ and he initiated Mali's northward expansion to Walata and Timbuktu that later would be completed by his later successors.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-10-93892142) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F487fb934-3c7d-4b7c-8f98-769a40e6a776_733x562.png) _**Map of the Mali empire at its height in the late 13th century**_ Mansa Ulī's pilgrimage, the first of its kind for a Mali emperor, was created in the context of internal political rivalry and contested legitimacy. The hajj was transformed into a cultural signifier; combining Mali's pre-Islamic traditions of hunter-journeys to appropriate spiritual power from sacred spaces, with the Islamic obligation of pilgrimage to mecca which takes the pilgrim through the sacred places of Mecca and Medina and gives the pilgrim a spiritual blessing (baraka).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-11-93892142) The same internal political rivalry led to the pilgrimage undertaken by Mansa Sākūra in the late 13th century. Sākūra was reportedly a former royal slave that ascended to the throne with support from the council and other important political figures. He came to power after Mansa Khalīfa's courtiers had deposed him infavour of the short-lived boy-king Abu Bakr, when Khalīfa's reign was considered tyrannical. Sākūra is credited with expanding the empire eastwards to the city of Gao, and the description of his accomplishments in external sources bears a striking resemblance with Mansa Mûsâ.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-12-93892142) Sākūra went on pilgrimage in 1298, visiting Cairo in the reign of the Mamluk sultan al-Malik al-Nasir b. Qala'un, but is said to have died on the route back from his pilgrimage and he was immediately succeeded by Mansa Qū who was inturn succeed by his son Mansa Muḥammad Qū[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-13-93892142). These two rather obscure Mansas, whose relationship with Sākūra are unclear, were unanimously known in tradition as direct descendants of Sunjata unlike Sākūra. It is Mansa Muḥammad Qū who is the subject of a fascinating account about an ambitious voyage across the Atlantic that was recounted by his successor Mansa Mûsâ during the latter's pilgrimage.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-14-93892142) _**"We belong to a family in which power is inherited. He who was \[king\] before me did not believe that the ocean was impossible to cross. He wanted to achieve his extremity and was passionate about this project. He equipped 200 boats which were full of men and as many who were filled with gold, water and provisions, enough to face several years. He then said to those who were in charge of these boats: "Do not come back only after you have reached the end of the ocean or if you have exhausted your provisions or your water". They left. Their absence was prolonged. None returned while long periods were flowing. Finally, a boat returned, only one. We asked the chief about what they had seen and learned. “Gladly, O Sultan,” he replied. "We have traveled a long time until the moment when a river with a violent current appeared in the open sea. I was in the last of the boats. The others came forward and when they were in this place, they did not were able to return and disappeared. We don't know what happened to them. Me, I came back from this place there without committing myself to this river". The sultan rejected his explanation. He had subsequently 2000 boats, 1000 for himself and his men and 1000 for water and provisions. Then he installed me as his replacement, embarked with his companions on the ocean and left. That was the last we saw of him and all those who were with him, and so I became king in my own right" .**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-15-93892142) This introduction makes it clear that this was a story about the transmission of power, in which Mûsâ's predecessor attempted an exceptionally ambitious undertaking to legitimate his power (even more grandiose than the hunter journeys and pilgrimages of his predecessors) but ultimately failed to return (just like Sākūra) thus justifying Mûsâ's ascent to the throne. _**“Mûsâ's account of the circumstances of his accession to power is perhaps not to be understood as the somewhat off-topic narration of a failed maritime adventure on the part of his predecessor, but as the argumentation of his own legitimacy to rule"**_.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-16-93892142) Its in this context that the famous Mansa undertook his own lavish pilgrimage through the Holy places of Islam, undoubtedly with the same purpose of internal political legitimation as his predecessor, but unlike the ill-fated Atlantic adventure, Mansa Mûsâ succeeded in returning to Mali. Mansa Mûsâ had ascended to the throne of Mali in 1312. Unlike Muḥammad Qū and his father, Mûsâ came from the line of Sunjata’s younger brother Manden Bukari, and the switch from Sunjata's lineage to Bukari's doubtlessly raised questions of legitimacy throughout his early reign and likely influenced the decision to undertake a pilgrimage —just as his predecessors Ulī and Sākūra had done when faced with challenges to their own legitimacy—. Mansa Mûsâ embarked on a pilgrimage in the twelfth year of his reign, arriving in Cairo in 18 July 1324. The number of people accompanying the Mansa on his pilgrimage (8,000-60,000), the amount of the gold they carried (8-12 tonnes), the places they visited, and the dozens of traders and scholars who witnessed and recorded Mûsâ's pilgrimage need not be rehearsed here for the sake of brevity. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F138b8a70-6e26-40f4-bf7b-c9e12d7bff17_1800x1248.png) _**Detail from the Catalan Atlas, ca. 1375, showing Mansa musa holding a golden nugget**_ What's more relevant is the extravagance of the pilgrimage which not only outdid the ambitious Atlantic voyage of Mansa Muhammad, but also earned him external legitimacy from other Muslim powers in a way that utilized an already established tradition[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-17-93892142). Mansa Mûsâ acquired the baraka of the ḥajj, was invested with external political currency from his association with the Mamluk sultan al-Nāṣir, and was accompanied by several scholars including "_**jurists of the Malikite school”**_ whom he brought on his return to Mali. He arrived in 1326 through the cities of Gao and Timbuktu that had been subsumed into the empire during his absence.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-18-93892142) Claims that Mansa Mûsâ's foreign companions introduced many innovations from the Islamic mainland are exaggerated --for example, the Friday mosque at Timbuktu was only the latest in a very old architectural tradition that was already attested at Gao, Djenne and Kumbi Saleh more than five centuries prior[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-19-93892142), and the Maliki school was well established in the cities of Dia-Zāgha, Kābara and Djenne during the Almoravid period, centuries before scholars from these cities moved to Timbuktu.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-20-93892142) Even more importantly, the Arab companion that Mansa Musa came with from Egypt (called Abd alRahman) found his knowledge of Maliki jurisprudence to be less than that of the scholars of Timbuktu and was forced to move to Fez for further studies[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-21-93892142), Showing that scholarly communities in Mali were not in need of a generous patron like Mansa Musa, nor was his famous Hajj necessary for the Timbuktu scholars to collaborate with their peers in Fez (Morocco). Nevertheless, the pilgrimage greatly augmented Mali's Islamic credentials externally, such that barely two decades after Mûsâ's pilgrimage, the famous globe trotter Ibn Baṭṭūṭa was inclined to visit it in 1352 (possibly on a diplomatic mission), and described what was then an entirely Muslim country. The recognition acquired from Mali's external Muslim peers had rewarded it with regular diplomatic contacts such as with the Marinid sultanate of Morocco and Algeria, without the need for sub-ordination, since the Mansas were recognized as the sole and paramount rulers in Mali.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-22-93892142) The Royal Pilgrimage tradition of Mali ended with Mansa Mûsâ, and none of the succeeding Mansas of the remaining three centuries undertook a pilgrimage (despite the increase in non-royal pilgrimages by west African scholars), perhaps an indication that its usefulness as an internal legitimating device had been exhausted. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff59c01dd-5d6c-4cc9-a37e-abd55faaaf7a_800x533.png) _**Djinguereber Mosque in Timbuktu, the original structure was commissioned by Mansa Musa but was greatly modified during the succeeding centuries**_ **The institutionalization of the Royal Pilgrimage tradition in Kanem from the 14th-15th century** During the time when Mali's royal pilgrimages had been discontinued, the neighboring empire of Kanem continued the tradition of Royal pilgrimage, with many local records of Mais making the journey to mecca that were corroborated by external sources. The hajj of Mai Ibrāhīm b. Bīr (1296-1315), Mai Idrīs b. Ibrāhīm (1342-1366), and Mai 'Abdallāh b. 'Umar (1424-1431) are documented in endogenous and exogenous texts, with al-Maqrīzī mentioning the death of Mai 'Abdallāh on his way back from pilgrimage in 1432. More Kanem royal hajjs are mentioned in local sources including sultan Dāwud b. Ibrāhīm (1366-1376) , Bīr b. Idrīs (1389-1421) and Dūnama b. Bīr (1440-1444), although these three aren't corroborated in external sources.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-23-93892142) The 14th century was a period of internal political strife in the Kanem empire, in which an ideological and political conflict between the Islamized Sefuwa dynasty and the heterodox Bulala group led to a protracted war that divided the empire.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-24-93892142) Unlike Mali's internal political processes however, the royal pilgrimage tradition wasn't initially conceived as a tool for internal political legitimacy in Kanem, but was instead part of the prerogatives of the empire's sovereigns, who, through their protection (and later participation) in pilgrimage, demonstrated their ability to secure trade routes and ensure the safety their subjects who used them. It's in this context that the first diplomatic embassies were sent by the Kanem rulers to the rulers of Mamluk Egypt by way of hajj, with official envoys of the Mai often organizing and leading caravans to receive and respond to letters of assurances from the Mamluk sultans that guaranteed provisions and safety. These diplomatic exchanges eventually asserted the external legitimacy of the Kanem sovereigns with their external Muslim peers, further enhancing the standing of Kanem's rulers who begun using the title of Caliph/_**amīr al-mū'minīn**_ (Commander of the faithful) by 1391.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-25-93892142) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F047daac2-2abf-4fdf-8bfb-16f74ae60b79_801x566.png) _**Map showing the royal pilgrimage route from Kanem-Bornu to Mecca**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-26-93892142) **The Royal Pilgrimage tradition After Mansa Musa: the Age of imperial Songhai and Askiya Muhammad in the 16th century** West Africa underwent a period of major political transformation beginning in the mid-14th century which ended with the establishment of the largest territorial states in its history. The weakening empire of Mali withdrew from its eastern provinces centered at Timbuktu and Gao, with the former being briefly falling under the Tuareg before it was conquered by the breakaway dynasty at Gao led by Sunni ‘Alī who established the empire of Songhai. Further eastwards, the breakaway of Kanem empire’s eastern provinces forced the Mais to establish a new state at Bornu, which rapidly expanded southwards into the Hausalands and northwards into the Kawar and Fezzan region. The Royal pilgrimage tradition of Kanem continued in earnest with the establishment of the Bornu empire, and from 1465 to 1696, between 7 and 9 Mais made or attempted to make the pilgrimage out of a total of 15. Moving back to the western regions, the territory formerly dominated by Mali was quickly falling under Songhai’s control. But unlike Mali's complex process of subsuming distant polities, Sunni ‘Alī's Songhai relied almost exclusively on conquest through warfare and earned him a rather negative reputation among the scholarly community of Timbuktu and Djenne whom he exiled. After Sunni ‘Alī's passing in 1492, his army chose Abū Bakr Dā’u as the next emperor of Songhai, but this was opposed by Muḥammad Ture a high ranking official who raised his forces against the new emperor and defeated him in 1493. Muḥammad Ture then established the Askiya dynasty of Songhai but his rebellion against the deposed Sunni dynasty had little support from the political elites; with his only support coming from the urban scholarly community, which he immediately restored before moving across the empire and replacing its administration with loyalists.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-27-93892142) It's in this context of political rivalry and legitimation that the Askiya made preparations for pilgrimage, setting off for mecca in 1496. While the Askiya travelled with a smaller retinue compared to Mansa Musa's it was nevertheless fairly large; with a force comprised of 1,500 infantry and 500 cavalry, that carried some 300,000 mithqals of gold (about 1.4 tones). More importantly, the Askiya's companions included “a group of leaders from every community” that supported his new regime as part of his strategy of establishing a new administration loyal to him.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-28-93892142) The Askiya made charitable contributions in Mecca and Medina totaling 100,000 mithqals, and while in Medina he spent another 100,000 mithqals on the purchase of gardens which he converted into an _**“endowment for the people of Takrūr”**_ and another 100,000 mithqals for his own personal trading in Cairo (just like the Mais of Kanem had done). And like Mansa Musa, the Askiya received external political legitimacy from other Muslim powers when he was symbolically anointed as the khalīfa of Songhay by the Abbasid caliph of Cairo to serve as the latter's regent[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-29-93892142). This anointment had no real political consequences but imbued the Askiya with a religious/spiritual authority as Caliph/_**amīr al-mu’minīn**_, which further justified his usurpation of power and proved to be a powerful weapon against opposing elites in Songhai. Many of his companions were granted offices in the new administration.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-30-93892142) The success of the legitimation of Askiya Muhammad's rule through pilgrimage -among other legitimating devices- can be seen in the unchallenged hold on power that his dynasty enjoyed right up to the fall of Songhai in 1591. Future Askiyas utilized the administrative structures established by Askiya Muhammad to maintain their power and the succession process being largely determined by support of the military (just like the Sunnis) without the need for the perilous journey to mecca. Importantly, the Caliphal title played a major role in the conflict between Songhai and Bornu over suzerainty in the Hausalands, with both empires attempting to justify either's expansion by appealing to rival scholars al-Maġīlī (1425-1505) and al-Suyūṭī (1445-1505) to affirm themselves ideologically.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-31-93892142) After Aksiya Muhammad, none of the Songhai emperors saw the need for making the Hajj, despite the continued stream of non-royal pilgrims from west Africa that arrived in mecca and enjoyed the facilities left by the Askiya. The royal pilgrimage tradition in Songhai ended with him. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F855a09b4-bd28-4e91-8b70-e9e9169582fe_709x539.png) _**Map showing Imperial Songhai at its height in the early 16th century**_ **The peak and decline of the Royal pilgrimage tradition in Bornu: 1484-1696** By the late 15th century, the Royal pilgrimages of Bornu had been transformed beyond their initial function of protecting outbound caravans. The visit of Mai 'Ali Ġāǧī (r. 1465-1497) in Cairo in 1484, within the framework of the pilgrimage, in order to obtain the investiture of the Abbassid caliph al-Mutawwakil II, marked a significant shift in the objective of pilgrimage. 'Ali Ġāǧī's example was followed by Mai Idris Alooma (r. 1564-1596) who made the pilgrimage to Mecca in 1565 to acquire sufficient internal political and religious legitimacy against an opposing dynastic branch[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-32-93892142). Idris reportedly spent 220,000 mithqals of gold (about 1 tonne) purchasing goods in Cairo, and further confirmed his authority within Bornu by appointing his companions on the hajj in his administration, and declaring war against rebels who were supported by the rival dynastic branch. [33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-33-93892142) In both cases, pilgrimage became an internal device for legitimation to reform the administration of the state, much like Askiya Muhammad, but also had an economic dimension by augmenting the already established external trade with Mamluk Egypt. This trade dimension to the hajj was particularly recurrent in Bornu, where another ruler; the Mai 'Alī b. 'Umar (r. 1639-1677) is also recorded bringing gold with him to spend in Cairo in 1648 during his pilgrimage there.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-34-93892142) Trade was doubtless part of the objective of the Bornu royal pilgrimages since the Kanem era. For example, diplomatic relations between the Pasha of Tripoli, Muḥammad Saqīzlī and Mai 'Alī b. 'Umar (r. 1639-1677) broke down for 5 years from 1648 to 1653 after the former attempted to monopolize trade with the latter on a right of first refusal basis. But since Bornu's economy was largely agro-pastoral and much less dependent on external trade than Tripoli, Mai 'Alī imposed a trade embargo on Tripoli and re-directed all external trade to Cairo, he also personally lead the different pilgrimage-caravans in 1642, 1648 and 1656, 1677 (performing the most pilgrimages of any west African ruler)[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-35-93892142). The Pasha Saqīzlī sent envoys to the Bornu sultan but the latter refused to change his policy, leading Saqīzlī to attack the Bornu caravan with its emperor on its return in 1478. The attack was a failure, Saqīzlī was killed by his finance director (likely because trade had collapsed) and his successor pasha 'Uṯmān Saqīzlī immediately sent envoys to Bornu and restore the old trading agreement that was in place before his predecessor. By 1653, the Sultan of Bornu is recorded sending porcelains to the pasha of Tripoli as trade relations had been resumed.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-36-93892142) Purchases made with gold weren't just aimed at increasing external trade, but also for securing the provisions and safety of the Bornu sultan's subjects abroad, following a custom established by the very first Kanem sovereigns. The 16th century Bornu chronicler Aḥmad Furṭū writes about the purchase of a palm grove in Medina by Mai Idris, which was populated by those who had accompanied him on his hajj. Other external sources also describe purchases made by the abovementioned 17th century Mai 'Alī b. 'Umar, who bought houses in Cairo, Medina and Mecca in order to lodge pilgrims and also acquired stores to meet the costs of the houses.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-37-93892142) The tradition of establishing lodges along pilgrim routes grew out of a local institution in Kanem-Bornu of controlling mobile populations.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-38-93892142) Many pilgrim villages/communities were also established in the eastern neighbors of Bornu especially in the territory of Darfur between the 16th and 19th century, a period which coincided with the gradual shift in the region trade and pilgrimage from northern routes to the eastern routes[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-39-93892142) even though none of the Mais ever used that route. Many of these pilgrims from Bornu may not have completed the journey to mecca but opted to settle locally and were regarded as saints/holy-men; being credited with the foundation of many scholarly communities and zāwiyas (lodges). Migrations increased to the extent that upto 10% of northern Sudan's population in the early 20th century came from western Chad[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-40-93892142). The stream of Bornu pilgrims enhanced the Mai's regional legitimacy among his peers with one of Bornu's neighboring sultans in the kingdom of Darfur saying _**"the only true sultans were those of Borno and Constantinople"**_.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-41-93892142) The circulation of scholars between Bornu and Egypt greatly increased during this period partly due to the royal pilgrimages (as well as the non-royal pilgrimages) During a pilgrimage to Mecca, Mai 'Ali Ġāǧī stopped in Cairo to consult with al-Suyūṭī, who reports that _**“they studied with \[him\] a certain number of \[his\] works, more than twenty, \[…\] and other works"**_.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-42-93892142) The intellectual exchanges between Bornu and Egypt occurred during a period of great intellectual debate in the Bornu capital about the origin of its ruling Sefuwa dynasty, which, like many Muslim dynasties, had initially claimed superficial prestigious origins from the Himyarite king of Yemen Sayf ibn Dhi Yazan who was important in early Islamic traditions. This superficial genealogy marked out the Kanem rulers as true Muslims in a region that was at the time still considered predominantly non-Muslim in external literature.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-43-93892142) But the abovementioned conflict between the now multiple Muslim dynasties of west africa (especially with the Askiyas who were now also considered Caliphs) forced the Sefuwa of Bornu to seek even more prestigious superficial genealogies. Beginning with the monumental work of Aḥmad b. Furṭū on Bornu's history in the 16th century, the Himyarite genealogy was combined with the Quraysh genealogy (from which the prophet Muhammad originated), placing the Bornu sultans at the same level as their rivals; the Ottomans and Moroccans, and above their west African peers. Claims of Quraysh descent were universally coldly received whether they were made by Ottomans or Moroccans, and it was no different in Bornu. But the frequent royal pilgrimages of the Kanem rulers greatly transformed the image of the hajj; especially given that the Quraysh tribe's direct association with Mecca and Medina, which now made it appear that the Bornu rulers who went there on pilgrimage were simply returning to the homeland of their ancestors.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-44-93892142) The royal pilgrimage in Bornu therefore acquired a multidimensional objective that was political, economic and religious, but more importantly, it was largely situated in the local and regional context based on evolving and overlapping practices of political legitimacy of Bornu, and its these practices that explain why it was eventually abandoned. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F69816763-f1fd-4cd6-8198-33efc88133f9_637x900.png) _**Map of the Bornu empire in the 17th-18th century.**_[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-45-93892142) **The end of the Royal pilgrimage tradition: Sokoto and west Africa’s age of revolutions in the 19th century** The 17th century saw the appearance of another practice of legitimization of the power of the Mais of Bornu: that of mysticism and personal charisma which directly competed with and eventually displaced the practices based on prestigious genealogies and enforced by the royal Hajj. This new practice had been been utilized by the most prolific hajji of all the Bornu rulers; Mai 'Alī b. 'Umar (1639-1677), whose mystical aura was such that according to an external writer; the Pasha of Tripoli _**"feared that the Arabs would take the opportunity to revolt against him, seeing in their country a king, African and who lived in the opinion of holiness among the Muslims".**_[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-46-93892142) But just like the previous traditions utilizing the Caliphal title and the Quraysh descent that were also appropriated by neighboring kingdoms like Wadai and DarFur[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-47-93892142), and the royal pilgrimages that were nearly adopted by the neighboring kingdom of Bagirmi and Kano[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-48-93892142), the dialectic of power around mysticism in Bornu couldn't be monopolized by the Sefuwa sultans, as it was also appropriated and successfully used against them by Bornu's many vassals who utilized the new legitimating device to break off from Bornu's suzerainty when the latter was weakening.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-49-93892142) By the 18th century, the usefulness of the pilgrimage as an internal legitimating device had been exhausted, the last external record of a Bornu sultan making the hajj was in 1696 by Mai Idrīs b. 'Alī (r. 1677-1696)[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-50-93892142). He passed away on his return trip from mecca in the Fezzan region of southern Libya, and was buried in the ancient Kanem provincial capital of Traghen where his whitewashed tomb became a minor pilgrimage site.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-51-93892142) While at least three more Mais are said to have performed the Hajj in the early 18th century especially Mai Ḥamdūn (1715-1729) who also studied in Cairo[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-52-93892142), their pilgrimages weren't corroborated in external sources.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-53-93892142) From the 18th to 19th century, West Africa's political landscape was transformed in a political revolution that saw the emergence of "theocratic" states such as Sokoto, Massina and Futa Toro, that were established by a highly learned scholarly class that sought to create an orthodox Islamic administration. Paradoxically, none of these theocratic leaders ever performed the obligatory hajj[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-54-93892142), and while they acknowledged its religious relevance, they claimed they could not perform the Hajj due to their political positions. The theocratic elite went to great lengths to guarantee the safety of non-royal west African pilgrims, and the the Hajj caravans became specialized and institutionalized with chiefs, supervisors, heads of caravan subgroups, resting stations and military escorts.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-55-93892142) As a legitimating device, the Hajj had by then completely lost its political relevance, the theocratic elite performed the pilgrimage mentally through wanderlust literature, and just like in Bornu; mysticism and personal charisma became the main legitimating devices of an ideal leader in Sokoto; beginning with its founder Uthman Fodio.[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage#footnote-56-93892142) _**“They say that I have been to Mecca and Medina, and they have no doubt about it, These qualities are attributed to me by many people, and I must say they are wrong.”**_ Uthman dan Fodio, _tahdhir al-ikhwan_, ca. 1811, Sokoto. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3aa140aa-b558-438d-a969-be7cdbbb292b_797x603.png) _**Map of the Sokoto empire.**_ **Conclusion: the function of west Africa’s royal Hajj in African history.** Far from being an ambitious quest for international recognition, the Royal pilgrimage tradition was a uniquely west African institution that served a mostly internal objective. West African states like Mali, Songhai and Bornu developed a set of discourses and customs in order to consolidate their authority and legitimacy regionally and later internationally. The obligatory hajj to mecca was adopted by west African royals as the powerful legitimating device especially during times when their internal legitimacy was contested and when they wanted to demonstrate their regional authority. Its adoption transformed and complemented pre-existing customs inorder to create a unique Royal pilgrimage tradition which became an established institution in the region. The Royal Hajj evolved with time to become a potent external legitimating device, it was turned into an important commercial exercise involving cross-cultural diplomatic and intellectual exchanges in which west African Muslim states were fully recognized as independent powers led by Caliphs. The Royal Hajj was however not the only lever of legitimacy used by the west African royals, and overtime other legitimating devices were borrowed from several registers such that the pilgrimage tradition was eventually abandoned by west African sovereigns despite their increased commitment to the religion. The brilliant theater that was Mansa Musa's pilgrimage and other west African kings who went after him was therefore **not primarily intended for the foreign audience which it impressed but for the local audience from whom the kings drew their power.** [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5ddd7fdb-7bbd-48fb-8b66-10e6cee052b2_790x615.png) _**March of a caravan out of Cairo to Mecca**_, ca 1700, (British museum 1982,U.1593) The **Mali empire** was instrumental in **preventing the early colonization of west Africa** during the Atlantic era, read about its **diplomatic and military encounters with Portugal** on Patreon; [WHEN THE MALI EMPIRE MET PORTUGAL](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-mali-empire-76281818) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4ce2f1e0-2953-4dd5-8232-be88e71c7f12_497x900.jpeg) _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE)

2023-01-01T13:01:08+00:00

a brief note on the history of indigenous and foreign religions in African history, and the Kimpasi society of Kongo

The majority of Africans today primarily identify as Christians and Muslims of various denominations, with a relatively small fraction adhering to other belief systems often referred to as 'indigenous' or 'traditional' religions.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-history-of-indigenous

The majority of Africans today primarily identify as Christians and Muslims of various denominations, with a relatively small fraction adhering to other belief systems often referred to as 'indigenous' or 'traditional' religions. The history of religion in Africa is as old and invariably complex as the history of its societies, of which religion was an integral component. It was determined by multiple internal developments in Africa’s belief systems and social institutions, and the continent’s interaction with the rest of the Old World. As African societies increasingly interacted with each other and the rest of the old world, they created, adopted, and syncretized different belief systems in a process familiar to scholars of religion from across the world.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-history-of-indigenous#footnote-1-147846354) For this reason, so-called "indigenous" and "foreign" religions have co-existed and influenced each other across the history of many different societies, so much as to render both terms superfluous. The [belief systems of ancient Kush](https://www.patreon.com/posts/78797811), for example, included a rich pantheon of deities, religious practices, and myths that were derived from the diverse populations of the different kingdoms that dominated the region. From the solar deities and ram cults of ancient Kerma to the shared deities in the temple towns of New-Kingdom Egypt and Nubia, to the southern deities introduced by the Meroitic dynasty, the religion of ancient Kush was a product of centuries of syncretism/hybridism and plurality, influenced by political and social changes across its long history. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa7ec53a8-e193-4238-8b39-3b7710476b3e_820x485.png) _**Temple reliefs on the South wall of the Lion Temple**_ at Naqa, Sudan_**.** Kush’s King Natakamani, Queen Amanitore, and Prince Arikankharor facing the gods; Apedemak (a **Meroitic deity**), Horus (an **Egyptian deity**), Amun of Napata (a **Nubian-Egyptian deity**), Aqedise (a **Meroitic deity**), and Amun of Kerma (a **Nubian-Egyptian deity**)._ Similar developments occurred in West Africa, such as in the kingdom of Dahomey, where the promotion of religious plurality led to the creation and adoption of multiple belief systems, religious practices, and deities from across the region. Dahomey's "traditional" belief systems and practices, called Vodun, were syncretized with "foreign" belief systems, especially [at its capital Abomey](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital?utm_source=publication-search), which contained numerous temples dedicated to local and foreign deities. The people of Dahomey adopted deities from its vassal kingdom of Ouidah (eg the python god Dangbe), as well as other deities and practices from its suzerain —the empire of [Oyo](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in?utm_source=publication-search), where the Ifa religion was dominant, and from where the Vodun/Orisha of Gu/Ogun originated.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-history-of-indigenous#footnote-2-147846354) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc69820b6-88f0-4f45-b52c-2d77df1608c6_1024x555.png) _**Practicioners of Gu and Tohusu**_ _**in Abomey**_, ca. 1950, Quai branly. The former is in the courtyard of the temple of Gu (ie: Ogun) the god of iron and war, to whom the massive sword is dedicated. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F24a8507a-d5b2-4d05-ad10-aaa63972bbf4_1302x472.png) _**Reliefs on an old Temple in Abomey**_, ca. 1940, Quai branly. This wall may have been part of a section of the temple of Dangbe, the python deity from Ouidah. In the Hausalands of northern Nigeria, the adherents of "traditional" belief systems recognized and adopted different kinds of deities that evolved along with the "foreign" belief systems of their Muslim peers. In the kingdom of Kano, internal accounts by local Muslim scholars document the [evolution of the ‘traditionalist’ religions over the centuries from “Tsumburbura”, to “Chibiri”, to “Bori”](https://www.patreon.com/posts/traditional-in-82189267) —the last of which is only the latest iteration in the polytheistic religion of the Maguzawa Hausa, whose deities also included ‘Mallams’ (ie: Muslim clerics). These traditionalists are presented as active agents in Kano's history whose status was analogous to the dhimmis (protected groups) in the Muslim heartlands such as Christians and Jews. This brief outline demonstrates that the terms 'traditional' and 'foreign' are mostly anachronisms that modern writers extrapolate backward to a period when such binary concepts would have been unfamiliar to the actual people living at the time. Religions could emerge, spread, decline, and evolve in different societies in a process that was influenced by multiple factors. Since 'religions' weren't separate institutions but were considered an integral part of many societies' social and political structures, the history of Religion in Africa was inextricably tied to broader changes and developments in Africa's societies. The Kingdom of Kongo presents one of the best case studies for the evolution of 'traditional' religions in Africa. While much of the kingdom adopted Christianity on its own terms at the end of the 15th century, the kingdom’s eastern provinces were home to a powerful polytheistic religious society known as the Kimpasi whose members played an influential role in Kongo's politics during the 17th and 18th centuries. The kimpasi society co-existed with the rest of Kongo's Christian society well into the 20th century and was considered by the latter as a lawful institution, despite being denounced by visiting priests. **The history of the Kimpasi religious society and the 'traditional' religions of Kongo is the subject of my latest Patreon Article.** **Please subscribe to read about it here:** [THE KIMPASI SOCIETY OF KONGO](https://www.patreon.com/posts/110322080) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffea369af-82cd-485e-b888-436da1e25ec9_670x1146.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2092112b-9781-4718-8224-ef604d736d10_820x1295.png) _**Photos from a Hausa community in Tunis, ca. 1914.**_ _Top: "Spirits of the Great Mallams". (ie: Muslim teachers)_ _Bottom: "Uwal Yara, or Magajiya, the spirit which gives croup and other ailments to children."_

2024-08-18T15:46:44+00:00

a brief note on Africa in 16th century global history.

the international relations and manuscripts of Kongo

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century

The 16th century was one the most profound periods of change in Africa's international relations. Africans had led the initiative in establishing international contact across Eurasia[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-1-142265250), and the expansion of the Ottoman and Portuguese empires in the 16th century further accelerated Africa's engagement with the rest of the world, reshaping pre-existing patterns of regional alliances and rivalries. In the northern Horn of Africa, the armies of the Adal sultanate defeated the Ethiopian forces in 1529 as their leader, Imam Ahmad al-Ghazi, launched a series of successful campaigns that briefly subsumed most of Ethiopia. Al-Ghazi's campaigns eventually acquired an international dimension and became increasingly enmeshed in the global conflict between the Portuguese and the Ottomans. The Turks supplied al-Ghazi with firearms and soldiers, while the Portuguese provided the same to the Ethiopian ruler Gelawdewos, who eventually won the war in 1543. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf939165-cea3-488a-adb1-0d27b64ed7ae_820x599.png) **‘Futuh al-Habasa’** (_Conquest of Abyssinia_) written by Sihab ad-Din Ahmad bin Abd al-Qader in 1559, copy at the King Saud University.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-2-142265250) Around the same time, the rulers of the Swahili city-states along the East African coast who were opposed to the Portuguese presence sent envoys to the Ottoman provinces in Arabia beginning in 1542, looking for allies to aid them in expelling the Portuguese. After several more embassies in the 1550s and 60s, Ottoman corsair Ali Beg brought his forces to the East African coast in 1585 and 1589, but was eventually forced to withdraw after an army from the mainland drove his forces from the coast.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-3-142265250) On the other side of the continent the simultaneous expansion of the Portuguese and Ottomans into north-western Africa threatened the regional balance of power between the empires of Morocco and Bornu. After a series of diplomatic initiatives by Bornu’s envoys to Marrakech and Istanbul, the Moroccans defeated the Portuguese in 1578, just as Bornu's ruler Mai Idris Alooma was halting the Ottoman advance into Bornu’s dependancies in southern Libya.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-4-142265250) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe40c72d1-dcff-44cf-a7ef-eee34186e979_820x615.jpeg) _**the 16th century fortress of Murzuq in southern Libya’s Fezzan region, associated with the Awlad dynasty, a client state of Bornu**_. The fezzan remained the border between Bornu and the Ottomans and it was from this region that **[Bornu acquired european slave soldiers and firearms from the Ottomans](https://www.patreon.com/posts/first-guns-and-84319870)**. In all three regions, the globalized rivalries between the regional powers are mentioned in some of Africa's best known works of historical literature. The chronicle on Adal’s ‘_Conquest of Abyssinia’_ was completed in 1559, in the same decade that the chronicle of the Swahili city of Kilwa was written, and not long before the Bornu scholar Aḥmad Furṭū would complete the first chronicle of Mai Idris' reign in 1576. While all three chronicles are primarily concerned with domestic politics, they also include an international dimension regarding the diplomatic activities of their kingdoms.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-5-142265250) Much further south in the region of west-central Africa, another African society entered the international arena, without engaging in the global rivaries of the period. The sudden entry of the kingdom of Kongo into global politics and the emergence of its intellectual tradition was one of the most significant yet often misunderstood developments in 16th-century Africa. **The international activities of the kingdom of Kongo and its intellectual traditions are the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **please subscribe to read about it here:** [KONGO'S FOREIGN RELATIONS & MANUSCRIPTS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/99646036) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7935d194-6756-43b8-8e1e-532551f30444_648x1186.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F437706fb-81d4-4c72-bfd6-bae06e7bbcf8_688x604.png) _**The ambassador Antonio Emanuele Ne Vunda of the Kingdom of Kongo and the embassy of Hasekura Tsunenaga of Japan**_. Painting by Agostino Taschi. ca. 1616 in the Sala dei Corazzieri, Palazzo del Quirinale., Rome

2024-03-03T16:30:13+00:00

a brief note on the long history of African diplomacy.

historical links between west africa and the Maghreb.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history

In 1415, an embassy from the Swahili city of Malindi on the coast of Kenya carried with them a giraffe as a present to the Chinese emperor Yongle. The majestic creature, which was transported along with the Malindi envoys on the ships of admiral Zheng He, caused a sensation at the imperial capital Nanjing where it was thought to be a unicorn.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history#footnote-1-146364510) About a decade prior in 1402, an Ethiopian embassy arrived at the floating city of Venice after a lengthy journey overland through Egypt and across the Mediterranean. Dressed in monastic attire and accompanied by live leopards, the small party gracefully cruised the city's canals as onlookers wondered whether they had come from the land of the semi-legendary king Prester John.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history#footnote-2-146364510) The history of Africa's engagement with the rest of the world is often framed in the context of imperial expansion and warfare, rather than the much older and more long-standing tradition of international diplomacy. While the practice of bringing exotic animals on diplomatic tours was quite rare, the dispatch of envoys by African states was a fairly common practice across the continent’s long history. Many of my previous articles on Africa's historical links to the rest of the old world often include the activities of African envoys in distant lands. Such as the embassies from ancient [Kush and Aksum in the Roman world](https://newlinesmag.com/essays/did-europeans-discover-africa-or-the-other-way-around/), the [embassies of the Swahili city-states to China](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true) during the late Middle Ages, and the [embassies of the kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo to Spain and the Netherlands](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552) during the early modern period. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F56d580ea-7e27-4cf9-9d18-52f9e19f4a6d_998x584.png) _**Portrait of Dom Miguel de Castro, Emissary of the Kongo kingdom**_, 1643, National Gallery of Denmark. _**Tribute giraffe with attendant**_, _**Ming Dynasty, Yongle Period**_ (1403-1424), Philadelphia Museum of Art. The institution of diplomacy in Africa was a product of centuries of internal developments in its kingdoms and other complex societies. [The case study of the kingdom of Asante's diplomatic activities within West Africa and abroad](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial) shows how its rulers' extensive foreign interests were incorporated into the complex bureaucracy of the kingdom with official diplomats, messengers, and non-official envoys. Asante’s ambassadors were provided with official attire and insignia, and were often accompanied by a large retinue whose gifts and expenses were paid for by the state. The frequency of Africa's diplomatic activities reveals the antiquity and scale of the development of the continent's institutions, which enabled many of its societies to establish and maintain peaceful relations in order to facilitate the movement of ideas, goods, and travelers in various capacities. This is most evident in the historical links between the kingdoms of West Africa and the Maghreb (north Africa), whose capitals were frequented by West African envoys since the 13th century. The intra-African diplomatic activities of these envoys provide further proof against the colonial myth of the separation of "sub-Saharan" Africa, by situating the political history of West Africa and the Maghreb within the same geographic and cultural space. **The history of West Africa's links with the Maghreb is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read about it here:** [LINKS BETWEEN WEST AFRICA & MAGHREB](https://www.patreon.com/posts/107625792) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffef5df1d-15d6-4063-99c7-002f75be5d87_676x1186.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6df9264-523c-4a24-8cf6-256f8afe5b53_1127x542.jpeg) _**bas-relief showing the arrival of the Ethiopian and (Coptic) Egyptian delegations in Rome in October 1441**_, ("Porta del Filarete" at the St. Peter's Basilica, Italy c.1445) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c01d5b4-5e5a-4330-9f9e-80f00ab982f1_767x1000.png) **Portrait of Matheo Lopez, Ambassador of the kingdom of Allada to France in 1670.**

2024-07-07T16:17:40+00:00

A history of the Majeerteen Sultanate: 1700-1927.

Maritime trade and diplomacy in the northern Horn of Africa.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate

The north-eastern coast of Somalia was home to some of Africa's most dynamic maritime societies since antiquity. During the 18th century, the region was controlled by the Marjeerteen sultanate which became a major regional power linking the Somali mainland to the western Indian ocean. From their fortified coastal towns, Marjeerteen’s rulers controlled a lucrative spice trade with southern Arabia, enforced maritime laws along a major shipping lane, and initiated diplomatic contacts with foreign states while halting the advance of colonial powers. This article explores the history of the Majeerteen sultanate and its role as an important regional power in the northern horn of Africa from the 18th century to 1927. _**Map showing the Majeerteen sultanate in north-eastern Somalia.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-1-125742347)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4c6a0985-8b42-4fb4-bde2-c710ac03fc6e_773x721.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **A brief history of the northern-eastern Somalia before the rise of Majeerteen.** The northern coast of the horn of Africa was home to several ancient settlements since antiquity. Archeological surveys of the settlements at Hafun, Alula and Cape Guardafui, revealed evidence of trade links between the settlements and the Sabean kingdom (in Yemen) and the Romans, including ruined buildings of sandstone and sherds of amphorae dated to the 2nd century.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-2-125742347) According to the 1st century guidebook, _Periplus of the Erythraen Sea_, there were several trading ports along the coast of northern Somalia, which was known as the Spice Coast, named after its aromatic and medicinal resins exports, notably frankincense.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-3-125742347) The empire of Aksum and the sultanate of Adal controlled parts of the northern horn of Africa’s coastline between late antiquity and the middle ages, but the region in which Majeerteen would emerge remained outside their political spheres. Around the 14th century, the north-eastern tip of the Horn was controlled by a vast confederation of Somali-speaking clan groups of the Darod family, of which the Harti sub-group were the most prominent. Among the Harti were the Majeerteen clan who were the nominal head of the confederation, but by the 18th century, this confederation had splintered into several independent states including Majeerteen.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-4-125742347) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe55ff250-1e11-4592-8bb5-a0a6a08a428d_582x465.png) _**Coastal towns of the Majeerteen sultanate.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-5-125742347) **The sultanate of Majeerteen.** The Majeerteen state was led by a ruler (variously refered to as Sultan or Boqor). while such titles carried little defined authority among some of the neighboring lineage groups[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-6-125742347), the Majeerteen sultan exercised significant authority over the affairs of the state[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-7-125742347). The Majeerteen ruler was assisted by a council of officers (including chiefs, qadis, etc) often appointed by himself[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-8-125742347), taxes were paid by foreign merchants (often Arab and Indian) but not by his subjects[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-9-125742347), he engaged with foreign diplomats as an independent sovereign albeit in the presence of his subordinate chiefs[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-10-125742347), and he enforced laws regarding fort construction, security, marine salvage, and transhumance (pastoral rights on land, wells, etc).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-11-125742347) The capital/residence of Majeerteen sultan shifted with each successive ruler, it was initially at Bandar Meraya in the early 19th century[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-12-125742347) before moving to Bargal and Bandar Gedid in the late 19th century[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-13-125742347). Besides the capitals, a number of coastal towns were established along Majeerteen's shores during the 19th century including; Bandar Ziada, Bandar Cassim/Kasin (Bosaso), Kandala, Bandar Kor, Durbo, Filuk and Alula. Many of these were under the authority of princes and other kinsmen of the sultan.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-14-125742347) But the degree of control exercised over each subordinate chief, prince or kinsman of the Sultan was attimes tenuous, such as at the chiefs of Alula who often ‘rebelled’ against Majeerteen’s authority.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-15-125742347) As a coastal state, Majeerteen regulated the activities of foreign traders, travelers and shipwrecked sailors through the pre-existing somali social institution of abban ( mediator). It was the abban who took responsibility for a visitor’s security, acted as broker for business transactions, made introductions, and played the role of host and interpreter. In exchange, the abban levied a fee on all purchases made by the person under their protection, often in addition to presents and gifts. In the Majeerteen worldview, the abbans, who often came from the royal lineages, integrated guests into the society for the duration of their stay.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-16-125742347) The abban institution was utilized as a diplomatic system which mediated everyday interactions between the Majeerteen and envoys of foreign states including the Ottoman-Egyptian Khedive (which nominally claimed parts of the region), the Naqib of Mukalla (in Yemen), the sultan of Oman, and later European powers. Majerteen's regional diplomacy involved mutual recognition, gift giving and treaty signing, in a system of international relations common across the indian ocean littoral.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-17-125742347) Majeerteen rulers signed commercial treaties with the sultan of Oman (Zanzibar), as well as with the ruler of Mukalla. But as an independent state, Majerteen only accepted treaties which conformed to their own interests, and demonstrated this by turning down the Oman Sultan's request to build a his own lighthouse at Cape Guardafui. Such treaties and international relations strengthened and enhanced the Majeerteen sultans’ position as rulers in a contested political landscape.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-18-125742347) Among the foreign states which Majeerteen singed commercial treaties with were the British who had in 1839, occupied the port-city of Aden in Yemen. While Aden remained a relatively minor port in the first half of the 19th century, the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, imbued the region with a strategic political and economic significance, leading to a significant increase in maritime traffic. What was once a six-month around Africa was transformed into a two-week steamship passage via the Red Sea.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-19-125742347) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe4223ce7-fddc-4b1d-a7e3-1401f04ad612_773x575.png) _**The precolonial commercial and diplomatic connections across the north-western Indian Ocean**_[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-20-125742347) **Trade and Economy of Majeerteen: Frankincense and Fort-building.** The growth of Aden and Muscat (Oman) increased maritime trade in the western Indian ocean ,creating more demand for Somali commodities including incenses, livestock, spices, coffee and hides. In 1837, an estimated 732 tonnes of Frankincense collected from the capital’s hinterland was sold at Merayah annually, more than half of which went to Bombay, while the rest went to the Red sea region and southern Arabia.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-21-125742347) By the 1870s, Majeerteen’s trade with the city of Aden alone amounted to around 5% of the city’s total imports valued at around 500,000 British Rupees per year by the 1870s, or about £25,000–50,000 sterling (about £30–60 million today), a figure that would double by the end of the century. While most of the export trade was in the hands of foreign merchants, a significant share was also undertaken by Majeerteen merchants. By the mid-19th century, local merchants owned 40 large merchant sailboats between them, each capable of carrying one hundred tons.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-22-125742347) Increasing numbers of local merchant vessels in Marjeerteen’s ports enabled its merchants to control more of its export trade to southern Arabia and sail southwards along Somali’s coast for trade goods. Majeerteen exports were sold across the entire stretch of Yemen's coast, the sultanate's traders travelled as far south as the Benadir coast between Mogadishu and Kismayo, to purchase grain for sale in Arabia. Their activities partly contributed to the agricultural boom of southern Somalia in the late 19th century.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-23-125742347) The uptick in commerce amplified pre-existing social patterns, trade routes and commercial institutions. Majeerteen aristocrats imported a range of markers of social distinction such as horses, cavalry warfare, forts and multi-story houses built in the style of the Hadhramaut. A visitor to Meraya in 1872 described the Majeerteen capital as occupied by about 700 inhabitants, with three mosques, a school and a multi-story palace of the Sultan built in the 1830s.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-24-125742347) Majeerteen’s rising prosperity attracted diverse clan groups from the interior who built more settlements within the port towns. Conflicts between the new communities were resolved by the Majeerteen sultan, and through the construction of forts for each community that were used to store weapons, as well as to provide security for each community. Most of them were built using materials acquired from Aden, By 1906, Meraya had 4 forts, Ziada had 3 forts, Bosaso had 7 forts, Kandala had 6 forts, Durbo had 4 forts, Filuk had 4 forts, and Alula had 3 forts.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-25-125742347) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1cd39d2a-0f31-42e7-b857-89cf881c9ecc_700x443.jpeg) _**Fort of Hafun**_, early 20th century, Archivio Aperto di Ateneo Università degli studi Roma Tre, Italy. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e74347a-75a9-4f4b-b4a0-9f121ab4b651_800x585.png) _**Majeerteen fort at Alula,**_ ca. 1891, archivio fotografico [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc83d7474-c8d7-49c4-929c-4a33ccd497ef_796x600.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fef9f3e02-41a1-4004-b4aa-677089efa94b_793x600.jpeg) _**Majeerteen fort at Bender Gasim**_ (Bandar Cassim), ca. 1891, archivio fotografico [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F70dbd4fc-9e33-4ae5-878d-8e0cd66777ac_783x600.jpeg) _**House in Bender Gasim**_, ca. 1891, archivio fotografico **Majeerteen, the British and the founding of Hobyo: Diplomacy and Marine Salvage in 19th century Somalia.** After the opening of the suez, the entire Red Sea region became crowded with rival imperial superpowers competing to advance their interests. Despite is importance along a major shipping lane, the coast of Majerteen was unusually dangerous for navigation, its surrounding waters had reefs, and its habours weren’t deep enough for large ships. A traveler who visited the region in the late 1870s counted more than 6 steamships which had floundered there in less than 3 years between 1877-1880.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-26-125742347) The threat to foreign shipping created a need for laws regarding marine security and marine salvage, which Majeerteen regulary enforced through treaties. In 1843, the shipwrecked crew of the British steamer _memnon_ signed a treaty with the Majeerteen regent Nur Muhammad, in which the latter promised assistance for stranded British ships along the Majerteen coast in exchange for payment/stipends. But when a similar incident occurred to a stranded British ship in 1858, its crew rejected Majerteen's assistance, abandoned their vessel, and fled to Aden in their lifeboats.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-27-125742347) The crew then urged the British resident of Aden to avenge the "piracy" which they had claim to have suffered at the hands of the Majeerteen authorities, so the British bombarded the forts of Bandar Meraya. When a similar shipwreck occurred in 1858, the sultan's forces rescued its crew, sucessfully using them to initiate negotiations with the British. But in 1862 when a stranded steamer off the coast of Alula mistook the Majeerteen rescue crew to be raiders, a fight broke out which ended with the crew deserting its ship in the town of Baraada.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-28-125742347) The British blamed Majeerteen’s capital in retaliation to the incident at Baraada, and requested the reigning Sultan Mahmud Yusuf to find the culprits and execute them, threatening further bombardment if he didn't. The British chipped away some of the Sultan’s authority by forcing the latter to let the British search all its vessels and patrol its coasts, using the pretext of an anti-slavery treaty. (none of Majerteen's ports lay along any major slave route). More wrecks in the late 1870s near Alula exacerbated the divide between the town’s chief/governor, named Yusuf Ali, and Mahmud’s sucessor Sultan Uthman, as the former enriched himself and sought British recognition.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-29-125742347) Between the late 1870s and early 1880s, Yusuf had sucessfully rescued a few shipwrecked crews, which he sent to Aden and received recognition as “sultan” in return. But despite Yusuf's insubordination, sultan Uthman managed to retain most his authority with treaty signed between 1884-6[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-30-125742347). Yusuf then sought new allies in Zanzibar, whose sultan had claims to southern Somalia's coast, enabling Yusuf to establish his own state with its capital at Hobyo, about 200 miles south of Alula.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-31-125742347) A brief alliance between Yusuf and the Germans in 1885 ended when the latter pulled out of east Africa and were replaced by the Italians in 1889, with whom Yusuf immediately signed a treaty.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-32-125742347) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F311d21a1-9912-4e9c-a625-50c5574a80b1_800x513.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F02cf8ebc-9823-499b-b521-2918d85790e0_800x492.jpeg) _**Obbia (Hobyo) showing the Sultan’s residence and a fort.**_ ca. 1924, archivio fotografico **Majeerteen between the anti-colonial movement of Abdille Hassan and the Italians.** With the British losing interest in Majeerteen’s coast in the late 1880s, and Italians arming Yusuf at Hobyo, sultan Uthman pragmatically chose to sign a protectorate treaty with Italy in 1889. To counter-balance the gradual loss of Majeerteen's power, Uthman begun selling some of the guns he bought (about 3,000 a year) to the anti-colonial movement of Muhammad Abdille Hassan in the hinterland[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-33-125742347). He used the threat of Hassan's movement to sign an advantageous treaty with the Italians in 1901 that resulted in double the trade with Aden (about 5m lira ) and more guns for Majeerteen ( an estimated 20,000 rifles in 1901 alone).[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-34-125742347) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F47ccd3c0-b5b9-480b-b039-36f19418fab5_530x581.png) However, Uthman's involvement with Hassan's movement brought unwanted attention on Majeerteen's coast with frequent naval patrols by the British and Italians, both of whom claimed parts of northern Somalia. In 1904, a Majeerteen broker working for Hassan's movement was arrested by the Italians and revealed that Uthman supported Hassan. Yusuf Ali tried to capitalise on Uthman's fallout with the Italians by allowing the latter to use Hobyo as base against Hassan's movement. But Yusuf soon fell out with his allies, was deposed and Hobyo was occupied by the Italians. Uthman tried to restore his trust among the British and Italians by sending token support against Hassan, but once the latter was defeated in 1905, the Italians occupied Majeerteen port of Alula.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-35-125742347) In 1908, Hassan resumed his anti-colonial movement against the British, Italians and against the Majeerteen as well after he had fallen out with sultan Uthman. Faced with an invasion by Hassan’s forces, internal challenges to his authority and disapproving Italians, sultan Uthman ceded more of his power to the Italians in a 1909 treaty. Uthman assisted the Italians in fighting Hassan who was eventually defeated in 1921 and his movement dispersed[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-36-125742347). Sultan Uthman later rebelled against Italian rule in1925 and made attempts to rebuild Hassan’s old forts in the interior, but his forces eventually fell to the Italians in 1927, formally marking the end of Majeerteen.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-37-125742347) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff9fa3cf2-441c-47c3-aed9-dbe575330267_800x336.jpeg) _**Bender Cassim**_ in 1938, archivio fotografico. **What was the extent of pre-colonial African knowledge about their own continent?** In medieval north-east Africa, visitors from the Kingdoms of Makuria and Ethiopia including bishops, envoys and pilgrims, travelled to each other’s country and founded disporic communities abroad. read more about it here: **AFRICANS EXPLORING AFRICA CHAPTER 2;** [CONTACTS BETWEEN NUBIA AND ETHIOPIA](https://patreon.com/posts/83663994) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa95aee8d-292f-4287-98dc-a347d242dd7e_626x1200.jpeg)

2023-06-04T14:24:08+00:00

Seafaring, trade and travel in the African Atlantic. ca. 1100-1900.

historical links between West Africa and Central Africa. (Africans exploring Africa chapter 4)

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the

Like all maritime societies, mastery of the ocean, was important for the societies of Africa's Atlantic coast, as was the mastery of the rest of their environment. For many centuries, maritime activity along Africa's Atlantic coast played a major role in the region's political and economic life. While popular discourses of Africa's Atlantic history are concerned with the forced migration of enslaved Africans to the Americas, less attention is paid to the historical links and voluntary travel between Africa's Atlantic societies. From the coast of Senegal to the coast of Angola, African seafarers traversed the ocean in their own vessels, exchanging goods, ideas, and cultures, as they established diasporic communities in the various port cities of the African Atlantic. This article explores the history of Atlantic Africa's maritime activity, focusing on African seafaring, trade, and migration along the Atlantic coast. _**Political map of Atlantic Africa in the 17th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-1-140196826)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F586dec3b-5699-4004-a4c0-44fba624dab1_1009x721.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **State and society along the African Atlantic.** The African Atlantic was both a fishery and a highway that nurtured trade, travel, and migration which predated and later complemented overseas trade. Africans developed maritime cultures necessary to traverse and exploit their world. Coastal and interior waters enabled traders, armies, and other travelers to rapidly transport goods, people, and information across different regions, as well as to seamlessly switch between overland, riverine, and sea-borne trade to suit their interests. Mainland West Africa is framed beneath the river Niger’s arch and bound together by an array of watercourses, including the calm mangrove swamps of Guinea and Sierra Leone. The Bights of Benin and Biafra’s lagoon complex extends from the Volta River, in what is now Ghana, to the Nigerian–Cameroonian border. Similarly, West-Central Africa was oriented by its rivers, especially the Congo and Kwanza rivers, in a vast hydrographic system that extended into the interior of central Africa. [2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-2-140196826) In many parts of West and Central Africa, different kinds of vessels were used to navigate the waters of the Atlantic, mainly to fish, but also for war and trade. When the Portuguese first reached the coast of Malagueta (modern Liberia) in the early 1460s they were approached by _**"some small canoes"**_ which came alongside the Portuguese ships. On the Gold Coast (modern Ghana), it was noted of Elmina in 1529, that _**"the blacks of the village have many canoes in which they go fishing and spend much time at sea."**_ While on the Loango coast, a visitor in 1608 noted that locals _**“go out in the morning with as many as three hundred canoes into the open sea”.**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-3-140196826) Canoes were Atlantic Africans’ solution for navigating diverse waterways between the ocean, lagoons, and rivers. Many of these canoes were large and sea-worthy, measuring anywhere between 50-100ft in length, 5ft wide, and with a capacity of up to 10 tonnes. The size and design of these vessels evolved as Africans interacted with each other and with foreign traders. In the Senegambia and the Gold Coast, large watercraft were fitted with square sails, masts, and rudders that enabled them to sail out to sea and up the rivers.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-4-140196826) For most of its early history, the Atlantic coast of West Africa was dominated by relatively small polities on the frontiers of the large inland states like the Mali empire, and the kingdoms of Benin and Kongo, which were less dependent on maritime resources and trade than on the more developed resources and trade on the mainland. The relatively low maritime activity by these larger west and central African states —which conducted long-distance trade on the mainland— was mostly due to the Atlantic Ocean’s consistent ocean currents, which, unlike the seasonal currents of the Indian Ocean, only flowed in one direction all year round. This could enable sailing in one direction eg using the Canary Current (down the coast from Morocco to Senegal), the Guinea Current (eastwards from Liberia to Ghana), and the Benguela Current (northwards from Namibia to Angola), but often made return journeys difficult[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-5-140196826). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61b95621-4302-4343-bdb9-5ffd5ad8cad8_988x549.png) _**Map of Africa’s ocean currents**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-6-140196826) The African Atlantic was thus the domain of the smaller coastal states and societies whose maritime activities, especially fishing, date back a millennia before the common era.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-7-140196826) While many of their coastal urban settlements are commonly referred to as “ports,” this appellation is a misnomer, as the Atlantic coast of Africa possesses few natural harbors and most “ports” were actually “surf-ports,” or landings situated on surf-battered beaches that offered little protection from the sea, and often forced large ships to anchor 1-5 miles offshore. Canoemen were thus necessary for the transportation of goods across the surf and lagoons.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-8-140196826) **An overview of African maritime activity in the Atlantic** The maritime activities of African mariners appear in the earliest documentation of West African coastal societies. As early as the 15th century coastal communities in Atlantic Africa were documented using surf-canoes to transport goods to sea. Portuguese sailors off the coast of Liberia during the 1470s reported: _**“The negroes of all this coast bring pepper for barter to the ships in the canoes in which they go out fishing.”**_ While another trader active in the Ivory Coast during the 1680s, noted that _**“Negroes in three Canoa’s laden with Elephant’s Teeth came on Board”**_ his ship.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-9-140196826) Senegambian mariners transported kola nuts down the Gambia river, into the ocean, and along the coast to **“the neighborhood of Great and Little Scarcies rivers,** \[in Sierra Leone\] **a distance of three hundred miles.”** Similarly**,** as early as the 12th century, watercraft from the mouth of the Senegal River could journey up the Mauritanian coast (presumably to Arguin) from where they loaded salt brought overland from Ijil[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-10-140196826). Overlapping networks of maritime and inland navigation sustained coastwise traffic from Cape Verde (in Senegal) to Cape Mount (in Liberia), bringing mainly kola nuts and pepper northwards.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-11-140196826) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8ec1f390-b699-4f69-8483-99a960271a52_806x456.png) _**View of Rufisque, the capital of Cayor kingdom, Senegambia region, in 1746, showing various types of local watercraft.**_ Similarly in west-central Africa, traders from as far as Angola journeyed northwards to Mayumba on the Loango coast, a distance of about 400 miles, to buy salt and redwood (tukula) that was ground into powder and mixed with palm oil to make dyes.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-12-140196826) The Mpongwe of Gabon carried out a substantial coastal trade as far north as Cameroon according to an 18th century trader. Mpongwe canoes were large, up to 60ft long, and were fitted with masts and sails. With a capacity of over 10 tonnes, they regularly traveled 300-400 miles, and according to a 19th-century observer, the Mpongwe’s boats were so well built that they **"would land them, under favorable circumstances, in South America"**.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-13-140196826) However, it was the mariners of the Gold Coast region who excelled at long-distance maritime activity and would greatly contribute to the linking of Atlantic Africa’s regional maritime systems and the founding of diasporic communities that extended as far as west-central Africa. Accounts indicate that many of these mariners, especially the Akan (of modern Ghana and S.E Ivory Coast), and Kru speakers (of modern Liberia), worked hundreds of miles of coastline between modern Liberia and Nigeria. [14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-14-140196826) **The seafarers of the Gold Coast.** The practice of recruiting Gold Coast canoemen for service in the Bight of Benin appears to have begun with the Dutch in the 17th century. The difficult conditions on the Bight of Benin (between modern Togo and S.W Nigeria) made landing impossible for European ships, and the local people lacked the tradition of long-distance maritime navigation. The Europeans were thus reliant on canoemen from the Gold Coast for managing the passage of goods and people from ship to shore and back through the surf.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-15-140196826) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc3f4200-aa16-4746-b07d-66d6126f7d1e_770x532.png) _**“Surf-Canoes. Capturing the difficulty of launching and landing surf-canoes in storm-swept breakers, scenes like this convinced ship captains not to attempt such passages in their slower, less responsive shipboats, or longboats, but to instead hire African canoemen.”**_[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-16-140196826) Gold coast mariners journeying beyond their homeland were first documented in an anonymous Dutch manuscript from the mid-17th century, in a document giving instructions for trade at Grand Popo (in modern Benin): _**"If you wish to trade here, you must bring a new strong canoe with you from the Gold Coast with oarsmen, because one cannot get through the surf in any boat".**_[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-17-140196826) In the 18th century, the trader Robert Norris also observed Fante canoemen at Ouidah (in modern Benin), writing that _**“Landing is always difficult and dangerous, and can only be effected in canoes, which the ships take with them from the Gold Coast: they are manned with fifteen or seventeen Fantees each, hired from Cape Coast or El Mina; hardy, active men, who undertake this business, and return in their canoe to their own country, when the captain has finished his trade.”**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-18-140196826) Another 18th-century trader, John Adams who was active at Eghoro along the Benin river in south-western Nigeria, wrote that _**"A few Fante sailors, hired on the Gold coast, and who can return home in the canoe when the ship's loading is completed, will be found of infinite service in navigating the large boast, and be the means of saving the lives of many of the ship's crew."**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-19-140196826) These canoemen who traversed the region between south-eastern Ivory Coast and south-western Nigeria, were mostly Akan-speaking people from the gold coast and would be hired by the different European traders at their settlements. Most came from the Dutch fort at El-mina, but some also came from the vicinity of the English fort at Anomabo. At the last port of call, the canoemen would be released to make their way back to the Gold Coast, after they had received their pay often in gold, goods, and canoes.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-20-140196826) Gold Coast mariners were also hired to convey messages between the different European forts along the coast. Their services were particularly important for communications between the Dutch headquarters at El-Mina and the various out-forts in the Gold Coast and beyond. This was due to the prevailing currents which made it difficult for European vessels to sail from east to west, and in instances where there were no European vessels. Communication between Elmina and the outforts at Ouidah and Offra during the late 17th century was often conducted by canoemen returning home to the gold coast in their vessels[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-21-140196826). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff255be31-e2db-45b1-8394-bd69007a2178_1303x582.jpeg) _**18th century engraving of El-mina with local sail-boats.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F34ae0383-3243-4435-9da3-2bf26e9d0ddb_813x495.png) _**Regular route of the Gold coast Mariners**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **African Trade and Travel between the Gold Coast and the Bight of Benin.** The long-distance travel between the Gold Coast and the Bight of Benin stimulated (or perhaps reinvigorated) trade between the two regions. This trade is first documented in 1659 when it was reported that ‘for some years’ the trade in ‘akori’ beads (glass beads manufactured in Ife), which had earlier been purchased by the Europeans from the kingdoms of Allada and Benin, for re-sale on the Gold Coast in exchange for gold, had been monopolized by African traders from the Gold Coast, who were going in canoes to Little Popo and as far as Allada to buy them. Another French observer noted in 1688 that Gold Coast traders had tapped the trade in cloth at Ouidah: _**‘the Negroes even come with canoes to trade them, and carry them off ceaselessly.’**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-22-140196826) Mariners from the Gold Coast were operating as far as the Benin port of Ughoton and possibly beyond into west-central Africa. In the 1680s, the trader Jean Barbot noted that Gold Coast mariners navigated _**“cargo canoes”**_ using _**“them to transport their cattle and merchandise from one place to another, taking them over the breakers loaded as they are. This sort can be found at Juda \[Ouidah\] and Ardra \[Allada\], and at many places on the Gold Coast. Such canoes are so safe that they travel from Gold Coast to all parts of the Gulf of Ethiopia \[Guinea\], and beyond that to Angola.”**_[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-23-140196826) Some of these mariners eventually settled in the coastal towns of the Bight of Benin. A document from the 1650s mentions a ‘Captain Honga’ among the noblemen of the king of Allada, serving as the local official who was the _**“captain of the boat which goes in and out.”**_ By the 1690s Ouidah too boasted a community of canoemen from Elmina that called themselves 'Mine-men'. Traditions of immigrant canoemen from El-mina abound in Little Popo (Aneho in modern Togo) which indicates that the town played an important role in the lateral movement of canoemen along the coast. The settlement at Aneho received further immigrants from the Gold Coast in the 18th century, who created the different quarters of the town, and in other towns such as Grand Popo and Ouidah.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-24-140196826) As a transshipment point and a way station where canoemen waited for the right season to proceed to the Gold Coast, the town of Aneho was the most important diasporic settlement of people from the Gold Coast. External writers noted that the delays of the canoemen at Aneho were due to the seasonal changes, particularly the canoemen’s unwillingness to sail at any other time except the Harmattan season. During the harmattan season from about December to February, winds blow north-east and ocean currents flow from east to west, contrary to the Guinea current’s normal direction.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-25-140196826) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc1f9c338-040f-40a6-b92d-7f6478b2a02a_871x477.png) _**Sailboat on Lake Nokoue, near the coast of Benin, ca. 1911, Quai branly**_ **African seafaring from the Gold Coast to Angola.** The abovementioned patterns of wind and ocean currents may have facilitated travel eastwards along the Atlantic coast, but often rendered the return journey westwards difficult before the Gold Coast mariners adopted the sail. That the Gold Coast mariners could reach the Bight of Benin in their vessels is well documented, but evidence for direct travel further to the Loango and Angola coast is fragmentary, as the return journey would have required sailing out into the sea along the equator and then turning north to the Gold coast as the European vessels were doing.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-26-140196826) The use of canoemen to convey messages from the Dutch headquarters at El-mina to their west-central African forts at Kakongo and Loango, is documented in the 17th century. According to the diary of Louis Dammaet, a Dutch factor on the Gold Coast, in 1654, small boats could sail from the Gold Coast to Loango, exchange cargo, and return in two months. Additionally, internal African trade between West Africa and west-central Africa flourished during the 17th century. Palm oil and Benin cloth were taken from Sao Tome to Luanda, where it would be imported into the local markets. Benin cloth was also imported by Loango from Elmina, while copper from Mpemba was taken to Luanda and further to Calabar and Rio Del Rey.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-27-140196826) While much of this trade was handled by Europeans, a significant proportion was likely undertaken by African merchants, and it’s not implausible that local mariners like the Mpongwe were trading internally along the central African coast, just like the Gold Coast mariners were doing in the Bight of Benin, and that these different groups of sailors and regional systems of trade overlapped. For example, there is evidence of mariners from Lagos sailing in their vessels westwards as far as Allada during the 18th century where they were regular traders[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-28-140196826). These would have met with established mariners like the Itsekiri and immigrants such as those from the Gold Coast. And there's also evidence of mariners from Old Calabar sailing regularly to the island of Fernando Po (Bioko), in a pattern of trade and migration that continued well into the early 20th century. It is therefore not unlikely that this regional maritime system extended further south to connect the Bight of Benin to the Loango Coast.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-29-140196826) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4932ffd6-24bd-4cec-97ad-0739e884062d_654x913.png) _**Map of the Loango coast in the 17th century,**_ By Alisa LaGamma **Travel and Migration to Central Africa by African mariners: from fishermen to administrators.** There is some early evidence of contacts between the kingdoms of Benin and Kongo in the 16th century, which appear to have been conducted through Sao Tome. In 1499, the Oba of Benin gifted a royal slave to the Kongo chief Dom Francisco. A letter written by the Kongo king Alfonso I complained of people from Cacheu and Benin who were causing trouble in his land. In 1541 came another complaint from Kongo that Benin freemen and slaves were participating in disturbances in Kongo provoked by a Portuguese adventurer. [30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-30-140196826) But the more firm evidence comes from the 19th century, during the era of 'legitimate trade' in commodities (palm oil, ivory, rubber) after the ban on slave exports. The steady growth in commodities trade during this period and the introduction of the steamship expanded the need for smaller watercraft (often surfboats) for ship-to-shore supplies and to navigate the surf. Immigrant mariners from Aneho came to play a crucial role in the regional maritime transport system which developed in parallel to the open sea transport. By the late 19th century, an estimated 10,000 men were involved in this business in the whole of the Bight of Benin as part much broader regional system. Immigrant mariners from Aneho settled at the bustling port towns of Lome and Lagos during the late 19th century and would eventually settle at Pointe-Noire in Congo a few decades later, where a community remains today that maintains contact with their homeland in Ghana and Togo.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-31-140196826) Parallel to these developments was the better-documented expansion of established maritime communities from the Gold Coast, Liberia, and the Bight of Benin, into the Loango coast during the late 19th century, often associated with European trading companies. Many of these were the Kru' of the Liberian coast[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-32-140196826), but the bulk of the immigrant mariners came from Aneho and Grand Popo (known locally as 'Popos’), El-Mina (known locally as Elminas), and southwestern Nigeria (mostly from Lagos). A number of them were traders and craftsmen who had been educated in mission schools and were all generally referred to by central Africans as _**coastmen**_ ("les hommes de la côte").[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-33-140196826) Most of these _**coastmen**_ came with the steamers which frequented the regions’ commodity trading stations, where the West Africans established fishing communities at various settlements in Cabinda, Boma, and Matadi.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-34-140196826) Others were employed locally by concessionary companies and in the nascent colonial administration of French Brazaville[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-35-140196826) and Belgian Congo. One of the most prominent West African _**coastmen**_ residing in Belgian Congo was the Lagos-born Herzekiah Andrew Shanu (1858-1905) who arrived in Boma in 1884 and soon became a prominent entrepreneur, photographer, and later, administrator. He became active in the anti-Leopold campaign of the Congo Reform movement, providing information about the labour abuses and mass atrocities committed by King Leopold’s regime in Congo. When his activism was discovered, the colonial government banned its employees from doing business with him, which ruined him financially and forced him to take his life in 1905.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-36-140196826) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4ff80b30-affa-4b3f-b0e8-2feb1c0949c4_772x570.png) _**[Herzekiah André Shanu](https://webarch.africamuseum.be/collections/browsecollections/humansciences/display_object?objectid=31073) (1858-1905) and [Gerald Izëdro Marie Samuel](https://webarch.africamuseum.be/collections/browsecollections/humansciences/display_object?objectid=31074) (1858-1913). Both were Yoruba speakers from Lagos and they moved to Boma in Congo, during the 1880s, the second photo was taken by Herzekiah.**_ The immigrants from West Africa who lived in the emerging cities of colonial Congo such as Matadi, Boma, and Leopodville (later Kinshasha) also influenced the region’s cultures. They worked as teachers, dock-hands, and staff of the trading firms that were active in the region. These _**coastmen**_ also carried with them an array of musical instruments introduced their musical styles, and created the first dance ochestra called 'the excelsior'. Their musical styles were quickly syncretized with local musical traditions such as maringa, eventually producing the iconic musical genres of Congo such as the Rumba.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/seafaring-trade-and-travel-in-the#footnote-37-140196826) While the population of West African expatriates in central Africa declined during the second half of the 20th century, a sizeable community of West Africans remained in Pointe Noire in Congo. The members of this small but successful fishing community procure their watercraft from Ghana and regularly travel back to their hometowns in Benin, just like their ancestors had done centuries prior, only this time, by air rather than by ocean. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5229ed2c-6586-4134-aa3d-a2fdd12d6713_1000x600.jpeg) _**Pointe-Noire, Republic of Congo**_ **Did Mansa Musa’s predecessor sail across the Atlantic and reach the Americas before Columbus**? Read about Mansa Muhammad's journey across the Atlantic in the 14th century, and an exploration of West Africa's maritime culture on Patreon [Patreon](https://www.patreon.com/posts/69700074?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcaaceb1e-e871-4e89-a634-dfbc5db86cea_1190x567.png) Why was the wheel present in some African societies but not others? **Read more about the history of the wheel in Africa here:** [THE WHEEL IN AFRICAN HISTORY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/95169362) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff10e429f-777d-4bc3-b2e4-5644f792c775_696x909.png)

2023-12-31T14:05:04+00:00

A history of the Damagaram sultanate of Zinder: ca. 1730-1899.

Politics, Guns, and Trade in the pre-colonial Sahel

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate

The political landscape of west Africa in the 19th century consisted of a patchwork of medium sized kingdoms centered around fortified capitals defended by the fearsome knights of the Sahara. The sultanate of Damagaram was among the most powerful states in the central region of west Africa in what is now modern Niger. From its capital, Zinder, the rulers of Damagaram controlled a powerful military armed with locally made artillery. The city of Zinder was at the crossroads of regional trade routes linking Bornu to the oases of Kawar and the city of Tripoli. It hosted a cosmopolitan population of scholars, pilgrims and merchants drawn from across west Africa. This article explorers the political history of Damagaram from its founding in the early 18th century to its fall in 1899. _**Map of southern Niger showing the sultanate of Damagaram in the late 19th century**_[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-1-129016190) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f9d2624-eb8a-45a3-9a25-fc39263d9d4f_818x519.png) **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The foundations of Damagaram in the early 18th century.** The region where Damagaram would emerge was on the frontier of the Bornu empire and at the crossroads of west-africa’s diverse sedentary and nomadic population groups. The bulk of early population in Damagaram during the 16th century were the Dagira, an lineage group with mixed Kanuri-Hausa origins that claims Bornu origins. These would be later joined by other groups such as the Kanuri in the 17th century, and the Hausa -who became the largest group, Tuareg, Fulani and Arabs in the 19th century.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-2-129016190) The founding of Damagaram is traditionally attributed to Mallam Yunus, who migrated from the Bornu empire to settle at a town called Damagaram in the early 18th century. He latter moved through different towns beginning at Geza , creating matrimonial alliances and installing his sons as chiefs before settling west of Zinder. But Damagaram retained its symbolic position as the first of the towns associated with the Mallam.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-3-129016190) Mallam's successors consolidated his loose chiefdom in the mid to late 18th century, but failed to defend it against attacks from the Tuareg, especially the Imakiten of Damergou -their neighbor to the west. The early rulers of Damagaram were based in several different towns, they had little formal authority, and are likely to have been tribute collectors for Bornu; their suzerain. The sultanate was flanked in the east by the relatively larger states of Murya and Baabaaye with which they were often at war, and to the south by the Hausa states.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-4-129016190) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F13904c89-94a3-4764-b3d6-8891acbb5fbc_776x565.png) _**Location of Damagaram within the Bornu empire**_ At the turn of the 19th century, the Damagaram sultan Amadu who had his capital at Clihanza subsumed several towns including Zinder and sucessfully repelled the Tuareg incursions. His reign coincided with the fall of the Hausa state of Katsina to the sokoto caliphate, which sent its deposed king and many of his subjects into exile at Maradi. Damagaram then adopted several Hausa aristocratic titles and institutions such as Sarki (Sultan/King), Ciroma (crown prince). At the death of Aamadu in 1809, his Ciroma named Sulayman ascended to the throne, he moved his capital to Zinder and became the first Damagaram rulers to be crowned there.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-5-129016190) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F015da896-16b4-4314-a805-5e7cc8ff5b2a_910x575.png) _**Zinder in the mid-20th century**_ **The Damagaram kingdom at Zinder during the reign of Sarki Sulayman and Ibrahim. (1822-1851)** Zinder was originally a small town defended by a stockade when Sulayman built his palace in the early 19th century. He later occupied the old town of Damagaram, taking on the title Sarkin Damagaram (and gave the sultanate its name). Sucession disputes in the neighboring states of Murya and Baabaaye gave Sulayman the opportunity to pick allied candidates to the throne who were then installed as vassals of Damagaram. After defeating a Sokoto invasion of Zinder, Sulayman acquired horses which he used against the Tuareg of Damergu. Sulayman later abdicated for his son Ibrahim who suceeded him as sultan.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-6-129016190) After Sulayman's abdication, Damagaram was ruled by his sons, Ibrahim and Tanimun from 1822 to 1884. Around 1839 when Sulayman had died, Sarki Ibrahim had tried to end his vassalage to Bornu by refusing to remit Sulayman's property which was by law meant to be inherited by the Bornu ruler. This forced the reigning Bornu emperor sheikh Omar to invade Zinder, a situation that Tanimun took advantage of, compelling Ibrahim to sack his own capital and flee to a neighboring town of Kantshi (presumably Kantche). When Omar's army besieged Kantshi, Ibrahim resubmitted but later led another failed rebellion, returned to Zinder, deposed his brother and ruled.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-7-129016190) Tanimun would again briefly re-take the throne of Zinder from his brother, and this time Bornu would intervene on behalf of Ibrahim by besieging Zinder. Tanimun reportedly constructed the walls of Zinder as the Bornu army was approaching. After a lengthy siege of 3 months and a lot of causalities on both sides, Tanimun was expelled and Ibrahim restored to the throne.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-8-129016190) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F98323c0a-70fd-4486-9801-8f575480dfd7_1138x1112.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8c706d5b-40e9-4b8b-bf89-fad47ddb870e_930x594.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3f39bc51-8337-4ffd-b112-74a9303d98a3_766x573.png) _**Zinder City walls, exterior and interior, ca. 1922-1930, BNF, Quai branly**_ Zinder gradually expanded under Ibrahim’s reign, becoming an important regional center along the carravan routes of west Africa connecting Bornu to Agadez and Sokoto. In 1851, it was visited by the explorers James Richardson and later by Heinrich Barth, who provided fairly detailed accounts of the capital and its kingdom. Zinder had a population of 20,000-25,000, and was among the largest of about about 16 towns which made up the core of the kingdom.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-9-129016190) The kingdom of Damagaram was ruled by the Sarki Ibrahim, who was assited by several chiefs including; four viziers; the ciroma (who also commanded the military in Zinder); a qadi; a secretary; a treasury chief who had three other officers; and a customs chief. The army at Zinder consisted of an infantry of about 9,000 soldiers who were primarily archers, and a cavalry of about 2,000 horsemen who mostly carried swords and javelins.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-10-129016190) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F019df262-b4fb-4615-82a1-1af9a2ad5c75_929x457.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3ec6a63c-1f98-482f-955d-c1cf46ccd419_989x490.png) _**Knights of Zinder, ca. 1901, quai branly**_ Most of Zinder’s inhabitants lived in the mudbrick houses characteristic of the region, while the elites and the Sarki lived in large, fortified houses. It had a vibrant market supplied with goods produced domestically such as indigo dyed textiles, as well as imported manufactures primarily acquired in Bornu which is where most of its trade was directed.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-11-129016190) Zinder imported most of the salt mined in the Kawar oasis town of Bilma, this salt trade was mostly handled by the Tuaregs.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-12-129016190) other external traders in Zinder included the Kanuri and Tubu, as well as Arabs and Berbers that came from Murzuk. These external merchants were allowed to trade without paying tribute, which gradually brought more traders to the city.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-13-129016190) **Damagaram during the reign of Sarki Tanimun: 1851-1884: Gunpowder technology and trade in the Sahel** Sarki Ibrahim was eventually suceeded by Tanimun in the early 1850s. It was during the reign of Tanimon than Damagaram became a major regional power, extending over 70,000 km2.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-14-129016190) According to the travel account of Gustav Nachtigal who was in Bornu’s capital around 1870, Tanimun aspired to create a rival empire in the west of Bornu by declining to send tribute to Bornu and conquering several towns under Bornu’s suzerainty including Munio which was sacked in 1863. The Bornu emperor conditioned Tanimun’s pardon on the latter surrendering his cannon and muskets, but the Sarki initially refused to until he was threated with war.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-15-129016190) Tanimun had greatly reformed Zinder's military, which unlike his predecessor, was equipped was modern weapons. According to Nachitgal, the king had with him several cannon and muskets. This would be confirmed much later by a French visitor in 1911 who reported that the King _**“orders from Tripoli both flintlock and percussion rifles , together with supplies of powder , lead and percussion caps ; he manufactures all the powder he needs , produces cannon and cannon balls and manufactures gun carriages”.**_ Such weapons were by then common in Bornu and many of them, especially cannons, were also made by local blacksmiths with assistance of ‘turks’ at its capital Kukawa[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-16-129016190). Tanimun’s officers mixed imported sulfur; with locally produced saltpeter as well as firewood acquired near Zinder which served as coal. The blacksmiths also made copper cannons locally that were mounted on wheels, and fired iron balls with a diameter of 5-6 centimeter. In the 1870s, Damagaram had over 6,000 imported rifles and 40 locally-made cannons. This local manufacture of artillery at Zinder was continued into the first decade of the 20th century, and the cannons were often placed in the gates of the walls[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-17-129016190). Around the year 1856, Tanimun expanded the monumental city walls of Zinder, with more gates.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-18-129016190) a visitor in 1900 described the 10 meter high walls as extending over 10km around the circumference of the city, it was pierced by seven gates and cut along its length by saw-tooth battlements through which archers standing on the galleries could fire off volleys of arrows.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-19-129016190) The capital would thereafter became an important trading city in the region, as merchants from Bornu and Agadez settled in the city, attracted by its agricultural resources, indigo dyeing and leather tanning industries. The king personally organized carravans to the supply regional and north African markets, through the services of local merchants like El Hadj Kaaku as well as foreign traders.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-20-129016190) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F947f9e49-9139-4bc0-930f-2c588182b015_870x561.png) _**Hausa and Tripoli merchants in Zinder**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe0246b9d-9824-40d6-a705-51c915a57dfd_806x439.png) _**Trumpeters in front of one the gates of Zinder, ca. 1925, quai branly**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5950d6a3-e186-4d8b-81f8-646f0b9197fb_740x555.png) _**Hausa-style houses in Zinder, mid-20th century**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F79a84760-a7fb-4666-a057-cbf5b6fea8bf_518x616.png) _**Plan of Zinder in the early 20th century showing the seven gates.**_ **Damagaram from independence to colonialism:** After the death of Tanimun in 1884, three of his children succeeded each other on the throne of Damagaram. Tanimun's son Ibrahim Goto was elected by the council as sultan, but was challenged by his brother Sulayman dan Aisa who defeated the former in battle and seized the throne in the same year. He gained the recognition of Bornu by gifting his suzerain 10 cannons, 840 flintlocks and 12 breech-loading rifles.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-21-129016190) Sulayman consolidated the large kingdom left behind by his father, and organized campaigns across the region, sending his dreaded riflemen against old foes such as the Tuaregs, and powerful states like the Sokoto province of Kano. Sulayman died in 1893 and was suceeded by Amadu dan Tanimun.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-22-129016190) Islamic learning proliferated during Amadu’s reign. Initially, many of the scholars and faqih (jurists) in Zinder came from Bornu as observed by visitors the 1850s. They made their living off writing talismanic charms and were respected, with one being credited for the choice of Sulayman moving his capital to Zinder.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-23-129016190) But Zinder later came to host a sizeable population of scholars and pilgrims including the Senusi order. These included Abu Hassan Ali, a teacher of the Sokoto leader Abdullah dan Fodio, as well as a Bornu scholar named Mallam Musa, who in the 1880s composed a travelogue of his pilgrimage from Zinder to Mecca.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-24-129016190) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0bc62978-714f-46ac-81b1-0e75fcfaf151_573x381.png) _**19th century writing board, Zinder, quai branly**_ Shortly after the Amadu’s rise to the throne, the empire of Bornu was sacked by the Sudanese general Rabeh, freeing Damagaram from Bornu’s suzerainty. The now independent kingdom of Damagaram sought to expand its frontier without seeking authority from Bornu. Amadu's armies campaigned extensively to Kano, Matsina, Gumel and Guru. However, none of these campaigns gained any territory for Zinder, as the well-defended cities it attacked could withstand its armies.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-25-129016190) The brief period of Damagaram’s autonomy was to be cut short with the arrival of French colonial forces in the last years of the 19th century. In 1898, a French campaign led by Captain Cazemajou arrived at Zinder where it was initially hospitably received by the Sarki. But Amadu became suspicious of his guests whom he thought were allied with Rabeh, and some of the courtiers of the sultan who were Sanusi adherents compelled him to order Cazemajou's execution.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-26-129016190) The following year, another French mission was sent to Zinder to avenge Cazemajou. In 1899, the armies of Sarki Amadu fell at the battle of Tirmini. The sultanate was initially retained under a puppet ruler installed by the French but was later formally annexed in 1906.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-27-129016190) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd7b08c52-c982-47eb-a1a8-4682c9f76609_951x597.png) _**Zinder, Old town.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff042f1fb-c4e7-4123-9d63-91825499d246_866x573.png) _**Ruined walls of Zinder, ca. 1956, quai branly**_ Beginning in the 1500s, African states acquired guns from the Ottomans and the Portuguese to create their own gun-powder empires. **The west african empire of Bornu obtained guns and European slave-soldiers whom it used extensively in its campaigns**. Read more about it here: [GUNS & EUROPEAN SLAVE-SOLDIERS IN AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/first-guns-and-84319870) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9047e10c-443e-4711-8fa9-96ac6dabceef_611x1200.jpeg)

2023-06-18T15:58:58+00:00

The pyramids of ancient Nubia and Meroe: death on the Nile and the mortuary architecture of Kush

a complete history of an African monument

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and

Sudan is home to the world’s highest number of pyramids —the legacy of the kingdom of Kush, which undertook one of the most ambitious building programs of the ancient world. More than 200 pyramids spread over half a dozen cities were built by the rulers and officials of Kush over a period of 1,000 years. These grand monuments were the product of centuries of development in the mortuary architecture of ancient Nubia. Their architectural antecedents were set in the bronze-age kingdom of Kerma, their appearance was refined during the New Kingdom era, and their tradition was fully established by the pyramid builders of Kush at their capital in Napata, from where they ruled Egypt and Nubia. This article provides a complete history of the pyramids of Kush. It outlines the mortuary architecture, religion and cultural practices of the people who lived in ancient Nubia, from their origin at Kerma to their zenith at Meroe. _**Map showing Kush at its height in the 7th century BC**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0a4892cc-049c-4c63-bee7-320f92515334_1866x2693.jpeg) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Antecedents of ancient Nubia's funerary architecture: the mortuary religion of Bronze-age Nubia: 3700BC-1500BC** The largest among the early states which controlled ancient Nubia was the kingdom of Kerma. Known in external texts as the kingdom Kush, its history has been primarily reconstructed from the archeological studies at its largest cities of Kerma and Dokki Gel. The capital of Kerma was an agglomeration of settlements with palatial, defensive, administrative, domestic, and religious buildings since around 2400BC. Entire quarters in both Kerma and the ceremonial city of Dokki Gel were established for religious purposes, such as the religious precinct near the massive temple of 'Western Deffufa', and the secondary urban complex. These religious settlements featured temples, chapels, and ecclesiastical workshops for preparing offerings for cult installations, all built with stone and mudbrick, accessed via processional avenues, and located near the palaces and temples.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-1-103854005) Kerma's religion featured ancestral veneration where the world of the dead reproduced the hierarchy that existed among the living. This is evidenced not just by its temples dedicated to both chthonic and solar deities, and their associated chapels and workshops to commemorate its rulers, but also by the monumental tumuli tombs in the city's royal necropolis with over 3,000 tombs, and where elaborate mortuary rituals were practiced.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-2-103854005) The largest Kerma tombs spanned 90 meters and contained over 5,000 sacrificial cows and luxury grave goods. They were had large circular superstructures that covered vaulted burial chambers, accessed through corridors and descendary staircases from the chapels attached outside where where funerary offerings were left. The dead were placed in contracted position on wood-and-leather beds of elaborate faunal designs, and the tomb was surmounted with stone stela placed at the roof terrace that was accessed via a staircase.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-3-103854005) Besides the kingdom of Kerma, the mortuary practices and religions of other early Nubian states anteceded those which emerged in Meroitic Kush. The earliest of these states was the A-Group chiefdom (ca 3700–2800BC) located in lower Nubia. A-Group royal tombs featured large tumuli that covered rich burials containing large numbers of sacrificial animals, and attached to the tombs were offering places. A-Group mortuary practices were most likely a continuation of the religious conceptions formed in the shared cultural milieu of the ancient Nile valley civilizations, that are first attested at the prehistoric site of Nabta Playa (c. 5100–4700BC) where similar tumuli tombs with rich burial chambers were found.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-4-103854005) The A-Group chiefdom was succeeded in lower Nubia by the C-Group chiefdom (ca. 2300BC-1550BC), which created featured an even more elaborate mortuary practice than its predecessor. C-group graves, especially at Aniba, included stone stelea and round tumuli superstructures covering rich burial chambers that were accessed through mud-brick chapels. During its later phases, the C-Group chiefdom was conquered by the Kerma kingdom which was expanding into Egypt in the 17th century BC. The chiefdom's mortuary architecture reflected Kerma influences, with large tumuli, stone chapels, vaulted mud-brick chambers, bed burials and the burial of rams.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-5-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F65bdaee7-d7c7-498a-b10b-2657fc07036d_1040x694.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fed91bf3d-76f8-4bbb-af4a-dacc9580ad33_809x684.png) _**Kerma; the royal tomb during excavation, and a reconstruction of the superstructure of the royal tomb,**_ photo and illustration by C.Bonnet [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbe233b68-a0ba-4344-8201-be04de06713b_956x485.png) _**Stelae and stone rings in Cemetery N at Aniba, C-Group chiefdom,**_ photo by Steindorff It was the above mortuary religions and practices in the ancient Nubian kingdoms that would be gradually modified over several centuries as the kingdoms of Kush and Egypt interacted and expanded. While Kerma kings didn’t build pyramids, they built all the essential features of Nubian mortuary architecture (chapels, descendary, roomed burial chambers, stelae, and superstructure) that would be slightly modified by later tomb-builders who changed the circular superstructure to the right-angled pyramid. **The introduction and disappearance of pyramid tombs in Nubia during the New kingdom period. (1500BC-1100BC)** After nearly a century of Kerma's expansion into southern Egypt, the reconstituted state of 'New kingdom' Egypt reversed the equilibrium of power in the Nile valley and expanded south into Kerma, subduing it after several decades of war. It's during the New kingdom era in Nubia that the earliest pyramid structures appeared on tombs to replace the circular tumuli, and these were constructed by Nubian "princes" as well as appointed officials from Egypt. While Egyptian kingship had since abandoned pyramid-building for over 8 centuries, the custom was revived by the Nubians and Egyptians active in New kingdom Nubia's administration. These Nubian "princes" were taken from the pre-existing dynasties of the chiefdoms that constituted the C-Group state (Wawat in lower Nubia) and the Kerma state (Kush in upper Nubia). One of these pre-existing chiefdoms named Tehkhet had its capital at Serra and Debeira, where atleast 4 of its princes were buried in monumental structures that show a clear transition from the tumulus types of the C-group to the steep pyramid. Most notable among these graves were the mud-brick pyramids of Djehuty-hotep and Amenemhet in Debeira East.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-6-103854005) Besides Debeira, other pyramid burials were attested at Aniba, where the viceroy of lower Nubia lived; also at Soleb which was the center of a royal cult, and at Tombos, where a small mudbrick pyramids were erected for an official named Siamun.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-7-103854005) This was part of the larger processes intended to unite the Nubian and Egyptian sacred geographies, through syncretizing Nubian religious practices, deities and ideologies of power with Egyptian ones. Its best evidenced by the transformation of the pre-existing Nubian ram-gods into Nubian Amun-deities with temple-cults, and the adoption of the Nubian gods like Dedwen into the Egyptian pantheon.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-8-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F31c3f0a1-fd46-476c-8027-9ded4fa1bce7_386x632.png) _**Map of the middle Nile region showing the pyramid sites of new kingdom nubia**_ However, the construction of these pyramids and the general participation in Egyptian-temple institutions by the Nubian administrators of the New kingdom era remained confined mostly to Lower Nubia, and even then only among the elite. Most of the pre-existing Nubian institutions were preserved especially in Upper Nubia, and the region’s mortuary cults and other religious practices survived, as attested by the non-Egyptian mortuary rites and tumulus graves of the region.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-9-103854005) During the 20th dynasty, the Egyptians withdrew from Upper Nubia in the reign of Rameses IX (1125–1107BC) and Lower Nubia during the reign of Rameses XI (1098–1069BC). As central control collapsed, local authority and religion were fully reestablished by the Nubians as Egyptian temples with their associated cults were left to ruin.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-10-103854005) The last pyramid of Lower Nubia during the New Kingdom era was built by Panehesy (“the Nubian”) at his capital in Aniba. Panehesy had been appointed viceroy of lower Nubia by Rameses XI but later rebelled and ruled the region until his death. Panehesy’s pyramid grave at Aniba is a telling document of his authority in Lower Nubia, and represents the site's continued cultural importance since it first emerged during the C-group chiefdom.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-11-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5bd1b8ce-a77e-4c36-ab83-28b89441096e_971x691.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd3ffd9d2-d93e-43bb-94c6-351bf211e732_969x619.png) _**Aniba, Pyramidal superstructure of tomb SA34, mud-brick chapel of tomb S31**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-12-103854005) The pyramid tradition of New kingdom Nubia ended with the collapse of the Egyptian administration. Whatever its intended political function was, whether by the Nubian princes or by the Egyptian officials, would have been lost to the independent rulers who took over the region and discontinued the building of pyramid graves. The tradition’s re-emergence by the kings of Kush at el-Kurru would therefore follow different prerogatives. **The genesis of the Pyramid tombs of Kush: a chiefdom at el-kurru and the Napatan era of Kush. (9th-4th century BC)** Over a period of three centuries, the fragmented local polities of upper Nubia gradually grew into larger chiefdoms, the biggest of which had its capital at el-Kurru in Sudan around the 10th-9th century BC from where it expanded into lower Nubia and 4th cataract region. The rulers of el-Kurru buried in the tombs labeled (Ku. 2-6) syncretized various Nubian mortuary practices as part of a politically driven process of integrating pre-existing Nubian polities. They combined the circular stone superstructure and contracted body of the C-group type burials, with the bed-burials of the Kerma kingdom, and the pit-and-side-chamber substructure of their el-Kurru population.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-13-103854005) These el-Kurru rulers eventually revived the long-distance routes across north-east Africa, and initiated contacts with the then-divided Egypt through the latter's southern capital of Thebes. It's through these contacts that the el-Kurru rulers (especially beginning with Ku. 6's owner; king Aqomaloye)  fused aspects of their syncretized Nubian religion with contemporary Egyptian religion. This is first attested to by the smashing of funeral vessels; a funerary rite which had been abandoned in Egypt but revived by the Nubians of el-Kurru. Aqomaloye's tomb also shows the transition from tumuli tombs to early pyramid-type tombs, as it contains a mortuary cult chapel enclosed within a walled precinct.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-14-103854005) The revival of pyramid building was gradually accomplished by succeeding rulers. The king buried in Ku. 13 built a round tumulus-on-mastaba tomb, while his successor at Ku. 14 built a steep angled pyramid-on-mastaba. The mortuary architecture of el-Kurru was likely influenced by contemporaneous mortuary architecture at Debeira in lower Nubia, where both tumuli burials were being built (and also where the old pyramid burials of New-kingdom era Nubian princes were located).[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-15-103854005) This transformation profoundly altered the mortuary cult of the royal ancestors, and was adopted by the el-kurru rulers to create a unique kingship ideology. The el-kurru rulers appropriated the prerogatives of their Nubian (Kerma) and (new kingdom) Egyptian predecessors, to create a concept of continuity with the past and legitimate their expansionism, initially over Nubia and later over Egypt as the 25th dynasty.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-16-103854005) The later pyramids at el-Kurru, such as Ku. 9 and Ku. 8, belonged to king Alara and his successor Kashta, both of whom reigned in the 8th century and are mentioned by their successors as the direct ancestors the kings of Kush. Their pyramid tombs have fully developed architectural features modeled on his predecessors. Both tombs are the first to be provided with inscribed mortuary stela and an offering table. Alara revived the royal cult of Amun of Napata, who was considered a local, self-standing Nubian deity residing at Gebel-Barkal (Napata), and whose character was inherited his role and features from the ram-cults of Kerma.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-17-103854005) The revival of the Nubian Amun cults and their related temple and mortuary cults, provided the theological legitimacy for Alaras' successors Kashta and Piye to conquer Egypt, and continue to syncretize Nubian and Egyptian mortuary practices with the first real pyramid built by Piye at Ku. 17.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-18-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6025d8ef-b1a4-46dd-8ff2-f233eff15376_1224x661.png) _**The cemetery at el-Kurru showing the gradual development from a tumulus to a mastaba and to a pyramid. The main part of the cemetery at el-Kurru, showing the earliest burials 1-6, and the pyramid burials, of Piye (17), Shabaqo (15), and Tanwetamani (16) and Shebitqo (18).**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F70cad6f8-afd6-46af-81e5-0f747007a2c6_929x505.png) _**The royal pyramids of el-Kurru**_ Fully developed at el-Kurru, the royal cemetery was moved to Nuri (opposite Napata) by Taharqo in 664, then to Jebel Barkal (south of Napata) around the 4th century BC during the reign of Aktisanes and finally to Meroe under the reign of Arkamani I in the 3rd century BC. The mummified bodies of Kush's royals were interred in sarcophagi placed on beds in richly painted funerary chambers, with grave material (shawabti, inscribed stelae, offering tables) in multi-chambered sub-structures surmounted by a pyramid superstructure, accessed through an attached chapel and forecourt.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-19-103854005) These pyramids had a steep-sided 60-70 degree slope first attested at el-Kurru, with an average size of 27.50/27.90 by 27.50/27.90 meters, and a height of 30 meters, save for Taharqo's 50-meter high pyramid at Nuri. The pyramids were often erected after the burial of the deceased ruler had been sealed by his successor, save for a few exceptions built by reigning kings. Radical shifts in pyramid sites were often associated with political and dynastic changes, eg the unnamed king of the 4th century BC buried at the large pyramid Ku. 1 instead of at Nuri like his predecessors or the pyramid of Arkamani I at Meroe who established a new dynasty. But minor changes in pyramid sites were made after the original necropolis was filled eg Aktisanes's move to Jebel Barkal.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-20-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5b4bcbd7-80ff-4b0b-92e4-eaae1b592234_1600x1037.jpeg) _**The nuri royal pyramids**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd7fb6fa2-7a30-4fd3-a1aa-1ba90664042a_797x528.png) _**The royal pyramids of Jebel Barkal**_ Initially the preserve of royals of the Kushite kings, the  pyramid became a common marker of elite burials around the capital (Napata) and throughout the kingdom. The monument progressively appeared on the graves of non-ruling royal in the cemeteries of the main administrative centers of the kingdom. By the end of the Napatan period and for the entirety of the Meroitic period, the multiplication of pyramids profoundly transformed the religious landscape of Nubia.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-21-103854005) The construction of such pyramids is attested at Sedeinga during the late Napatan era. These were often small constructions using mudbricks instead of stone, and built exclusively for children whose adults were buried in stone pyramids. Despite the ubiquity of pyramid-tombs, the non-elite population of Kush retained the classic tumulus graves. These were constructions consisted an oval-shaped mound covered with a mudbrick dome.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-22-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F12c59e1c-2483-4eba-81ee-995aa336be5f_1060x707.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6889184-a930-4417-bf1c-e7fd8f241c3e_970x765.jpeg) _**The Sedeinga necropolis showing both pyramid-graves and tumulus graves**_ It was therefore during the Napatan era that the pyramid tradition of Kush was established beginning at el-kurru, and would be continuously practiced by the rulers and officials of Kush until the kingdom’s decline. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7b740d00-6695-4573-9b39-ee83226fbffa_395x650.png) _**Map of the middle Nile showing the pyramid sites of Kush during the Napatan and Meroitic eras**_ **The pyramids of the Meroitic kingdom of Kush and Kushite mortuary religion.** The royal mortuary architecture of Meroe followed established traditions of the preceding Napatan era. Studies of the pyramid-tombs reveal aspects of the political history of Kush, its mortuary religion, the function of the Meroitic writing system, the domestic industries of Kush, and its scientific traditions. The multiplication of these funerary structures was a result of the democratization of Kush's social institutions during the Meroitic period, corresponding with the broader change brought by the emergence of the new dynasty. Around 275BC, king Arkamaniqo overthrew the Napatan dynasty which had been ruling Kush for the five preceding centuries, and established his own dynasty that originated from the Butana region of Meroe. Known as Ergamanes in external accounts, Arkamaniqo's adoption of a usurping king's throne-name hints at the violent circumstances in which his new 'Meroitic' dynasty emerged.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-23-103854005) The new dynasty stressed its connections with the region of the City of Meroe by transferring the royal burial ground from Napata to Meroe, beginning with Arkamaniqo's pyramid at Beg. S. 6. Their ascendance heralded a reformulation of the Kushite state, the re-emergence of the cults of Nubian deities and the re-interpretation the Napatan era's architectural and artistic styles.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-24-103854005) The imagery carved on Meroitic Pyramids also reveals the salient features of Meroitic institutions. These include the organization of the royal court as shown by the composition of the mortuary procession, the Meroitic kingship dogma as shown by the iconography of royal regalia, the nature of royal succession as shown by the relatives placed near the seated ruler, and the relationship between the Royals and provincial governors shown by comparing the royal and non-royal elite pyramids outside the capital.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-25-103854005) The extensive use of cursive Meroitic script in Kush's pyramids and mortuary practices was a result of the tacit agreement between the royal and non-royal authorities regarding the use of former royal prerogatives in funerary contexts. The cursive script was, like the Meroitic hieroglyphic, initially used exclusively by royals in their own mortuary cult, before it was used by non-ruling royals and later by non-royal elites. Literacy was thus no longer exclusively associated with kingship as it now functioned as the decorum of the non-royal elite, the provincial elite, the priesthood of all ranks, local administrators, their wives and children.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-26-103854005) **The Meroitic Mortuary cult** The Meroitic cult of the dead is mostly known through the pyramidal monuments, funerary chapels, and their associated liturgical material. Pyramid images displayed the essential mortuary cult of Kush including the donation and consecration of funerary offerings, and the inauguration of the deceased's ancestor cult as witnessed by the procession of priests and relatives. The Meroitic narrative for the deceased's death and rebirth in the afterlife was noticeably transformed from the Napatan era when the Osirian myth was first adopted in Kush.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-27-103854005) The Ritual scenes and texts to sustain the owner’s afterlife were executed in low relief on the interior of the pyramid's chapels, and were covered with plaster and painted in bright colors including using gold leaf to depict jewelry. These Images recorded the preparation and performance of funerary offering rites in which foodstuffs of many kinds -especially drink libations, were prepared and offered.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-28-103854005) Among the deities depicted in the chapel reliefs was Anubis, Isis and Nephthys, who are responsible for offerings, while Thoth recorded and declared them on behalf of the seated tomb owner who watched these activities. Since the pyramids were oriented to the cardinal compass points, ritual scenes and funerary objects in these east-facing chapels were illuminated by 'life-giving rays' of the rising sun.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-29-103854005) The west walls of the royal pyramids had a niche for a stela of the deceased, and the niche was also surmounted by a scene of the day-bark in which the transfigured tomb owner traveled across the heavens in the company of the sun god Ra.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-30-103854005) The deceased person who was commemorated and remembered through their pyramid monument and inscription, could thus become an approachable intercessor between the realm of the gods and the living world. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff49d447c-c456-4321-8b10-724da38607b4_715x725.png) _**Queen Shanakadakheto’s pyramid Beg. N 11, eastern portion of north wall, showing rite of leading in the calves taken from temple scenes and the Judgment before Osiris.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff96e2756-0705-4ed8-849b-1ef30b3266df_2400x2166.jpeg) _**Inscribed offering table of Prince Tedeken showing Nephthys and Anubis pouring libations on altar with fruits and flowers, Beg W. 19**_, 200–100 B.C, Boston Museum of fine Arts, No. 23.873 **Arrangement of the royal pyramid-complexes around Meroe** There were three main Royal necropolises around the city of Meroe, the Southern cemetery, the Northern cemetery, and the Western cemetery. The Southern Cemetery was chosen for the first royal burials at Meroe after the ascendance of the Meroitic dynasty, while the Western Cemetery became the burial ground for non-ruling members of the royal family, and when the Southern cemetery filled, the Northern Cemetery was opened to its north.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-31-103854005) The western cemetery is the oldest and largest of the three royal necropolis complexes at Meroe. It had been used to bury both the residents of Meroe and the non-ruling royals of Kush since the 9th century BC, when the city was gradually incorporated into the expanding Napatan kingdom of Kush.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-32-103854005) It contains over 800 graves of which 171 had pyramid superstructures dating from the Meroitic era, among which are 82 pyramids while the rest are indeterminate. The cemetery was home to the burials of non-ruling Meroitic queens, princes, and members of the extended family, the latter of whom attimes squeezed their pyramid graves next to the pyramid of their deceased relative, in a practice used across all cemeteries of Kush.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-33-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2d0aab98-3032-46f8-b9dc-99e597abad7f_899x634.png) _**Meroe, Plan of Western Royal Cemetery,**_ map by Dunham [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd300b729-1957-4fc8-b6c6-94da6875692d_936x570.png) _**Meroe, the Western Cemetery**_, photo by Carsten ten Brink The southern cemetery was first used around the 8th century BC to bury residents of Meroe, before it was turned into the Royal cemetery of Meroitic rulers. It contains 220 burials including 90 with superstructures, of which atleast 24 were pyramids. The first pyramids belong to non-ruling royals buried during the transition between the late Napatan and early Meroitic period, before King Arkamaniqo officially moved the royal necropolis from Napata (Jebel Barkal) to Meroe.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-34-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F556123fa-fbcf-44d5-a49a-e19d5d1e4449_936x659.png) _**Meroe, The Southern Royal Cemetery,**_ map by Dunham [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdec0ea2e-8ff4-4c7e-9350-12e2dfad6be7_1234x571.png) _**Meroë Pyramids, Southern Cemetery,**_ photo by tobeytravels The Northern Cemetery was first used around the 3rd century for burying the Queen-consorts of the Meroitic kings buried in the southern cemetery, before it too became home to the pyramids of the ruling Kings and Queens of Kush after the southern cemetery became overcrowded. It contains 41 pyramids belonging to 30 kings, 8 Queen-regnants, and 3 crown princes. The largest of these pyramids, whose style was followed by its successors, was Beg. N. 11 measuring 26m high, belonging to Queen Shanakdakhete, the first female ruler (Kandake) of Kush (c. 170-150 BC). It had the most elaborate chapel design with two decorated forecourts in front, and its pylons were carved with large triumphal images of the ruler.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-35-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6f7bd8c3-b372-4f41-b914-8afa10ce335a_914x601.png) _**Meroe, the Northern Royal Cemetery,**_ map by Dunham [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf0065a9-84ba-4c7c-ba2a-136422dc9e90_1501x557.jpeg) _**Meroe, northern cemetery,**_ photo by Sophie Hay **Construction of the Meroitic pyramids and a description of their exterior and interior features.** The construction of the pyramid begun by making its architectural plan, as shown by the architectural design of a pyramid preserved on a wall of the cult chapel of pyramid Beg. N. 8, that was intended for pyramid Beg. N. 2 (King Arnanikhabale) in the middle of the AD 1st century.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-36-103854005) The main construction material was sandstone, quarried from the city's hinterland.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-37-103854005) The pyramid's outer mantle consisted of dressed sandstone blocks covering an interior built with sandstone rubble, with the exception of a few that were built entirely with sandstone blocks like their Napatan predecessors. The pyramids were built using a shaduf, an ancient lever-based lifting device used to lift water from irrigation canals.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-38-103854005) The exteriors of the pyramids were embellished since limestone plaster and paintings has been found on pyramids of both royal and non-royal elites. Most pyramids were crowned by capstones of various fashions that were placed on their truncated summits, in Meroe these had a circular base with two holes, probably to insert a bronze solar disk.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-39-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F907b3518-b5ce-4463-9816-a5239510b067_1336x591.png) _**architectural plan of a pyramid incised on the chapel of Beg. N. 8, interpretation of the pyramid drawing’s measurements, drawing showing the use of a shaduf in pyramid construction,**_ illustrations by L Torok and M. Hinkel [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9489ebbf-25cc-45dc-a459-ff9f1c932283_918x602.png) _**Meroe, underground galleries and supporting pillars in quarry Q41,**_ photo by Brigitte Cech As many as three burial chambers were dug beneath the pyramids and accessed by a stepped descendary with a barrel vaulted roof, and cut in front of the chapel or underneath it. Once interment was completed, the doorway into the burial chambers was blocked and remnants from the final funeral ceremonies were placed in front of the blocked door and in the stairway.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-40-103854005) Decorated stone offering chapels completed the features shared by all Meroitic pyramids. The chapels of royal pyramids were constructed against the monument's eastern faces, and they typically had pylons on which were inscribed images of the King or Queen smiting enemies followed the established iconography appearing on Meroitic temples and palaces. The chapel served as a bridge between the deceased's grave and their living relatives; a place where rituals could be performed and prayers conveyed to the other world. Chapels held various grave materials related to the mortuary rituals including inscribed offering tables, stelae, and luxury grave goods. The Meroitic offering tables were fashioned after those used during the Napatan era when the tradition had been revived. Their surface decoration alternates between carved and incised scenes with representations of offerings and the figural scenes where divinities perform a libation. The Meroitic offering tables were initially made for chapels of royal families, as their table scenes represented miniature versions of the extended scenes inscribed on the walls of the Kings and Queens of Kush whose large pyramid-chapels obviated their need.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-41-103854005) Mortuary rituals involved the pouring of libation poured on an offering table placed on a small pedestal made with mudbricks, after which the libation would overflow through an apex and spill onto the ground. Through this process, the water would magically convey the prayers and the food offerings carved on the table, directly to the dead.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-42-103854005) The funerary stela placed in Meroitic pyramid-chapels followed established traditions of grave stelae used in the Napatan period that had been reserved for royals but became democratised by the Meroitic elite. These meroitic stelae display a remarkable diversity, their surfaces were inscribed with texts about the deceased's lineage as well as invocations addressed to Isis and Osiris, and they contained painted/carved figural scenes representing the deceased.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-43-103854005) The lintels of non-royal funerary chapels were made in an archaic style, with a winged sun disc flanked by two uraeus-serpents following the established architectural traditions of most Meroitic buildings. This particular symbol legitimated the status of Meroitic elites, since its appearance on a private edifice mimics the appearance of the official temples. When decorated, the doorjambs of the chapels visually opposed the abovementioned deities Anubis and Isis or Nephthys, one on each side of the door, pouring a libation for the dead.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-44-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91237f8d-e185-42ea-af82-6b438705626b_2560x1707.jpeg) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c0c37d8-8202-4147-b35e-2257dc6f620d_742x534.png) _**Queen Shanakadakheto’s chapel and forecourt, Beg. N 11,**_ photo by shutterstock_**, Reconstruction drawing of Beg. N 11 showing its pylon, two forecourts, and chapel with pylon,**_ illustration by M. Hinkel The interiors of pyramid graves often contained selected mortuary equipment meant to accompany the deceased through their journey to the aferlife. The deceased's coffin or burial shroud was lain on a bed for most royals, while non-royals were placed on a funerary bench made of stone or on the floor. There seems to have been no deliberate mummification of the corpse before it was placed in its coffin, although the cadavers were often washed or scented with oils and preserved from insects with incense-like substances, and the dry desert ensured that most of the body remained intact. Meroitic coffins were based on models used during the Napatan period and must have constituted a significant local industry, alongside the cotton burial shrouds that used local textiles and were retained by the kingdoms which succeeded Kush.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-45-103854005) Grave goods were placed in the chapel or ontop of the body of the deceased, and they often constituted personal belongings of the deceased and the remains of the funerary banquet brought by their relatives. These included amulets of the deities Apedemak, Amun, Bes and Isis and excellently painted pottery. The fine quality Gold and silver jewelry, as well as the bracelets, armlets, shield rings and pendants richly decorated with gold wire, granulation and fused-glass inlays demonstrate the continuity of late Napatan and Meroitic goldsmith's art.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-46-103854005) Other ornaments were placed on the side of the body such as weapons, containers and utensils such as beautifully painted, wheel-thrown pottery ceramics. The smaller ornaments were locked in small caskets of wood such as small metallic utensils, kohl tubes and glass containers. Unfortunately, all Meroitic cemeteries were pillaged before modern excavations, the grave robbers mostly left the less valuable objects.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-47-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6ccfe21e-8263-48a7-a3a2-bb8d472743e5_736x945.png) _**Bracelet with image of Hathor from Gebel Barkal, pyramid 8,**_ 250–100 B.C, Boston Museum of fine Arts No. 20.333, _**Necklace with lion heads representing Apedemak, 185–100 B.C**_. Boston Museum of fine Arts No. 24.488 **The non-royal pyramids of Meroitic Kush.** The monumental tombs of provincial officials followed models already established by non-ruling members of the royal family. Initially showing similarities with royal models, the elite pyramids soon diverged from the royal pyramids. The pyramid chapel, its capstone, accompanying texts, and statuary gradually changed over time. In Lower Nubia, the monument came to be accompanied by an offering chapel and elaborate grave material including stele, an inscribed offering table, paintings, a ba-bird.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-48-103854005) The pyramid of a prince Tedeqene dated to the late 2nd century BC in the West cemetery at Meroe was the earliest to have a full panoply of funerary cult objects (offering table and stela) typically found in chapels of the ruling royals. Tedeqene's pyramid shows how the abovementioned Meroitic mortuary practices and inscription formulae that was initially associated with the royal were quickly adopted by non-royal provincial elites, not just at Meroe, but also across the kingdom in the northern territories at Karanog, Faras, Sedeinga, and Sai Island.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-49-103854005) Profusely inscribed and painted Stela also appear frequently in the northern territories of Kush. At sedeinga, a pyramid belonging to a provincial ruler named Natemakhora who served as the _sleqene_ (a provincial office) of Sedeinga in the late 2nd century, was found with funerary texts carved on the stela, the lintel, and the threshold of the chapel. Such  texts emphasized the rank of the deceased.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-50-103854005) A funerary statue called the 'ba-statue' was usually placed on top of the chapel of non-royal elites, down from their initial location at the top of the pyramid's capstone. The ba-bird was adopted from the Egyptian concept which represented is the soul of the deceased, but while the Egyptian ba figure represented a bird with a human head, the Meroitic ba was represented by a human figure with bird's wings.  The design of the anthropomorphic ba-statues was influenced by the representation of the Meroitic royals depicted on the walls of palaces, and temples, first appearing on Queen Shanakadakheto royal pyramid in its bird-form, its transformation occurred in lower Nubia.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-51-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6c94447-de5c-453b-b6f0-e794c2ecf1f1_744x620.png) _**Penn museum model of a governor’s tomb in Karanog (the site is currently lake Aswan)**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F00493feb-b2f6-48ce-949d-e88fbf1e1855_1016x613.png) _**Karanog ; ba statue of a winged male representing a governor of Akin, painted stela, 100-300AD, Penn museum**_ **The non-elite tumulus tombs of Kush, and the decline of the Meroitic state** The mortuary practices of the lower stratum of Kush's society were influenced by the mortuary religion of the upper classes and Kushite theology of the learned priesthood in the cult temples who were also responsible for the purity of the performance of the mortuary rites. But non-elite funerary architecture was nevertheless quite different from royal funerary architecture, especially during the late Meroitic period, and shows a seemingly unbroken cultural continuity with the mortuary practices of ancient Nubia.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-52-103854005) At the site of Jebel Makbor near Meroe with about 1,000 graves, four tumuli were built in close proximity and style with each other, and their dating cuts across the span of Nubian history. With one dated to the proto-historic period, one from the Meroitic period and two from the post-Meroitic period.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-53-103854005) The elite tumuli at El-Hobagi, which began around the 4th century, shows that the tradition of tumuli building had never been abandoned, and would be reinstated by the rulers who succeeded the last kings buried under pyramids at Meroe.[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-54-103854005) The kingdom of Meroe went into decline around the 4th century, as shown by the pyramid burials of the last generations which indicate signs of a rather sudden economic decline. One of the last known royal pyramids was built by Queen Amanipilade (Beg N. 25) in the middle of the 4th century, just before the Aksumite invasion of Meroe by king Ezana.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-55-103854005) While the central government at Meroe collapsed, new capitals sprung up across the region, especially at Qustul and Ballana which contain rich tumuli graves for the rulers of the emerging kingdom of Noubadia. The pyramid tradition which had lasted over 1,000 years in Kush, staggered on for a short while, with the non-royal pyramids of Soba-east and Gebel Adda, before it was finally abandoned.[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-pyramids-of-ancient-nubia-and#footnote-56-103854005) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdb6343e6-571f-41c6-8dd6-48c6e9c9ab80_750x500.jpeg) Like its pyramids, the **kingdom of Kush was home to one of the world’s oldest and most dynamic religions**. By the Meroitic era, it had **a pantheon with dozens of gods and goddesses, many of which were Nubian in origin**. [GODS OF THE NILE: NUBIA'S PANTHEON](https://www.patreon.com/posts/78797811) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe720cdad-cbd0-408f-9a7f-362c6adc0571_600x1200.jpeg) _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=JRCRY2XW6V6XE)

2023-02-19T13:30:12+00:00

An enigmatic west African Art tradition: The 9th century bronze-works of Igbo Ukwu.

grave-goods of a priest-king

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition

Over a period of less than a generation in the 9th century, a group of artists in a kingdom straddling the edge of the west African rainforest produced some of the world’s most sophisticated artworks in bronze, copper and terracotta, which they then interred in a rich burial of their priest-king. This extraordinary art corpus, which was stumbled upon during construction work in the early 20th century, seemingly bursts into the archeological record without precedents, yet doubtlessly represented a full flowering of an old artistic tradition. This article explores the history of Igbo Ukwu art traditions within the political and cultural context of the Nri-Igbo society, inorder to demystify the enigma of Igbo Ukwu. _**Map showing Igbo-Ukwu and the Igbo-lands**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F25c09d60-97de-4dd7-9717-80ac30cb119e_775x552.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **A political history of Igbo Ukwu; the Nri political-religious organisation** The history of political developments in Igbo-land (south-eastern Nigeria) before and during the emergence of the Igbo Ukwu tradition are rather obscure. Governance in the early small-scale polities of the forest region was associated with priests of the earth-goddess, agnatic heads of lineages, and a council of elders. The traditions of one particular Igbo subgroup; the Nri, posit them as reputed ritual specialists who developed a hegemonic state headed by hereditary sacred rulers who conferred titles on prominent individuals. The Nri's mythical founder, Eri, is said to have descended from the sky to the Anambra River prior to the domestication of the igbo staples; yams and coco-yams, and with the help of autochthonous cultivators, traders and blacksmiths, developed farming, iron technology, and controlled markets that enabled the establishment of a fairly centralized state between the 9th and 10th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-1-82733446) The Igbo concept of political-religious power is structured by membership in associations based on an elaborate title-system and patrilineal lineages called _**umunna**_, and is thus highly diffused. Within the cultural area of the Nri subgroup, the most powerful title-holder is the Eze office, ie Eze-Nri a dignitary with religious and political authority, who was subordinated by other title-holders (Ozo) who were involved in the Nri governance system.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-2-82733446) Central to the Nri social organization is the Obu temple, which is kept for ritual and ceremonial purposes in connection to the title system, and is often located within the main compound of a title-holder's household for the collection of prestige items. Upon his death, the Eze was buried, often in a seated posture, with prestigious grave goods and his coronation clothes.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-3-82733446) The institution of the Eze Nri, its title-taking system and many aspects of the Nri culture including the _Obu_ temples present us with the best evidence for explaining the objects discovered. By drawing parallels with their occurrence in extant traditions, it can be surmised that they represent a concentration of wealth accruing to the institution of the Eze Nri, and the objects could be regarded as material metaphors which symbolically represented the office's power[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-4-82733446) Virtually all the artifacts buried at Igbo-Ukwu, with the probable exception of the beads, were manufactured locally. The artistic inspiration of the the metalwork, consisting of a wide variety of elaborately fashioned and profusely decorated bronze and copper pieces, was largely local, its motifs, casting techniques, and metal ores sources bearing no comparison with anything else outside the region.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-5-82733446) The volume, complexity, and richness of the Igbo Ukwu art collection which included imported glass beads, suggest that the already established iron-age agricultural community of the Nri kingdom, received a further impetus of wealth accumulation and display in the late first millennium through its engagement in regional trade routes. This connection was marginal, and is unlikely to have been undertaken using a direct routes but was instead more likely to have been segmented, with imports circulating through various local markets, before being obtained by the wealthy figure(s) buried at Igbo Ukwu.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-6-82733446) Demand for a variety of adornment that included imported glass beads was created by their use in the title-taking ceremony for Ozo title-holders which also involves their adornment with semi-precious carnelian stones and glass beads, that are also worn by wealthy individuals in igbo-land to symbolize their social status. [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-7-82733446) The most likely trade item exchanged from Igbo Ukwu region was ivory. Igbo Ukwu is ideally situated for obtaining elephant ivory within the West African forest zone, which was funneled through the trading cities of the Sahel, such as Gao, which is the nearest of the major cities, and whose material culture included glass beads similar to Igbo Ukwu, albeit at at slightly later date in the 11th century.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-8-82733446) A number of elephant tusks were found among the grave goods as well as several representations of elephant heads, and this is likely related to the practice of Ozo title-holders presenting ivory horns upon initiation, that are later collected and kept in their respective temples.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-9-82733446) **A brief description of the excavations at Igbo Ukwu and the casting process** Excavations undertaken in the 1930s and 1960s uncovered a remarkable array of over 700 artworks primarily cast in bronze, copper and copper-alloys, along with works of terracotta, and over 165,000 glass and carnelian beads, that were all deliberately interred with the remains of at least six individuals in three sites that were named after the owners of the compounds on which the objects were found; Igbo-Richard, Igbo-Isaiah and Igbo-Jonah, all of which were dated to between 850-875AD. [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-10-82733446) Igbo-Isaiah appears to have been an _**Obu**_ temple which had decayed without trace save for four post-holes that constituted some form of roofing. Igbo-Richard represented the remains of a burial chamber once lined with wooden planks and floored with matting, and given its collection of grave goods, has been interpreted as the burial of the Eze-Nri. Igbo-Jonah, was as a pit used for the deliberate disposal of a collection of ritual and ceremonial objects following the razing of a shrine house.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-11-82733446) The majority of the 700 objects found at Igbo Ukwu were made using a combination of lost wax casting for the leaded-bronze objects, while those of copper were made by smithing and chasing.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-12-82733446) The copper and lead ore was mined locally in the Abakaliki region, about 100km from Igbo Ukwu, while the tin that was alloyed to form bronze was derived from mines close to Igbo Ukwu, or from the jos plateau.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-13-82733446) The cire-perdu casting involved modeling the desired object in wax (or in this case latex from the Euphorbia plant), the obtained model of which is then dipped in clay which is then heated to leave a fired clay model, into which molten bronze is poured and the clay broken off. The exact technique used for the Igbo Ukwu bronzes involved a slightly more complex process than this; with objects often cast in many pieces that were then joined together by separately poured in metal, but this process had been out of use across the rest of the old world for many centuries, which strongly suggests its independent invention by Igbo Ukwu artists working in isolation.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-14-82733446) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc6e91a8e-112c-4ca3-8fff-4ebbe4a858db_871x394.png) _**map of the excavated site**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff88b1f60-7484-46ed-a653-85a06eaedd45_753x854.png) _**Illustration of the lost-latex casting process of Igbo-Ukwu bronzes according to T. Shaw, 1977**_ **The Igbo-Ukwu bronzes** Among the most notable objects were ornaments with human figures whose faces are marked with scarifications radiating in all directions from the bridge of the nose. These are facial marks (ichi) found all over the igbolands and practiced almost exclusively on men being part of an initiation rite into the title-holding system by boys around the age of 11, but these scarifications aren't made on women save for the daughter of the Eze Nri.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-15-82733446)Similar depictions of facial scarifications also appear on cylindrical "altar-stands" made of panels of solid bronze decorated with patterns of hatched lozenges and triangles with stylized figures of spiders. Between the panels are walls of open-work with figures of a man and woman, both with face and body scarifications and wearing body ornaments.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-16-82733446) The echi facial markings are often associated with the mythical origin story regarding the first Eze Nri and his introduction of cultivation in Igboland, their occurrence in twelve of fourteen representations of human heads underlies the important link between the buried figures and contemporary cultural traditions of the Nri lineages[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-17-82733446). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03cf7177-ead1-46df-a17b-7a141c198100_1309x618.png) _**bronze pendant of human head with a crown, bronze altar stand showing a female figure with facial markings, surrounded by motifs of snakes swallowing frogs and stylized spider figures, 9th century NCMM Nigeria**_ Igbo Ukwu artworks predominantly feature skeuomorphism; the rendering of the innate features of one material form in another. It was manifest in several ways and likely served a twofold purpose that; indicated the power of the object’s owners to transform the meaning and appearance of both every day and prestige items at will, and to produce the symbols of power and authority in more durable forms.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-18-82733446) Skeuomorphism was evident in several items of bronze work. The most notable of these was the bronze roped vessel that was skeuomorphic of a pear-shaped clay waterpot on its stand with a rope net around it to help support and carry it. Other skeuomorphic works are the bronze calabashes and gourds, that were modeled after common calabashes, with intricate decorations and quatrefoil patterns on the surfaces to mimic the patterns of nets surrounding common calabashes, they also include wire handles and fittings that imitate copper handles and fittings of real calabashes.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-19-82733446) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4177eb4-8740-48df-ab77-86b79df7fd64_1034x649.png) _**Bronze pot on a pedestal enclosed in a rope-work cage; Cylindrical Bronze bowl on an open-work pedestal decorated with alternating figures of grasshoppers, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d64581a-dbcc-4676-869e-c94f2517b012_1032x594.png) _**Leaded-bronze bowls**_, **9th century,** NCMM Nigeria, British museum Af1956,15.3 [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd64f4a09-6214-44c9-b394-fb0bff402fa9_719x973.png) _**Leaded-bronze bowls, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria. the crescent-shaped bowl is in the form of a calabash**_ Among the Igbo Ukwu corpus were objects that symbolized political and religious authority. These objects include staff ornaments, that are some of the most richly decorated and off all the Igbo Ukwu castings; with granulated surfaces encrusted with glass beads, their sides have spirally twisted bosses, coils of quatrefoils, and geometric patterns of lozenges. Depicted on the staffs are figures of beetles or columns of mudfish and monkey-head figures, all of which are surmounted by a figure of a snake with an egg in its mouth, or figures of birds with grasshoppers/locusts in their mouth.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-20-82733446) Other objects of power were three types of bronze bells, and large fan-holders made of pure copper with a semi-circular plate decorated with puncate lines and interlace patterns resembling quatrefoils, the copper fan-holders were also punched with holes for fixing feathers.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-21-82733446) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5cadfd7e-86eb-4562-8730-8ececc318703_1011x609.png) _**Bronze staff ornaments, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fab71b841-23c6-4368-9e3a-fd29b50296b2_720x521.png) _**Copper spiral snake ornament, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria, "the spike was probably driven into the end of a wooden staff**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5696248e-6dde-4169-8cd3-7d9b4b020b2b_927x596.png) _**Large bronze cylindrical staff ornament in the form of a coiled snake with a head at each end, Decorated bronze staff head with four snakes swallowing frogs, alternated by four beetles, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1f29df8d-98b8-4f5f-ae4e-44413cf95e2b_835x619.png) _**copper fan-holder whose base was originally attached to a staff, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ The staff heads and their ornaments, as well as the fan-handles are indicative of the political-religious power held by highly ranked title-holders in igbo-land, where staffs called _**alo**_ are still carried, they serve as a badge of office and offered a form of "diplomatic immunity" for the title holders. The depictions of grasshoppers and beetles is suggestive of the belief that the Eze Nri’s ability to direct the forces of nature for the benefit of the society, he could thus control the activities of creatures such as grasshoppers, locusts, flies, birds, yam-beetles, all to the advantage of his people[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-22-82733446). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e6f2f21-ef11-4a25-9e9e-d68212f66517_688x679.png) _**Copper rod that supported a wood and leather scabbard in which an iron blade rested**_ **Animals in Igbo-Ukwu art** The appearance of naturalistic and stylized depictions of animals in the Igbo Ukwu artworks is tied with their use in the iconography of power in which the symbolic representations of leadership took on attributes of elephants, horses, rams, leopards, snails, tortoises, flies, as recounted in the folktales that occur in igboland.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-23-82733446) Serpentine figures in particular are ubiquitous in Igbo Ukwu art with snake ornaments made of pure copper, were often used to decorate ceremonial staffs. The snake depicted maybe the python (_**eke**_), it is believed to be the messenger of the earth deity (_**ala**_), and of which they are taboos across igbobland against killing them. The depiction of coiled serpentine figures that is also featured prominently in more recent igbo art, attests to the pervasiveness of the motif in igbo traditions such as the widespread proverb _**okilikili bu ije agwo**_ (circular, circular is the snake's path).[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-24-82733446) Another object indicating iconography of power was a remarkably preserved bronze hilt in the form of a horseman set on decorated pommel decorated in a grass-weave pattern surmounted by round bosses. The rider is depicted with exaggerated proportions relative to the horse, and with emphasis on the head in a style that would become ubiquitous for the region's art traditions especially in Ife and Benin. This is also one of the oldest equestrian figures in west Africa's forest region, where horses were mostly used for ceremonial display.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-25-82733446) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6c68c05c-e4e2-4874-a310-bb13701229dc_194x550.png) _**Equestrian figure on a bronze hilt, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ Other depictions of animals in Igbo Ukwu art include; bronze pendants in the form of stylized elephant heads covered with a hatching of lines and lozenge patterns with a granulated surface encrusted with glass beads, all of which is surmounted by figures of grasshoppers;[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-26-82733446) Ornately decorated pendants in form of ram's heads whose horns curve to the back of the head, with a patterned surface and the head surmounted by a wristlet and grasshoppers[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-27-82733446); Ornaments in the form of a leopard's skull with a face looking upwards, attached to a long copper rod[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-28-82733446), And several bronze shells representing the triton snail-shell (found along the Atlantic coast) with granulated surfaces that are decorated with concentric circles, fly figures, snake swallowing frogs, that are inturn surmounted by a leopard, and coiled wires terminating into an ornamental sprinkler with spouts.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-29-82733446) Leopards, elephants, rams and snakes are often used in a general way in west African art to symbolize power, In more recent depictions from the Igbo city of Onishta, the representation of the ram's head with curving horns is seen as a reference to the king as a warrior-figure whose strength is represented in the form of carved figures featuring upthrusting horned projections.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-30-82733446) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7c324255-3482-49c5-bba9-379c2c82c2dc_702x1248.png) _**Bronze pendant in the form of a leopard’s head, bronze pendants in form of rams heads, bronze ram’s head, 9th century NCMM Nigeria.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0b5f4f81-e6c7-4f5a-aa6a-5a907addb5d4_1199x643.png) _**Bronze pendants in form of stylized elephant heads, 9th century NCMM Nigeria.**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9a5d059e-b801-46b1-b74e-924892529a43_747x1087.png) _**Bronze shell with four snakes swallowing frogs and a fly-covered patterned surface, Bronze shell surmounted by a leopard, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F38beb520-6730-4bd5-822c-6bf06ab17633_640x424.png) _**Bronze ornament of two eggs surmounted by a bird, attached to it are black copper chains decorated with yellow beads and crotals, 9th century NCMM Nigeria**_ **Conclusion: interpreting the enigma of Igbo Ukwu** The broader implications of the origin of Igbo Ukwu’s metal ores, their artists’ mastery of bronze casting in both naturalist and stylistic forms, and the interpretation of this voluminous art corpus within the cultural context of the Nri traditions; are profound. Igbo Ukwu represents an advanced bronze industry which had emerged in medieval west Africa using its own metals largely isolated from the regional and international artistic centers and technologies of the time. The enigmatic emergence of the Igbo Ukwu art tradition in the 9th century was thus likely to have been tied to the formalization of social and political control by titled individuals associated with the Eze-Nri office during a time when wealth was used to produce durable expressions of power.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-31-82733446) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F70fe5d57-73bb-4821-97eb-bde039912dc0_627x540.png) _**Painting by Caroline Sassoon showing how the burial chamber with some of the grave goods of Igbo Ukwu could have been originally looked**_ (taken from T. Shaw, 1977 pg 59) Just like Igbo-Ukwu, the ancient **kingdom of Kerma** (2500 BC -1492 BC) pioneered a social and political tradition that was influential in the history of north-east Africa (especially to **ancient Egypt**), read about the history of Kerma on Patreon [Patreon](https://t.co/XxkFBNTNtU) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1850c73-e650-406f-80ba-0ab32cb5addd_680x501.png) _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal/Ko-fi**_ [DONATE](https://ko-fi.com/isaacsamuel)

2022-11-06T15:51:55+00:00

A history of the south-western Saharan towns of Tichitt, Walata, Wadan and Chinguetti (800-1912)

Trade and civilization on west-africa's desert frontier

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan

Deep in the desert of the south-western Sahara lie four ancient towns with a rich history that spans over a millennium. The towns of Tichitt, Walata, Wadan, and Chinguetti were important nodes in west Africa's cultural and commercial networks which flourished under the empires of Mali and Songhai. These towns were also centers of Islamic scholarship and learning, attracting scholars and students from across west and North Africa. From the libraries of Chinguetti and Walata to the stone architecture of Wadan and Tichitt, the towns retain some of the best-preserved examples of Saharan architecture and culture. This article explores the history of the south-western Saharan towns, tracing their evolution from bustling trading centers to remote oases in the desert. _**Map showing the old towns of the south-western Sahara**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc29658bd-23e0-4d70-8361-c4e6382baef3_614x584.png) **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **The early history of the South-western Sahara and the empire of Ghana** The emergence of towns in the South-western Sahara was closely related with the northern expansion of the Ghana empire from the southern regions of Dia and Kumbi saleh, into the northern territories of Awdaghust around the late 1st millennium[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-1-118128067). The Sahara’s southernmost towns of Tichitt and Walata were the first to be settled by Mande-speakers during the second half of the 1st millennium, some centuries after the collapse of the eponymously named Neolithic sites of Dhar Tichitt and Walata.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-2-118128067) Walata emerges first as 'Biru', a major commercial hub linking the Saharan markets to the empires of Ghana into which it was later subsumed. Biru displaced the town of Awdaghust after the latter's collapse around the 11th/12th century to the empire of Ghana and the Almoravids. According to the Timbuktu chronicles, it was primarily settled by the Tafrast/Tafaranko people, a Azer/soninke-speaking group that migrated from the west (ie: Awdaghust).[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-3-118128067) Conversly, Tichitt was settled in the 8th century by the Imansa/Masna, an autochthonous group of Soninke-speakers, who named the oasis after sound of spraying water (shitu). The town was an important node in the regional salt trade that would expand during the Ghana and Mali eras, and was linked to the salt trade of Ijil carried out by the Azer.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-4-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1818353d-b9f1-4b8e-8304-213d24fa211c_866x541.png) _**Walata and Tichitt in the empire of Ghana**_ The ethnonym Azer/Azayr appears frequently in the early history of the old towns in the south-western Sahara. Azer is described as a "commercial idiom" identifying groups of salt traders active between the salt mine of Ijil to the towns of Wadan, Chinguetti, Tichitt, Walata and Awdaghust. Azer is a primarily soninke language but contains words borrowed from Berber languages, It was spoken by salt traders of Mande origin settled in and around the south-western Saharan towns, who constituted a commercial diaspora that was analogous to the closely related Wangara gold traders of west Africa.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-5-118128067) Oral tradition identifies a group known as the Maxibinnu as residents of Tichitt who carried were commercial agents of the king of Ghana in Ijil during the early 2nd millennium. The 1506 account of Duarte Pacheco also mentions the "Ezarziguy" in the town of "Audem", which have both been identified as ‘Azayr’ and ‘Wadan’ —the latter being a major town where the Portuguese would briefly establish a factory. The Azer-dominated Wadan was at the time surrounded by the "Azenegues" (zenata Berbers), who would later be joined by Bannu Hassan Arab-speakers to form the three main groups of the south-western Saharan towns.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-6-118128067) The Azer thus constituted the predominant autochthonous groups in the early history of the more northerly towns of Wadan and Chinguetti which were first established around the turn of the 2nd millennium. The former town, as described above in the Portuguese account, was primarily settled by Azer merchants who traded gold from west Africa (although supplies were declining following the founding of el-Mina). Chinguetti was also settled by Azer speakers, the town's name being derived from an Azer phrase 'shi-n-gede' meaning 'the horses' springs. The town was preceded by an earlier settlement known as Abyair, inhabited by the Bàfùr, an agriculturalist group of Mande origin.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-7-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F23ece975-b98e-4a8c-a66d-2b3a2b351c68_890x594.png) _**Walata**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F487a7714-aa5a-4092-8627-63a012258f8f_910x512.jpeg) _**Ruins of Wadan**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The Mali era in the south-western Sahara. (13th-15th century)** The rise of the empire of Mali brought major political and social changes in the south-western Sahara. The empire extended its control over most parts of the region, particulary Walata and Tichitt, the former of which was under the control of an appointed official that in the 14th century was named Farbā Ḥusayn.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-8-118128067) The towns would be transformed into major commercial and scholary hubs that lay along important pilgrimage routes (such as the one used by Mansa Musa), leading to further migration of scholars from west and north Africa into the towns. The largest town in the region was Walata, which in the 14th century was refered to as _**“the first district of the Sudan"**_ by Ibn Battuta, who called it 'Iwalatan'. The town had became a center of scholarship, leading to an influx of 'Berber' clans that was reflected in the change of its name to the berber word Iwalatan, although the name 'Biru' remained in use in the 17th century. _**“caravans came from all directions and the cream of scholars and holymen, and the wealthy from every clan and land settled there – men from Egypt, Awjila, Fezzan, Ghadames, Tuwat, Fez, Sus, Bitu**_ \[Begho\]_**."**_[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-9-118128067) Besides Walata, the towns of Chinguetti, Tichitt and Wadan were also home to important scholars who were active in Timbuktu during the late Mali era and the early Songhai era. There are atleast two scholars from Tichitt and Chinguetti identified in Timbuktu during the late 15th to early 16th century. Chinguetti was the origin of Muhammad-n-Allah, the governor of Timbuktu during its brief Tuareg occupation in the late 15th century, while Tichitt was the origin of Uthman al-Hassan al-Tishit, who later served as imam of the Great Mosque in the mid 1500s before the office went to the Gidado family of Fulbe origin.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-10-118128067) This early period of scholarly prominence for the towns coincides with the semi-legendary accounts about their "founding" by Saharan scholars who claimed sharifan origins. With a scholar named al-Hàjj ‘Uthmàn reportedly settling at Wadan, another named ‘Abd al-Mù’min ibn Íàli˙ settling at Tichitt, shortly before others would settle at Chinguetti. However, these accounts which were written during the 19th century were reconstructions of the region's history in response to contemporary changes in political organization and cultural identities of the scholary elites. [11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-11-118128067) The oldest mosques of the towns of Tichitt, Chinguetti and Wadan are also traditionally dated to the 12th-13th century when the towns were supposedly "founded", although its more likely that they were built a few centuries later. Save for Wadan which had two mosques, each town had one mosque prior to the 19th century. These mosques are generally rectangular buildings of dry-stone covered with mud plaster, they have tall minarets and flat roofs supported by columns. Most of the mosques went into ruin around the 17th century before some repairs and extensions were undertaken in the 19th century, eg the minaret of Tichitt, which is securely dated to 1842.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-12-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86e86e00-5041-407e-bf66-25169ffb6b48_800x536.png) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5668d416-3421-46fc-a4ab-7f0a2088ecce_730x600.png) _**Chinguetti Mosque, Plan of the mosque**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4deda75-6b12-4e0e-b1e6-40ebd90c9629_1080x720.jpeg) _**Tichitt mosque and minaret.**_[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-13-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F364c1874-14c6-46fb-844e-72e3a281e561_1024x682.jpeg) _**15th century mosque of Wadan**_ **The Songhai era in the South-western Sahara: 15th-16th century** Walata was eclipsed by Timbuktu as the main Saharan entreport during the Songhai era in the late 15th. The town was sacked by the Mossi forces of the Yatenga kingdom in 1480 but would later become a refuge for the Sankore scholars of Timbuktu who were being pursued by the Songhai founder Sunni Ali. Walata was later taken by Songhai forces during the reign of Askiya Muhammad and its scholars returned in droves to Timbuktu. _**"Timbuktu's growth brought about the ruin of Walata, for its development, as regards both religion and commerce, came entirely from the west".**_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-14-118128067) In the Songhai era, the town of Walata was home to a Songhai administrator, likely serving as a capital of the region encompassing the territory from Wadan to Tichitt. According to Leo Africanus who identifies Walata as a province of Songhai, the chief of Walata fled from the Askiya's armies when the latter attacked the town but couldn't occupy it. The chief later become tributary to the Askiya but the town was less commercially important than the cities of Jenne and Timbuktu, with some modest trade in grain.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-15-118128067) The town of Wadan was likely under the Songhai control as well. It was a major cosmopolitan hub with a population of about 5,000 that included a small Jewish quarter. In 1487, a Portuguese factor named Rodrigo Reinel was sent by King John II to establish a 'factory' at Wadan, where he was to be assisted by Diego Borges and Gonçalo d'Antas. This was part of a mission intended for the '_**rey de Tungubutu**_' (ie Sunni Ali of Songhai), and was likely authorized by him since he was campaigning in the south-western Sahara at the time. But the factory was abandoned shortly after because the Berbers surrounding the town proved unwelcoming, forcing Rodrigo and his companions to flee.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-16-118128067) The town of Shiqit appears briefly in contemporary writing as "_**singuyty**_" but unlike its peers, it was reportedly under the control of the "_**Arabs called Ludea**_ " (ie: the Ūday of the Awlad Hassan tribe) who were also mentioned by Leo Africanus as occupying the desert between Walata and Wadan. Indicating that the nothern towns of Wadan and Chinguetti weren't fully under the political orbit of Songhai.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-17-118128067) Besides provisioning caravans with agricultural produce, Chinguetti’s main commerce at this time was the salt trade from the salt pans of Ijil and Taghaza which it directed southwards to Tichitt. As one scholar described the 15th century trade between the towns; _**"There once left Shinqit a caravan of 32,000 camels loaded with salt, of which20,000 belonged to the people of Shinqit and 12,000 belonged to the people of Tishit. All these loads were sold in Diara. The people were seized with admiration and wondered which of the two cities was most prosperous."**_ The salt mine of Taghaza would later become a flashpoint in the conflict between Songhai and Morocco. [18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-18-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F05230f58-d700-4cdb-ae6b-862de01b93b5_559x585.png) _**The principle salt routes and salt sources ca. 1000-1700**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-19-118128067) **The Moroccan era in the South-western Sahara (1593-1698)** In 1543, a Moroccan expedition sent against Songhai reached Wadan but retreated before the Songhai army reached it. The first expedition to Songhai by the Moroccan forces of al-Mansur (r. 1578-1603) was sent in the direction of Wadan in 1584 but the expedition failed, and the army was dispersed _**"through hunger and thirst"**_. A second expedition would later be sent to Taghaza in 1585-6. After the fall of Songhai in the third Moroccan expedition of 1591, Wadan and Walata led the delegation representing the 'western towns' that submited to the Moroccan sultan around 1593. This would have doubtlessly included Tichitt and Chinguetti although neither of these appear in Moroccan accounts until the 17th century. [20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-20-118128067) Morocco lost its west African dependencies in the 1620s, during the reign of al-Mansur's sucessor Zidan Abu Maali and later descended into internecine conflict. The south-western towns were thus virtually autonomous, controlled by the scholary elites and the desert confederations. In Wadan, part of the Idaw al-Hajj (descendants of al-Hajj Uthman) would find themselves in conflict with other desert tribes such as the Idaw Aly who had fled Chinguetti in the 1660s.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-21-118128067) The 17th century period of the south-western Saharan is poorly documented, but there are indications that the towns entered a period of gradual decline and entire communities migrated southward. There's mention of a trade caravan from Walata which was lost in the desert around 1680. There are also indications that the Moroccans attempted to extend into the southern Saharan, the Moroccan kingdom had been restored by Moulay Ismail (1672-1727) whose armies marched south in 1678, reaching as far as Chinguetti, and In 1689, the Sultan reportedly led a large expedition that reached Chinguetti and Tichitt. However, recent research has cast doubt on the extent of these expeditions, or if they were ever undertaken at all.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-22-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6cbb15c4-2186-4582-bdbf-bfcc15376003_1024x683.jpeg) _**Old Tower/minaret of Oudane**_ [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F96bc7a53-97c3-443e-85b3-2a766528368c_1080x720.jpeg) _**Tichitt, Old town**_ [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **The south-western Sahara from the 18th century to 1912: The emirates of Adrar and Tagant.** The south-western Sahara was for most of the 18th and 19th century under the control of loose confederations of tribal groups ruled by 'emirs', with the emirates of Adrar and Tagant in the north, while Brakna and Trarza were in the south. The emirs often came from leading Berber and Arab lineage groups. For example, the Idaw 'Ish exercised some control over the town of Tichitt, while power in Adrar oscillated between the three groups of the Idaw al-Hajj, the Kunta and the Idaw Ali, whose territories included the towns of Wadan and Chinguetti among others.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-23-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc29658bd-23e0-4d70-8361-c4e6382baef3_614x584.png) _**Map showing the emirates of the south-western Sahara in the 18th-19th century.**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-24-118128067) The leading lineage groups also doubled as scholars with extensive commercial interests. This social structure was epitomized by the Kunta who are were active between Wadan and Walata, and established a ‘capital’ in the Tagant region at Ksar el Barka around 1690 and at ‘rashid’ in 1765. [25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-25-118128067) Similar merchant-scholar families emerged in the towns especially in Chinguetti, heralding an intellectual revival. Scholars from Adrar and Tagant built up large libraries that included books they composed locally as well as those purchased while travelling across north Africa. The best known of these libraries are the 19th century libraries of 'Dàddah wuld Idda' in Tichitt and Sìdì Muhammad wuld Habut in Chinguetti. By the 20th century, there were over 300 private libraries with more than 30,000 manuscripts across southern Mauritania, many of which were established prior to the colonial era.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-26-118128067) The town of Chinguetti in particular became an important point of departure for Saharan pilgrims heading to mecca. Writing in the 1790s, Sìdì ‘Abdallah al-Hàjj Ibràhìm explains that camel carravans from across west Africa and the southern Sahara would travel each year from Chinguetti to Mecca, adding that "Sometimes the entire household, even the children, undertakes the pilgrimage" This is reflected in the popularity of the nisba 'al-shinqit' used by scholars from the south-western Sahara when they reached Arabia[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-27-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa0f18795-5d81-4ee9-badc-d7f3ea75cec5_1024x683.jpeg) _**Private library in Chinguetti**_[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-28-118128067) Around 1766, the Kunta captured the salt mine of Ijil, and shortly after, they settled in the town of Wadan but the town had since been depopulated by internecine warfare. The commercial center of the region had shifted to Chinguetti which continued to trade with Tichitt, Walata and the other Saharan towns. Although none of these were controlled by the Kunta, they controlled the most lucrative trade routes connecting the towns.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-29-118128067) The Saharan towns continued their gradual decline into the 18th and 19th century as populations moved further south. The town of Wadan was the most affected, with a population of just 1,600 in the 1850s compared to Chinguetti’s 2,500. The depopulation was also significant in Walata which had just 1,000 residents in the 1850s, although Tichitt retained a significant number of its residents with a population of 3,000. [30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-30-118128067) Tichitt appears to have escaped the political and cultural shifts affecting the nothern towns. But in the 1780s, there had been a major outmigration from Tichitt by the Masna likely connected to the northern arrival of the Awlad Billa, a berber group. This wouldn't be reversed until 1850, when the Masna succeeded in driving out nearly all the Awlad Billa. The Masna remained in control of the town's lucrative salt trade from local mines, which they traded with the towns of western Mali where they constituted an important commercial diaspora.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-31-118128067) Conversly, the scholary elite of Tichitt also engaged in carravan trade, especially with the Massina empire and the neighboring Mande kingdoms such as Kaarta. After a carravan from Tichitt was captured by the Massina empire’s forces during a war with Kaarta during the 1820s, the Tichitt scholar Amhad al-Saghir wrote on behalf of his people that : _**"Tishit is the center of this land, all the people come to Tishit to seek knowledge but it has no markets to obtain supplies. And the region of Kaarta is the granary of the people of Tishit"**_. The Massina wars and the Awlad Billa disrupted trade which was only restored in the 1850s when the Massina was conquered by the Tukulor empire.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-32-118128067) The south-western Sahara political upheaval continued for most of the 19th century, save for the brief period between 1872 and 1892 when the emir Ahmad Wuld Lemhammad came to power in the Adrar region. He brokered a settlement between the various Emirs of Taganit, Trarza, Brakna and the Moroccan sultan. But this didn't fully guarantee the security of the carravan trade and travel across the region, especially not for the southern towns of Walata and Tichitt.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-33-118128067) In the late 19th century, the French who were active in the Senegal valley gradually brought the southernmost emirates of Brakna and Trarza under their political orbit after a series of wars. But following a failed attempt to expand into the Tagant in 1905, the French forces invaded both Tagant and Adrar where they were met with stiff resistance. After a lengthy series of colonial wars, the towns of Wadan and Chinguetti were occupied in 1909, while Walata and Tichitt were taken in 1912.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-34-118128067) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff60d45a1-ce5a-4340-a71e-c2f91cddfa72_1280x850.jpeg) _**Ruins of Wadan**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-35-118128067) Descriptions of African traditional religions are rarely found in the accounts of African writers who were mostly Muslim, but in the city-state of Kano, local chronicles provide the most detailed descriptions of local African religions and elites whom they credit for playing an important role in the city’s history. Read more about it here: [KANO'S MAGUZAWA AND THE BORI RELIGION](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82189267?pr=true) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F01f6330e-3f4e-4087-8908-cc1f4e821489_615x1207.jpeg)

2023-04-30T14:20:12+00:00

A history of the Buganda kingdom.

government in central Africa.

https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom

The land sheltered between the great lakes of east Africa was home to some of the continent's most dynamic kingdoms. Around five centuries ago, the kingdom of Buganda emerged along the northern shores of lake Victoria, growing into one of the region's most dominant political and cultural powers. Buganda was a cosmopolitan kingdom whose political influence extended across much of the region and left a profound legacy in east Africa. Its armies campaigned as far as Rwanda, its commercial reach extended to the Nyamwezi heartland of western Tanzania, and its diplomats travelled to Zanzibar on the Swahili coast This article explores the history of the Buganda kingdom from the 16th century to 1900. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faff9d5a9-7cc1-4a32-bdd2-8c07bc375228_410x610.png) _**Map of the Great lakes kingdoms in the late 19th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-1-135545394)**_ **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and to keep this blog free for all:** [PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64) **Background to the emergence of Buganda: Neolithic cultures and incipient states in the lakes region.** The lakes region of east Africa is a historical and cultural area characterized by shared patterns of precolonial political organization. The initial Neolithic iron-age cultures that emerged across the region from the 1st millennium BC to the middle of the 1st millennium AD, gradually declined before more complex societies re-emerged in early 2nd millennium the what is now western Uganda, at the proto-capitals of Ntusi and Bigo. Its these early societies of agro-pastoral communities that produced a shared cultural milieu in which lineage groups and incipient states would rise.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-2-135545394) Prior to the founding of Buganda, the region in which the kingdom would later emerge was originally controlled by of several dozen clans (_**bakata**_), a broad social institution within which were sub-clans and lineage groups. These exogamous groups were common across the lakes region, and transcended both ethnic and political boundaries of the later kingdoms. They likely represented an older form of social complexity within which were numerous small states that would be significantly transformed as the kingdoms became larger and more centralized.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-3-135545394) The core region of Buganda (in _Busiro_ and _Kyaddondo_) was a land teaming with shrines (_**masabo**_), enclosures invested with numinous authority that contained relics of older rulers who were gradually deified and local deities who became influential in the early state. A number of these predated the foundation of the state, and some (on Buddo hill in Busiro) were sacred enough to become grounds for installation of new kings beginning in the 18th century, and would remain under the control of ritual officiants and shrine priests after the kingdom's founding.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-4-135545394) However, not all deities were historical personalities, nor were all important historical personalities deified, and some among both groups were shared with other kingdoms.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-5-135545394) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbb0d92fd-8507-4d40-9adc-b4c7cc3fdefe_926x513.png) _**Location of Busiro in relation to the iron-age sites**_ The kingdom's legendary founder Kintu and his descendant Kimera are credited with the introduction of several cultural and political institutions to the region that became Buganda, and the creation of the civilization/state itself. various versions of this origin myth exist, combining mythical and historical figures, and collapsing centuries long events into complex stories and geneologies. They contain salient information on the early states of the region that became Buganda, and their relationship to neighboring states particulary Bunyoro where Kimera supposedly resided for some time.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-6-135545394) While the legendary personalities are wholly mythical, they are representations of particular aspects of kingship as well as political and cultural changes that occurred in the early state, which facilitated their transmission into mythology. Arguably the most recognizable information relates to Kimera’s introduction into Buganda of several elements in the early state's political institutions, regalia and titlelature from Bunyoro[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-7-135545394). Its evident that the royal genealogists who preserved these faint memories of the early state to add to the better known history of later kings, relied on the great stock of known potencies in the land represented by the numerous shrines, deities, and cultural heroes, some of which also appear in traditions of neighboring states.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-8-135545394) **The early state in Buganda from the 16th-17th century** For most of Buganda’s early history, the power of the King (_**kabaka**_) was still curbed by the clan-heads, who controlled the political make-up of the nascent kingdom.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-9-135545394) The most notable ruler during this period was Nakibinge, a 16th century king whose reign was beset by rebellion and ended with his defeat at the hands of Bunyoro. The 16th to 17th century was a period of Bunyoro hegemony. The traditions of Rwanda, Nkore, Karagwe and Ihangiro all recall devastating invasions which were repelled by kings who took the title of 'Nyoro-slayer'. In Buganda, the era of Bunyoro's suzeranity is represented by the traditions on postulated defeat of Nakibinge, all of which collapse a complex period of warfare in which Buganda freed itself of Bunyoro's suzeranity.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-10-135545394) From the late 17th century to the mid-18th century, the kingdom built up a position of significant economic and military strength, facilitated by an efficient and centralized socio-political structure. The 17th century kings Kimbugwe and Kateregga would undertake a few campaigns beyond the core of the early state, while their 18th century sucessors Mutebi and Mawanda raised large armies and subsumed several rival states[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-11-135545394). Mwanda in particular in credited with creating the offices of the _**batongole**_ (royally appointed chiefs) thus centralizing power under the King and away from the clans.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-12-135545394) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fee5ecf00-9373-4ad0-ac9f-3346bc64ee49_653x568.png) _**Expansion of Buganda from the 17th-19th century.**_ Map by Henri Médard and Jonathon L. Earle [Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share) **Buganda as a regional power in the 18th-19th century** King Mawanda (d. 1740) presided over the advance of the eastern frontier towards the Nile upto _Kyagwe_, an important center of trade. Mawanda also campaigned south, bringing his armies into Bundu and _Kooki_: a rich iron producing region on the south-western shores of lake Victoria that was home to a powerful chiefdom within Bunyoro’s orbit. Unlike its western neighbors, Buganda didn't posses significant iron deposits within its core provinces. raw iron was thus brought from outlying provinces, to be reworked and smelted across the kingdom. Mawanda's sucessor, Junju, completed the annexation of Buddu following a lengthy war. Buddu was renowned for its production of iron and high quality barkcloth, and its acquisition opened up access to a thriving industry. Junju armies also campaigned as far as the kingdom of Kiziba (in north-western Tanzania) but was forced to withdraw his overextended armies.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-13-135545394) Junju's sucessor Semakokiro (r. ca. 1790-1810) consolidated the gains of his predecessors, and defended the kingdom against the resurgent Bunyoro whose armies were regaining lost ground in the west. A major rebellion led by Kakungulu, who was one of Semakokiro's sons that had fled to Bunyoro, nearly reached the capital before it was repulsed. Further eastern campaigns to _Bulondoganyi_ at the border of the _Bugerere_ chiefdom near the Nile river were abandoned, as the kingdom's rapid expansion momentarily came to a halt.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-14-135545394) Semakokiro was suceeded by Kamanya (1810-1832) who resumed the expansionist campaigns of his predecessors by advancing his armies east beyond the Nile to the kingdom of Busoga, to the north as _Buruuli_ (near lake Kyoga) and as far west as _Busongora_, a polity near the Rwenzori mountains that was a dependency of Bunyoro. In retaliation, Bunyoro sent the rebellious prince Kakungulu whose armies raided deep into Buganda's territory including the region around Bulondoganyi. Buganda's initial invasion of Busoga was defeated but another campaign was more sucessful, with Busoga acknowledging Buganda's suzeranity albeit only nominally. The campaigns against Buruuli which involved the use of war canoes, carried overland from lake Victoria, established Buganda's northernmost frontier.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-15-135545394) Kamanya was suceeded by Ssuuna (1832-1856) who consolidated the territorial gains of his predecessors while engaging in a few campaigns beyond the frontiers. Suuna campaigned southwards to the Kagera river, and his navies attacked the islands of _Sesse_ in lake Victoria just prior to the arrival of foreign merchants in Buganda.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-16-135545394) In 1844, a carravan of Swahili and Arab traders from the east African coast arrived at the capital of Buganda. Snay bin Amir, the head of the carravan was hospitably received by Ssuuna and he would return in 1852, being the first of many foreign traders, explorers, missionaries that would be integrated into Buganda’s cosmopolitan society.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-17-135545394) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F59119bf0-7ea1-4b6a-b0d4-c5fce618c65f_678x430.png) _**Expansionist wars of Buganda and direction of foreign arrivals**_, Map by D. cohen **The government in 19th century Buganda : state and economy.** At the highest level of authority in Buganda was the Kabaka whose influence over the government had grown considerably in the 19th century, although his personal authority was more apparent than real. Just below the Kabaka was a large and complex bureaucracy of appointed and hereditary officials (_**abakungu**_), ministers, chiefs, clan heads and other titleholders, the most powerful among who were the _**Katikkiro**_ (vizier/prime-minister) the _**Kimbugwe**_, and the _**Nnamasole**_ (Queen-Mother), all of whom oversaw the judicial and taxing functions of the state and formed the innermost council within several concentric circles of power radiating from the capital.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-18-135545394) They resided in the transient royal capital at Rubaga (and later at Mengo), a large agglomeration with more than 20,000 residents in the mid-19th century, that was the center of political decision making where public audiences were held, official delegations were hosted and trade was regulated.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-19-135545394) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F50b7f786-a036-4222-8713-8f0b46f59181_1237x810.jpeg) _**Rubaga, the new capital of the Emperor Mtesa,**_ ca. 1875. The kingdom was divided into ten ssaza (provinces/counties), each under an appointed chief (_**abamasaza**_), the four most important of which were Buddu, Ssingo, Bulemeezi and Kyaggwe. which inturn had several subdivisions (_**gombolola**_)[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-20-135545394) The military was led by _**Sakibobo**_ (commander-in-chief) who was often chosen by the king. Regions within the ssaza system were the basic units of the army, with each chief providing military levies for the kingdom's army. The King had his own standing army at the capital that was likely present since the kingdom's foundation, and would eventually grow into the elite corps of royal riflemen (_**ekitongole ekijaasi**_) that was garrisoned in provincial capitals across the kingdom.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-21-135545394) Below these were the provincial chiefs were lower ranking titleholders and the common subjects/peasants (_**bakopi**_) who were mostly comprised of freeborn baGanda as well as a minority of acculturated immigrants and former captives. Freeborn baGanda were not serfs and they could attach themselves to any superior they chose.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-22-135545394) The Taxes, tributes and tolls collected from the different provinces were determined by local resources. The collection of taxes was undertaken by the hierachical network of officials, all of whom shared a percentage of the levied tribute before it was remitted to the center. Taxes were paid in the form of cowrie shells, barkcloth, trade items, and agricultural produce, with the ultimate tax burden being moderated by the mobility of the peasantry.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-23-135545394) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F426da5e9-6a8d-4785-b0bc-5f00fdf8e054_751x555.png) _**Map of Buganda counties, in the early 20th century.**_ Corvee labour for public works was organized on a local basis from provincial chiefs, to be employed in the construction and maintenance of the kingdom's extensive road network, the enclosures and residences in the royal palaces, and the Kabaka's lake. The road network of Buganda appears in the earliest description of the kingdom. In 1862, the explorer J. Speke observed that they were found **“everywhere”** and were **"as broad as our coach-roads"**. In 1875, Stanley estimated the great highway leading to the capital as measuring 150ft, adding that in the capital were the "Royal Quarters, around which ran several palisades and circular courts, between which and the city was a circular road, ranging from 100 to 200 feet in width, from which radiated six or seven magnificent avenues". Later accounts describe the remarkably straight and broad highways bounded by trees, crossing over rivers with bridges of interlaced palm logs, in a complex network that connected distant towns and villages to the capital. They were as much an expression of grandeur as a means of communication.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-24-135545394) The mainstay of Buganda’s economy was agriculture, and its location on the fertile shores of lake victoria had given it a unique demographic advantage over most of the neighboring kingdoms. describing a typical estate in 1875, the explorer H.M. Stanley observed that **“In it grow large sweet potatoes, yams, green peas, kidney beans, field beans, vetches, and tomatoes. The garden is bordered by castor-oil, manioc, coffee, and tobacco plants. On either side are small patches of millets, sesamum, and sugar-cane. Behind the house and courts, and enfolding them, are the more extensive banana and plantain plantations and grain crops. Interspersed among the bananas are the umbrageous fig trees".**[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-25-135545394) The manufacture of barkcloth was the most significant craft industry in Buganda. The cloth was derived from the barks of various kinds of fig trees, which were stripped and made flexible using a mallet in a process that took several days. They were then dyed with red and black colorants, patterned and decorated with grooves which made it resemble corduroy textiles. Barkcloth was used as clothing, beddings, packaging, burial shrouds, and wall carpets. It formed the bulk of the kingdom's exports to regional markets in Bunyoro, Nkore and as far as Nywamwezi, and remained popular well into the 1900s despite the increased importation (and later local manufacture) of cotton textiles.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-26-135545394) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4390725e-eef4-4eb5-a4d3-e9e7c3c007cf_762x605.png) _**Barkcloth with geometrical patterns stencilled in black**_, ca. 1930, British museum [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8c469c84-c7ae-4c76-9ea0-2a838ba223a9_700x531.jpeg) _**Bark cloth with star patterns**_, inventoried 1904, Bristol museum [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffaed978a-421e-48e4-96ab-847732074ac6_940x598.jpeg) _**Beating out barkcloth**_, Uganda, ca. 1906-1911, university of Cambridge. Smithing of iron, copper and brass also constituted a significant industry. Unworked iron bought from the frontier was smelted and reworked into implements, jewelry and weapons that were sold in local markets and regionally to neighboring kingdoms. As early as the 1860s, professional smiths attached to the court were making ammunition for imported firearms, and by 1892, a contemporary account observed that local gun-smiths **"will construct you a new stock to a rifle which you will hardly detect from that made by a London gun-maker"**.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-27-135545394) Leatherworking and tanning was an important industry and employed significant numbers of subjects. An account from 1874 describes the tanning of leather by the _bakopi_ who made large sheets of leather than were **"beautifully tanned and sewed together"**. A resident missionary in 1879 reported purchasing dyed leather skins cut in the shape of a hat. Cowhides were fashioned into sandals worn by the elite and priests since before the 18th century, with buffalo hides specifically worn by chiefs and the elite.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-28-135545394) The main markets in the capital was under the supervision of an appointed officer, who was in charge of collecting taxes in the form of cowrie shells, and oversaw the activities of foreign merchants. Trading centers outside the capital such as Kyagwe, Bagegere, Bale, Nsonga and Masaka were controlled by provincial chiefs, and were sites of significant domestic and export trade by ganda merchants.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-29-135545394) tobacco and cattle were imported from Nkore, in exchange for Bark cloth, while iron weapons, salt and captives were brought from Bunyoro in exchange for cloth (both cotton and barkcloth), copper, brass and glass beads, the latter coming from coastal traders.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-30-135545394) Soon after the arrival of coastal traders, Sunna constructed a flotilla of watercraft similar in shape to the Swahili _**mtepe**_ ship intended to facilitate direct trade with the port town of Kageyi, which was ultimately linked to the town of Ujiji and the coastal cities.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-31-135545394) In the 1870s and 1880s, the enormous canoes of Buganda measuring 80ft long and 7 ft wide with a capacity to carry 50 people along with their goods and pack animals (or 100 soldiers alone), featured prominently in the organization of long-distance commerce and warfare, rendering the overland routes marginal in external trade.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-32-135545394) Most external trade consisted of ivory exports, whose demand was readily met by the established customs of professional hunting guilds, who often traversed the kingdom's frontiers to procure elephant tusks.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-33-135545394) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5937781d-adda-49aa-83bb-0d04dfeeb08a_700x421.png) _**"Mtesa, the Emperor of Uganda, Prime Minister, and Chiefs"**_ ca. 1875. The king and his officials are dressed in the distinctive swahili _kanzus_ and hats purchased from coastal merchants. **Buganda in the second half of the 19th century: from hegemony to decline.** In Buganda, coastal traders, missionaries and other foreign travelers found a complex courtly life in which new technologies were welcomed, new ideas were vigorously debated and alliances with foreign powers were sought where they were deemed to further the strength of the kingdom. Ssuuna’s sucessor Mutesa (r. 1856-1884) was a shrewd monarch who readily adopted aspects of coastal culture that he deemed useful, including integrating Swahili technicians into Buganda’s institutions, adopting Islam and transforming some of political institutions of the state into a Muslim kingdom. He acquired the sufficient diplomatic tools (such as Arabic literacy) that enabled him to initiate contacts with foreign states including Zanzibar (where the traders came from) and Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (which was threatening to invade Buganda and Bunyoro from the north)[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-34-135545394) During the 1850s, Mutesa’s predecessor was reportedly in the habit of sending armed escorts to the southern kingdom of Karagwe when they heard that coastal traders wished to visit them. By 1875, Muteesa had taken his diplomatic initiative further to Sudan, ostensibly sending his emissaries to the Anglo-Egyptian capital of Khartoum for an alliance against Bunyoro. In 1869 and 1872, Mutesa sent caravans to Zanzibar, and by late 1878 a band of 'Mutesa's soldiers was reported to be returning from a mission to Zanzibar itself.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-35-135545394) The apparently friendly envoys sent to Khartoum were infact spies dispatched to report on the strength and movements of the enemy. Mutesa had an acute appreciation of the role which diplomacy could play in protecting Buganda's independence, and the king shrewdly confined the Anglo-Egyptian delegation at his capital, blunting the planned invasion of Bunyoro and Buganda.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-36-135545394) However, Mutesa registered less military success than his predecessors. Several wars against Bunyoro, Busoga, Buruli, and Bukedi during the 1860s and 1870s often ended with Buganda's defeat. Between 1870-1871, Mutesa sucessfully intervened in Bunyoro's sucession crisis with the installation of Kabarega, placed a puppet on the breakaway state of Tooro and in the Bunyoro dependency of Busongora but all were quickly lost when Kabarega resumed war with Buganda, Toro’s alliance was unreliable and Busongora expelled ganda armies.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-37-135545394) Mutesa also lost soldiers in aiding Karagwe's king Rumanika in quelling a rebellion. A massive naval campaign with nearly 10,000 soldiers on 300 war-canoes was launched against the islands of Buvuma in 1875/7 ended with a pyrrhic victory for Buganda, which suffered several causalities but managed to reduce the island chiefdom to tributary status. In the late 1870s, Buganda mounted a major expedition south against the Nyiginya kingdom of Rwanda but the overextended armies were defeated[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-38-135545394). [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F98259560-8695-411b-b2d3-3e787d818464_1079x860.webp) _**Naval battle between the waGanda and waVuma**_, ca. 1875 [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=K8U2N7K2NXBYN) While Mutesa had sucessfully played off the foreign influences to Buganda's advantage the situation became more volatile with the arrival of the Anglican missionaries in 1877, who were quickly followed by the French Catholics in 1879, much to the dismay of the former. As all sects were adopted by different elites and commoners across Buganda, the structures of the kingdom's institutions were complicated by the presence of competing groups. Near the end of his reign , Mutesa increasingly relied on the royal women who played a crucial role at court especially the queen-mother whose power in the land at least equal to her son.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-39-135545394) Mutesa was suceeded by Mwanga in 1884, who inaugurated a less austere form of government than his predecessors in response to the growing internal and foreign threats which the kingdom faced. Internal campaigning and plundering increasingly took the place of legitimate collection of tribute, as Mwanga undertook expeditions within the kingdom intended to arbitrarily seize tribute. Besides his shifting policies with regards to the presence of Christian factions at the court, the king begun an ambitious project of creating a royal lake, which required significantly more covee labour than was traditionally accepted. A combination of military losses in Bunyoro in 1887, religious factionalism, and excessive taxation that were borne by both elites and commoners ultimately ended with the brief overthrow of Mwanga in 1888.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-40-135545394) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6ae185c-c0f1-4eb7-bd88-c95b25b0d289_767x461.png) _**‘The Battle Against the Mohammedans’,**_ 1891, illustration depicting one of the political religious wars that were fought in this period The years 1888–93 were a tumultuous period in the history of Buganda during which two kings briefly suceeded Mwanga in 1889 before he returned to the throne in the same year. The beleaguered king had pragmatically chosen to rely on British support represented by Lord Lugard, agreeing to the former’s suzeranity over Buganda. While the Anglo-Buganda alliance proved sucessful in reversing Bunyoro’s recent gains against Buganda, the political-religious factionalism back home had grown worse over the early 1890s as the kingdom descended into civil war. Despite the raging conflicts, the capital remained the locus of power, and was described by a British officer as a center of prosperity and industry numbering about 70,000 inhabitants.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-41-135545394) In 1894, the British forced Mwanga to accept a much reduced status of protectorate, which he lacked the capacity to object to given the ruinous internecine conflicts at the court. By 1897 however, Mwanga ‘rebelled’ against the British and begun a lengthy anti-colonial war in alliance with Bunyoro that ended with his defeat and exile in 1899.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-42-135545394) In the following year, Buganda formally lost its autonomy, ending the kingdom’s four-century long history. [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F241ffc94-76e0-478a-bfc9-eb6214c373ed_712x438.png) _**The youthful king Daudi Cwa seated on the throne, flanked by Prince Albert and Lady Elizabeth during their visit to Buganda in the early 20th century**_. Getty images. In the 18th century, **a secret society in the Luba kingdom invented the Lukasa memory board, a sophisticated mnemonic device that encoded and transmitted the history of the Luba.** read more about this fascinating device on Patreon: [LUBA MEMORY DEVICES AND SECRET SOCIETIES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/86482144) [](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F565c61ca-afc1-4c1b-85e2-68da771fb605_633x1082.jpeg) **support my writing directly via Paypal** [DONATE](https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=K8U2N7K2NXBYN)

2023-07-30T16:30:11+00:00